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Glossary of sound laws in the Indo-European languages

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This glossary gives a general overview of the various sound laws that have been formulated by linguists for the various Indo-European languages. A concise description is given for each rule; more details are given in their respective articles.

Within Proto-Indo-European or multiple branches

asno law
The word-medial sequence *-mn- is simplified after long vowels and diphthongs, or after a short vowel if the sequence was tautosyllabic and preceded by a consonant. The *n was deleted if the vocalic sequence following the cluster was accented, as in Ancient Greek θερμός thermós 'warm' (from Proto-Indo-European *gʷʰermnós 'warm'); otherwise, the *m was deleted, as in Sanskrit अश्नः áśnaḥ (from Proto-Indo-European *h₂éḱmnes 'anvil [gen. sg.]'). The sequence remains if the *-mn- sequence is heterosyllabic, such as in Ancient Greek πρύμνος prýmnos 'prominent'. The law was first discovered by Johannes Schmidt in 1895 and is named for the Avestan reflex 𐬀𐬯𐬥𐬋 asnō.[1][2]
aspirate throwback
(Ancient Greek, Sanskrit) Also, aspiration throwback. When a root-final aspirated stop loses its aspiration for whatever reason, typically due to another process, the aspiration is retracted to the initial consonant whenever that initial consonant is capable of taking an aspirated quality.[3][4] One example includes the Ancient Greek root τρίχ- tríkh- 'hair', which becomes θρίξ thríx in the nominative form.[3] The process was mentioned earlier by the Sanskrit scholar Pāṇini, but brought to modern scholarship in the first clause of a two-part law proposed by Hermann Grassmann in 1863,[5] though the name "aspirate throwback" appears later.[3][a] The second clause is now referred to alone as Grassmann's law.[3]
Bartholomae's law
Main article: Bartholomae's law
Also, Buddha rule. If a cluster of two or more obstruents contains at least one voiced aspirated consonant, the whole cluster becomes voiced and aspirated. The process may have been inherited from Proto-Indo-European, though this is not universally accepted.[6] The law is named after the German linguist Christian Bartholomae who discussed outcomes of the process in the various Indo-Iranian languages in 1882.[7] The alternative name stems from the fact that the etymon for the Sanskrit word बुद्ध buddhá 'awake, enlightened' is affected by this process, derived from *bʰudʰ 'to be awake' + *-tó-, the passive past participle suffix.[8][9]
boukólos rule
Main article: boukólos rule
Labiovelars lose their labialization and become plain velars when preceded or followed by *w or *u.[10][11] This dissimilatory process explains the reflex in words like Ancient Greek βουκόλος boukólos 'cowherd', derived from Proto-Indo-European *gʷoukʷólos. The expected form *βουπόλος boupólos does not appear because the initial *kʷ in *kʷólos is preceded by the *u in *gʷou-, whereas in αιπόλος aipólos 'goatherd', the expected form -πόlos -pólos is attested, derived from Proto-Indo-European *ai(ǵ)kʷólos.[10] This process remained productive into Proto-Germanic, where it also came to apply to labiovelars preceded by *-un- through an assimilatory process which caused *n to have a labialized allophone.[11] Examples of this include Proto-Germanic *tungōn- 'tongue' from Proto-Indo-European *dn̥ǵʰwéh₂- both meaning 'tongue', whence both Latin lingua (from Old Latin dengua) and English tongue (from Old English tunge).[12]
Dybo's law
Not to be confused with Dybo's law in Common Slavic.
Laryngeal consonants are lost between a vowel and any other consonant in pretonic syllables. Examples of this include Proto-Celtic *wiro- (whence Old Irish fer 'man'), Latin vir 'man', and Old English wer 'man', all of which are derived from Proto-Indo-European *wiHró-. If the vowel is long before the process occurs, it is shortened.[13] The law is named for Vladimir Dybo, who published work on the topic in 1961.[14]
Grassmann's law
Main article: Grassmann's law
(Ancient Greek, Sanskrit) Also, ha-ha rule; breath dissimilation. When an aspirated consonant is followed by another aspirated consonant in same or following syllable, the first consonant loses its aspiration. Examples of pairs affected by this process include Ancient Greek θρίξ thríx 'hair' in the nominative case, but τριχός trikhós in the genitive case.[15][16] Hermann Grassmann first proposed this process in 1863 as the second clause of a two-part law. The first clause is now known as the aspirate throwback.[15] The law was or remained productive after the Greek devoicing of aspirates, and the change of *s to *h (which counted as an aspirate).
Kortlandt effect
*d may be debuccalized into the laryngeal *h₁ before consonants.
Kuiper's law
Laryngeals are lost in utterance-final position immediately preceding a pause.[17] The process does not cause compensatory lengthening.[18] The law is named for F. B. J. Kuiper, who published work on this process in 1955.[19][20]
*kʷetwóres rule
Main article: *kʷetwóres rule
In a word of three syllables with a vowel pattern é-o-V, where V is any vowel, the accent is moved forward to the middle syllable, becoming e-ó-V. This explains the penultimate accent in terms like Vedic Sanskrit चत्वारः catvā́raḥ, the nominative plural form of 'four', from Proto-Indo-European *kʷetwóres. The law is named after this example.[21]
Osthoff's law
Main article: Osthoff's law
(All but Indo-Iranian and Tocharian) When a long vowel is followed by a sonorant and another consonant in the same syllable, it is shortened.
Pinault's law
Main article: Pinault's law
Also, Pinault's rule. Laryngeals are dropped in word-medial position between a consonant and *y, such as in Latin socius 'friend' from Proto-Indo-European *sokʷh₂-yo-.[22][23] Only *h₂ and *h₃ appear to have been affected,[22] though the law has been invoked to explain instances of *h₁'s disappearance in the same context, such as Proto-Celtic *gan-yo- 'to be born' from Proto-Indo-European *ǵnh₁yetor.[24] The law is named for the French linguist Georges-Jean Pinault.[22]
ruki sound law
Main article: ruki sound law
(Balto-Slavic, Albanian, Armenian, Indo-Iranian) Also, ruki rule; iurk rule. *s is retracted to a postalveolar *š when preceded by *r, *u, *k or *i. This also includes *g and *gʰ, which are devoiced before *s, and also the allophones *r̥, *w, *y. But it does not include the palatovelar *ḱ. In Indo-Iranian, it is also triggered by *l, which merges with *r. In Slavic, *š is further retracted to *x unless followed by a front vowel or *j.
Siebs's law
Main article: Siebs's law
If an s-mobile is added to a root that begins with a voiced consonant, that consonant is devoiced. If it is aspirated, it retains its aspiration.
Stang's law
Main article: Stang's law
Word-finally, when a laryngeal, *y or *w is preceded by a vowel and followed by a nasal consonant, it is dropped and the preceding vowel is lengthened.
Szemerényi's law
Main article: Szemerényi's law
Word-finally, when *s or *h₂ is preceded by a sonorant preceded by a vowel, it is dropped and the vowel is lengthened. If the resulting sequence is *-ōn, the *n is also dropped, giving *-ō.
weather rule
Laryngeals are lost in word-medial position preceding a stop followed by a resonant and a vowel. The law is named for its reflex in English, weather, which is derived from Proto-Indo-European *weh₁dʰrom 'weather'; the laryngeal *h₁ is deleted before the sequence *-dʰro- which comprises a stop, a resonant, and a vowel, respectively.[25] The law does not cause compensatory lengthening.[18]
Weise's law
Main article: Weise's law
Palatovelar consonants *ḱ *ǵ *ǵʰ are depalatalized when preceding *r.

Balto-Slavic

Lidén's law
Word-initial *w in Proto-Indo-European is lost before non-syllabic *r and *l as the language developed into Proto-Balto-Slavic.[26] This process is named for the Swedish linguist Evald Lidén [sv; no; hy], who wrote about the process in 1899.[27] The process described by the law likely occurred after the development of Hirt's law, but before the syllabification of resonants. While it is possible that the law occurred after the syllabification of resonants and only affected non-syllabic resonants, Ranko Matasović finds this "improbable on phonetic grounds".[28]
Hirt's law
Main article: Hirt's law
Also, Hirt–Illich-Svitych's law. If a syllable ends in a vowel (not a diphthong) followed by a laryngeal, then the accent is retracted onto that syllable if it originally fell on the following syllable. The law applies to the original PIE accent placement, but after leveling of PIE mobile-accented paradigms into end-stressed paradigms. It also applied before the epenthesis before syllabic sonorants.
Pedersen's law
Main article: Pedersen's law
In words with a Balto-Slavic mobile accent paradigm, the accent was retracted from a medial onto the initial syllable. In Proto-Slavic, a similar analogical change caused the retraction of the accent onto a preceding unaccented clitic, such as a preposition.
Winter's law
Main article: Winter's law
Short vowels with non-acute accents are lengthened before unaspirated voiced stops (*b, *d, *g, but not *ǵ). The newly lengthened vowel receives the acute accent.[29] The law is named after the German linguist Werner Winter who wrote his proposal in 1976, though it was not published until 1978.[30] Frederik Kortlandt has dated the law to the final years of the Balto-Slavic period.[31]

Baltic

de Saussure's law
(Lithuanian) Also, Saussure's law. If a non-acuted accented syllable is followed by an acuted syllable, the accent shifts forwards onto the acuted syllable. This split the Balto-Slavic fixed accent paradigm into Lithuanian paradigms 1 and 2, and the mobile accent paradigm into paradigms 3 and 4.
Hjelmslev's law
When a vowel receives an accent, it takes on the intonation of the syllable to its right (i.e., the following syllable).[32]
Leskien's law
(Lithuanian) If a word-final long vowel or diphthong is acuted, it is shortened.[clarification needed] This law precedes Hjemslev's law.[33]

Slavic

A 14th-century manuscript of the canonical Gospels from the Monastery of St. Jovan Bigorski written in Old Church Slavonic, a liturgical Slavic language used in Eastern Christianity
Dybo's law
Main article: Dybo's law
Also, Dybo–Illich-Svitych's law. If a syllable was non-acute and accented, the accent was advanced onto the following syllable. The originally accented syllable retains its length. The change was prevented if the word had a mobile accent paradigm.
Havlík's law
Main article: Havlík's law
Yers (the vowels *ь and *ъ) became "strong" or "weak" in an alternating pattern, depending on their position in a word. A yer was weak unless the next syllable contained a weak yer, then it became strong. Weak yers were eventually lost, while strong yers were lowered and became other vowels.
Ivšić's law
Main article: Ivšić's law
Also, Stang's law;[b] Stang–Ivšić's law. Accented weak yers, as according to Havlík's law, lost their accent to the preceding syllable, which received a "neoacute" accent.
law of open syllables
Main article: History of Proto-Slavic § Elimination of syllable codas
Also, opening of syllables; tendency to rising sonority. Word- and syllable-final obstruents and obstruent clusters are deleted. Finals nasals are lost after short vowels and nasalized after long vowels.[34]
Meillet's law
Main article: Meillet's law
In words with a mobile accent paradigm, if the first syllable is accented with a rising (acute) accent, it is converted into a falling (circumflex) accent.
Shakhmatov's law
(No longer widely accepted) Also, Šaxmatov's law. Slavic short falling (circumflex) accents shift leftward (i.e., to the preceding syllable).[35]
Stang's law
If a word-final syllable was long falling (circumflex) accented, the accent was retracted onto the preceding syllable. The originally accented syllable is shortened, and the newly-accented syllable receives a "neoacute" accent. This change applied after Dybo's law, and often "undid" it by shifting the accent back again.
Van Wijk's law
Short vowels, except for yers (*ь, *ъ) and nasal vowels, are lengthened when preceded by a palatal consonant.

Celtic

A traditional song sung in Irish, a Celtic language descended from Old Irish
Joseph's law
During the period between Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Celtic, when *e is followed by a resonant then by *a, the *e assimilates to *a.[36][37] In other words, in the sequence *eRa, where *R signifies any resonant, *e becomes *a, thereby becoming *aRa. Examples of this change include Proto-Celtic *taratro- 'drill' (whence Irish tarathar 'auger') from earlier *teratro-, derived from Proto-Indo-European terh₁tro- (whence Ancient Greek τέρετρον téretron 'borer, gimlet'). The law does not affect *ā and probably did not affect environments where the *a was word-final.[36] The law also appears to have affected words where the *a was formerly a laryngeal consonant in Proto-Indo-European, such as in Proto-Celtic *banatlo- 'broom plant' which may be derived from Proto-Indo-European *bʰenH-tlo from a root meaning 'to hit, to strike'.[38] The process was expanded in Welsh include environments where the resonant is followed by a nasal, explaining the vowel quality in Welsh words like sarnu 'to trample' but not Old Irish sernaid 'to arrange, to order', both from a Proto-Celtic *sternū/*starnati paradigm (from an older subjunctive Proto-Indo-European form *ster-nh₂-e/o, cognate with Latin sternō).[39] Similarly, another expansion of the process appears in both Brittonic and Gaulish, causing the assimilation of *o to *a in the resonant–vowel environment *oRa, thereby rendering *aRa. Compare Middle Welsh taran 'thunder' and Gaulish Taranis 'the Celtic god of thunder', which were affected by the expanded law, with Old Irish torann 'thunder', which was not.[40] The law is named after Lionel Joseph who covered the topic in 1982.[36][38]
MacNeill's law
Main article: Phonological history of Old Irish § MacNeill's law
(Old Irish) Also, MacNeill–O'Brien's law. Lenition of Old Irish n, r, and l is lost in final unstressed syllables even though they are etymologically expected to be lenited in that position.[41][42]
McCone's law
Main article: Phonological history of Old Irish § McCone's law
1.  Proto-Celtic *b and *u̯ become *β before *n word-internally. The latter change is rare, but occurs in words like Old Irish amnair 'maternal uncle' from Proto-Celtic *au̯n and omun 'fear' from *ɸoβnos. The law appears to have only occurred in contexts where there is no front vowel preceding the cluster, which accounts for apparent counterexamples like Welsh clun 'hip, haunch' from Proto-Indo-European *ḱlownis and Old Irish búan 'permanent' from *bʰewHnos, though some other etymologies account for different sources; the Welsh example may be a later borrowing from Latin clūnis, for example. The law shares a relationship to another Proto-Celtic sound change where *ɸ became *u̯ between either *a or *o and *n.[43]
2.  (Old Irish) Unless the syllable is stressed, voiceless obstruents are voiced word-initially and word-finally.[44]

Germanic

A map of Germanic languages at the beginning of the 1st century AD
  North Germanic
  North Sea Germanic, or Ingvaeonic
  Weser–Rhine Germanic, or Istvaeonic
  Elbe Germanic, or Irminonic
  East Germanic †
Cowgill's law
Main article: Cowgill's law § Cowgill's law in Germanic
(Not fully accepted) When preceded by a sonorant and followed by *w, the PIE laryngeal *h₃ (and possibly also *h₂) appears as *k in Proto-Germanic after the application of Grimm's law.
Germanic spirant law
Main article: Germanic spirant law
Also, Primärberühung. When a plosive is followed by any voiceless sound, normally *s or *t, it becomes a voiceless fricative and loses its labialization if present. A dental consonant followed by *s becomes *ss, and followed by *t becomes either *ss (in older inherited forms) or *st (in newer and productive forms).
Grimm's law
Main article: Grimm's law
Also, first Germanic sound shift; first Germanic consonant shift; Rask's rule. The three series of Proto-Indo-European plosives undergo a chain shift. The first shift causes voiceless stops – *p, *t, *k, and *kʷ – to become the voiceless fricatives *f, *θ, *x, and *xʷ, respectively.[c] Next, the plain voiced stops – *b, *d, *g, and *gʷ – devoice and become *p, *t, *k, and *kʷ, respectively. Lastly, the aspirated voiced stops – *bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ, and *gʷʰ – become voiced stops *b, *d, *g, and *gʷ, respectively.[50] This sound change is sometimes obfuscated in Old High German as a result of the High German consonant shift.[51] The process did not affect the second consonant in a cluster of two adjacent obstruents. Compare two versions of the Old Frisian word for 'throat': strot- and throt-. Both are derived from the Proto-Indo-European s-mobile root *(s)trewd-, the former including the s-mobile while the latter does not. In this example, the form with the s-mobile blocks the assibilation of the *t.[47] Several other exceptions are covered by Verner's law.[52] The Danish linguist Rasmus Rask is credited with first articulating the law in 1818, but its more common name is from German folklorist Jacob Grimm, who – after reading Rask's work – expanded on it and published it in the preface of his German grammar book in 1819 with a rewrite in 1822.[53]
Holtzmann's law
Main article: Holtzmann's law
(North and East Germanic) Also, Verschärfung; sharpening; intensification. The geminated glides *jj and *ww are hardened into geminate plosives. In North Germanic, *jj becomes *ggj, while it became *ddj in East Germanic, *ww becomes *ggw in both.[54]
Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law
Main article: Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law
(Ingvaeonic languages) When followed by a fricative, /n/ is lost and the preceding vowel is lengthened and nasalized.
Kluge's law
Main article: Kluge's law
(Not generally accepted) PIE plosives merge with a following *n and become geminate voiceless plosives in Germanic.
Sievers's law
Main article: Sievers's law
Suffixal *j alternates with *ij depending on the syllable weight (length) of the preceding morpheme. *j appears after "light" or "short" morphemes, which consist of a single syllable ending in a short vowel and a single consonant. *ij appears elsewhere, including all morphemes with more than one syllable.
Verner's law
Main article: Verner's law
After the application of Grimm's law, when a voiceless fricative is preceded by an unaccented syllable, it is voiced (*f, *þ, *h, *hʷ, *s > *b, *d, *g, *gʷ, *z). Following this, the mobile PIE accent is lost and all words receive stress on the first syllable.

Greek

A map of Ancient Greek dialects
Bartoli's law
Main article: Ancient Greek accent § Bartoli's law
Also, Bàrtoli's law. In short–long metrical feet where oxytone stress is expected, the syllable becomes paroxytone before a word boundary. The law only occurs in anapestic (short–short–long) and cretic (long–short–long) contexts. An example of this process can be seen in Ancient Greek θυγάτηρ thygátēr 'daughter', in its nominative singular form, when contrasted with its accusative singular form θυγατέρα thygatéra and with the Sanskrit nominative singular दुहिता duhitā́ 'daughter'. While some exceptions can be attributed to analogical change, there are still some unexplained exceptions.[55] The law is named after the Italian linguist Matteo Bartoli, whose 1930 publication contrasted Sanskrit oxytone words with their Ancient Greek paroxytone cognates.[56]
Cowgill's law
Main article: Cowgill's law § Cowgill's law in Greek
Whenever Proto-Indo-European *o occurs between a resonant and a labial, it becomes Greek υ y.[57][58] The resonant and the labial can be on either side of the *o and produce the same output. Examples of a resonant followed by *o followed by a labial include (νύξ nýx 'night' from *nokʷt- (whence also Latin nox 'night'). This law is preceded by laryngeal coloring, meaning that Proto-Indo-European sequences of *h₁o, *h₃o, and *h₃e are also accounted for in the law, as are cases in which the zero-grade form was vocalized, such as in στόρνυμεν stórnymen 'we smooth out' from Proto-Indo-European *str̥-n-h̥₃-, showing the nasal infix. Some later sound changes obfuscate the law, but there is evidence to show that the sound change still occurred. For example, Proto-Indo-European *nomn̥ 'name' gave way to Proto-Greek *onuma. Although in Attic Greek the form became ὄνομα ónoma, the expected form ὄνυμα ónyma is found in both Doric and Aeolic Greek; the expected form is also found in derivatives such as ἀνώνυμος anṓnymos 'nameless, inglorious'.[57]
Vendryes's law
Main article: Ancient Greek accent § Vendryes's law
Also, Vendryès's law. Any perispomenon with a short vowel in the antepenultimate becomes proparoxytone in Attic. The law is named after the French linguist Joseph Vendryes.[59]
Wheeler's law
Main article: Ancient Greek accent § Wheeler's law
Also, law of dactylic retraction. Oxytone words in Proto-Indo-European become paroxytone in Ancient Greek if the work has a dactylic ending. The law counts endings such as ον -on, ος -os, and οι -oi as short. Examples of this tonic retraction include cognate pairs like ποικίλος poikílos 'variegated, complex', with a paroxytone, and Vedic Sanskrit पेशलः peśaláḥ. The law is named after the American philologist Benjamin Ide Wheeler.[59]

Indo-Iranian

Brugmann's law
Main article: Brugmann's law
When it is an ablaut alternant of *e, the vowel *o is lengthened and (after merging) becomes *ā when it stands at the end of a syllable.
Fortunatov's law
Main article: Fortunatov's law
(Sanskrit) When Proto-Indo-European *l precedes a dental consonant, the latter becomes a retroflex consonant and the *l is deleted. Examples include जठर jaṭhára 'belly', which is derived from Proto-Indo-European *ǵelt-, and कुठार kuṭāra 'ax', derived from *kult-. The law is named after the Russian linguist Filipp Fortunatov.[60]

Italic

The Praeneste fibula is a golden brooch which on its side contains an inscription considered to be the oldest surviving example of Old Latin, dated to the first half of the 7th century BC.[61]
Exon's law
Main article: History of Latin § Exon's law
In a word with four or more syllables, if the second and third syllable are short, then the vowel of the second syllable is syncopated, though it may be restored by analogy.
Lachmann's law
Main article: Lachmann's law
When a short vowel is followed by an underlyingly voiced stop followed by a voiceless stop, it is lengthened.

References

Notes

  1. ^ Trask credits Collinge with naming the process, but in the work cited, Collinge states that others have "fashionably called" it by this name prior to publication.[4]
  2. ^ Not to be confused with § Stang's law or § Stang's law (Slavic).
  3. ^ Different authors prefer different symbols to represent the Proto-Germanic fricative sounds produced by Grimm's law. Collinge 1985 prefers the symbol *þ – derived from the rune thorn, used in the alphabets of some Germanic languages to represent dental fricatives[45] – in lieu of *θ, but the sound both symbols represent are equivalent.[46] Stiles 2018 uses thorn as well, but replaces *x and *xʷ with *χ and *χʷ,[47] but allows *h and *hʷ as acceptable alternatives. Clackson 2007 also prefers the *h convention.[48][49] This glossary follows the convention used by Trask 2000.[50]

Citations

  1. ^ Byrd 2015, p. 20.
  2. ^ Byrd 2018, p. 2060.
  3. ^ a b c d Trask 2000, p. 29.
  4. ^ a b Collinge 1985, p. 47.
  5. ^ Collinge 1985, pp. 47, 50.
  6. ^
    • Ringe 2006, p. 20: "It is possible, but not certain, that the rule was inhereited from PIE."
    • Collinge 1985, p. 8: "Some take the law to be of PIE date, even so. Kuryłowicz regularly opines so [...] Bartholomae himself suggested a wider domain [...] So does Szemerényi [...]"
    • Lubotsky 2018, p. 1879: "Bartholomae's Law, which is most probably of IE date [...]"
    • Beekes 2011, p. 130: "But the evidence in favour of a PIE date is not very convincing. Worth considering, however, is the explanation of suffix variants like *-tro-/*-dʰro- [where] *-dʰ- would have arisen from *-t- after an aspirate [...]".
  7. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 7.
  8. ^ Byrd 2015, p. 89.
  9. ^ Ringe 2006, pp. 18–20.
  10. ^ a b Fortson 2010, p. 70.
  11. ^ a b Ringe 2006, p. 92.
  12. ^
    • For the Proto-Germanic form, see Ringe 2006, p. 92 and Skeat 1879, p. 711. Skeat uses older terminology; here, "Teuton" signifies what is now known as Proto-Germanic.
    • For the Latin and Old Latin etymologies, see Sihler 1995, p. 39 and Skeat 1879, p. 711.
    • For the Old English etymology, see Ringe 2006, p. 92, Skeat 1879, p. 711, and Sihler 1995, p. 39.
    • For the relationship of Modern English tongue to Proto-Germanic *tungōn-, see Skeat 1879, p. 711.
  13. ^ Matasović 2009, pp. 338, 349.
  14. ^ Matasović 2009, pp. 6–7.
  15. ^ a b Trask 2000, p. 143.
  16. ^ Beekes 2011, p. 100.
  17. ^
  18. ^ a b Byrd 2015, p. 30.
  19. ^ Kölligan 2015, p. 84.
  20. ^ Hackstein 2018, p. 1327.
  21. ^ Byrd 2015, p. 19.
  22. ^ a b c Byrd 2015, pp. 25, 205–206.
  23. ^ Matasović 2009, p. 6.
  24. ^ Matasović 2009, pp. 150–151.
  25. ^ Byrd 2015, p. 26.
  26. ^
  27. ^ Collins 2018, pp. 1518, 1532.
  28. ^ Matasović 2005, p. 4.
  29. ^
  30. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 225.
  31. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 226.
  32. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 89–91.
  33. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 115–116.
  34. ^ Collins 2018, pp. 1440–1441.
  35. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 153–154.
  36. ^ a b c Jørgensen 2022, p. 139.
  37. ^ Zair 2012, p. 156.
  38. ^ a b Matasović 2009, pp. 53–54.
  39. ^ Jørgensen 2022, pp. 139–140.
  40. ^ Jørgensen 2022, p. 147.
  41. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 235.
  42. ^ Oliver 1992, p. 93.
  43. ^ Stifter 2018, p. 1193–1194.
  44. ^ Stifter 2018, p. 1200.
  45. ^ "thorn". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary. Merriam-Webster. Retrieved 21 August 2024.
  46. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 66.
  47. ^ a b Stiles 2018, p. 890.
  48. ^ Clackson 2007, p. 32.
  49. ^ Stiles 2018, p. 889.
  50. ^ a b Trask 2000, p. 122.
  51. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 65.
  52. ^ Stiles 2018, pp. 890–891.
  53. ^
  54. ^ Stiles 2018, p. 900.
  55. ^ Collinge 1985, pp. 229–230.
  56. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 230.
  57. ^ a b Sihler 1995, p. 40.
  58. ^ Matasović 2009, p. 333.
  59. ^ a b Collinge 1985, p. 221.
  60. ^ Collinge 1985, p. 41.
  61. ^ Maras 2012, pp. 1, 20.

Sources

Further reading

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