Economic sanctions: Difference between revisions

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Hufbauer, Schott, and Elliot (2008) argue that [[regime change]] is the most frequent foreign-policy objective of economic sanctions, accounting for just over 39 percent of cases of their imposition.<ref>
{{cite book |last1 = Hufbauer |first1 = Gary Clyde |last2 = Schott |first2 = Jeffrey J. |last3 = Elliott |first3 = Kimberly Ann |last4 = Oegg |first4 = Barbara |title = Economic Sanctions Reconsidered |url = https://books.google.com/books?id=crSxDQAAQBAJ |edition = 3 |location = Washington, DC |publisher = Columbia University Press |date = 2008 |page = 67 |isbn = 9780881324822 |access-date = 2018-05-10 |quote = By far, regime change is the most frequent foreign policy objective of economic sanctions, accounting for 80 out of the 204 observations.}}</ref> Hufbauer et al. found that 34 percent of the cases studied were successful.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Hufbauer |first1=Gary Clyde |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=g-uzlJDD7DwC |title=Economic Sanctions Reconsidered |last2=Schott |first2=Jeffrey J. |last3=Elliott |first3=Kimberly Ann |last4=Oegg |first4=Barbara |publisher=Peterson Institute |year=2007 |isbn=978-0-88132-536-2 |pages=158 |language=en}}</ref> WhenHowever, when [[Robert A.&nbsp;Pape]] examined their study, he found that only 5 of their reported 40 successes were actually effective,<ref>
{{cite journal |last1 = Pape |first1 = Robert A. |title = Why Economic Sanctions Still Do Not Work |jstor = 2539263 |journal = International Security |date = Summer 1998 |volume = 23 |issue = 1 |pages = 66–77 |doi = 10.1162/isec.23.1.66 |s2cid = 57565095 |quote = I examined the 40 claimed successes and found that only 5 stand up. Eighteen were actually settled by either direct or indirect use of force; in 8 cases there is no evidence that the target state made the demanded concessions; 6 do not qualify as instances of economic sanctions, and 3 are indeterminate. If I am right, then sanctions have succeeded in only 5 of 115 attempts, and thus there is no sound basis for even qualified optimism about the effects of sanctions.}}</ref> reducing the success rate to 4%. In either case, the difficulty and unexpected nuances of measuring the actual success of sanctions in relation to their goals are both increasingly apparent and still under debate. In other words, it is difficult to determine ''why'' a regime or country changes (i.e., whether it was the sanction or inherent instability) and doubly so to measure the full political effect of a given action.<ref>''A Strategic Understanding of UN Economic Sanctions: International Relations, Law, and Development'', Golnoosh Hakimdavar, p.&nbsp;105.</ref>