Valuing the Senior Vote

As the third quarter of the school year comes to a close, members of the student body participate in one of our most important school traditions: Head Prefect elections. During 11th grade class meeting last week, junior candidates for the position stood before their peers in Rugby eater and bravely spoke about the ways they plan to bring about change within our community. A select few will move on to the nal round, where they will again make speeches in front of both 10th and 11th graders. e two candidates who receive the most votes from both classes will become next year’s Head Prefects, tasked with overseeing all the other members of Prefect Council and the Honor Board — responsibilities that require both the immense trust of their peers as well as as their own hard work and intellect.

roughout this process, however, there is one part of the school noticeably missing: seniors. e primary argument for excluding 12th graders from elections is that they will have graduated by the time the elected Head Prefects take on their positions, which means that they do not have a direct stake in the election rounds. But this kind of logic is incomplete, and fails to completely take into account the unique perspectives of the senior class and the impact that their votes could potentially have on the entire school community, even after they have left the school. 12th graders have spent the most time at the school out of any other grade, including their three years at the upper school campus, meaning they have experienced the school almost in its entirety. As a result, they have a unique understanding of the school’s culture, values, strengths and weaknesses and are well-equipped to make informed decisions about who could best represent the student body as Head Prefects. While they may only be a year or two older than students in other grades, teenage development signi cantly

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magni es this di erence.

Even though they might not experience the Prefects’ term, the senior class still has a vested interest in the school's long-lasting future. Nearly every senior has either friends or younger siblings who will attend the school next year. e graduating class will continue to care about the school community even after they have left, and fostering a true sense of continuity and connection between di erent generations of students at the school can only create a stronger Upper School community for students and alumni.

Allowing seniors to vote would also encourage greater participation in the election process and inspire a sense of responsibility among the student body. Voter turnout would increase and provide the school would have a better representation of students’ opinions and a statistically stronger nal outcome — a broader sample of students is more representative of the whole school’s opinions by de nition. While there may still be seniors who choose not to vote, the ones participating will be able to make a di erence.

e potential drawbacks to allowing outgoing seniors to vote in school elections — concerns that they may not take the election process seriously or may vote out of spite or for personal gain — is not unique to the 12th grade class. In fact, as the oldest group of students, they are on average more mature than their peers from other grades, and many of them are already adults and eligible to vote in local and national elections.

By allowing seniors to vote, the school can tap into a valuable resource of experience in the school community while also increasing voter turnout. Instead of denying seniors access to voting in their nal months at the school, we should instead embrace and acknowledge their contributions to the school community.

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By Claire Conner

In the Luhansk region of Ukraine, a Russian military training facility sorts recruits using colored wristbands. They are preparing to fight in the trenches at Bakhmut, an eastern Ukrainian city and a focal point of Russia’s invasion. But these recruits are a far cry from the professional and civilian units that Russia has relied on throughout its year-long war with Ukraine. The white and red wristbands don't correspond with missions or assigned roles. They represent fatal diseases and belong to prisoners. Every single soldier at this facility has either HIV or Hepatitis C, along with a criminal record.

Most of the prisoners are sent to the front line, where their units make gains of a few hundred yards before they are killed. They have no body armor, long-term training or permission to retreat. But they have numbers, and in Bakhmut, that has been enough to prevent a Ukrainian victory. Ukraine is not a revisionist, authoritarian country. It's not willing to mislead healthy citizens and ill prisoners by convincing them to sign up for suicide missions that gain territory at the expense of thousands. Despite this lack of cannon fodder, Ukraine has been able to stay on its feet for one key reason: Western support.

Anti-aircraft munitions, grenades, intelligence equipment and other forms of aid provided by the U.S. are worth billions of dollars. America has served as the financial and technological backbone of the Ukrainian war effort, providing more aid than any other country and convincing NATO allies to contribute. And as Russia relies on dying prisoners to make up for its lack of sophisticated technology, Ukraine and the West have a perfect window of opportunity.

If Ukrainians continue to receive increasingly advanced weapons like long-range missiles and tanks, they can finally secure decisive victories in strategic hubs like Bakhmut — before their casualties and small numbers give Russia the upper hand.

But at this crucial moment — when the U.S. can and must step in to help push Russia out of Ukraine once and for all — American political figures decided that they’re too tired of fighting.

In an interview with Tucker Carlson, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis said protecting Ukraine is not a “vital national interest," arguing that America should spend its effort on domestic projects and stop sending aid to Ukraine. Former President Donald Trump expressed an even more ludicrous version of this sentiment, saying that Russia is “not the greatest threat” and promising to fire State and Defense Department officials who have championed support for NATO and Ukraine if he's elected in 2024. On the other side of the spectrum, Congresswoman Ilhan Omar carried her anti-war sentiment to Ukraine, criticizing the extent of U.S. military aid.

A Chronicle Print Managing Editor argues that the United States needs to continue providing support to Ukraine as the war with Russia continues to harm its citizens.

This war fatigue comes at an utterly confusing moment. Russia has started this war, and the violence that they have inflicted and would continue to inflict upon a withdrawal of American aid is unimaginable.

Ukraine's perseverance through a year of war should encourage the U.S. — we are bringing one of our greatest adversaries to its knees and supporting democracy, helping an ally maintain sovereignty. The war secured advantages for America on the international stage, reducing dependence on Russia and bringing the U.S. closer to its European allies.

A choice to stop fighting would give Putin’s army time it needs to heal and inflict more damage on Ukraine and the world. Allowing Russian victory by withdrawing aid isn't worth the “America first” ideas, the short-term campaign promises, or destruction of American credibility and success internationally. It's time to deal the final blow.

ILLUSTRATION BY ALEXANDRA LIU