Carlos Andrés Pérez: Difference between revisions

Carlos Andrés Pérez
Carlos Andrés Pérez
	Pérez in 1989
47th and 50th President of Venezuela
	In office; 2 February 1989 – 21 May 1993
Preceded by	Jaime Lusinchi
Succeeded by	Octavio Lepage; (acting)
	In office; 11 March 1974 – 11 March 1979
Preceded by	Rafael Caldera
Succeeded by	Luis Herrera Campíns
Senator for Life
	In office; 12 February 1999 – 28 March 2000
	In office; 11 March 1979 – 2 February 1994
Vice President of the Socialist International
	In office; 30 January 1976 – 30 January 1992
President	Willy Brandt
Minister of Interior Affairs of Venezuela
	In office; 12 March 1962 – 12 August 1963
President	Rómulo Betancourt
Preceded by	Luis Augusto Dubuc
Succeeded by	Manuel Mantilla
Member of the Chamber of Deputies of Venezuela
	In office; 5 January 1964 – 5 January 1968
Constituency	Táchira
	In office; 5 January 1958 – 2 February 1960
Constituency	Táchira
	In office; 5 January 1947 – 24 November 1948
Constituency	Táchira
Personal details
Born	Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez; 27 October 1922; Rubio, Táchira, United States of Venezuela
Died	25 December 2010 (aged 88); Miami, Florida, U.S.
Political party	Acción Democrática
Spouse	Blanca Rodríguez
Domestic partner	Cecilia Matos
Children	8
Alma mater	Central University of Venezuela; Free University of Colombia
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Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez (27 October 1922 – 25 December 2010)^[1] also known as CAP and often referred to as El Gocho (due to his Andean origins), was a Venezuelan politician who served as the 47th and 50th president of Venezuela from 1974 to 1979 and again from 1989 to 1993. He was one of the founders of Acción Democrática, the dominant political party in Venezuela during the second half of the twentieth century.

After the fall of dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez and returning from exile, Pérez served as the Interior Affairs Minister for Rómulo Betancourt between 1959 to 1964, when he became known for his tough response against guerrillas. His first presidency was known as the Saudi Venezuela due to its economic and social prosperity thanks to enormous income from petroleum exportation. However, his second presidency saw a continuation of the economic crisis of the 1980s, a series of social crises, widespread riots known as Caracazo and two coup attempts in 1992. In May 1993 he became the first Venezuelan president to be forced out of office by the Supreme Court on charges for the embezzlement of 250 million bolívars (roughly 2.7 million US dollars)^[2] belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, whose money was used to support the electoral process in Nicaragua and hire bodyguards for President Violeta Chamorro.

Early life and education

Carlos Andrés Pérez was born at the hacienda La Argentina, on the Venezuelan-Colombian border near the town of Rubio, Táchira state, the 11th of 12 children in a middle-class family. His father, Antonio Pérez Lemus, was a Colombian-born coffee planter and pharmacist of Spanish Peninsular and Canary Islander ancestry who emigrated to Venezuela during the last years of the 19th century. His mother, Julia Rodríguez, was the daughter of a prominent landowner in the town of Rubio and the granddaughter of Venezuelan refugees who had fled to the Andes and Colombia in the wake of the Federal War, a civil war that ravaged Venezuela in the 1860s.^{[citation needed]}

Pérez was educated at the María Inmaculada School in Rubio, run by Dominican friars. His childhood was spent between the family home in town, a rambling Spanish colonial-style house, and the coffee haciendas owned by his father and maternal grandfather. Influenced by his grandfather, an avid book collector, Pérez read voraciously from an early age, including French and Spanish classics by Jules Verne and Alexandre Dumas. As he grew older, Pérez also became politically aware and managed to read Voltaire, Rousseau, and Marx without the knowledge of his deeply conservative parents.^{[citation needed]}

The combination of falling coffee prices, business disputes, and harassment orchestrated by henchmen allied to dictator Juan Vicente Gómez, led to the financial ruin and physical deterioration of Antonio Pérez, who died of a heart attack in 1936. This episode would force the widow Julia and her sons to move to Venezuela's capital, Caracas, in 1939, where two of Pérez's eldest brothers had gone to attend university. The death of his father had a profound impact on the young Pérez, bolstering his convictions that democratic freedoms and rights were the only guarantees against the arbitrary, and tyrannical, use of state power.^{[citation needed]}

In Caracas, Pérez enrolled in the renowned Liceo Andrés Bello, where he graduated in 1944 with a major in Philosophy and Letters. In 1944, he enrolled for three years in the Law School of the Central University of Venezuela and one year in the Law School of the Free University of Colombia. However, the intensification of his political activism would prevent Pérez from ever completing his law degree.^{[citation needed]}

Political life

The political life of Carlos Andrés Pérez began at the age of 15, when he became a founding member of the Venezuelan Youth Association and a member of the National Democratic Party, both of which were opposed to the repressive administration of General Eleazar López Contreras, who had succeeded the dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez in 1935. He also co-operated with the first labour unions in his region. When he moved to Caracas, in 1939, he started an ascendant political career as a youth leader and founder of the Democratic Action (AD) party, in which he would play an important role during the 20th century, first as a close ally to party founder Rómulo Betancourt and then as a political leader in his own right.^{[citation needed]}

In October 1945, a group of civilians and young army officers plotted the overthrow of the government run by General Isaías Medina Angarita. At the age of 23, Pérez was appointed Private Secretary to the Junta President, Rómulo Betancourt, and became Cabinet Secretary in 1946. However, in 1948, when the military staged a coup against the democratically elected government of Rómulo Gallegos, Pérez was forced to go into exile (going to Cuba, Panama and Costa Rica) for a decade. He temporarily returned to Venezuela secretly in 1952 to complete special missions in his fight against the new dictatorial government. He was imprisoned on various occasions and spent more than two years in jail in total. In Costa Rica, he was active in Venezuelan political refugee circles, worked as Editor in Chief of the newspaper La República and kept in close contact with Betancourt and other AD leaders.^{[citation needed]}

In 1958, after the fall of dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, Pérez returned to Venezuela and participated in the reorganization of the AD Party. He served as Minister of Interior and Justice from 1959 to 1964^[3] and made his mark as a tough minister and canny politician who worked to neutralize small, disruptive and radical right-wing and left-wing insurrections, the latter Cuban-influenced and Cuban-financed, that were being staged around the country. This was an important step in the pacification of the country in the mid-to-late 1960s, the consolidation of democracy and the integration of radical parties into the political process. Pérez was accused, however, of human rights violations during his tenure.^{[citation needed]}

After the end of the Betancourt administration and the 1963 elections, Pérez left government temporarily and dedicated himself to consolidating his support in the party. During this time, he served as head of the AD in Congress and was elected to the position of Secretary General of AD, a role that was crucial in laying the ground for his presidential ambitions.^{[citation needed]}

First presidency

In 1973, Carlos Andrés Pérez was nominated to run for the presidency for AD. Youthful and energetic, Pérez ran a vibrant and triumphalist campaign, one of the first to use the services of American advertising gurus and political consultants in the country's history. During the run up to elections, he visited nearly all the villages and cities of Venezuela by foot and walked more than 5800 kilometers. He was elected in December of that year, receiving 48.7% of the vote against the 36.7% of his main rival. Turnout in these elections reached an unprecedented 97% of all eligible voters, a level which has not been achieved since.^{[citation needed]}

One of the most radical aspects of Pérez's program for government was the notion that petroleum oil was a tool for developing countries like Venezuela to attain first world status and usher a fairer, more equitable international order. International events, including the Yom Kippur War of 1973, contributed to the implementation of this vision. Drastic increases in petroleum prices during the 1970s energy crisis led to an economic bonanza for the country just as Pérez started his term. Using high oil prices, Pérez bolstered his support, buying patronage by subsidizing prices, increasing wages^[4] and tripling public spending.^[5] His policies, including the nationalization of the iron and petroleum industries. Following the establishment of PDVSA, corruption in Venezuela as a system of patrimonialism was created.^[6] He also promoted investment in large state-owned industrial projects for the production of aluminium and hydroelectric energy, infrastructure improvements and the funding of social welfare and scholarship programmes, were ambitious and involved massive government spending, to the tune of almost $53 billion. His measures to protect the environment and foster sustainable development earned the Earth Care award in 1975, the first time a Latin American leader had received this recognition.^{[citation needed]}

In the international arena, Pérez supported democratic and progressive causes in Latin America and the world. He reestablished diplomatic relations with Cuba and submitted a resolution to the Organization of American States (OAS) that would have lifted economic sanctions against the country. He opposed the Somoza and Augusto Pinochet dictatorships and played a crucial role in the finalizing of the agreement for the transfer of the Panama Canal from American to Panamanian control. In 1975, with Mexican President Luis Echeverría, he founded SELA, the Latin American Economic System, created to foster economic cooperation and scientific exchange between the nations of Latin America. He also supported the democratization process in Spain, as he brought Felipe González, who was living in exile, back to Spain in a private flight and thus strengthened the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE). Additionally, he negotiated a treaty with the USSR that called for the USSR to supply oil to Venezuela's Spanish market in exchange for Venezuela supplying the Soviet market in Cuba.

Towards the end of his first term in office, Pérez's faced criticism for excessive government spending.^[6] His administration was often referred to as Saudi Venezuela for its grandiose and extravagant ambitions. In addition, there were allegations of corruption and trafficking of influence, often involving members of Pérez's intimate circle, such as his mistress Cecilia Matos, or financiers and businessmen who donated to his election campaign, known as the "Twelve Apostles". A well-publicized rift with his former mentor Betancourt and disgruntled members of AD all pointed to the fading of Pérez's political standing. By the 1978 elections, there was a sense among many citizens that the influx of petrodollars after 1973 had not been properly managed. The country was importing 80% of all foodstuffs consumed. Agricultural production was stagnant. The national debt had skyrocketed. And whilst per capita income had increased and prosperity was evident in Caracas and other major cities, the country was also more expensive and a significant minority of Venezuelans were still mired in poverty. This malaise led to the defeat of AD at the polls by the opposition Social Christian Party. The newly elected president, Luis Herrera Campíns, famously stated in his inaugural speech that he was "inheriting a mortgaged country."^{[citation needed]}

Post-first term

Carlos Andrés Pérez maintained a high profile in international affairs. In 1980, he was elected president of the Latin American Association of Human Rights. He collaborated with Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere in the organization of the South-South Commission. He actively participated in the Socialist International, where he served as vice-president for three consecutive terms, under the presidency of Willy Brandt from West Germany. Willy Brandt and Carlos Andrés Pérez, together with the Dominican Republic's José Francisco Peña Gómez, expanded the activities of the Socialist International from Europe to Latin America. In 1988, he became a Member of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, established by the former President of the United States, Jimmy Carter. He was elected Chairman of the Harvard University Conference on Foreign Debt in Latin America, in September 1989,^{[citation needed]} and received the Henry and Nancy Bartels World Affairs Fellowship at Cornell University.^[7]

Second presidency

He based his campaign for the 1988 Venezuelan general election in his legacy of abundance during his first presidential period^[8] and initially rejected liberalization policies.^[9]^[10]^[11]^[12] Venezuela's international reserves were only US$300 million at the time of Pérez' election into the presidency; Pérez decided to respond to the debt, public spending, economic restrictions and rentier state by liberalizing the economy.^[8]^[13]^[9] The International Monetary Fund (IMF) offered Venezuela a loan for 4.5 billion US dollars with the condition of the application of austerity measures.^[6]^[14]^[15] Carlos Andrés announced a technocratic cabinet and a group of economic policies to fix macroeconomic imbalances known as El Gran Viraje [es] (English: The Great Turn), called by detractors as El Paquetazo Económico (English: The Economic Package).^[16]^[17]^[18] Pérez implemented such reforms without the support of political groups, including his own AD party,^[19] resulting with the AD blocking his future policies in Congress and pulling its support,^[20] with many perceiving the package as an act of betrayal.^[4]^[20]^[21]

Among the policies there was the reduction of fuel subsidies and the increase of public transportation fares by thirty percent (VEB 16 Venezuelan bolívares, or US$0.4).^[16]^[17]^[18] The increase was supposed to be implemented on 1 March 1989, but bus drivers decided to apply the price rise on 27 February, a day before payday in Venezuela. In response, protests and rioting began on the morning of 27 February 1989 in Guarenas, a town near Caracas, known as El Caracazo.^[22]^[23]^[24]^[25] a lack of timely intervention by authorities, as the Caracas Metropolitan Police [es] was on a labor strike, led to the protests and rioting quickly spreading to the capital and other towns across the country.^[26]^[27]^[28]^[29]^[9]^[13] The response resulted in the declaration of a state of emergency and led to a large number of deaths, ranging from the official estimate of 277 dead^[30] to extraofficial estimates of up to 5,000,^[10] the most violent period of unrest in Venezuela's democratic history.^[15] The deaths were attributed to Pérez's implementation of Plan Ávila, which resulted with authorities killing protesters.^[31]^[32]

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported that human rights in Venezuela deteriorated during Pérez's administration, with the latter human rights groups writing in 1993 that his "tenure was marked by an increase in human rights violations, including arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions, the violent repression of popular demonstrations and protests."^[33]^[34] Torture in Venezuela during the Carlos Andrés Pérez administration was common according to Amnesty international, with the group saying that while the government and its laws condemned human rights abuses, authorities still performed torture methods that were "simple but sophisticated: they are designed to cause maximum pain with the minimum of marks."^[33] The human rights group further reported that poor citizens, including minors, were often victims of police raids and arbitrary detention, being subsequently tortured on many occasions.^[33]

By late 1991, Carlos Andrés Pérez' administration received a total of US$2.287 billion due to privatization reforms.^[35] The most notable auction was CANTV's, a telecommunications company, which was sold at the price of US$1.885 billion to the consortium composed of American AT&T International, General Telephone Electronic and the Venezuelan Electricidad de Caracas and Banco Mercantil. The privatization ended Venezuela's monopoly over telecommunications and surpassed predictions, selling over US$1 billion above the base price and US$500 million more than the bid offered by its next competitor.^[36] By the end of the year, inflation had dropped to 31%, Venezuela's international reserves were now worth US$14 billion and there was an economic growth of 9% (called as an "Asian growth"), the largest in Latin America at the time.^[35] Overall, the results of liberalization policies were mixed;^[15] by 1992 many of the achievements were reversed, inflation remained between thirty and forty percent and Venezuela did not become macro-economically stable.^[15]^[20] The main accomplishment during this period was that Venezuela was finally able to pay international debtors.^[15]

In 1992, his government survived two coup attempts. The first attempt took place 4 February 1992, and was led by Lieutenant-Colonel Hugo Chávez, who was later elected president. With the attempt having clearly failed, Chávez was catapulted into the national spotlight when he was allowed to appear live on national television to call for all remaining rebel detachments in Venezuela to cease hostilities. When he did so, Chávez famously quipped on national television that he had only failed "por ahora"—"for now". The second, and much bloodier, insurrection took place on 27 November 1992, with many more deaths than in the first case. Multiple reports of political opponents, grassroots activists and students being tortured occurred during the period when the Pérez suspended constitutional guarantees.^[33]

Impeachment

On 20 March 1993, Attorney General Ramón Escovar Salom [es] introduced action against Pérez for the embezzlement of 250 million bolivars belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, or partida secreta. The issue had originally been brought to public scrutiny in November 1992 by journalist José Vicente Rangel. The money was used to support the electoral process in Nicaragua,^[37]^[38]^[39] and during the process it was revealed that the money was used to support and hire bodyguards for President Violeta Chamorro.^[40] On 21 May 1993, the Supreme Court considered the accusation valid, and the following day the Senate voted to strip Pérez of his immunity. Many of those in the Senate who supported Pérez's impeachment were members of AD.^[20] Pérez refused to resign, but after the maximum 90 days temporary leave available to the President under Article 188 of the 1961 constitution, the National Congress removed Pérez from office permanently on 31 August.^[37]

Post-presidency

Pérez' trial concluded in May 1996, and he was sentenced to 28 months in prison.^[37]

In 1998 he was prosecuted again, this time on charges of embezzlement on public funds, accused of having secret joint bank accounts held in New York with his mistress, Cecilia Matos.^[41] Before the trial, he was elected to the Senate of Venezuela for his native State of Táchira, on the ticket of his newly founded party, Movimiento de Apertura y Participación Nacional (Apertura), thus gaining immunity from prosecutions. However, as the newly approved 1999 Constitution of Venezuela dissolved the Senate and created a unicameral National Assembly, Pérez lost his seat. In 1999 he ran again for the National Assembly, but did not gain a seat.^[41] On 20 December 2001, while in Dominican Republic, a court in Caracas ordered his detention, on charges of embezzlement of public funds. On 3 February 2002 he was formally asked in extradition.^[41]

After that, he self-exiled in Miami, Florida, from where he became an opponent of President Hugo Chávez. On 23 October 2003, at 80 years old, he suffered a stroke that left him partially disabled.^[42] While in Miami, following the Daktari Ranch affair, Pérez said that the plot was a hoax but that Chávez had to be forcibly removed, saying that "Chávez has rejected all the peaceful exits that have been presented to him" and "it is not that I am in favor of violence, but that there is no other way out of Chavez".^[43]^[44]

In 2009, Venezuelan attorney general Luisa Ortega Díaz ordered the extradition of Pérez due to his implementation of the Plan Ávila.^[45]

Personal life

At the age of 26 he married his first cousin Blanca Rodríguez with whom he had six children: Sonia, Thais, Martha, Carlos Manuel, María de Los Angeles and María Carolina. In the late 1960s, he began an extramarital relationship with his then secretary Cecilia Matos. He also had two daughters with Cecilia, María Francia and Cecilia Victoria Pérez, while married to Blanca Rodríguez. Matos became a notorious figure in Venezuelan politics beginning in the 1970s and through the 1990s, the result of rumours of corruption and trafficking of influence centred around her role as the President's mistress. Such allegations of corruption were damaging to Pérez's political standing.^[46] Although Pérez initiated divorce proceedings against his wife in 1998, the action failed and was discontinued. Until his death (see below), Pérez remained legally married to Blanca Rodríguez although he had been living in exile since 1998 with Matos, dividing his time between his homes in Miami, the Dominican Republic and New York. In 2003, he suffered a debilitating stroke that seriously affected his mental and physical abilities. On 31 March 2008, the secretary general of Acción Democrática, Henry Ramos Allup, announced that Pérez wanted to return to Venezuela from exile, to spend his last years in Caracas.^[47]

Death

On 25 December 2010, Pérez was rushed to Mercy Hospital in Miami, where he died that same afternoon. The cause of death was initially reported as having been a heart attack,^[48] but was later referred to as "respiratory failure".^[49] It later emerged that Blanca Rodríguez and Pérez's four daughters and son learned of Pérez's death from a news website, as neither Matos nor her daughters notified them of the loss. Chávez offered condolences, but commented that he hopes Pérez's way of governing would not return to the country: "May he rest in peace. But with him ... may the form of politics that he personified rest in peace and leave here forever."^[50] Pérez's relatives in Miami said that Pérez would be buried in Miami and that they have no intention of returning his remains to Venezuela until Chávez was no longer in office.^[50] Less than 24 hours before the burial, legal representatives for Blanca Rodríguez obtained a court order to stop the ceremony. The order was based on Blanca Rodríguez's legal right as Pérez's widow to determine where he would be buried. It was reported that Miami relatives agreed to her wish to return Pérez's body to Venezuela^[51] but later they denied having reached to an agreement.^[52] On 4 October 2011, the remains of Carlos Andrés Pérez were brought back to Venezuela, nine months after his death. The casket arrived in a flight originated from Atlanta, Georgia, escorted by Mayor of Caracas Antonio Ledezma, friend of Pérez and member of Democratic Action (AD). Once in Caracas it was transported to the Headquarters of AD, where over 5,000 people waited to see the hearse and the casket covered with the Venezuelan flag. Pérez remains were interred on Thursday 6 October 2011.^[53] Cecilia Matos died in Bogotá, Colombia, of "kidney and respiratory problems," one of her daughters told Efe. She was 66. The death of Cecilia Matos came 25 days after Pérez was buried in Venezuela, following a prolonged family dispute about where his final resting place should be.^{[citation needed]}

In popular culture

The documentary film CAP 2 Intentos (English: CAP 2 Attempts), directed by Carlos Oteyza [es], focuses on the two non-consecutive presidential tenures of Andrés Pérez.^[54]

Oteyza later released another documentary, CAP Inédito (CAP Unedited), featuring including previously unpublished material and from a private point of view.^[55]

Honour

Foreign honours

Italy:
- Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (17 November 1976)^[56]
Portugal:
- Grand Collar of the Military Order of Saint James of the Sword (1 June 1977)^[57]
Spain:
- Collar of the Order of Charles III (6 September 1978)^[58]
Malaysia:
- Honorary Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (1990)^[59]
Jamaica:
- Honorary Member of the Order of Jamaica^[60]
Yugoslavia
- Order of the Yugoslav Great Star^[61]^[62]

References

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^ According to es:Anexo:Cotización histórica del bolívar con respecto al dólar, 1983 began with an exchange rate of roughly 81 bolívars to a US dollar and ended at roughly 107 to the US dollar. Thus, 250 million bolívars would have been worth roughly 3.1 million dollars on 1 January and 2.3 million on 31 December, averaging roughly 2.7 million.
^ James D. Henderson, Helen Delpar, Maurice Philip Brungardt, Richard N. Weldon (2000), A reference guide to Latin American history, M.E. Sharpe. p516
^ ^a ^b Coppedge, Michael (Summer 1994). "Prospects for Democratic Governability in Venezuela" (PDF). Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. 36 (2). Cambridge University Press: 39–64. doi:10.2307/166173. JSTOR 166173.
^ McCoy, Jennifer L; Smith, William C. (Summer 1995). "Democratic disequilibrium in Venezuela". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. 37 (2): 113. doi:10.2307/166273. JSTOR 166273.
^ ^a ^b ^c "Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens". Journal of Management Policy and Practice. 22 (3). 21 October 2021. doi:10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679. ISSN 1913-8067.
^ Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies, Cornell University, Past Bartels World Affairs Fellows Archived 17 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine
^ ^a ^b Márquez & Sanabria 2018, p. 131
^ ^a ^b ^c Fastenberg, Dan (10 January 2011). "Carlos Andrés Pérez". Time. ISSN 0040-781X. Archived from the original on 29 September 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
^ ^a ^b R. Guy, Emerson (2011). "A Bolivarian People: Identity politics in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela". Humanities Research. Canberra: Australian National University. 17 (1): 87–111.
^ Velasco, Alejandro (24 July 2015). "7. Killing Democracy's Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations". Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela. University of California Press. p. 194. doi:10.1525/9780520959187. ISBN 978-0-520-95918-7.
^ Strønen, Iselin Åsedotter (2017), "Understanding the Bolivarian Revolution from Below", Grassroots Politics and Oil Culture in Venezuela, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 57–83, ISBN 978-3-319-59506-1, the el Caracazo massacre in 1989
^ ^a ^b "Venezuela's Chavez Era". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 17 May 2022. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
^ Ali, Tariq (9 November 2006). "A beacon of hope for the rebirth of Bolívar's dream". The Guardian. London.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Lander, Edgardo; Fierro, Luis A. (July 1996). "The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993". Latin American Perspectives. 23 (3): 50–73. doi:10.1177/0094582X9602300304. ISSN 0094-582X. S2CID 143947955.
^ ^a ^b Márquez & Sanabria 2018, p. 132
^ ^a ^b Rivero 2011, p. 102
^ ^a ^b Margarita López Maya, 2003. "The Venezuelan Caracazo of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness", Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol.35, No.1 (2003), pp 120-121 (See #Further reading).
^ López Maya, Margarita (February 2003). "The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness". Journal of Latin American Studies. 35 (1). Cambridge University Press: 117–137. doi:10.1017/S0022216X02006673. S2CID 145292996. In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d DiJohn, Jonathan (December 2005). The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarization in Venezuela, 1998-2004. London School of Economics. pp. 14–15.
^ Romero, Anibal (1997). "Rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic: The agony of democracy in Venezuela". Latin American Research Review. 32 (1): 7–36. doi:10.1017/S002387910003764X.
^ El Caracazo Case, Judgment of 11 November 1999 Archived June 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, accessed 1 May 2007
^ Joquera, Jorge (2003). "Neoliberalism, the erosion of consensus and the rise of a new popular movement". Venezuela: The Revolution Unfolding in Latin America. Chippendale, New South Wales: Resistance Books. p. 10. ISBN 1-876646-27-6.
^ Almeida, Paul; Pérez Martín, Amalia (2022). Collective Resistance to Neoliberalism. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108981873. Caracazo anti-neoliberal uprising
^ López Maya, Margarita (February 2003). "The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness". Journal of Latin American Studies. 35 (1). Cambridge University Press: 117–137. doi:10.1017/S0022216X02006673. S2CID 145292996. In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.
^ "Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens". Journal of Management Policy and Practice. 22 (3): 2–3. 21 October 2021. doi:10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679. ISSN 1913-8067.
^ Lander, Edgardo; Fierro, Luis A. (July 1996). "The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993". Latin American Perspectives. 23 (3): 50–73. doi:10.1177/0094582X9602300304. ISSN 0094-582X.
^ Rivero 2011, p. 109
^ Branford, Sue (5 February 1992). "Hugo Chavez fails to overthrow Venezuela's government". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 February 2016.
^ Rivero 2011, p. 118
^ Nelson, Brian A. (Fall 2007). "One Crowded Hour". Virginia Quarterly Review.
^ TalCual, Opinión (15 November 2021). "Del plan Ávila al plan Zamora, por Beltrán Vallejo". Tal Cual (in Spanish). Retrieved 15 November 2023.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d "Venezuela: The Eclipse of Human Rights" (PDF). Amnesty International. 1993.
^ "Human Rights in Venezuela" (PDF). Human Rights Watch. October 1993.
^ ^a ^b Rivero 2011, pp. 180–181
^ Rivero 2011, p. 179
^ ^a ^b ^c Kada, Naoko (2003), "Impeachment as a punishment for corruption? The cases of Brazil and Venezuela", in Jody C. Baumgartner, Naoko Kada (eds, 2003), Checking executive power: presidential impeachment in comparative perspective, Greenwood Publishing Group
^ Rivero, Mirtha (2010). "25". La Rebelión de los Náufragos. Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Alfa. p. 361. ISBN 978-980-354-295-5.
^ Márquez, Laureano (2018). "La democracia pierde energía". Historieta de Venezuela. Gráficas Pedraza. p. 142. ISBN 9781732877719.
^ Rivero, Mirtha (2010). "10". La Rebelión de los Náufragos. Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Alfa. p. 109. ISBN 978-980-354-295-5.
^ ^a ^b ^c (in Spanish) Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez' biography, CIDOB
^ "El ex presidente venezolano Carlos Andrés Pérez, hospitalizado por un accidente cardiovascular" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 26 October 2003.
^ "Ex presidente y líder de oposición llaman a la rebelión en Venezuela". El Universo (in Spanish). 12 May 2004. Retrieved 28 December 2023.
^ "EU rechaza patrocine golpe contra Chávez". Hoy Digital. 11 May 2004. Retrieved 28 December 2023. Pérez aseguró que «en estos momentos no hay algún complot contra Chávez, pero hay que sacarlo por la fuerza».

En Venezuela «no se presentará un nuevo caracazo», pero «inevitablemente habrá muertos, como en toda acción armada», advirtió el ex presidente venezolano en declaraciones desde Miami a la privada radio Caracol de Bogotá.

«Chávez ha rechazado todas las salidas pacíficas que se le han presentado. De manera que ya no queda sino el último recurso: la violencia», agregó Pérez, tras insistir en que «no es que yo sea partidario de la violencia, sino que no hay otro camino para salir de Chávez».
^ "Extradition of Former Venezuelan President Requested". Americas Quarterly. 30 September 2009. Retrieved 15 November 2023.
^ Vinogradoff, Ludmila (26 October 1992). "Corrupción y faldas en la cúpula venezolana". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 7 May 2018.
^ Union Radio (1 April 2008). "Ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez desea regresar a Venezuela" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 5 April 2008.
^ El Universal (25 December 2010). "Falleció el ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez" (in Spanish). Retrieved 25 December 2010.
^ Salomon, Gisela. "Venezuelan ex-president Carlos Andres Perez dies - Politics AP". MiamiHerald.com. Retrieved 26 December 2010.
^ ^a ^b "Chavez bids critical farewell to adversary Perez". The Associated Press. 27 December 2010. Archived from the original on 30 December 2010.
^ "Feud over former Venezuelan president's body ends". Associated Press. Retrieved 30 December 2010.^{[dead link]}
^ "Row over Venezuela ex-leader Perez's burial rekindled". BBC News. 4 January 2011.
^ "Body Carlos Andres Perez, Former President, Returns To Venezuela". Huffington Post. 5 October 2011.
^ "Ganadores del premio Algo de Cine". Retrieved 3 August 2021.
^ "Documental sobre Carlos Andrés Pérez llega a YouTube". Diario las Américas (in Spanish). 3 October 2023. Retrieved 28 December 2023.
^ "Le onorificenze della Repubblica Italiana". www.quirinale.it. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
^ "ENTIDADES ESTRANGEIRAS AGRACIADAS COM ORDENS PORTUGUESAS - Página Oficial das Ordens Honoríficas Portuguesas". www.ordens.presidencia.pt. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
^ "BOE.es - Documento BOE-A-1978-23372". www.boe.es. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
^ "Semakan Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang, dan Pingat Persekutuan". Archived from the original on 19 July 2019. Retrieved 15 June 2016.
^ "Order of Jamaica". jis.gov.jm. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
^ "Одликувања" (PDF). Službeni list SFRJ. XXXII (41): 1272. 17 September 1976.
^ "Идеје Симона Боливара имају трајну вредност". Borba: 1. 19 March 1976.

Bibliography

Hernández, Ramón and Roberto Giusti. "Memorias Proscritas". Caracas: Editorial El Nacional, 2006
Rivero, Mirtha (2011). La rebelión de los náufragos (9th ed.). Alfa. ISBN 978-980-354-295-5.
Márquez, Laureano; Sanabria, Eduardo (2018). "La democracia pierde energía". Historieta de Venezuela: De Macuro a Maduro (1st ed.). Gráficas Pedrazas. ISBN 978-1-7328777-1-9.
Tarver, H. Micheal. The Rise and Fall of Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez: An Historical Examination, Volume 1: The Early Years 1936-1973. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Tarver, H. Micheal. The Rise and Fall of Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez: An Historical Examination, Volume 2: The Later Years 1973–2004. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2005.
Tarver, H. Micheal and Luis A. Caraballo Vivas. "Administrative Corruption: The Case of Carlos Andres Perez." Current World Leaders Volume 37 Number 6 (December 1994): 75–97.

External links

(in Spanish) Biography by CIDOB
(in Spanish) Carlos Andrés Pérez funeral on Flickr
(in Spanish) CAP: entre la historia y la polémica - Lo afirmativo venezolano
Carlos Andrés Pérez biography at venezuelatuya.com
Pérez first period review at venezuelavirtual.com

Party political offices
Preceded by Gonzalo Barrios (1968)	AD presidential candidate 1973 (won)	Succeeded by Luis Piñerúa Ordaz (1978)
Preceded by Jaime Lusinchi (1983)	AD presidential candidate 1988 (won)	Succeeded by Claudio Fermín (1993)
Political offices
Preceded by —	National Congress Deputy 1964–1973	Succeeded by —
Preceded by Rafael Caldera	President of Venezuela 12 March 1974–12 March 1979	Succeeded by Luis Herrera Campíns
Preceded by Jaime Lusinchi	President of Venezuela 2 February 1989–21 May 1993	Succeeded by Octavio Lepage

[1] Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. (2011). Britannica Book of the Year 2011. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. p. 150. ISBN 978-1-61535-500-6.

[2] According to es:Anexo:Cotización histórica del bolívar con respecto al dólar, 1983 began with an exchange rate of roughly 81 bolívars to a US dollar and ended at roughly 107 to the US dollar. Thus, 250 million bolívars would have been worth roughly 3.1 million dollars on 1 January and 2.3 million on 31 December, averaging roughly 2.7 million.

[3] James D. Henderson, Helen Delpar, Maurice Philip Brungardt, Richard N. Weldon (2000), A reference guide to Latin American history, M.E. Sharpe. p516

[:8-4] Coppedge, Michael (Summer 1994). "Prospects for Democratic Governability in Venezuela" (PDF). Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. 36 (2). Cambridge University Press: 39–64. doi:10.2307/166173. JSTOR 166173.

[5] McCoy, Jennifer L; Smith, William C. (Summer 1995). "Democratic disequilibrium in Venezuela". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. 37 (2): 113. doi:10.2307/166273. JSTOR 166273.

[:7-6] "Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens". Journal of Management Policy and Practice. 22 (3). 21 October 2021. doi:10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679. ISSN 1913-8067.

[7] Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies, Cornell University, Past Bartels World Affairs Fellows Archived 17 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine

[Marquez131-8] Márquez & Sanabria 2018, p. 131

[:222-9] Fastenberg, Dan (10 January 2011). "Carlos Andrés Pérez". Time. ISSN 0040-781X. Archived from the original on 29 September 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.

[Humanities-10] R. Guy, Emerson (2011). "A Bolivarian People: Identity politics in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela". Humanities Research. Canberra: Australian National University. 17 (1): 87–111.

[:4-11] Velasco, Alejandro (24 July 2015). "7. Killing Democracy's Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations". Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela. University of California Press. p. 194. doi:10.1525/9780520959187. ISBN 978-0-520-95918-7.

[:5-12] Strønen, Iselin Åsedotter (2017), "Understanding the Bolivarian Revolution from Below", Grassroots Politics and Oil Culture in Venezuela, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 57–83, ISBN 978-3-319-59506-1, the el Caracazo massacre in 1989

[:122-13] "Venezuela's Chavez Era". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 17 May 2022. Retrieved 9 April 2021.

[14] Ali, Tariq (9 November 2006). "A beacon of hope for the rebirth of Bolívar's dream". The Guardian. London.

[:0-15] Lander, Edgardo; Fierro, Luis A. (July 1996). "The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993". Latin American Perspectives. 23 (3): 50–73. doi:10.1177/0094582X9602300304. ISSN 0094-582X. S2CID 143947955.

[Marquez132-16] Márquez & Sanabria 2018, p. 132

[Rivero102-17] Rivero 2011, p. 102

[margarita_l_m_2003_p120-1-18] Margarita López Maya, 2003. "The Venezuelan Caracazo of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness", Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol.35, No.1 (2003), pp 120-121 (See #Further reading).

[:22-19] López Maya, Margarita (February 2003). "The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness". Journal of Latin American Studies. 35 (1). Cambridge University Press: 117–137. doi:10.1017/S0022216X02006673. S2CID 145292996. In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.

[:3-20] DiJohn, Jonathan (December 2005). The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarization in Venezuela, 1998-2004. London School of Economics. pp. 14–15.

[21] Romero, Anibal (1997). "Rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic: The agony of democracy in Venezuela". Latin American Research Review. 32 (1): 7–36. doi:10.1017/S002387910003764X.

[IACtHR-22] El Caracazo Case, Judgment of 11 November 1999 Archived June 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, accessed 1 May 2007

[23] Joquera, Jorge (2003). "Neoliberalism, the erosion of consensus and the rise of a new popular movement". Venezuela: The Revolution Unfolding in Latin America. Chippendale, New South Wales: Resistance Books. p. 10. ISBN 1-876646-27-6.

[:12-24] Almeida, Paul; Pérez Martín, Amalia (2022). Collective Resistance to Neoliberalism. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108981873. Caracazo anti-neoliberal uprising

[:2-25] López Maya, Margarita (February 2003). "The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness". Journal of Latin American Studies. 35 (1). Cambridge University Press: 117–137. doi:10.1017/S0022216X02006673. S2CID 145292996. In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.

[:72-26] "Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens". Journal of Management Policy and Practice. 22 (3): 2–3. 21 October 2021. doi:10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679. ISSN 1913-8067.

[:022-27] Lander, Edgardo; Fierro, Luis A. (July 1996). "The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993". Latin American Perspectives. 23 (3): 50–73. doi:10.1177/0094582X9602300304. ISSN 0094-582X.

[Rivero109-28] Rivero 2011, p. 109

[GUARD1992-29] Branford, Sue (5 February 1992). "Hugo Chavez fails to overthrow Venezuela's government". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 February 2016.

[30] Rivero 2011, p. 118

[31] Nelson, Brian A. (Fall 2007). "One Crowded Hour". Virginia Quarterly Review.

[32] TalCual, Opinión (15 November 2021). "Del plan Ávila al plan Zamora, por Beltrán Vallejo". Tal Cual (in Spanish). Retrieved 15 November 2023.

[:6-33] "Venezuela: The Eclipse of Human Rights" (PDF). Amnesty International. 1993.

[:02-34] "Human Rights in Venezuela" (PDF). Human Rights Watch. October 1993.

[Rivero180-35] Rivero 2011, pp. 180–181

[Rivero179-36] Rivero 2011, p. 179

[Kada-37] Kada, Naoko (2003), "Impeachment as a punishment for corruption? The cases of Brazil and Venezuela", in Jody C. Baumgartner, Naoko Kada (eds, 2003), Checking executive power: presidential impeachment in comparative perspective, Greenwood Publishing Group

[38] Rivero, Mirtha (2010). "25". La Rebelión de los Náufragos. Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Alfa. p. 361. ISBN 978-980-354-295-5.

[39] Márquez, Laureano (2018). "La democracia pierde energía". Historieta de Venezuela. Gráficas Pedraza. p. 142. ISBN 9781732877719.

[40] Rivero, Mirtha (2010). "10". La Rebelión de los Náufragos. Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Alfa. p. 109. ISBN 978-980-354-295-5.

[CIDOB-41] (in Spanish) Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez' biography, CIDOB

[42] "El ex presidente venezolano Carlos Andrés Pérez, hospitalizado por un accidente cardiovascular" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 26 October 2003.

[43] "Ex presidente y líder de oposición llaman a la rebelión en Venezuela". El Universo (in Spanish). 12 May 2004. Retrieved 28 December 2023.

[44] "EU rechaza patrocine golpe contra Chávez". Hoy Digital. 11 May 2004. Retrieved 28 December 2023. Pérez aseguró que «en estos momentos no hay algún complot contra Chávez, pero hay que sacarlo por la fuerza».

En Venezuela «no se presentará un nuevo caracazo», pero «inevitablemente habrá muertos, como en toda acción armada», advirtió el ex presidente venezolano en declaraciones desde Miami a la privada radio Caracol de Bogotá.

«Chávez ha rechazado todas las salidas pacíficas que se le han presentado. De manera que ya no queda sino el último recurso: la violencia», agregó Pérez, tras insistir en que «no es que yo sea partidario de la violencia, sino que no hay otro camino para salir de Chávez».

[45] "Extradition of Former Venezuelan President Requested". Americas Quarterly. 30 September 2009. Retrieved 15 November 2023.

[46] Vinogradoff, Ludmila (26 October 1992). "Corrupción y faldas en la cúpula venezolana". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 7 May 2018.

[AE-47] Union Radio (1 April 2008). "Ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez desea regresar a Venezuela" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 5 April 2008.

[FC-48] El Universal (25 December 2010). "Falleció el ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez" (in Spanish). Retrieved 25 December 2010.

[49] Salomon, Gisela. "Venezuelan ex-president Carlos Andres Perez dies - Politics AP". MiamiHerald.com. Retrieved 26 December 2010.

[AP-50] "Chavez bids critical farewell to adversary Perez". The Associated Press. 27 December 2010. Archived from the original on 30 December 2010.

[51] "Feud over former Venezuelan president's body ends". Associated Press. Retrieved 30 December 2010.^{[dead link]}

[52] "Row over Venezuela ex-leader Perez's burial rekindled". BBC News. 4 January 2011.

[53] "Body Carlos Andres Perez, Former President, Returns To Venezuela". Huffington Post. 5 October 2011.

[54] "Ganadores del premio Algo de Cine". Retrieved 3 August 2021.

[55] "Documental sobre Carlos Andrés Pérez llega a YouTube". Diario las Américas (in Spanish). 3 October 2023. Retrieved 28 December 2023.

[56] "Le onorificenze della Repubblica Italiana". www.quirinale.it. Retrieved 27 October 2019.

[57] "ENTIDADES ESTRANGEIRAS AGRACIADAS COM ORDENS PORTUGUESAS - Página Oficial das Ordens Honoríficas Portuguesas". www.ordens.presidencia.pt. Retrieved 27 October 2019.

[58] "BOE.es - Documento BOE-A-1978-23372". www.boe.es. Retrieved 27 October 2019.

[59] "Semakan Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang, dan Pingat Persekutuan". Archived from the original on 19 July 2019. Retrieved 15 June 2016.

[60] "Order of Jamaica". jis.gov.jm. Retrieved 27 October 2019.

[:9-61] "Одликувања" (PDF). Službeni list SFRJ. XXXII (41): 1272. 17 September 1976.

[62] "Идеје Симона Боливара имају трајну вредност". Borba: 1. 19 March 1976.

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@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
-{{short description|President of Venezuela, 1974–79 and 1989–93}}
+{{short description|President of Venezuela from 1974 to 1979 and 1989 to 1993}}
 {{other uses|Andrés Pérez (disambiguation){{!}}Andrés Pérez}}
-{{More footnotes|date=November 2022}}
+{{More footnotes needed|date=November 2022}}
 {{Use dmy dates|date=August 2020}}
 {{family name hatnote|Pérez|Rodríguez|lang=Spanish}}
-{{Infobox officeholder| name=Carlos Andrés Pérez
+{{Infobox officeholder
+| name           = Carlos Andrés Pérez
-| image= Carlos Andrés Pérez - World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 1989.jpg
+| image          = Carlos Andrés Pérez - World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 1989 (colored).jpg
 | caption        = Pérez in 1989
+| order          = 47th and 50th
-| office         = [[List of Presidents of Venezuela|President of Venezuela]]
+| office         = President of Venezuela
 | term_start     = 2 February 1989
 | term_end       = 21 May 1993
 | predecessor    = [[Jaime Lusinchi]]
-| successor      = [[Octavio Lepage]] {{small|(acting)}}
+| successor      = [[Octavio Lepage]]<br />(acting)
-| term_start2    = 12 March 1974
+| term_start2    = 11 March 1974
-| term_end2      = 12 March 1979
+| term_end2      = 11 March 1979
 | predecessor2   = [[Rafael Caldera]]
 | successor2     = [[Luis Herrera Campins|Luis Herrera Campíns]]
-| office3        = [[Senate (Venezuela)|Senator of Venezuela]]<br /><small>For Life</small>
+| office3        = [[Senate (Venezuela)|Senator for Life]]
 | term_start3    = 12 February 1999
 | term_end3      = 28 March 2000
-| term_start4    = 12 March 1974
+| term_start4    = 11 March 1979
 | term_end4      = 2 February 1994
 | office5        = [[Socialist International|Vice President of the Socialist International]]
@@ Line 25: / Line 27: @@
 | term_start5    = 30 January 1976
 | term_end5      = 30 January 1992
-| office6        = [[Minister of Interior and Justice (Venezuela)|Minister of Home Affairs of Venezuela]]
+| office6        = [[Minister of Interior and Justice (Venezuela)|Minister of Interior Affairs of Venezuela]]
 | president6     = [[Rómulo Betancourt]]
 | term_start6    = 12 March 1962
@@ Line 35: / Line 37: @@
 | term_start7    = 5 January 1964
 | term_end7      = 5 January 1968
-| constituency8  = [[Táchira (state)|Táchira]]
+| constituency8  = Táchira
 | term_start8    = 5 January 1958
 | term_end8      = 2 February 1960
-| constituency9  = [[Táchira (state)|Táchira]]
+| constituency9  = Táchira
 | term_start9    = 5 January 1947
 | term_end9      = 24 November 1948
-| birth_name  = Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez
+| birth_name     = Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez
-| birth_date  = {{birth date|df=yes|1922|10|27}}
+| birth_date     = {{birth date|df=yes|1922|10|27}}
-| birth_place = [[Rubio, Venezuela|Rubio]], [[Táchira (state)|Táchira]], [[United States of Venezuela]]
+| birth_place    = [[Rubio, Venezuela|Rubio]], [[Táchira (state)|Táchira]], [[United States of Venezuela]]
-| death_date  = {{death date and age|df=yes|2010|12|25|1922|10|27}}
+| death_date     = {{death date and age|df=yes|2010|12|25|1922|10|27}}
-| death_place = [[Miami]], [[Florida]], U.S.
+| death_place    = [[Miami]], [[Florida]], U.S.
-| alma_mater  = [[Central University of Venezuela]]<br />[[Free University of Colombia]]
+| alma_mater     = [[Central University of Venezuela]]<br />[[Free University of Colombia]]
-| party       = [[Democratic Action (Venezuela)|Acción Democrática]]
+| party          = [[Democratic Action (Venezuela)|Acción Democrática]]
-| spouse      = [[Blanca Rodríguez]]
+| spouse         = [[Blanca Rodríguez]]
-| partner     = Cecilia Matos
+| partner        = Cecilia Matos
-| children    = {{flatlist|
+| children       = 8
+| signature      = Carlos Andrés Pérez Signature.svg
-*Sonia
-*Thais
-*Martha
-*Carlos Manuel
-*María de Los Ángeles
-*Carolina
-*María Francia
-*Cecilia Victoria}}
-| signature   = Carlos Andrés Pérez Signature.svg
 }}
-'''Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez''' (27 October 1922 – 25 December 2010)<ref>{{cite book|author=Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.|title=Britannica Book of the Year 2011|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mfecAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA150|year=2011|publisher=Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.|isbn=978-1-61535-500-6|page=150}}</ref> also known as '''CAP''' and often referred to as ''[[Venezuelan Spanish#Some examples of Spanish words common in Venezuela.2C including some native Venezuelanisms .28slang.29|El Gocho]]'' (due to his Andean origins), was a Venezuelan politician and the [[president of Venezuela]] from 12 March 1974 to 12 March 1979 and again from 2 February 1989 to 21 May 1993. He was one of the founders of [[Acción Democrática]], the dominant political party in Venezuela during the second half of the twentieth century.
+'''Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez''' (27 October 1922 – 25 December 2010)<ref>{{cite book|author=Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.|title=Britannica Book of the Year 2011|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mfecAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA150|year=2011|publisher=Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.|isbn=978-1-61535-500-6|page=150}}</ref> also known as '''CAP''' and often referred to as ''[[Venezuelan Spanish#Some examples of Spanish words common in Venezuela.2C including some native Venezuelanisms .28slang.29|El Gocho]]'' (due to his Andean origins), was a Venezuelan politician who served as the 47th and 50th [[president of Venezuela]] from 1974 to 1979 and again from 1989 to 1993. He was one of the founders of [[Democratic Action (Venezuela)|Acción Democrática]], the dominant political party in Venezuela during the second half of the twentieth century.
-His [[First presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez|first presidency]] was known as the ''Saudi Venezuela'' due to its economic and social prosperity thanks to enormous income from petroleum exportation. However, his [[Second presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez|second presidency]] saw a continuation of the economic crisis of the 1980s, a series of social crises, widespread riots known as [[Caracazo]] and [[1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts|two coup attempts in 1992]]. In {{Nowrap|May 1993}} he became the first Venezuelan president to be forced out of office by the [[Supreme Court of Venezuela|Supreme Court]] on charges for the embezzlement of {{Nowrap|250 million}} [[Venezuelan bolívar|bolívar]]s (roughly 2.7 million US dollars)<ref>According to [[:es:Anexo:Cotización histórica del bolívar con respecto al dólar]], 1983 began with an exchange rate of roughly 81 bolívars to a US dollar and ended at roughly 107 to the US dollar. Thus, 250 million bolívars would have been worth roughly 3.1 million dollars on 1 January and 2.3 million on 31 December, averaging roughly 2.7 million.</ref> belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, whose money was used to support the electoral process in [[Nicaragua]] and hire bodyguards for President [[Violeta Chamorro]].
+After the fall of dictator [[Marcos Pérez Jiménez]] and returning from exile, Pérez served as the [[List of ministers of interior of Venezuela|Interior Affairs Minister]] for [[Rómulo Betancourt]] between 1959 to 1964, when he became known for his tough response against guerrillas. His [[First presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez|first presidency]] was known as the ''Saudi Venezuela'' due to its economic and social prosperity thanks to enormous income from petroleum exportation. However, his [[Second presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez|second presidency]] saw a continuation of the economic crisis of the 1980s, a series of social crises, widespread riots known as [[Caracazo]] and [[1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts|two coup attempts in 1992]]. In {{Nowrap|May 1993}} he became the first Venezuelan president to be forced out of office by the [[Supreme Court of Venezuela|Supreme Court]] on charges for the embezzlement of {{Nowrap|250 million}} [[Venezuelan bolívar|bolívar]]s (roughly 2.7 million US dollars)<ref>According to [[:es:Anexo:Cotización histórica del bolívar con respecto al dólar]], 1983 began with an exchange rate of roughly 81 bolívars to a US dollar and ended at roughly 107 to the US dollar. Thus, 250 million bolívars would have been worth roughly 3.1 million dollars on 1 January and 2.3 million on 31 December, averaging roughly 2.7 million.</ref> belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, whose money was used to support the electoral process in [[Nicaragua]] and hire bodyguards for President [[Violeta Chamorro]].
 ==Early life and education==
@@ Line 84: / Line 78: @@
 After the end of the Betancourt administration and the [[1963 Venezuelan general election|1963 elections]], Pérez left government temporarily and dedicated himself to consolidating his support in the party. During this time, he served as head of the AD in Congress and was elected to the position of Secretary General of AD, a role that was crucial in laying the ground for his presidential ambitions.{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
-===First term as president===
+===First presidency===
 {{Main|First presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez}}
 [[File:Jimmy Carter and President Carlos Perez tour the grounds at La Casona, Venezuela's presidential residence. - NARA - 178549.tif|thumb|left|250px|United States President [[Jimmy Carter]] and Carlos Andrés Pérez in Caracas, 1978]]
 In 1973, Carlos Andrés Pérez was nominated to run for the presidency for AD. Youthful and energetic, Pérez ran a vibrant and triumphalist campaign, one of the first to use the services of American advertising gurus and political consultants in the country's history. During the run up to elections, he visited nearly all the villages and cities of Venezuela by foot and walked more than 5800 kilometers. He was elected in December of that year, receiving 48.7% of the vote against the 36.7% of his main rival. Turnout in these elections reached an unprecedented 97% of all eligible voters, a level which has not been achieved since.{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
-One of the most radical aspects of Pérez's program for government was the notion that petroleum oil was a tool for developing countries like Venezuela to attain first world status and usher a fairer, more equitable international order. International events, including the [[Yom Kippur War]] of 1973, contributed to the implementation of this vision. Drastic increases in petroleum prices led to an economic bonanza for the country just as Pérez started his term. His policies, including the nationalization of the iron and petroleum industries, investment in large state-owned industrial projects for the production of aluminium and hydroelectric energy, infrastructure improvements and the funding of social welfare and scholarship programmes, were extremely ambitious and involved massive government spending, to the tune of almost {{Nowrap|$53 billion}}. His measures to protect the environment and foster sustainable development earned the Earth Care award in 1975, the first time a Latin American leader had received this recognition.{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
+One of the most radical aspects of Pérez's program for government was the notion that petroleum oil was a tool for developing countries like Venezuela to attain first world status and usher a fairer, more equitable international order. International events, including the [[Yom Kippur War]] of 1973, contributed to the implementation of this vision. Drastic increases in petroleum prices during the [[1970s energy crisis]] led to an economic bonanza for the country just as Pérez started his term. Using high oil prices, Pérez bolstered his support, buying [[patronage]] by subsidizing prices, increasing wages<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal |last=Coppedge |first=Michael |date=Summer 1994 |title=Prospects for Democratic Governability in Venezuela |url=https://sites.nd.edu/michael-coppedge/files/2018/01/Prospects-for-Democratic-Governability-in-Venezuela.pdf |journal=[[Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs]] |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |volume=36 |issue=2 |pages=39–64|doi=10.2307/166173 |jstor=166173 }}</ref> and tripling public spending.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=McCoy |first1=Jennifer L |last2=Smith |first2=William C. |date=Summer 1995 |title=Democratic disequilibrium in Venezuela |journal=[[Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs]] |volume=37 |issue=2 |pages=113|doi=10.2307/166273 |jstor=166273 }}</ref> His policies, including the nationalization of the iron and petroleum industries. Following the establishment of [[PDVSA]], [[corruption in Venezuela]] as a system of [[patrimonialism]] was created.<ref name=":7">{{Cite journal |date=2021-10-21 |title=Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens |url=https://articlegateway.com/index.php/JMPP/article/view/4679 |journal=Journal of Management Policy and Practice |language=en |volume=22 |issue=3 |doi=10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679 |issn=1913-8067}}</ref> He also promoted investment in large state-owned industrial projects for the production of aluminium and hydroelectric energy, infrastructure improvements and the funding of social welfare and scholarship programmes, were ambitious and involved massive government spending, to the tune of almost {{Nowrap|$53 billion}}. His measures to protect the environment and foster sustainable development earned the Earth Care award in 1975, the first time a Latin American leader had received this recognition.{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
 In the international arena, Pérez supported democratic and progressive causes in Latin America and the world. He reestablished diplomatic relations with Cuba and submitted a resolution to the Organization of American States (OAS) that would have lifted economic sanctions against the country. He opposed the [[Somoza]] and [[Augusto Pinochet]] dictatorships and played a crucial role in the finalizing of the agreement for the transfer of the [[Panama Canal]] from American to Panamanian control. In 1975, with Mexican President [[Luis Echeverría]], he founded SELA, the [[Latin American Economic System]], created to foster economic cooperation and scientific exchange between the nations of Latin America. He also supported the democratization process in Spain, as he brought [[Felipe González]], who was living in exile, back to Spain in a private flight and thus strengthened the [[Spanish Socialist Workers Party]] (PSOE). Additionally, he negotiated a treaty with the USSR that called for the USSR to supply oil to Venezuela's Spanish market in exchange for Venezuela supplying the Soviet market in Cuba.
-Towards the end of his first term in office, Pérez's reputation was tarnished by accusations of excessive, and disorderly, government spending. His administration was often referred to as Saudi Venezuela for its grandiose and extravagant ambitions. In addition, there were allegations of corruption and trafficking of influence, often involving members of Pérez's intimate circle, such as his mistress Cecilia Matos, or financiers and businessmen who donated to his election campaign, known as the "[[Twelve Apostles (Venezuela)|Twelve Apostles]]". A well-publicized rift with his former mentor Betancourt and disgruntled members of AD all pointed to the fading of Pérez's political standing. By the [[1978 Venezuelan general election|1978 elections]], there was a sense among many citizens that the influx of petrodollars after 1973 had not been properly managed. The country was importing 80% of all foodstuffs consumed. Agricultural production was stagnant. The national debt had skyrocketed. And whilst per capita income had increased and prosperity was evident in Caracas and other major cities, the country was also more expensive and a significant minority of Venezuelans were still mired in poverty. This malaise led to the defeat of AD at the polls by the opposition [[COPEI|Social Christian Party]]. The newly elected president, [[Luis Herrera Campins|Luis Herrera Campíns]], famously stated in his inaugural speech that he was "inheriting a mortgaged country."{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
+Towards the end of his first term in office, Pérez's faced criticism for excessive government spending.<ref name=":7"/> His administration was often referred to as Saudi Venezuela for its grandiose and extravagant ambitions. In addition, there were allegations of corruption and trafficking of influence, often involving members of Pérez's intimate circle, such as his mistress Cecilia Matos, or financiers and businessmen who donated to his election campaign, known as the "[[Twelve Apostles (Venezuela)|Twelve Apostles]]". A well-publicized rift with his former mentor Betancourt and disgruntled members of AD all pointed to the fading of Pérez's political standing. By the [[1978 Venezuelan general election|1978 elections]], there was a sense among many citizens that the influx of petrodollars after 1973 had not been properly managed. The country was importing 80% of all foodstuffs consumed. Agricultural production was stagnant. The national debt had skyrocketed. And whilst per capita income had increased and prosperity was evident in Caracas and other major cities, the country was also more expensive and a significant minority of Venezuelans were still mired in poverty. This malaise led to the defeat of AD at the polls by the opposition [[COPEI|Social Christian Party]]. The newly elected president, [[Luis Herrera Campins|Luis Herrera Campíns]], famously stated in his inaugural speech that he was "inheriting a mortgaged country."{{citation needed|date=February 2019}}
-===After the first term===
+==== Post-first term ====
 [[File:World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 1989-2.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Helmut Haussmann, Carlos Andrés Pérez, [[Raymond Barre]], [[Michel Camdessus]] and [[David Campbell Mulford]] at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting, 1989]]
 Carlos Andrés Pérez maintained a high profile in international affairs. In 1980, he was elected president of the Latin American Association of Human Rights. He collaborated with Tanzanian President [[Julius Nyerere]] in the organization of the South-South Commission. He actively participated in the [[Socialist International]], where he served as vice-president for three consecutive terms, under the presidency of [[Willy Brandt]] from West Germany. Willy Brandt and Carlos Andrés Pérez, together with the [[Dominican Republic]]'s [[José Francisco Peña Gómez]], expanded the activities of the Socialist International from Europe to Latin America. In 1988, he became a Member of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, established by the former President of the United States, [[Jimmy Carter]]. He was elected Chairman of the Harvard University Conference on Foreign Debt in Latin America, in {{Nowrap|September 1989}},{{citation needed|date=December 2010}} and received the Henry and Nancy Bartels World Affairs Fellowship at [[Cornell University]].<ref>Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies, [[Cornell University]], [http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/initiatives/bartels_past.asp Past Bartels World Affairs Fellows] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110617034445/http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/initiatives/bartels_past.asp |date=17 June 2011 }}</ref>
-===Second term as president===
+===Second presidency===
 {{Main|Second presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez}}
 [[File:CarlosAndrésPérez GeorgeH.W.Bush.jpg|thumb|right|250px|President Carlos Andrés Pérez next to US President [[George H. W. Bush]] during a visit to [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] during his second term in office]]
-During his campaign in the [[1988 Venezuelan presidential election|1988 presidential election]], Pérez condemned the [[International Monetary Fund|International Monetary Fund (IMF)]], describing its staff as "genocide workers in the pay of economic totalitarianism" and its policies as a "bomb that only kills people."<ref name="Humanities" /><ref name=":4">{{Cite book |last=Velasco |first=Alejandro |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1525/9780520959187/html |title=Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela |date=2015-07-24 |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |isbn=978-0-520-95918-7 |pages=194 |language=en |chapter=7. Killing Democracy’s Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations |doi=10.1525/9780520959187}}</ref> Despite rhetoric during his presidential campaign denouncing IMF policy, he reversed his statements<ref name="Humanities" /><ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5">{{Citation |last=Strønen |first=Iselin Åsedotter |title=Understanding the Bolivarian Revolution from Below |date=2017 |work=Grassroots Politics and Oil Culture in Venezuela |pages=57–83 |url= |access-date= |place=Cham |publisher=[[Springer International Publishing]] |language=en |doi= |isbn=978-3-319-59506-1 |quote=the el Caracazo massacre in 1989}}</ref> in February 1989 at the beginning of his second term as president, he accepted an IMF proposal to implement [[neoliberalism]] in Venezuela,<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last=Lander |first=Edgardo |last2=Fierro |first2=Luis A. |date=Jul 1996 |title=The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993 |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |journal=Latin American Perspectives |language=en |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=50–73 |doi=10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |issn=0094-582X}}</ref> known as the [[Washington consensus]]. In return for accepting this proposal, the IMF offered Venezuela a loan for {{Nowrap|4.5 billion}} [[US dollar]]s.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2006/nov/09/1 |title=A beacon of hope for the rebirth of Bolívar's dream|last=Ali |first=Tariq|author-link=Tariq Ali|date=9 November 2006|work=The Guardian|location=London}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}} Pérez implemented such reforms without the support of political parties, including his own AD party,<ref name=":22">{{cite journal |last1=López Maya |first1=Margarita |date=February 2003 |title=The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness |journal=[[Journal of Latin American Studies]] |language=en |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=117-137 |quote=In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.}}</ref> resulting with the AD blocking his future policies in Congress and pulling its support due to its perceived betrayal.<ref name=":3">{{Cite book |last=DiJohn |first=Jonathan |title=The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarization in Venezuela, 1998-2004 |date=December 2005 |publisher=[[London School of Economics]] |pages=14-15 |language=en}}</ref>
+He based his campaign for the [[1988 Venezuelan general election]] in his legacy of abundance during his [[Carlos Andrés Pérez#First term as president|first presidential period]]<ref name="Marquez131">{{Harvsp|Márquez|Sanabria|2018|p=131}}</ref> and initially rejected liberalization policies.<ref name=":222">{{Cite magazine |last=Fastenberg |first=Dan |date=2011-01-10 |title=Carlos Andrés Pérez |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2040189,00.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210929074617/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2040189,00.html |archive-date=September 29, 2021 |access-date=2021-04-09 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |issn=0040-781X}}</ref><ref name="Humanities" /><ref name=":4">{{Cite book |last=Velasco |first=Alejandro |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1525/9780520959187/html |title=Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela |date=2015-07-24 |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |isbn=978-0-520-95918-7 |pages=194 |language=en |chapter=7. Killing Democracy’s Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations |doi=10.1525/9780520959187}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Citation |last=Strønen |first=Iselin Åsedotter |title=Understanding the Bolivarian Revolution from Below |date=2017 |work=Grassroots Politics and Oil Culture in Venezuela |pages=57–83 |url= |access-date= |place=Cham |publisher=[[Springer International Publishing]] |language=en |doi= |isbn=978-3-319-59506-1 |quote=the el Caracazo massacre in 1989}}</ref> Venezuela's international reserves were only US$300&nbsp;million at the time of Pérez' election into the presidency; Pérez decided to respond to the debt, public spending, economic restrictions and [[rentier state]] by liberalizing the economy.<ref name="Marquez131" /><ref name=":122">{{Cite web |title=Venezuela's Chavez Era |url=https://www.cfr.org/timeline/venezuelas-chavez-era |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220517003924/https://www.cfr.org/timeline/venezuelas-chavez-era |archive-date=May 17, 2022 |access-date=2021-04-09 |website=[[Council on Foreign Relations]]}}</ref><ref name=":222" /> The [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF) offered Venezuela a loan for {{Nowrap|4.5 billion}} [[US dollar]]s with the condition of the application of austerity measures.<ref name=":7" /><ref>{{cite news |last=Ali |first=Tariq |author-link=Tariq Ali |date=9 November 2006 |title=A beacon of hope for the rebirth of Bolívar's dream |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2006/nov/09/1 |work=The Guardian |location=London}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last1=Lander |first1=Edgardo |last2=Fierro |first2=Luis A. |date=Jul 1996 |title=The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993 |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |journal=Latin American Perspectives |language=en |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=50–73 |doi=10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |issn=0094-582X |s2cid=143947955}}</ref> Carlos Andrés announced a [[Technocracy|technocratic]] cabinet and a group of economic policies to fix macroeconomic imbalances known as ''{{ill|El Gran Viraje|es}}'' ({{lang-en|The Great Turn}}), called by detractors as ''El Paquetazo Económico'' ({{lang-en|The Economic Package}}).<ref name="Marquez132">{{Harvsp|Márquez|Sanabria|2018|p=132}}</ref><ref name="Rivero102">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=102}}</ref><ref name="margarita_l_m_2003_p120-1">Margarita López Maya, 2003. "The Venezuelan Caracazo of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness", ''Journal of Latin American Studies'', Vol.35, No.1 (2003), pp 120-121 (See #Further reading).</ref> Pérez implemented such reforms without the support of political groups, including his own AD party,<ref name=":22">{{cite journal |last1=López Maya |first1=Margarita |date=February 2003 |title=The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness |journal=[[Journal of Latin American Studies]] |language=en |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=117–137 |doi=10.1017/S0022216X02006673 |s2cid=145292996 |quote=In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.}}</ref> resulting with the AD blocking his future policies in Congress and pulling its support,<ref name=":3">{{Cite book |last=DiJohn |first=Jonathan |title=The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarization in Venezuela, 1998-2004 |date=December 2005 |publisher=[[London School of Economics]] |pages=14–15 |language=en}}</ref> with many perceiving the package as an act of betrayal.<ref name=":8" /><ref name=":3" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Romero |first=Anibal |date=1997 |title=Rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic: The agony of democracy in Venezuela |journal=[[Latin American Research Review]] |volume=32 |issue=1 |pages=7–36 |doi=10.1017/S002387910003764X}}</ref>
-Poor economic conditions led to attempts to remedy the political and economic structure of Venezuela, but the implementation of the neoliberal reforms–in particular the end of fuel subsidies, which caused an immediate increase costs for consumers and rises in fares on public transport<ref>{{cite book |last=Joquera |first=Jorge|title=Venezuela: The Revolution Unfolding in Latin America|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUIiQCIygFcC&pg=PA10|year=2003|publisher=Resistance Books |location=[[Chippendale, New South Wales]]|isbn=1-876646-27-6|page=10 |chapter=Neoliberalism, the erosion of consensus and the rise of a new popular movement}}</ref>–resulted in massive anti-neoliberal protests in [[Caracas]],<ref name=":12">{{cite book |last1=Almeida |first1=Paul |title=Collective Resistance to Neoliberalism |last2=Pérez Martín |first2=Amalia |date=2022 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=9781108981873 |quote=Caracazo anti-neoliberal uprising}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last1=López Maya |first1=Margarita |date=February 2003 |title=The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness |journal=[[Journal of Latin American Studies]] |language=en |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=117-137 |quote=In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite book |last1=Almeida |first1=Paul |title=Collective Resistance to Neoliberalism |last2=Pérez Martín |first2=Amalia |date=2022 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=9781108981873 |quote=Caracazo anti-neoliberal uprising}}</ref> the capital, known as [[Caracazo|El Caracazo]]. The response resulted in the declaration of a [[state of emergency]] and led to a large number of deaths, ranging from the government's estimate of 277 dead<ref>{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=118}}</ref> to independent estimates of up to 5,000,<ref name="Humanities"> R. Guy, Emerson (2011). "A Bolivarian People: Identity politics in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela". Humanities Research. Canberra: Australian National University. 17 (1): 87–111.</ref> the most violent period of unrest in Venezuela's democratic history.<ref name=":0" /> The deaths were attributed to Pérez's implementation of [[Plan Ávila]], which resulted with authorities massacring protesters.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Nelson |first=Brian A. |date=Fall 2007 |title=One Crowded Hour |work=[[Virginia Quarterly Review]] |url=https://www.vqronline.org/essay/one-crowded-hour}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=TalCual |first=Opinión |date=2021-11-15 |title=Del plan Ávila al plan Zamora, por Beltrán Vallejo |url=https://talcualdigital.com/del-plan-avila-al-plan-zamora-por-beltran-vallejo/ |access-date=2023-11-15 |website=[[Tal Cual]] |language=es}}</ref>
+Among the policies there was the reduction of fuel subsidies and the increase of public transportation fares by thirty percent (VEB 16 [[Venezuelan bolívar|Venezuelan bolívares]], or US$0.4).<ref name="Marquez132" /><ref name="Rivero102" /><ref name="margarita_l_m_2003_p120-1" /> The increase was supposed to be implemented on 1 March 1989, but bus drivers decided to apply the price rise on 27 February, a day before payday in Venezuela. In response, protests and rioting began on the morning of 27 February 1989 in [[Guarenas]], a town near Caracas, known as [[Caracazo|El Caracazo]].<ref name="IACtHR">[http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/iachr/C/58-ing.html El Caracazo Case, Judgment of 11 November 1999] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160604024351/http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/iachr/C/58-ing.html|date=June 4, 2016}}, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, accessed 1 May 2007</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Joquera |first=Jorge |title=Venezuela: The Revolution Unfolding in Latin America |publisher=Resistance Books |year=2003 |isbn=1-876646-27-6 |location=[[Chippendale, New South Wales]] |page=10 |chapter=Neoliberalism, the erosion of consensus and the rise of a new popular movement |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUIiQCIygFcC&pg=PA10}}</ref><ref name=":12">{{cite book |last1=Almeida |first1=Paul |title=Collective Resistance to Neoliberalism |last2=Pérez Martín |first2=Amalia |date=2022 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=9781108981873 |quote=Caracazo anti-neoliberal uprising}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last1=López Maya |first1=Margarita |date=February 2003 |title=The Venezuelan "Caracazo" of 1989: Popular Protest and Institutional Weakness |journal=[[Journal of Latin American Studies]] |language=en |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=117–137 |doi=10.1017/S0022216X02006673 |s2cid=145292996 |quote=In this regard, the Caracazo was not such a spontaneous outburst as is commonly believed. We have found that anti-neoliberal student protest had been building in the previous days in Merida as well as other cities.}}</ref> a lack of timely intervention by authorities, as the {{ill|Caracas Metropolitan Police|es|Policía Metropolitana de Caracas}} was on a [[Strike action|labor strike]], led to the protests and rioting quickly spreading to the capital and other towns across the country.<ref name=":72">{{Cite journal |date=2021-10-21 |title=Chávez's Bolivarian Republic Viewed With a Quality Lens |url=https://articlegateway.com/index.php/JMPP/article/view/4679 |journal=Journal of Management Policy and Practice |language=en |volume=22 |issue=3 |pages=2–3 |doi=10.33423/jmpp.v22i3.4679 |issn=1913-8067}}</ref><ref name=":022">{{Cite journal |last1=Lander |first1=Edgardo |last2=Fierro |first2=Luis A. |date=Jul 1996 |title=The Impact of Neoliberal Adjustment in Venezuela, 1989-1993 |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |journal=Latin American Perspectives |language=en |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=50–73 |doi=10.1177/0094582X9602300304 |issn=0094-582X}}</ref><ref name="Rivero109">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=109}}</ref><ref name="GUARD1992">{{cite news |last1=Branford |first1=Sue |date=5 February 1992 |title=Hugo Chavez fails to overthrow Venezuela's government |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/05/hugo-chavez-venezuela-failed-coup-1992 |access-date=7 February 2016 |agency=The Guardian}}</ref><ref name=":222" /><ref name=":122" /> The response resulted in the declaration of a [[state of emergency]] and led to a large number of deaths, ranging from the official estimate of 277 dead<ref>{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=118}}</ref> to extraofficial estimates of up to 5,000,<ref name="Humanities"> R. Guy, Emerson (2011). "A Bolivarian People: Identity politics in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela". Humanities Research. Canberra: Australian National University. 17 (1): 87–111.</ref> the most violent period of unrest in Venezuela's democratic history.<ref name=":0" /> The deaths were attributed to Pérez's implementation of [[Plan Ávila]], which resulted with authorities killing protesters.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Nelson |first=Brian A. |date=Fall 2007 |title=One Crowded Hour |work=[[Virginia Quarterly Review]] |url=https://www.vqronline.org/essay/one-crowded-hour}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=TalCual |first=Opinión |date=2021-11-15 |title=Del plan Ávila al plan Zamora, por Beltrán Vallejo |url=https://talcualdigital.com/del-plan-avila-al-plan-zamora-por-beltran-vallejo/ |access-date=2023-11-15 |website=[[Tal Cual]] |language=es}}</ref>
+[[Amnesty International]] and [[Human Rights Watch]] reported that [[human rights in Venezuela]] deteriorated during Pérez's administration, with the latter human rights groups writing in 1993 that his "tenure was marked by an increase in human rights violations, including arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions, the violent repression of popular demonstrations and protests."<ref name=":6">{{Cite web |date=1993 |title=Venezuela: The Eclipse of Human Rights |url=https://www.amnesty.org/fr/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/amr530071993en.pdf |website=[[Amnesty International]]}}</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite web |date=October 1993 |title=Human Rights in Venezuela |url=https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/Venez93O.pdf |website=[[Human Rights Watch]]}}</ref> [[Torture in Venezuela#Carlos Andrés Pérez administration|Torture in Venezuela during the Carlos Andrés Pérez administration]] was common according to Amnesty international, with the group saying that while the government and its laws condemned human rights abuses, authorities still performed torture methods that were "simple but sophisticated: they are designed to cause maximum pain with the minimum of marks."<ref name=":6" /> The human rights group further reported that poor citizens, including minors, were often victims of police raids and [[arbitrary detention]], being subsequently tortured on many occasions.<ref name=":6" />
-By late 1991, Carlos Andrés Pérez' administration received a total of US$2.287&nbsp;billion due to privatization reforms.<ref name="Rivero180">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|pp=180–181}}</ref> The most notable auction was [[CANTV]]'s, a telecommunications company, which was sold at the price of US$1,885&nbsp;million to the consortium composed of American [[AT&T]] International, General Telephone Electronic and the Venezuelan [[Electricidad de Caracas]] and [[Mercantil Banco|Banco Mercantil]]. The privatization ended Venezuela's monopoly over telecommunications and surpassed predictions, selling over US$1&nbsp;billion above the base price and US$500&nbsp;million more than the bid offered by its next competitor.<ref name="Rivero179">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=179}}</ref> By the end of the year, inflation had dropped to 31%, Venezuela's international reserves were now worth US$14&nbsp;billion and there was an economic growth of 9% (called as an "Asian growth"), the largest in Latin America at the time.<ref name="Rivero180" /> Overall, the results of liberalization policies were mixed;<ref name=":0" /> by 1992 many of the achievements were reversed, inflation remained between thirty and forty percent and Venezuela did not become macro-economically stable.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":3" /> The main accomplishment during this period was that Venezuela was finally able to pay international debtors.<ref name=":0" />
+By late 1991, Carlos Andrés Pérez' administration received a total of US$2.287&nbsp;billion due to privatization reforms.<ref name="Rivero180">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|pp=180–181}}</ref> The most notable auction was [[CANTV]]'s, a telecommunications company, which was sold at the price of US$1.885&nbsp;billion to the consortium composed of American [[AT&T]] International, General Telephone Electronic and the Venezuelan [[Electricidad de Caracas]] and [[Mercantil Banco|Banco Mercantil]]. The privatization ended Venezuela's monopoly over telecommunications and surpassed predictions, selling over US$1&nbsp;billion above the base price and US$500&nbsp;million more than the bid offered by its next competitor.<ref name="Rivero179">{{Harvsp|Rivero|2011|p=179}}</ref> By the end of the year, inflation had dropped to 31%, Venezuela's international reserves were now worth US$14&nbsp;billion and there was an economic growth of 9% (called as an "Asian growth"), the largest in Latin America at the time.<ref name="Rivero180" /> Overall, the results of liberalization policies were mixed;<ref name=":0" /> by 1992 many of the achievements were reversed, inflation remained between thirty and forty percent and Venezuela did not become macro-economically stable.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":3" /> The main accomplishment during this period was that Venezuela was finally able to pay international debtors.<ref name=":0" />
-In 1992, his government survived [[1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts|two coup attempts]]. The first attempt took place 4 February 1992, and was led by Lieutenant-Colonel [[Hugo Chávez]], who was later elected president. With the attempt having clearly failed, Chávez was catapulted into the national spotlight when he was allowed to appear live on national television to call for all remaining rebel detachments in Venezuela to cease hostilities. When he did so, Chávez famously quipped on national television that he had only failed "''por ahora''"—"for now". The second, and much bloodier, insurrection took place on 27 November 1992, with many more deaths than in the first case.
+In 1992, his government survived [[1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts|two coup attempts]]. The first attempt took place 4 February 1992, and was led by Lieutenant-Colonel [[Hugo Chávez]], who was later elected president. With the attempt having clearly failed, Chávez was catapulted into the national spotlight when he was allowed to appear live on national television to call for all remaining rebel detachments in Venezuela to cease hostilities. When he did so, Chávez famously quipped on national television that he had only failed "''por ahora''"—"for now". The second, and much bloodier, insurrection took place on 27 November 1992, with many more deaths than in the first case. Multiple reports of political opponents, grassroots activists and students being tortured occurred during the period when the Pérez suspended constitutional guarantees.<ref name=":6" />
 ===Impeachment===
-On 20 March 1993, Attorney General [[Ramón Escovar Salom]] introduced action against Pérez for the embezzlement of {{Nowrap|250 million}} bolivars belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, or ''partida secreta''. The issue had originally been brought to public scrutiny in {{Nowrap|November 1992}} by journalist [[José Vicente Rangel]]. The money was used to support the electoral process in [[Nicaragua]],<ref name="Kada" /><ref>{{Cite book|last=Rivero|first=Mirtha|title=La Rebelión de los Náufragos|publisher=Editorial Alfa|year=2010|isbn=978-980-354-295-5|location=Caracas, Venezuela|pages=361|chapter=25}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Márquez|first=Laureano|title=Historieta de Venezuela|publisher=Gráficas Pedraza|year=2018|isbn=9781732877719|pages=142|chapter=La democracia pierde energía|author-link=Laureano Márquez}}</ref> and during the process it was revealed that the money was used to support and hire bodyguards for President [[Violeta Chamorro]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Rivero|first=Mirtha|title=La Rebelión de los Náufragos|publisher=Editorial Alfa|year=2010|isbn=978-980-354-295-5|location=Caracas, Venezuela|pages=109|chapter=10}}</ref> On 21 May 1993, the [[Supreme Tribunal of Justice (Venezuela)|Supreme Court]] considered the accusation valid, and the following day the Senate voted to strip Pérez of his immunity. Many of those in the Senate who supported Pérez's impeachment were members of AD.<ref name=":3" /> Pérez refused to resign, but after the maximum 90 days temporary leave available to the President under Article 188 of the 1961 constitution, the National Congress removed Pérez from office permanently on 31 August.<ref name=Kada/>
+On 20 March 1993, Attorney General {{ill|Ramón Escovar Salom|es}} introduced action against Pérez for the embezzlement of {{Nowrap|250 million}} bolivars belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, or ''partida secreta''. The issue had originally been brought to public scrutiny in {{Nowrap|November 1992}} by journalist [[José Vicente Rangel]]. The money was used to support the electoral process in [[Nicaragua]],<ref name="Kada" /><ref>{{Cite book|last=Rivero|first=Mirtha|title=La Rebelión de los Náufragos|publisher=Editorial Alfa|year=2010|isbn=978-980-354-295-5|location=Caracas, Venezuela|pages=361|chapter=25}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Márquez|first=Laureano|title=Historieta de Venezuela|publisher=Gráficas Pedraza|year=2018|isbn=9781732877719|pages=142|chapter=La democracia pierde energía|author-link=Laureano Márquez}}</ref> and during the process it was revealed that the money was used to support and hire bodyguards for President [[Violeta Chamorro]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Rivero|first=Mirtha|title=La Rebelión de los Náufragos|publisher=Editorial Alfa|year=2010|isbn=978-980-354-295-5|location=Caracas, Venezuela|pages=109|chapter=10}}</ref> On 21 May 1993, the [[Supreme Tribunal of Justice (Venezuela)|Supreme Court]] considered the accusation valid, and the following day the Senate voted to strip Pérez of his immunity. Many of those in the Senate who supported Pérez's impeachment were members of AD.<ref name=":3" /> Pérez refused to resign, but after the maximum 90 days temporary leave available to the President under Article 188 of the 1961 constitution, the National Congress removed Pérez from office permanently on 31 August.<ref name=Kada/>
 ==Post-presidency==
@@ Line 129: / Line 125: @@
 |first=Ludmila | last=Vinogradoff
 |newspaper = El País |language=es | access-date=7 May 2018 }}</ref> Although Pérez initiated divorce proceedings against his wife in 1998, the action failed and was discontinued. Until his death (see below), Pérez remained legally married to Blanca Rodríguez although he had been living in exile since 1998 with Matos, dividing his time between his homes in Miami, the Dominican Republic and New York. In 2003, he suffered a debilitating stroke that seriously affected his mental and physical abilities. On 31 March 2008, the secretary general of [[Acción Democrática]], Henry Ramos Allup, announced that Pérez wanted to return to Venezuela from exile, to spend his last years in Caracas.<ref name=AE>{{cite web |url=http://www.unionradio.com.ve/Noticias/Noticia.aspx?noticiaid=236566 |title=Ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez desea regresar a Venezuela |date=1 April 2008 |author=Union Radio|language=es |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080405140656/http://www.unionradio.com.ve/Noticias/Noticia.aspx?noticiaid=236566 |archive-date=5 April 2008}}</ref>
-[[File:Funeral of Carlos Andrés Pérez.jpg|thumb|150px|Funeral of Carlos Andrés Pérez in Caracas]]
 ==Death==
+[[File:Funeral of Carlos Andrés Pérez.jpg|thumb|150px|Funeral of Carlos Andrés Pérez in Caracas]]
-On Saturday, 25 December 2010, Pérez was rushed to [[Mercy Hospital (Miami)|Mercy Hospital]] in [[Miami]], where he died that same afternoon. The cause of death was initially reported as having been a heart attack,<ref name=FC>{{cite web | url = http://www.eluniversal.com/2010/12/25/pol_ava_fallecio-en-el-ex-pr_25A4897053.shtml | title= Falleció el ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez
+On 25 December 2010, Pérez was rushed to [[Mercy Hospital (Miami)|Mercy Hospital]] in [[Miami]], where he died that same afternoon. The cause of death was initially reported as having been a heart attack,<ref name=FC>{{cite web | url = http://www.eluniversal.com/2010/12/25/pol_ava_fallecio-en-el-ex-pr_25A4897053.shtml | title= Falleció el ex presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez
-| date=25 December 2010| author = El Universal | access-date=25 December 2010|language=es}}</ref> but was later referred to as "respiratory failure".<ref>{{cite web|last=Salomon |first=Gisela |url=http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/12/25/1988555/venezuelan-ex-president-carlos.html |title=Venezuelan ex-president Carlos Andres Perez dies - Politics AP |publisher=MiamiHerald.com |access-date=26 December 2010}}</ref> It later emerged that Blanca Rodríguez and Pérez's four daughters and son learned of Pérez's death from a news website, as neither Matos nor her daughters notified them of the loss. Chávez offered condolences, but commented that he hopes Pérez's way of governing would not return to the country: "May he rest in peace. But with him&nbsp;... may the form of politics that he personified rest in peace and leave here forever."<ref name=AP>{{cite news | url = https://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5j86zR4_YruoZeeeB27uMFyYypwmA?docId=18745ef6c11c40d08e117d0f97a5a020 | title = Chavez bids critical farewell to adversary Perez | publisher = The Associated Press | date = 27 December 2010}}</ref> Pérez's relatives in Miami said that Pérez would be buried in Miami and that they have no intention of returning his remains to Venezuela until Chávez was no longer in office.<ref name=AP/> Less than 24 hours before the burial, legal representatives for Blanca Rodríguez obtained a court order to stop the ceremony. The order was based on Blanca Rodríguez's legal right as Pérez's widow to determine where he would be buried. It was reported that Miami relatives agreed to her wish to return Pérez's body to Venezuela<ref>{{cite web|title=Feud over former Venezuelan president's body ends|url=https://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5gNqSDqhjtixtXE73r1B7OpFmsOOw?docId=c433d74a62804936a16f43092957c653|publisher=Associated Press|access-date=30 December 2010}}</ref> but later they denied having reached to an agreement.<ref>{{cite news|title=Row over Venezuela ex-leader Perez's burial rekindled|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-12116729|work=BBC News|date=4 January 2011}}</ref> On 4 October 2011, the remains of Carlos Andrés Pérez were brought back to Venezuela, nine months after his death. The casket arrived in a flight originated from Atlanta, Georgia, escorted by Mayor of Caracas [[Antonio Ledezma]], friend of Pérez and member of Democratic Action (AD). Once in Caracas it was transported to the Headquarters of AD, where over 5,000 people waited to see the hearse and the casket covered with the Venezuelan flag. Pérez remains were interred on Thursday 6 October 2011.<ref>{{cite news| url=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/05/body-carlos-andres-perez_n_995631.html | work=Huffington Post | title=Body Carlos Andres Perez, Former President, Returns To Venezuela | date=5 October 2011}}</ref> Cecilia Matos died in [[Bogotá]], Colombia, of "kidney and respiratory problems," one of her daughters told Efe. She was 66. The death of Cecilia Matos came 25 days after Pérez was buried in Venezuela, following a prolonged family dispute about where his final resting place should be.{{citation needed|date=July 2016}}
+| date=25 December 2010| author = El Universal | access-date=25 December 2010|language=es}}</ref> but was later referred to as "respiratory failure".<ref>{{cite web|last=Salomon |first=Gisela |url=http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/12/25/1988555/venezuelan-ex-president-carlos.html |title=Venezuelan ex-president Carlos Andres Perez dies - Politics AP |publisher=MiamiHerald.com |access-date=26 December 2010}}</ref> It later emerged that Blanca Rodríguez and Pérez's four daughters and son learned of Pérez's death from a news website, as neither Matos nor her daughters notified them of the loss. Chávez offered condolences, but commented that he hopes Pérez's way of governing would not return to the country: "May he rest in peace. But with him&nbsp;... may the form of politics that he personified rest in peace and leave here forever."<ref name=AP>{{cite news | url = https://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5j86zR4_YruoZeeeB27uMFyYypwmA?docId=18745ef6c11c40d08e117d0f97a5a020 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20101230140257/http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5j86zR4_YruoZeeeB27uMFyYypwmA?docId=18745ef6c11c40d08e117d0f97a5a020 | url-status = dead | archive-date = 30 December 2010 | title = Chavez bids critical farewell to adversary Perez | publisher = The Associated Press | date = 27 December 2010}}</ref> Pérez's relatives in Miami said that Pérez would be buried in Miami and that they have no intention of returning his remains to Venezuela until Chávez was no longer in office.<ref name=AP/> Less than 24 hours before the burial, legal representatives for Blanca Rodríguez obtained a court order to stop the ceremony. The order was based on Blanca Rodríguez's legal right as Pérez's widow to determine where he would be buried. It was reported that Miami relatives agreed to her wish to return Pérez's body to Venezuela<ref>{{cite web|title=Feud over former Venezuelan president's body ends|url=https://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5gNqSDqhjtixtXE73r1B7OpFmsOOw?docId=c433d74a62804936a16f43092957c653|publisher=Associated Press|access-date=30 December 2010}}{{dead link|date=June 2024|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}}</ref> but later they denied having reached to an agreement.<ref>{{cite news|title=Row over Venezuela ex-leader Perez's burial rekindled|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-12116729|work=BBC News|date=4 January 2011}}</ref> On 4 October 2011, the remains of Carlos Andrés Pérez were brought back to Venezuela, nine months after his death. The casket arrived in a flight originated from Atlanta, Georgia, escorted by Mayor of Caracas [[Antonio Ledezma]], friend of Pérez and member of Democratic Action (AD). Once in Caracas it was transported to the Headquarters of AD, where over 5,000 people waited to see the hearse and the casket covered with the Venezuelan flag. Pérez remains were interred on Thursday 6 October 2011.<ref>{{cite news| url=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/05/body-carlos-andres-perez_n_995631.html | work=Huffington Post | title=Body Carlos Andres Perez, Former President, Returns To Venezuela | date=5 October 2011}}</ref> Cecilia Matos died in [[Bogotá]], Colombia, of "kidney and respiratory problems," one of her daughters told Efe. She was 66. The death of Cecilia Matos came 25 days after Pérez was buried in Venezuela, following a prolonged family dispute about where his final resting place should be.{{citation needed|date=July 2016}}
 == In popular culture ==
-The documentary film ''[[CAP 2 Intentos]]'' (''English:'' CAP 2 Attempts), directed by [[Carlos Oteyza]] [es], focuses on the two non-consecutive presidential tenures of Andrés Pérez.<ref>{{cite web|title=Ganadores del premio Algo de Cine|url=https://www.grancine.net/noticias-detalle.php?id=7628|access-date=3 August 2021}}</ref>
+The documentary film ''[[CAP 2 Intentos]]'' (''English:'' CAP 2 Attempts), directed by {{ill|Carlos Oteyza|es}}, focuses on the two non-consecutive presidential tenures of Andrés Pérez.<ref>{{cite web|title=Ganadores del premio Algo de Cine|url=https://www.grancine.net/noticias-detalle.php?id=7628|access-date=3 August 2021}}</ref>
 Oteyza later released another documentary, ''[[CAP Inédito]]'' (CAP Unedited), featuring including previously unpublished material and from a private point of view.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2023-10-03 |title=Documental sobre Carlos Andrés Pérez llega a YouTube |url=https://www.diariolasamericas.com/cultura/documental-carlos-andres-perez-llega-youtube-n5344328 |access-date=2023-12-28 |website=[[Diario las Américas]] |language=es}}</ref>
@@ Line 152: / Line 148: @@
 *{{Flag|Jamaica}}:
 **[[File:Order of Jamaica.gif|70px]] Honorary Member of the [[Order of Jamaica]]<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://jis.gov.jm/information/awards/order-of-jamaica/|title=Order of Jamaica|website=jis.gov.jm|access-date=2019-10-27}}</ref>
+*{{Flag|Yugoslavia}}
+**[[File:Order_of_the_Yugoslavian_Great_Star_Rib.png|70x70px]] [[Order of the Yugoslav Great Star]]<ref name=":9">{{Cite journal |date=17 September 1976 |title=Одликувања |url=http://www.slvesnik.com.mk/Issues/7C2E1D1E96FE4CC7B2E5F6331E656D7A.pdf |journal=Službeni list SFRJ |volume=XXXII |issue=41 |pages=1272}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |date=19 March 1976 |title=Идеје Симона Боливара имају трајну вредност |url=https://istorijskenovine.unilib.rs/view/index.html#panel:pp&#124;issue:UB_00064_19760319&#124;page:1&#124;query:%D0%B2%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B5%D1%86%D1%83%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B0 |journal=Borba |pages=1}}</ref>
 ==See also==
 {{Portal|Venezuela|Biography|Politics|Socialism}}
 *[[List of presidents of Venezuela]]
-*[[List of Venezuelans]]
+*[[List of ministers of interior of Venezuela]]
 *[[List of governors of Federal District of Venezuela]]
@@ Line 165: / Line 163: @@
 *Hernández, Ramón and [[Roberto Giusti]]. "Memorias Proscritas". Caracas: Editorial [[El Nacional (Caracas)|El Nacional]], 2006
 *{{Cite book|last=Rivero|first=Mirtha|title=La rebelión de los náufragos|publisher=Alfa|year=2011|isbn=978-980-354-295-5|edition=9th|author-link=Mirtha Rivero}}
+* {{Cite book|last1=Márquez|first1=Laureano|last2=Sanabria|first2=Eduardo|title=Historieta de Venezuela: De Macuro a Maduro|publisher=Gráficas Pedrazas|year=2018|isbn=978-1-7328777-1-9|edition=1st|chapter=La democracia pierde energía|author-link=Laureano Márquez}}
 *[[Micheal Tarver|Tarver, H. Micheal]]. ''The Rise and Fall of Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez: An Historical Examination, Volume 1: The Early Years 1936-1973''. [[Lewiston, New York]]: [[Edwin Mellen Press]], 2001.
 *[[Micheal Tarver|Tarver, H. Micheal]]. ''The Rise and Fall of Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez: An Historical Examination, Volume 2: The Later Years 1973–2004''. [[Lewiston, New York]]: [[Edwin Mellen Press]], 2005.
@@ Line 171: / Line 170: @@
 ==External links==
 {{Commons category|Carlos Andrés Pérez}}
-*{{in lang|es}} [http://www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_politicos/america_del_sur/venezuela/carlos_andres_perez_rodriguez Extended biography by CIDOB Foundation]
+*{{in lang|es}} [http://www.cidob.org/biografias_lideres_politicos/america_del_sur/venezuela/carlos_andres_perez_rodriguez Biography by CIDOB]
 *{{in lang|es}} [https://www.flickr.com/photos/55350032@N08/sets/72157625569501817/ Carlos Andrés Pérez funeral on Flickr]
 *{{in lang|es}} [http://ramosflamerich.wordpress.com/2011/10/08/cap-entre-la-historia-y-la-polemica/ CAP: entre la historia y la polémica - Lo afirmativo venezolano]
@@ Line 193: / Line 192: @@
 {{S-end}}
+{{Carlos Andrés Pérez}}
 {{VEpresidents}}
@@ Line 208: / Line 208: @@
 [[Category:Venezuelan people of Spanish descent]]
 [[Category:Impeached presidents removed from office]]
-[[Category:Venezuelan Ministers of Interior]]
+[[Category:Ministers of interior of Venezuela]]
 [[Category:Democratic Action (Venezuela) politicians]]
 [[Category:Members of the Venezuelan Chamber of Deputies]]

v t e President of Venezuela (list)
Since 1830	Páez Narvarte Vargas Carreño Vargas Narvarte Carreño Soublette Páez Soublette J. T. Monagas J. G. Monagas J. T. Monagas Gual J. Castro Gual Tovar Gual Páez Falcón Bruzual Villegas J. R. Monagas Villegas Guzmán Linares Valera Guzmán Crespo Guzmán H. López Rojas Andueza Villegas Villegas Pulido Crespo Andrade C. Castro Gómez Gil Fortoul Márquez Gómez J. Pérez Gómez López Contreras Medina Betancourt Gallegos Delgado Chalbaud Suárez Flamerich Pérez Jiménez Larrazábal Sanabria Betancourt Leoni Caldera C. Pérez Herrera Lusinchi C. Pérez Lepage Velásquez Caldera Chávez Cabello Chávez Maduro Guaidó¹
Acting / interim / caretaker presidents shown in italics ¹ Recognized by the National Assembly as "interim president" during the Venezuelan presidential crisis until 2023

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