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Columbia Global Reports
A Question of Order: India, Turkey, and the Return of Strongmen
Neoliberals thought capitalism would bring about democracy, civil liberties, and human rights everywhere. But that is fast becoming an illusion, particularly in the East, where traditionalist and nationalist leaders are attracting religious, rural, or newly urban constituencies and ushering in an era of illiberal democracies. Peer, who was born in Kashmir and wrote with passion and intelligence about his native land in his acclaimed first book, Curfewed Night, reports from two of the world's largest democracies--Narendra Modi's India and Recep Tyyip Erdogan's Turkey--and examines how two charismatic strongmen came to power and moved their country in the direction of authoritarianism.
160 pages, Paperback
First published February 7, 2017
About the author
Basharat Peer
7 books147 followersBasharat Peer was born in Kashmir in 1977. He studied journalism and politics at the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. He has worked as an editor at Foreign Affairs and served as a correspondent at Tehelka, India's leading English language weekly. His work has appeared in The Guardian, New Statesman, The Nation, Financial Times Magazine, N+1, and Columbia Journalism Review, among other publications. Curfewed Night, his first book, won one of India's top literary awards, the Vodafone Crossword Book Award for English Non Fiction. Peer is a Fellow at Open Society Institute and lives in New York.
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Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews
April 15, 2018
“If you want to feel ten feet tall and as though you could run a hundred miles without stopping, hate beats pure cocaine any day. Hitler resurrected a beaten, bankrupt, half-starved nation with hatred and nothing more.” - Kurt Vonnegut
In this work, the author offers a very unbiased account on the emergent new-age leaders of big time democracies. The kind of new-age Politicians who have been dominating the world lately. POTUS Trump. GBR Prime Minister Theresa May. Emerging Right wing party leaders of GER, FRA, NED who recently gathered for Trump victory and discussed about affecting the EU's economy. The kind of leaders who spent $570 million on anti-immigration across the European nations since the fall of Berlin Wall.
Narendra Damodardas Modi and Recep Tayyip Erdogan @G20 Summit 2015
Getting back to the content, the structure involved the bottom up approach starting from the circumstances which these strongmen utilized to beginning their political career to the point of reaching the level of narcissistic leaders with mammoth supporters denouncing pluralism and biased cultural oppression. Political Lobbying, Religious Chauvinism, Jingoism, Semi Educated political and economic views, Victimized Scholars and freethinkers, Pride, Prejudices and Subjudices are some of the common feature of the problems discussed through the work.
Turkey part holds the major portion of the work starting from the leader founding the nation with western philosophized constitution to it's recent failed coup against the present leader, is worth told by the author as the roots are felt essential in the later events. Though the Political history might seem complex, the author did the good part explaining precisely and briefly. Regarding Erdogan, the author did his best in showing the two-face nature of the Prime Minister cum President who has been controlling the nation since 2003. I felt the meticulous work more on this part where various aspects are discussed in relation with the Kurdish, ISIS, Greece and European Union.
Unlike Turkey, India's part start right from a specific Party which is currently under administration, The Modi's BJP Party. Author used unbiased words avoiding sensitive elements directly most of the time so that even if an ardent follower of these politicians could get less offended. Regarding Modi, the work covers much on the social-cultural oppression of the minorities and their interviews from accounts that happened from 90s to present; the havoc propagandized by the Political side of the person's Party. What this part lacked is the account didn't explain much on the economic path which also has been deflating compared with the previous administration even before the recent demonetization which is too soon to be recorded, analyzed and included by the author. The age of majoritarian politics was here to stay, and all Modi had to do was stay silent.
Overall, A Question of Order speculates over the possibilities of the persistence of a long-held belief system called Democracy. Almost 75% of the world democracies are being flawed. Burke’s discomfort with and opposition to the French Revolution is not surprising. The Revolution was an abrupt breach with the past in every conceivable manner; this angered and anguished the father of conservatism. He wrote in the Reflections on the Revolution in France,
“I should therefore suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of France, until I was informed how it had been combined with government; with public force; with the discipline and obedience of armies; with the collection of an effective and well-distributed revenue; with morality and religion; with the solidity of property; with peace and order; with civil and social manners. All these (in their way) are good things too; and, without them, liberty is not a benefit whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long.”
His words proved to be prophetic, as Revolution in France soon started devouring its own children; there was a reign of terror, mass slaughter (including that of a large number of innocent people), wars, destruction and devastation in entire Europe. And now, looking at our current geo-political scenario may again possibly (not probably) lead us go back to those good old days.
Events after the finalization of the book content:
1. The move of Demonetization in the past November by Prime Minister Modi, was heavily criticized as poorly planned and unfair, and was met with resentment, protests and economic downfall.
2. The Struggle indicated in the book by Erdogan in switching the prime powers from Prime Minister to President since he switched the role in 2014, is successfully done the previous day of writing this review. It works more like USA from now on.
A Wake up call from the illusion of Democracy?
The author itself was born in the vulnerable militarized zone of Kashmir which is familiar for it's conflict between India and Pakisthan.
From his Twitter account, Basharat Peer
I thank Netgalley, author and Columbia Global Reports, Columbia University for this great opportunity. I really hope to read other books from the series. The book will be available from March 21, 2017.
In this work, the author offers a very unbiased account on the emergent new-age leaders of big time democracies. The kind of new-age Politicians who have been dominating the world lately. POTUS Trump. GBR Prime Minister Theresa May. Emerging Right wing party leaders of GER, FRA, NED who recently gathered for Trump victory and discussed about affecting the EU's economy. The kind of leaders who spent $570 million on anti-immigration across the European nations since the fall of Berlin Wall.
Narendra Damodardas Modi and Recep Tayyip Erdogan @G20 Summit 2015
Getting back to the content, the structure involved the bottom up approach starting from the circumstances which these strongmen utilized to beginning their political career to the point of reaching the level of narcissistic leaders with mammoth supporters denouncing pluralism and biased cultural oppression. Political Lobbying, Religious Chauvinism, Jingoism, Semi Educated political and economic views, Victimized Scholars and freethinkers, Pride, Prejudices and Subjudices are some of the common feature of the problems discussed through the work.
Turkey part holds the major portion of the work starting from the leader founding the nation with western philosophized constitution to it's recent failed coup against the present leader, is worth told by the author as the roots are felt essential in the later events. Though the Political history might seem complex, the author did the good part explaining precisely and briefly. Regarding Erdogan, the author did his best in showing the two-face nature of the Prime Minister cum President who has been controlling the nation since 2003. I felt the meticulous work more on this part where various aspects are discussed in relation with the Kurdish, ISIS, Greece and European Union.
Unlike Turkey, India's part start right from a specific Party which is currently under administration, The Modi's BJP Party. Author used unbiased words avoiding sensitive elements directly most of the time so that even if an ardent follower of these politicians could get less offended. Regarding Modi, the work covers much on the social-cultural oppression of the minorities and their interviews from accounts that happened from 90s to present; the havoc propagandized by the Political side of the person's Party. What this part lacked is the account didn't explain much on the economic path which also has been deflating compared with the previous administration even before the recent demonetization which is too soon to be recorded, analyzed and included by the author. The age of majoritarian politics was here to stay, and all Modi had to do was stay silent.
Overall, A Question of Order speculates over the possibilities of the persistence of a long-held belief system called Democracy. Almost 75% of the world democracies are being flawed. Burke’s discomfort with and opposition to the French Revolution is not surprising. The Revolution was an abrupt breach with the past in every conceivable manner; this angered and anguished the father of conservatism. He wrote in the Reflections on the Revolution in France,
“I should therefore suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of France, until I was informed how it had been combined with government; with public force; with the discipline and obedience of armies; with the collection of an effective and well-distributed revenue; with morality and religion; with the solidity of property; with peace and order; with civil and social manners. All these (in their way) are good things too; and, without them, liberty is not a benefit whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long.”
His words proved to be prophetic, as Revolution in France soon started devouring its own children; there was a reign of terror, mass slaughter (including that of a large number of innocent people), wars, destruction and devastation in entire Europe. And now, looking at our current geo-political scenario may again possibly (not probably) lead us go back to those
Events after the finalization of the book content:
1. The move of Demonetization in the past November by Prime Minister Modi, was heavily criticized as poorly planned and unfair, and was met with resentment, protests and economic downfall.
2. The Struggle indicated in the book by Erdogan in switching the prime powers from Prime Minister to President since he switched the role in 2014, is successfully done the previous day of writing this review. It works more like USA from now on.
A Wake up call from the illusion of Democracy?
The author itself was born in the vulnerable militarized zone of Kashmir which is familiar for it's conflict between India and Pakisthan.
From his Twitter account, Basharat Peer
I thank Netgalley, author and Columbia Global Reports, Columbia University for this great opportunity. I really hope to read other books from the series. The book will be available from March 21, 2017.
March 6, 2017
When I first picked up this title I imagined it would pull back from the detail and micro-angle on nationalist movements cropping up around the world and draw some larger conclusions. It doesn't get that far, but it does raise the questions. Peer gives a detailed timeline of events that led to the embrace of the authoritarian leaders in India (Narenda Modi) and Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan).
Author Bashir Peer points out that those two countries are not alone, and names Russia (Vladimir Putin), Egypt (Abdel Fatteh ed-Sisi), Hungary (Viktor Mihály Orbán), Chad (Idriss Déby) Belarus (Alexander Lukashenko), Cambodia (Hun Sen), Singapore (Lee Hsien Loong). Somewhat oddly, I thought, he pairs Aung San Su Kyi (Myanmar) and Rodrigo Duterte (The Philippines) and names them as illiberal, if not outright autocrats along with Paul Kagame’s (Rwanda) regime, all of which have silenced critical voices, and have not stood up against political and religious persecution. When you look at all those names spread out like that one does have to wonder--what's happening?
What Peer does in this book is follow events that led to the rise of Modi in India, showing his aggression in the suppression of Muslim and Dalit rights. Dalits are India’s lowest caste, and many have benefitted from government attention to their plight in society. However, being admitted to university apparently doesn’t mean Dalits actually have professors willing to mentor them or recommend them or promote their work, somewhat reminiscent of oppressed classes in any society attempting to take advantage of their legal rights. Modi began his political career working for a Hindu supremacist organization.
What may seem remarkable about Modi’s rise was his support from the intellectual, overseas-educated, and business elite. Not so strange when you think that “inequality in India is now growing at a faster rate than in other developing countries like China, Brazil, and Russia.” His biggest electoral challenges were traditional opposition of lower and middle castes to his party, which he managed to overcome with a robust twitter and get-out-the-vote campaign. After he won as prime minister in 2014, he talked a good game about putting caste and religious divisions away but was unable to prevent the country’s descent into violence the following year, probably because he was unwilling to act against this party.
In Turkey, the period of instability Peer describes starts a little earlier, in 2006. Erdogan took over in 2003 and pushed democratic reforms to make Turkey appealing to the European Union, and trying to lessen tensions with its Kurdish minority through negotiations. Healthcare, affordable housing, and infrastructure improved, but it was the loosening of the non-secularist creed, expanding collective bargaining rights, increasing welfare provisions for children, the disabled, and the elderly and allowing Muslims with headscarves into the governing body that had long banned them. Erdogan was loosening the control of the Kemalist military.
The July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey is covered in great detail, and Peer discusses the Muslim preacher Muhammed Fethullah Gülen, the cleric living in Pennsylvania in the U.S. who, once an ally of Erdogan, opposed to his rapprochement with the Kurds. Gülen’s very powerful group with tentacles worldwide--and especially in the Turkish police--was supposedly responsible for the coup attempt, or was blamed for it, in any case. The detail here is rather more than I was expecting, and less at the same time. I could be interested, but somehow connecting threads were missing in this discussion and I got lost in the details.
This is not a long book but I had a hard time getting a grip on this material and wished it had a greater amount of overview or boldface marking what we are meant to take away. Neither of these countries are my area of expertise, but it was difficult to pick out a few big ideas. It may be a better read for someone that already has a basic understanding of the culture and government in these two countries to take advantage of Peer’s providing the timeline of conflict for the past couple of years.
One country's specific experiences are probably not going to be immediately relevant to a worldwide theory. One would have to pick and choose details and immediately then one's conclusions become suspect. Authoritarian regimes are nothing new. The author needs to remind us why this moment is different.
Author Bashir Peer points out that those two countries are not alone, and names Russia (Vladimir Putin), Egypt (Abdel Fatteh ed-Sisi), Hungary (Viktor Mihály Orbán), Chad (Idriss Déby) Belarus (Alexander Lukashenko), Cambodia (Hun Sen), Singapore (Lee Hsien Loong). Somewhat oddly, I thought, he pairs Aung San Su Kyi (Myanmar) and Rodrigo Duterte (The Philippines) and names them as illiberal, if not outright autocrats along with Paul Kagame’s (Rwanda) regime, all of which have silenced critical voices, and have not stood up against political and religious persecution. When you look at all those names spread out like that one does have to wonder--what's happening?
What Peer does in this book is follow events that led to the rise of Modi in India, showing his aggression in the suppression of Muslim and Dalit rights. Dalits are India’s lowest caste, and many have benefitted from government attention to their plight in society. However, being admitted to university apparently doesn’t mean Dalits actually have professors willing to mentor them or recommend them or promote their work, somewhat reminiscent of oppressed classes in any society attempting to take advantage of their legal rights. Modi began his political career working for a Hindu supremacist organization.
What may seem remarkable about Modi’s rise was his support from the intellectual, overseas-educated, and business elite. Not so strange when you think that “inequality in India is now growing at a faster rate than in other developing countries like China, Brazil, and Russia.” His biggest electoral challenges were traditional opposition of lower and middle castes to his party, which he managed to overcome with a robust twitter and get-out-the-vote campaign. After he won as prime minister in 2014, he talked a good game about putting caste and religious divisions away but was unable to prevent the country’s descent into violence the following year, probably because he was unwilling to act against this party.
“Modi’s victory in 2014 had legitimized hate speech and physical aggression against real and perceived opponents. Words that couldn’t be uttered at the dinner table were blared in the public sphere.”It might be worth noting some barely-there shadow outlines of a comparison forming between Modi and Trump. It is worth noting what made Modi popular, how he sustained that popularity, and how quickly taboos against hate talk and violence evaporated.
In Turkey, the period of instability Peer describes starts a little earlier, in 2006. Erdogan took over in 2003 and pushed democratic reforms to make Turkey appealing to the European Union, and trying to lessen tensions with its Kurdish minority through negotiations. Healthcare, affordable housing, and infrastructure improved, but it was the loosening of the non-secularist creed, expanding collective bargaining rights, increasing welfare provisions for children, the disabled, and the elderly and allowing Muslims with headscarves into the governing body that had long banned them. Erdogan was loosening the control of the Kemalist military.
The July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey is covered in great detail, and Peer discusses the Muslim preacher Muhammed Fethullah Gülen, the cleric living in Pennsylvania in the U.S. who, once an ally of Erdogan, opposed to his rapprochement with the Kurds. Gülen’s very powerful group with tentacles worldwide--and especially in the Turkish police--was supposedly responsible for the coup attempt, or was blamed for it, in any case. The detail here is rather more than I was expecting, and less at the same time. I could be interested, but somehow connecting threads were missing in this discussion and I got lost in the details.
This is not a long book but I had a hard time getting a grip on this material and wished it had a greater amount of overview or boldface marking what we are meant to take away. Neither of these countries are my area of expertise, but it was difficult to pick out a few big ideas. It may be a better read for someone that already has a basic understanding of the culture and government in these two countries to take advantage of Peer’s providing the timeline of conflict for the past couple of years.
One country's specific experiences are probably not going to be immediately relevant to a worldwide theory. One would have to pick and choose details and immediately then one's conclusions become suspect. Authoritarian regimes are nothing new. The author needs to remind us why this moment is different.
March 3, 2017
When I picked this book, I was not sure what to expect. i l knew it would be political but did not know to what extent.
It details how the democratically elected leaders of India and Turkey were elected/ rose into power; and how certain elements are used to divide voters (i.e. religion, caste system, social standing etc).
The stories told are quite sad in some cases. in other cases, they stir up some anger in me. How are people manipulated in such a way to cause untold harm and destruction all in the name of a belief/system/politics?
Rating: 3.5/5
Favourite Quote: “Nationalism is used to stifle all thinking…The culture of collective narcissism to stifle all individuality, the promulgation of uncontested definitions of nationalism to pre-empt all debate over genuine national interest, the constant hunt for contrived enemies of the nation, is suffocating thought.”
Read
February 23, 2017"The forces Modi and Erdogan represent see themselves as frustrated but ascendant, as supplanting an outdated order; they are unlikely to disappear even when the present demagogues exit the stage. How much sense does it make to lump these types together? How can we hope to address either, if we insist on viewing them as the same, when one's solution is the other's problem?"
–Marc Edward Hoffman on Basharat Peer's A Question of Order: India, Turkey, and the Return of Strongmen in the Feb/Mar 2017 issue of Bookforum
To read the rest of this review, go to Bookforum:
http://bookforum.com/inprint/023_05/1...
–Marc Edward Hoffman on Basharat Peer's A Question of Order: India, Turkey, and the Return of Strongmen in the Feb/Mar 2017 issue of Bookforum
To read the rest of this review, go to Bookforum:
http://bookforum.com/inprint/023_05/1...
February 5, 2017
an interesting look at the return of strongmen in India & Turkey, it wasn't exactly what I expected - I think going into this I expected more on the leaders themselves & their policies - but instead this actually gives a great overview of the current situation and background and how these contribute to the rise of these democratically elected strongmen, which I actually enjoyed reading far more than I though I would.
thanks again to NetGalley & Columbia Global Report for providing an advanced review copy
thanks again to NetGalley & Columbia Global Report for providing an advanced review copy
November 15, 2020
西方世界有很多的土耳其和印度移民，他們經常是歐美國家移民來源國的前幾名。目前台灣似乎也有越來越多兩國的移民，例如淡水老街上除了土耳其冰淇淋，近幾年也新開了兩三間土耳其攤位。在我上班的地方，因為有藥廠，所以也常看到印度人進進出出。這兩個國家都蠻吸引人的，她們的文化耐人尋味，兩者看似迥異，實則擁有不少共同之處。
這本書《A Question of Order: India, Turkey, and the Return of Strongmen》是哥倫比亞大學Columbia Global Report書系的其中一本，我讀的第六本，內容依然非常精彩，不過主題蠻沉重的就是了。這本書介紹了印���和土耳其的「強人政治」。西方知識界提及印度時，最愛稱呼她為世界上最大的民主國家，土耳其也享有特殊的禮遇，位處歐亞交界的土耳其，因為歷史緣由使她較其他穆斯林國家更為”西方化”，土耳其人的文化受到歐美影響較深，所以比較開放���由，基本上土耳其也是一個民主國家。
本書出版於2017年，適逢川普當選和英國脫歐，意識形態上的討論又浮上檯面。自從蘇聯在1992年解體後，西方知識及政治界自信滿滿，認為自由民主的浪潮即將席捲全世界，取代極權或獨裁的政治體系，成為全球治理的新框架。不過事實正好相反，名義上民主國家的數量增加了，但若仔細檢視，就會發現許多所謂民主國家都是披著羊皮的狼，本質上權力還是掌握在一小群菁英，甚至一個人手上。
最典型的例子就是俄羅斯了，普丁已經掌權將近20年，被稱為現代沙皇，俄羅斯的民主制度在某種程度上反而賦予普丁獨裁的合理性。印度和土耳其在某種程度上也類似如此，權力逐漸集中在領導人莫迪和厄多安身上。當下的世界有一股崇拜”強人統治”的趨勢，越來越多的民眾希望自己國家的領導者可以充滿power，採取強硬的姿態施行統治，他們認為這樣不僅可以安定國內的混亂局面，面對國外勢力時，也不必再卑躬屈膝。莫迪和厄多安就是兩位在世界舞台上具有影響力的強人。
兩國都在國際地緣政治上舉足輕重。印度本身人口占了世界總人口1/6，在意識型態上也跟歐美一致，所以歐美領導人也積極地拉攏彼此的關係。土耳其也很重要，歐盟近幾年疲於奔命，應付非洲和中東湧入的難民，土耳其是一道必須的緩衝牆，土耳其境內安置了上百萬的敘利亞難民，假如歐盟與土耳其交惡，土耳其大可放任難民直接湧向歐洲，除了難民危機以外，歐美在許多層面都須仰賴土耳其，才能在中東施展影響力。有鑑於此，歐美各國不太願意批評莫迪和厄多安使用強硬手段的治國方式，深怕得罪他們，反而危及本國利益。
這本書的作者Basharat Peer是一位出身於印度喀什米爾的記者、政治評論員、作者，目前是紐約時報的評論編輯，他寫過一本書《Curfewed Night》紀錄喀什米爾的戰爭實況。熟知印度歷史的人都知道喀什米爾是一個煙硝瀰漫的混亂地帶，三不五時印度軍隊就會和世仇巴基斯坦擦槍走火，所以這邊被稱為南亞火藥庫。在這種兵荒馬亂的地方長大，讓作者深切的體會戰爭的恐怖，以及其他一切形式的強/極權往往會加深動盪，最終引發衝突。他後來去德里大學念法律，再去哥倫比亞大學讀新聞研究所，成為一位頗有知名度的南亞政治觀察員。應該是獨特的出身背景，讓Columbia Global Report委託他進行本書的調查。讀者可以從犀利的新聞視角，瞭解莫迪���厄多安領導的印度和土耳其現況。
我以前就讀過印度相關的著作，所以書中提及的內容也算知道。莫迪是個受到廣大印度民眾歡迎的領導人，不過他在西方媒體的報導中，毀譽參半。關於莫迪的報導，一定會提到他在當古吉拉特首長的任內發生的穆斯林暴動，暴動導致上千人死亡。這是一場針對穆斯林的大屠殺，但當時莫迪似乎”默許”了屠殺的發生，並沒有加以阻止。這成了他政治生涯最大的陰影，一直到今天西方媒體只要提到莫迪，一定會加上這個註記。
莫迪最大的功績就是在他的統治下，古吉拉特邦的經濟快速成長，讓古吉拉特邦成為印度最富有的地區之一，莫迪對外塑造的形象是一位重視經濟發展的開明領導人，他張開雙臂歡迎外國資金，西方投資人也以熱錢積極的響應，所以當莫迪在2014年競選印度總理時，他也努力行銷這種”商業及經濟發展為首要目標”的形象。但另一方面，莫迪是一位虔誠的印度教主義者，他的政治理念隱含”印度(教)至上”的信念，在他的統治下，印度多元並蓄的種族及宗教，正受到嚴重的威脅。
傳統上，印度社會不同種族和宗教群體之間的互動相對和諧，儘管有時會發生衝突，但整體上還算穩定。不過近些年，印度至上(Hindu Supremacism)的理念在印度社會蔓延。這個理念就跟白人至上類似，鄙視白人以外的其他族群。這種族群至上主義輕則種族歧視，最極端的狀況則導致種族屠殺。在西方觀察員、印度本土的知識份子眼裡，這正是發生中的趨勢，印度教徒越來越無法包容穆斯林等群體，印度各地不斷的爆發印度教徒和穆斯林的衝突。莫迪的統治揉合了宗教的元素，悄悄的鼓吹印度至上，進一步加深印度社會的對立。這也是本書最希望讀者關注的焦點。
書的第二部分則探討厄多安治下的土耳其。情況跟印度蠻類似的，土耳其社會裡不同種族的對立正在加劇。第一次世界大戰後鄂圖曼土耳其帝國瓦解，現代的土耳其共和國成立，國父凱末爾效仿雅各賓黨的政治理念重塑土耳其，效仿西方的文化理念和制度，讓土耳其成為穆斯林世界裡相對世俗化(而非神權統治)的國家，並且賦予軍隊極大的權力，因此土耳其政治上的建制派也是”凱末爾主義”的堅定守護者。
厄多安的崛起也可以看作對於凱末爾主義的直接挑戰，最終也獲得成功。這背後的來龍去脈太深了，無法三言兩語道盡，我也不是政治分析師很難精闢的解釋，總之厄多安挑戰傳統權威成功，自從他2003年擔任總理以來，土耳其的經濟也高速成長，使他更受民眾愛戴。不過厄多安也面臨許多批評，例如他在處理庫德族的問題上，似乎沒有改善他們的困境，反而加劇了庫德族的不滿。
我以前對土耳其政治比較陌生，所以讀這本書算是替我把許多相關的資訊連貫起來。土耳其政治有一個必須認識的人: Fethullah Gülen。厄多安指責他是2016年政變的幕後首腦。俄羅斯國營新聞網RT有做過一系列他的紀錄片，之前我有一口氣看完，非常大開眼界，這就是最深層的社會滲透及文化影響力，如果你想深刻的認識土耳其社會，可以考慮瀏覽。
《A Question of Order》是一本認識當代印度和土耳其社會的佳作，對這兩國有興趣的讀者可以考慮看看~
最後，假如想要從台灣的視角去認識印度和土耳其，小弟目前看到的最佳窗口分別為[南亞觀察]及[土女時代]，網站做的很精美，真的要按讚，感謝他們的付出及用心~
國家這種想像的共同體真的蠻有趣的，國與國的交流仰賴有志之士的推廣，才能打破邊界的狹隘概念，學習欣賞各自文化的優美與奧妙。
這本書《A Question of Order: India, Turkey, and the Return of Strongmen》是哥倫比亞大學Columbia Global Report書系的其中一本，我讀的第六本，內容依然非常精彩，不過主題蠻沉重的就是了。這本書介紹了印���和土耳其的「強人政治」。西方知識界提及印度時，最愛稱呼她為世界上最大的民主國家，土耳其也享有特殊的禮遇，位處歐亞交界的土耳其，因為歷史緣由使她較其他穆斯林國家更為”西方化”，土耳其人的文化受到歐美影響較深，所以比較開放���由，基本上土耳其也是一個民主國家。
本書出版於2017年，適逢川普當選和英國脫歐，意識形態上的討論又浮上檯面。自從蘇聯在1992年解體後，西方知識及政治界自信滿滿，認為自由民主的浪潮即將席捲全世界，取代極權或獨裁的政治體系，成為全球治理的新框架。不過事實正好相反，名義上民主國家的數量增加了，但若仔細檢視，就會發現許多所謂民主國家都是披著羊皮的狼，本質上權力還是掌握在一小群菁英，甚至一個人手上。
最典型的例子就是俄羅斯了，普丁已經掌權將近20年，被稱為現代沙皇，俄羅斯的民主制度在某種程度上反而賦予普丁獨裁的合理性。印度和土耳其在某種程度上也類似如此，權力逐漸集中在領導人莫迪和厄多安身上。當下的世界有一股崇拜”強人統治”的趨勢，越來越多的民眾希望自己國家的領導者可以充滿power，採取強硬的姿態施行統治，他們認為這樣不僅可以安定國內的混亂局面，面對國外勢力時，也不必再卑躬屈膝。莫迪和厄多安就是兩位在世界舞台上具有影響力的強人。
兩國都在國際地緣政治上舉足輕重。印度本身人口占了世界總人口1/6，在意識型態上也跟歐美一致，所以歐美領導人也積極地拉攏彼此的關係。土耳其也很重要，歐盟近幾年疲於奔命，應付非洲和中東湧入的難民，土耳其是一道必須的緩衝牆，土耳其境內安置了上百萬的敘利亞難民，假如歐盟與土耳其交惡，土耳其大可放任難民直接湧向歐洲，除了難民危機以外，歐美在許多層面都須仰賴土耳其，才能在中東施展影響力。有鑑於此，歐美各國不太願意批評莫迪和厄多安使用強硬手段的治國方式，深怕得罪他們，反而危及本國利益。
這本書的作者Basharat Peer是一位出身於印度喀什米爾的記者、政治評論員、作者，目前是紐約時報的評論編輯，他寫過一本書《Curfewed Night》紀錄喀什米爾的戰爭實況。熟知印度歷史的人都知道喀什米爾是一個煙硝瀰漫的混亂地帶，三不五時印度軍隊就會和世仇巴基斯坦擦槍走火，所以這邊被稱為南亞火藥庫。在這種兵荒馬亂的地方長大，讓作者深切的體會戰爭的恐怖，以及其他一切形式的強/極權往往會加深動盪，最終引發衝突。他後來去德里大學念法律，再去哥倫比亞大學讀新聞研究所，成為一位頗有知名度的南亞政治觀察員。應該是獨特的出身背景，讓Columbia Global Report委託他進行本書的調查。讀者可以從犀利的新聞視角，瞭解莫迪���厄多安領導的印度和土耳其現況。
我以前就讀過印度相關的著作，所以書中提及的內容也算知道。莫迪是個受到廣大印度民眾歡迎的領導人，不過他在西方媒體的報導中，毀譽參半。關於莫迪的報導，一定會提到他在當古吉拉特首長的任內發生的穆斯林暴動，暴動導致上千人死亡。這是一場針對穆斯林的大屠殺，但當時莫迪似乎”默許”了屠殺的發生，並沒有加以阻止。這成了他政治生涯最大的陰影，一直到今天西方媒體只要提到莫迪，一定會加上這個註記。
莫迪最大的功績就是在他的統治下，古吉拉特邦的經濟快速成長，讓古吉拉特邦成為印度最富有的地區之一，莫迪對外塑造的形象是一位重視經濟發展的開明領導人，他張開雙臂歡迎外國資金，西方投資人也以熱錢積極的響應，所以當莫迪在2014年競選印度總理時，他也努力行銷這種”商業及經濟發展為首要目標”的形象。但另一方面，莫迪是一位虔誠的印度教主義者，他的政治理念隱含”印度(教)至上”的信念，在他的統治下，印度多元並蓄的種族及宗教，正受到嚴重的威脅。
傳統上，印度社會不同種族和宗教群體之間的互動相對和諧，儘管有時會發生衝突，但整體上還算穩定。不過近些年，印度至上(Hindu Supremacism)的理念在印度社會蔓延。這個理念就跟白人至上類似，鄙視白人以外的其他族群。這種族群至上主義輕則種族歧視，最極端的狀況則導致種族屠殺。在西方觀察員、印度本土的知識份子眼裡，這正是發生中的趨勢，印度教徒越來越無法包容穆斯林等群體，印度各地不斷的爆發印度教徒和穆斯林的衝突。莫迪的統治揉合了宗教的元素，悄悄的鼓吹印度至上，進一步加深印度社會的對立。這也是本書最希望讀者關注的焦點。
書的第二部分則探討厄多安治下的土耳其。情況跟印度蠻類似的，土耳其社會裡不同種族的對立正在加劇。第一次世界大戰後鄂圖曼土耳其帝國瓦解，現代的土耳其共和國成立，國父凱末爾效仿雅各賓黨的政治理念重塑土耳其，效仿西方的文化理念和制度，讓土耳其成為穆斯林世界裡相對世俗化(而非神權統治)的國家，並且賦予軍隊極大的權力，因此土耳其政治上的建制派也是”凱末爾主義”的堅定守護者。
厄多安的崛起也可以看作對於凱末爾主義的直接挑戰，最終也獲得成功。這背後的來龍去脈太深了，無法三言兩語道盡，我也不是政治分析師很難精闢的解釋，總之厄多安挑戰傳統權威成功，自從他2003年擔任總理以來，土耳其的經濟也高速成長，使他更受民眾愛戴。不過厄多安也面臨許多批評，例如他在處理庫德族的問題上，似乎沒有改善他們的困境，反而加劇了庫德族的不滿。
我以前對土耳其政治比較陌生，所以讀這本書算是替我把許多相關的資訊連貫起來。土耳其政治有一個必須認識的人: Fethullah Gülen。厄多安指責他是2016年政變的幕後首腦。俄羅斯國營新聞網RT有做過一系列他的紀錄片，之前我有一口氣看完，非常大開眼界，這就是最深層的社會滲透及文化影響力，如果你想深刻的認識土耳其社會，可以考慮瀏覽。
《A Question of Order》是一本認識當代印度和土耳其社會的佳作，對這兩國有興趣的讀者可以考慮看看~
最後，假如想要從台灣的視角去認識印度和土耳其，小弟目前看到的最佳窗口分別為[南亞觀察]及[土女時代]，網站做的很精美，真的要按讚，感謝他們的付出及用心~
國家這種想像的共同體真的蠻有趣的，國與國的交流仰賴有志之士的推廣，才能打破邊界的狹隘概念，學習欣賞各自文化的優美與奧妙。
June 14, 2017
A really fascinating account of the recent history of these two countries and how their politics have lately turned to authoritarianism and aggressive nationalism. This is self-evidently relevant to those of us under Trump or May as well; I've been making comparisons between Modi and Trump ever since the latter became a political candidate, and Peer clearly agrees with me.
The book is divided into two sections, the first on India and its current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, who was elected in 2014; the second on Turkey and its current president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who was elected Prime Minister in 2003 and then, when he could no longer extend his term there, switched to president in 2014, rewriting the laws to make that position more political, powerful, and active. Each chapter is a bit of a self-contained essay, with topics ranging from the broad (the history of the BJP, Modi's political party) to the individual (the suicide of a Dalit PhD student after being ignored and disadvantaged by his school). I'm more familiar with India's current political scene than with Turkey's, but even the stuff I already knew came with very recent updates or insightful analogies. Overall the chapters convey a well-researched, thoughtful, and thorough picture of each country's politics.
If world politics remotely interest you, I highly recommend this book – though to be honest, it is quite depressing. I put off reading it myself for months because I needed more lighthearted material, but I'm glad I finally got to it. I only wish I could have read this before the July 2016 coup in Turkey. Of course it wasn't out yet, and though given its so-recent occurrence Peer is only able to address the topic briefly in his afterword, but I feel like I now understand much more of the dynamics and players involved.
I read this as an ARC via NetGalley.
The book is divided into two sections, the first on India and its current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, who was elected in 2014; the second on Turkey and its current president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who was elected Prime Minister in 2003 and then, when he could no longer extend his term there, switched to president in 2014, rewriting the laws to make that position more political, powerful, and active. Each chapter is a bit of a self-contained essay, with topics ranging from the broad (the history of the BJP, Modi's political party) to the individual (the suicide of a Dalit PhD student after being ignored and disadvantaged by his school). I'm more familiar with India's current political scene than with Turkey's, but even the stuff I already knew came with very recent updates or insightful analogies. Overall the chapters convey a well-researched, thoughtful, and thorough picture of each country's politics.
If world politics remotely interest you, I highly recommend this book – though to be honest, it is quite depressing. I put off reading it myself for months because I needed more lighthearted material, but I'm glad I finally got to it. I only wish I could have read this before the July 2016 coup in Turkey. Of course it wasn't out yet, and though given its so-recent occurrence Peer is only able to address the topic briefly in his afterword, but I feel like I now understand much more of the dynamics and players involved.
I read this as an ARC via NetGalley.
September 22, 2018
This book does a great job shining light on many acts from the government, from these strongmen, that people should be questioning. I felt incredibly naive the further I got into this book because I was simply unaware of the extent of the atrocities these leaders have committed and turned a blind eye to under their government.
Being familiar somewhat with Indian politics, my general intuition was that India is moving to a very nationalist, authoritarian state, but the way that Peer is able to step back and draw parallels not only in detail with Turkey, but also with an alarming number of countries around the world is eye opening and frankly frightening. We are definitely undergoing a global shift as democracies around the world are seemingly seconds away from crumbling.
Fantastic, educational read. I gave it 3 stars because the jumping back and forth through timelines got a little sloppy at times (in my opinion) and was a bit tough to keep track of.
Being familiar somewhat with Indian politics, my general intuition was that India is moving to a very nationalist, authoritarian state, but the way that Peer is able to step back and draw parallels not only in detail with Turkey, but also with an alarming number of countries around the world is eye opening and frankly frightening. We are definitely undergoing a global shift as democracies around the world are seemingly seconds away from crumbling.
Fantastic, educational read. I gave it 3 stars because the jumping back and forth through timelines got a little sloppy at times (in my opinion) and was a bit tough to keep track of.
August 1, 2017
The author presents two case studies showing how democratic institutions can be perverted by charismatic politicians who take advantage of nationalism, and sectarian, religious, ethnic and economic divides to convert democracies into authoritarian regimes. These lessons from ongoing events in India and Turkey, which were once vibrant multi-ethnic democracies and are now headed down the path to becoming authoritarian dictatorships may be useful for those in the United States who believe that "it cannot happen here"!
They are marred by the lack of depth in the discussion of the history and current events in both countries that would enable the reader to gain a better understanding of why these individuals have been elected to leadership positions and able to enact measures implementing authoritarian rule and dissolving democratic institutions.
They are marred by the lack of depth in the discussion of the history and current events in both countries that would enable the reader to gain a better understanding of why these individuals have been elected to leadership positions and able to enact measures implementing authoritarian rule and dissolving democratic institutions.
February 26, 2021
Another great read from the Columbia Global Reports, this time taking the case studies of Premier Modi in India and Prime Minister and later President Erdogan in their rise to power in both of their countries respectively.
The parallels of both middle powers is interesting to note - both came out of the remnants of larger empires (India under the Mughal empire, Turkey from the Ottomans) and after their formations into republics in the 20th century, practiced strains of secularism to modernize; Turkey espousing Kemalism, a blend of central governance, secularism and nationalism while India embraced Nehruism, a blend of secularism in the public sphere mixed with socialist principles that governed India. Turkey attempted to modernize away from its more conservative Islamic history from empire, while India attempted to balance the aftermath of British colonialism and its balance of its Hindu majority and traditionally powerful Muslim minority.
Suffering economic hardships in the 80s and 90s, and with Turkey reeling from various military coups while India fought three wars with Pakistan over the LOC and the question of the semi autonomous region of Kashmir, both nations experienced break downs of the democratic norms that the nations had embraced earlier on in favor of authoritarian leaders during times of crisis.
For India and Turkey, and indeed with their similar problems (secular vs religious, populists vs intelligentsia, Kashmir and Kurdistan, etc) it is fascinating to see how the consolidation of strongmen (the right wing Modi and the traditionally center left Erdogan) move up in the ranks, change their public perception through national crises, and continue to bolster their control over the instituons of the state and respective political parties to ensure their continued hegemony - Modi targeting the religious minorities, and Erdogan targeting the traditionally secular aspects of the Turkish republics.
Though not mentioned in these case studies, and something that I recalled from an earlier Global Report, was the connection that both Turkey and India shared in this vein with their entertainment - India with the massive Bollywood film fraternity, and Turkey with its growing Dizi sphere; entertainment giants that contribute to both the soft power and cultural ties as they export their own brand of nationalism to its viewers.
Though the book is older, and does not cover the more recent developments occurring in both India and Turkey, it does make the case for geoanalysts to keep their eyes on both India and Turkey for the next decade to see where these two illiberal democracies continue in their growth both on the national and international stage.
The parallels of both middle powers is interesting to note - both came out of the remnants of larger empires (India under the Mughal empire, Turkey from the Ottomans) and after their formations into republics in the 20th century, practiced strains of secularism to modernize; Turkey espousing Kemalism, a blend of central governance, secularism and nationalism while India embraced Nehruism, a blend of secularism in the public sphere mixed with socialist principles that governed India. Turkey attempted to modernize away from its more conservative Islamic history from empire, while India attempted to balance the aftermath of British colonialism and its balance of its Hindu majority and traditionally powerful Muslim minority.
Suffering economic hardships in the 80s and 90s, and with Turkey reeling from various military coups while India fought three wars with Pakistan over the LOC and the question of the semi autonomous region of Kashmir, both nations experienced break downs of the democratic norms that the nations had embraced earlier on in favor of authoritarian leaders during times of crisis.
For India and Turkey, and indeed with their similar problems (secular vs religious, populists vs intelligentsia, Kashmir and Kurdistan, etc) it is fascinating to see how the consolidation of strongmen (the right wing Modi and the traditionally center left Erdogan) move up in the ranks, change their public perception through national crises, and continue to bolster their control over the instituons of the state and respective political parties to ensure their continued hegemony - Modi targeting the religious minorities, and Erdogan targeting the traditionally secular aspects of the Turkish republics.
Though not mentioned in these case studies, and something that I recalled from an earlier Global Report, was the connection that both Turkey and India shared in this vein with their entertainment - India with the massive Bollywood film fraternity, and Turkey with its growing Dizi sphere; entertainment giants that contribute to both the soft power and cultural ties as they export their own brand of nationalism to its viewers.
Though the book is older, and does not cover the more recent developments occurring in both India and Turkey, it does make the case for geoanalysts to keep their eyes on both India and Turkey for the next decade to see where these two illiberal democracies continue in their growth both on the national and international stage.
June 25, 2022
Thank you to NetGalley and Columbia Global Reports for this reader's copy. In exchange, I am providing an honest review.
This review is basically going to be the same review I wrote for The Populist Explosion. It was thoroughly researched and well-written but I am pretty sure I didn't understand very much of it. :) But I understood just enough...I think. Ha. Peer, a native of India, takes us through the political history of both India and Turkey since the early 1900s. Tracing the threads of the breakdown of possible democracy. Published in early 2017, Peer was actively writing and editing this during the last few months of the 2016 American elections and the disastrous results. He references Trump a few times throughout the book and the references are appropriate and right in line with his discussion of Modi's India and Erdogan's Turkey and the slow backward slide into authoritarian states. Which is exactly where Trump wanted to take America and where America is headed with recent Supreme Court rulings despite Trump no longer being in office. Were Peer to revise his book and add in a third democratic nation and its strongman, I suspect he could, and would, easily add America and Trump. Peer's discussion doesn't offer solutions, I suspect he is too modest to offer up any, it is meant to be a cautionary tale for other democratic nations. Perhaps it should be required reading for all Americans.
This review is basically going to be the same review I wrote for The Populist Explosion. It was thoroughly researched and well-written but I am pretty sure I didn't understand very much of it. :) But I understood just enough...I think. Ha. Peer, a native of India, takes us through the political history of both India and Turkey since the early 1900s. Tracing the threads of the breakdown of possible democracy. Published in early 2017, Peer was actively writing and editing this during the last few months of the 2016 American elections and the disastrous results. He references Trump a few times throughout the book and the references are appropriate and right in line with his discussion of Modi's India and Erdogan's Turkey and the slow backward slide into authoritarian states. Which is exactly where Trump wanted to take America and where America is headed with recent Supreme Court rulings despite Trump no longer being in office. Were Peer to revise his book and add in a third democratic nation and its strongman, I suspect he could, and would, easily add America and Trump. Peer's discussion doesn't offer solutions, I suspect he is too modest to offer up any, it is meant to be a cautionary tale for other democratic nations. Perhaps it should be required reading for all Americans.
December 28, 2020
The author has provided an in-depth discussion of the rise to power of Modi in India and Erdogan in Turkey and how they have used religious and ethnic differences to gain power and suppress opponents. If you pay attention to world events, a number of the individuals, political parties and events will be familiar to you, but the author has provided greater insight through his observations of events, interviews with people impacted by policies and repressive actions by Modi and Erdogan, and interviews with supporters and opponents of Modi, Erdogan, and their respective political parties. He discusses the authoritarian/illiberal rule of these leaders and how they are making India and Turkey less democratic, especially through repression of the media and dissent. The author is from the disputed territory of Kashmir, which allows him to provide a deeper insight into India and how the Indian government under both major parties has treated the Kashmiri people and minorities in general. This book is well worth the read for anyone interested in India, Turkey, or increased authoritarianism.
August 22, 2017
Timely look at the (frightening) current trend toward consolidation of authoritarian-type power happening most noticeably now in Turkey with Erdogan and India with Modi (and to a certain extent the election of Trump here in America). Interesting counterpoint to the economic gains India is experiencing under Modi--the individual stories recounted here make clear that those gains come at a cost to democracy and free speech/open society. Not exactly a page-turner, but a short, worthwhile read queueing up the underbelly of a move toward more authoritarian rule even in so-called democratic societies. Some familiarity with past and current political systems/parties in Turkey and India makes it a much easier read.
July 26, 2017
If you're looking for confirmation that the election of Donald Trump is a symptom of a larger global trend, look no further. While the book isn't lengthy, it does dive fairly deep into the history of these nations as it pertains to the rise of these authoritarian regimes. I found it enlightening, and it whetted my appetite for more work like it.
September 20, 2021
I did not expect to read about the rise of Modi and Erdogan in parallel but (not-so) surprisingly (in hindsight), their rise as nationalistic Prime Minister's makes a lot of sense. Peer has done such an incredible job of detailing the rise of both autocratic rulers so well and with such deft. He astutely details the countries' decline into fascism.
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