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War and Punishment: Putin, Zelensky, and the Path to Russia's Invasion of Ukraine
From an award-winning Russian journalist, a brisk, clearly written history of Ukraine—from its emergence as a post-Soviet oligarchic state to a progressive country with increasing economic, cultural, and political ties to Europe and the US—which have led to Putin’s current brutal attempt to obliterate Ukraine’s independence.
As soon as the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, prominent independent Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar circulated a Facebook petition signed first by hundreds of his cultural and journalistic contacts and then by thousands of others. That act led to a new law in Russia criminalizing criticism of the war, and Zygar fled Russia. In his time as a journalist, Zygar has interviewed President Zelensky and had access to many of the major players—from politicians to oligarchs. As an expert on Putin’s moods and behavior, he has spent years studying the Kremlin’s plan regarding Ukraine, and here, in clear, chronological order he explains how we got here.
In 1996 to 2004, Ukraine became an independent post-Soviet country where everyone was connected to the former empire at all levels, financially, culturally, psychologically. However, the elite anticipated that the empire would be back and punish them. From 2004 to 2018, there were many states inside one state, each with its own rulers/oligarchs and its own interests—some of them directly connected with Russia. In 2018, a new generation of Ukrainians arrive, and having grown in an independent country, they do not consider themselves to be part of Russia—and that was the moment when the war began, as Putin could not tolerate losing Ukraine forever.
Authoritative, timely, and vitally important, this is an unprecedented overview of the war that affects us all and continues to threaten the future of the entire world as we know it.
As soon as the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, prominent independent Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar circulated a Facebook petition signed first by hundreds of his cultural and journalistic contacts and then by thousands of others. That act led to a new law in Russia criminalizing criticism of the war, and Zygar fled Russia. In his time as a journalist, Zygar has interviewed President Zelensky and had access to many of the major players—from politicians to oligarchs. As an expert on Putin’s moods and behavior, he has spent years studying the Kremlin’s plan regarding Ukraine, and here, in clear, chronological order he explains how we got here.
In 1996 to 2004, Ukraine became an independent post-Soviet country where everyone was connected to the former empire at all levels, financially, culturally, psychologically. However, the elite anticipated that the empire would be back and punish them. From 2004 to 2018, there were many states inside one state, each with its own rulers/oligarchs and its own interests—some of them directly connected with Russia. In 2018, a new generation of Ukrainians arrive, and having grown in an independent country, they do not consider themselves to be part of Russia—and that was the moment when the war began, as Putin could not tolerate losing Ukraine forever.
Authoritative, timely, and vitally important, this is an unprecedented overview of the war that affects us all and continues to threaten the future of the entire world as we know it.
426 pages, Kindle Edition
First published July 25, 2023
About the author
Mikhail Zygar
12 books83 followersMikhail Zygar (Михаил Зыгарь) is a writer, journalist, filmmaker.
He worked for Newsweek Russia and the business daily Kommersant, covering the conflicts in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Serbia, and Kosovo before becoming founding editor-in-chief of Russia’s only independent news TV channel, Dozhd (TVRain), which provided an alternative to Kremlin-controlled federal TV channels and gave a platform to opposition voices. Zygar won the International Press Freedom Award in 2014.
He is the author of All the Kremlin’s Men, a #1 bestseller in Russia that has been translated into over twenty languages and was called one of “9 books that can help you understand Russia right now” by Time magazine, and The Empire Must Die, a Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of the Year.
Mikhail Zygar has openly protested against the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Now he lives in Berlin and writes a weekly column for Der Spiegel.
His new book War and Punishment, tells the story of how the Russian Empire has oppressed Ukraine since the 17th century. Zygar is trying to dismantle Putin’s traditional imperial narrative and to start de-imperialization of Russian history.
He worked for Newsweek Russia and the business daily Kommersant, covering the conflicts in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Serbia, and Kosovo before becoming founding editor-in-chief of Russia’s only independent news TV channel, Dozhd (TVRain), which provided an alternative to Kremlin-controlled federal TV channels and gave a platform to opposition voices. Zygar won the International Press Freedom Award in 2014.
He is the author of All the Kremlin’s Men, a #1 bestseller in Russia that has been translated into over twenty languages and was called one of “9 books that can help you understand Russia right now” by Time magazine, and The Empire Must Die, a Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of the Year.
Mikhail Zygar has openly protested against the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Now he lives in Berlin and writes a weekly column for Der Spiegel.
His new book War and Punishment, tells the story of how the Russian Empire has oppressed Ukraine since the 17th century. Zygar is trying to dismantle Putin’s traditional imperial narrative and to start de-imperialization of Russian history.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 99 reviews
July 6, 2023
For most people in the West, the country of Ukraine is an unknown place - many have probably only heard of it in connection to the insanity of US politics and now the war. And as Zygar makes clear - many people in Russia are not even aware of the true, long history of Ukraine. While I am sure he would, had he not been forced to flee, love for this book to be published in Russian to educate and destroy the Czarist and Soviet myths, that will probably not happen for some time. The good news for the Western reader is that Zygar methodically approaches all of the hot-button issues that Russia and its apologists use to denigrate Ukrainian independence and pretend that Ukraine never existed. While the historical issues are in the realm of academic discourse, his language and style are very friendly to the general reader wanting to educate themselves on the region. Highly recommended.
November 12, 2023
Зигар се е захванал да бори за пореден път кажи-речи необоримото. Комплекса за уникалност, за вечна и неизменна правота във всяко историческо събитие. Даже и като грешиш, пак си прав - просто защото си точно ти. Ако не беше точно ти - е, да, тогава може би нямаше да си прав. И за да избегнем риска от подобно съмнение, ще пренапишем миналото, ще индоктринираме настоящето и ще сме създали бъдещето. В исторически план се нарича империализъм и ултранационализъм, в психиатричен - мегаломания. А по народному - луд за връзване. 20-ти век донесе и концепцията за тоталитарната държава. Така че добре дошли в Русия, последната велика, вечна империя, спасителката на морала на човечеството, и съвсем тихичко - тоталитарна държава от нов информационен тип, с доста по-различен опит от Китай.
———
Както винаги, Зигар подхожда от доста ъгли - история, политика, култура, религия…
———
Корените на руско-украинската война Зигар започва да търси хронологично. Първо се захваща с по-далечната история, в която едни свободни казаци се превръщат в руски крепостни селяни (непознато явление преди 18-ти век за казаците) или в отчасти порусчена имперска аристокрация. Това само в “руската” част, в австро-унгарската се оказва по-либерално.
Октомврийската революция в Украйна довежда до парадокса избиващите се бели и червени еднакво да мразят украинците. Имперският комплекс отдавна е покълнал. Годините на СССР допълнително размиват властовите граници, като цели украински кланове застават начело на СССР.
Когато през 1991 г. Елцин тревожно пита своя украински и белоруски колега: “Добре де, а Крим какво ще го правим?” при подписването на договора за разпадане на СССР, никой не намира отговор и го отлагат за по-добри времена.
Такива времена никога не настъпват нито за Русия, нито за Украйна, когато след 1991 г. се развилняват бандитите из улиците, в икономиката и политиката. Формират се олигархични кланове, и всеки си купува на безценица освен заводи и банки, също така и партии, губернатори, депутати, премиери и президент. Единствената разлика, откроена от Зигар, е че в Украйна засечките понякога не се потушават с имперски юмрук като в Русия, и от време на време някоя крехка свободица и полза плахо си пробиват път. Украинците не страдат от праведната вечна правота и мистична спасителна мисия на бившите господари на империята - руснаците. Затова политиците им - иначе корумпирани до мозъка на костите си - не стигат до руските крайности.
Войната е факт. Зигар презира и громи имперския комплекс да си пропаднал, унижен, безправен, но пък жител на велика империя. Само че - отново - как се громи нещо толкова неустоимо прелъстително? Когато в Русия никой няма да го прочете. А украинците и да не са го знаели, започнаха да го научават.
———
Важно е, че авторът все още има някакви източници във властта - най-вече в миналата. Неформалната, реалистична и неподправена гледна точка е същността зад засуканите фрази в договори и статии, и от надъханата пропаганда.
Това, което за себе си усетих като липса, е причината толкова много източни рускоговорящи украинци да са на страната на Русия. Това си остана необяснено за мен и не намерих отговор в книгата. Има още нещо, което Украйна трябва много сериозно да осмисли к поправи за тези хора, ако оцелее в очертаващата се, уви, дълга война, и дано оцелее!… Също така имах усещането, че липсата на информация или анализ на моменти Зигар завоалира с анекдоти. Но останалото е поучително и опасно близко с родната реалност. Понякога 1:1.
3,5⭐️
——————
▶️ Цитати:
🇷🇺 “We’ve been smoking this drug [imperialism] for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high. We escaped reality, no longer saw what was happening around us, lost our empathy and human aspect. It’s time to get off the needle.
[…]
🇷🇺 We have to learn this lesson. To stop believing in our own uniqueness. To stop being proud of our vast territory. To stop thinking we’re special. To stop imagining ourselves as the center of the world, its conscience, its source of spirituality. It’s all bunk.
🇷🇺 We must strip the state of the right to impose its own view of the past on us.
[…]
🇷🇺 Looking back, we see a horrific sight: our ancestors, indoctrinated to believe they were victors, were themselves victims. They were forced to kill, to rejoice in the killing, to take pride in the killing. And they were good at it. They were proud; they got high; they wrote beautiful poems, songs, and books glorifying blood and violence, the crunching of bones. And they forgot it was their own blood, their own bones.”
———
Както винаги, Зигар подхожда от доста ъгли - история, политика, култура, религия…
———
Корените на руско-украинската война Зигар започва да търси хронологично. Първо се захваща с по-далечната история, в която едни свободни казаци се превръщат в руски крепостни селяни (непознато явление преди 18-ти век за казаците) или в отчасти порусчена имперска аристокрация. Това само в “руската” част, в австро-унгарската се оказва по-либерално.
Октомврийската революция в Украйна довежда до парадокса избиващите се бели и червени еднакво да мразят украинците. Имперският комплекс отдавна е покълнал. Годините на СССР допълнително размиват властовите граници, като цели украински кланове застават начело на СССР.
Когато през 1991 г. Елцин тревожно пита своя украински и белоруски колега: “Добре де, а Крим какво ще го правим?” при подписването на договора за разпадане на СССР, никой не намира отговор и го отлагат за по-добри времена.
Такива времена никога не настъпват нито за Русия, нито за Украйна, когато след 1991 г. се развилняват бандитите из улиците, в икономиката и политиката. Формират се олигархични кланове, и всеки си купува на безценица освен заводи и банки, също така и партии, губернатори, депутати, премиери и президент. Единствената разлика, откроена от Зигар, е че в Украйна засечките понякога не се потушават с имперски юмрук като в Русия, и от време на време някоя крехка свободица и полза плахо си пробиват път. Украинците не страдат от праведната вечна правота и мистична спасителна мисия на бившите господари на империята - руснаците. Затова политиците им - иначе корумпирани до мозъка на костите си - не стигат до руските крайности.
Войната е факт. Зигар презира и громи имперския комплекс да си пропаднал, унижен, безправен, но пък жител на велика империя. Само че - отново - как се громи нещо толкова неустоимо прелъстително? Когато в Русия никой няма да го прочете. А украинците и да не са го знаели, започнаха да го научават.
———
Важно е, че авторът все още има някакви източници във властта - най-вече в миналата. Неформалната, реалистична и неподправена гледна точка е същността зад засуканите фрази в договори и статии, и от надъханата пропаганда.
Това, което за себе си усетих като липса, е причината толкова много източни рускоговорящи украинци да са на страната на Русия. Това си остана необяснено за мен и не намерих отговор в книгата. Има още нещо, което Украйна трябва много сериозно да осмисли к поправи за тези хора, ако оцелее в очертаващата се, уви, дълга война, и дано оцелее!… Също така имах усещането, че липсата на информация или анализ на моменти Зигар завоалира с анекдоти. Но останалото е поучително и опасно близко с родната реалност. Понякога 1:1.
3,5⭐️
——————
▶️ Цитати:
🇷🇺 “We’ve been smoking this drug [imperialism] for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high. We escaped reality, no longer saw what was happening around us, lost our empathy and human aspect. It’s time to get off the needle.
[…]
🇷🇺 We have to learn this lesson. To stop believing in our own uniqueness. To stop being proud of our vast territory. To stop thinking we’re special. To stop imagining ourselves as the center of the world, its conscience, its source of spirituality. It’s all bunk.
🇷🇺 We must strip the state of the right to impose its own view of the past on us.
[…]
🇷🇺 Looking back, we see a horrific sight: our ancestors, indoctrinated to believe they were victors, were themselves victims. They were forced to kill, to rejoice in the killing, to take pride in the killing. And they were good at it. They were proud; they got high; they wrote beautiful poems, songs, and books glorifying blood and violence, the crunching of bones. And they forgot it was their own blood, their own bones.”
June 20, 2024
Историята на Украйна и Русия през погледа на един смел руснак: https://knigolandia.info/voina-i-naka...
Нека уточним нещо. Това не е текст, който да ви убеждава в нещо. Издал съм десетки книги за механизмите на мисленето и пределено добре съм наясно, че веднъж вкорененото убеждение не може да се изкорени с факти, то не позволява на ума да признае за валидни противоречащи му твърдения, точно обратното, винаги ще търси нови и нови потвърждения на това, което е обусловено като единствена истина. Но най-малкото начина, по който Зигар проследява как е възникнала идеята, че украинците и руснаците са един народ, си заслужава да бъде проследена, както и някои от ключовите исторически събития, на които той се спира и дава по-задълбочена от простите пропагандни наративи трактовка. Всяка глава започва с връщане в миналото и проследяване на конкретен исторически момент, а след това плавно преминава в годините след идването на Путин на власт и драматичните противоборства в украи��ската политика, в немалка степен инспирирани от постоянната агресивна руска намеса в нея.
ИК Жанет 45
https://knigolandia.info/voina-i-naka...
Нека уточним нещо. Това не е текст, който да ви убеждава в нещо. Издал съм десетки книги за механизмите на мисленето и пределено добре съм наясно, че веднъж вкорененото убеждение не може да се изкорени с факти, то не позволява на ума да признае за валидни противоречащи му твърдения, точно обратното, винаги ще търси нови и нови потвърждения на това, което е обусловено като единствена истина. Но най-малкото начина, по който Зигар проследява как е възникнала идеята, че украинците и руснаците са един народ, си заслужава да бъде проследена, както и някои от ключовите исторически събития, на които той се спира и дава по-задълбочена от простите пропагандни наративи трактовка. Всяка глава започва с връщане в миналото и проследяване на конкретен исторически момент, а след това плавно преминава в годините след идването на Путин на власт и драматичните противоборства в украи��ската политика, в немалка степен инспирирани от постоянната агресивна руска намеса в нея.
ИК Жанет 45
https://knigolandia.info/voina-i-naka...
July 29, 2023
In his insightful summary of Ukraine's and Russia's history over the last several centuries, with the focus on the post-Soviet era and particularly the events of the last ten years, Mikhail Zygar tracks the sources of Putin's inferiority complex and his twisted historical beliefs, as well as the efforts of others who, willingly or unwittingly, have contributed to the current war. The book also tracks President Zelensky's path from an actor to the most respected politician in the world, and his efforts to modernize Ukraine.
April 13, 2024
Paprastai ir aiškiai visa Ukrainos istorija iki Rusijos isiveržimo 2022 metai. Kartu su the Gates of Europe tai dvi knygos kurias perskaičius suprasi viską ką reikia žinoti apie Ukrainą ir Rusijos fetišus jos atžvilgiu.
December 14, 2023
Russian war in Ukraine is an imperial war, and it’s refreshing to find this judgement in a popular-scientific format. I’ve been studying the colonial discourse in Eastern Europe for 4 months now, so this was more of a light reading on the side, which nevertheless explained many historical references that are still echoed by the current Russian propaganda machine. Sadly, while the first half of the book was a page-turner, the second half lost most of its exciting nature and became more of a listing of names, dates and people. Of course, I understand that recent political developments (from the fall of the USSR till today) are incredibly complex, but the form of the latter chapters made the book very hard to finish. It’s a pity, since the story of the Russian oppression of Ukraine is an important story to tell - Ukrainians, who have been historically de-named and suppressed by the coloniser deserve to have their voices heard and their story told, especially in a way that will keep readers engaged from start to finish.
In the end, though, it was interesting to compare the book to my readings from the past couple of months and I would still recommend it to anyone wishing to understand the inner workings of this conflict hinging on Russian colonial legacy and history.
In the end, though, it was interesting to compare the book to my readings from the past couple of months and I would still recommend it to anyone wishing to understand the inner workings of this conflict hinging on Russian colonial legacy and history.
October 20, 2023
This book takes you on centuries-long journey through history of relationship between Russia and Ukraine. As borders shift, alliances and rulers change, wars erupt - one thing remain unchanged - there is always a quest for recognition of Ukrainian national identity and establishment of an independent state. We learn how much of history (ancient, medieval, modern) is actually written for propaganda purpose, ordered to print by one ruler or another. This happens even today - new versions of history are being ordered and pushed down the throats of new generations to justify current affairs.
Modern history of Russia/Ukraine affair is fascinating and revolting at the same time - often you don’t see anymore where politics end and big business starts. As one oligarch in this book says - “there is no Ukrainian politics, there is Ukrainian business”.
Story of unlikely rise of a TV comedian (Zelensky) to become one of the most admired leaders in the modern world also reads like a movie script.
I have always been an admirer of Mikhail Zygar and his work. He didn’t disappoint yet again. Great, insightful book - recommend!
Modern history of Russia/Ukraine affair is fascinating and revolting at the same time - often you don’t see anymore where politics end and big business starts. As one oligarch in this book says - “there is no Ukrainian politics, there is Ukrainian business”.
Story of unlikely rise of a TV comedian (Zelensky) to become one of the most admired leaders in the modern world also reads like a movie script.
I have always been an admirer of Mikhail Zygar and his work. He didn’t disappoint yet again. Great, insightful book - recommend!
July 16, 2023
A fascinating journey through Ukrainian and Russian history, ancient and modern.
"If Ukraine joins NATO, it will do so without Crimea and the East - it will simply disintegrate". These are the words of Vladimir Putin's speech at the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest. It's chilling to be reminded of them in 2023. Mikhail Zygar, one of Russia's leading independent journalists, often uses his elephantine memory to show how inevitable, and at the same time entirely avoidable, was the cruel war now unfolding in Europe.
It is an unusual book. The first part, which focuses on the historical relations between Russia and Ukraine, is more essayistic and literary - it reminded me of another interesting and recently published volume, Goodbye, Eastern Europe: An Almost Forgotten History. But while Jacob Milkanowski paints a broad tapestry, describing the realities of the lives of ordinary people who populated these regions, Zygar is more interested in the iconic figures who have shaped history and created national myths that reverberate today. And he uses them as a point of reference in the second, main part of his book, in which he describes - in fascinating and surprising detail - the last few decades of Ukrainian politics. It is written with the flair of a newspaperman and the urgency of a war correspondent.
Having always been interested in that part of the world, I remember many of the events described here - but only now do I really understand what really happened and what the consequences were. Also very moving is the interweaving of the parallel life stories of Putin and Zelensky - classic proof that truth can be stranger than fiction.
Mikhail Zygar is a Russian and he feels responsible for his nation's deeds. This work is his powerful call for change. “This book will not undo the past and present, but it can change the future. History is a disease that afflicts many nations. The Russian people can stamp out the myths that have infected them”, he writes in the introduction. “We’ve been smoking this drug for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high. We escaped reality, no longer saw what was happening around us, lost our empathy and human aspect. It’s time to get off the needle. Because we’re a danger to others and to ourselves. Imperial history is our disease; it’s inherently addictive. And the withdrawal symptoms will hurt. But this is inevitable. We have to return to reality and realize what we’ve done”, he adds in the epilogue.
Thanks to the publisher, Scribner, and NetGalley for an advanced copy of this book.
"If Ukraine joins NATO, it will do so without Crimea and the East - it will simply disintegrate". These are the words of Vladimir Putin's speech at the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest. It's chilling to be reminded of them in 2023. Mikhail Zygar, one of Russia's leading independent journalists, often uses his elephantine memory to show how inevitable, and at the same time entirely avoidable, was the cruel war now unfolding in Europe.
It is an unusual book. The first part, which focuses on the historical relations between Russia and Ukraine, is more essayistic and literary - it reminded me of another interesting and recently published volume, Goodbye, Eastern Europe: An Almost Forgotten History. But while Jacob Milkanowski paints a broad tapestry, describing the realities of the lives of ordinary people who populated these regions, Zygar is more interested in the iconic figures who have shaped history and created national myths that reverberate today. And he uses them as a point of reference in the second, main part of his book, in which he describes - in fascinating and surprising detail - the last few decades of Ukrainian politics. It is written with the flair of a newspaperman and the urgency of a war correspondent.
Having always been interested in that part of the world, I remember many of the events described here - but only now do I really understand what really happened and what the consequences were. Also very moving is the interweaving of the parallel life stories of Putin and Zelensky - classic proof that truth can be stranger than fiction.
Mikhail Zygar is a Russian and he feels responsible for his nation's deeds. This work is his powerful call for change. “This book will not undo the past and present, but it can change the future. History is a disease that afflicts many nations. The Russian people can stamp out the myths that have infected them”, he writes in the introduction. “We’ve been smoking this drug for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high. We escaped reality, no longer saw what was happening around us, lost our empathy and human aspect. It’s time to get off the needle. Because we’re a danger to others and to ourselves. Imperial history is our disease; it’s inherently addictive. And the withdrawal symptoms will hurt. But this is inevitable. We have to return to reality and realize what we’ve done”, he adds in the epilogue.
Thanks to the publisher, Scribner, and NetGalley for an advanced copy of this book.
February 14, 2024
It's rare for a book to have precisely 0 original (or interesting) thoughts, but unfortunately it's the case here. On the other hand, it's pretty important for the author's continued existence as an independent journalist in the West to be thought of as one of those good Russians, and the book is quite convincing of that it is in fact true.
January 14, 2024
Well known Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar makes a comeback with War and Punishment. I absolutely loved his book All the Kremlin’s Men so I could not wait to get my hands on his new work which did not disappoint.
What makes the book even more valuable is the fact that Mikhail Zygar was a well known journalist in Russia and personally met and interviewed a lot of the actors in this war in both Russia and Ukraine. He mentions that some of his Ukrainian friends stopped talking to him because he is Russian and that had a major impact on him. In a way he wrote this book as an atonement to show that he does understand the plight of the Ukrainian people.
War and Punishment focuses on the history of the Russia-Ukraine relationship and covers a very long period of time from the XVIIth century to the present day. About half the book covers the period from the XVIIth century to the fall of the Soviet Union and the other half covers the modern history of Ukraine from independence until 2023.
This is the essential book to read in order to understand the origins of the Russia-Ukraine war. It is well worth the read for anyone interested in the topic and it is very well written and engaging.
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The following is a summary of all of the events in the book (mainly for my own note-taking and remembering)
The book starts in the XVIIth century when the Cossack Hetmanate was part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth but the Cossack Bohdan Khmelnytsky started an anti-Polish uprising. In order to gain an edge against the Poles the Cossacks sign the Treaty of Pereiaslav with the Tsardom of Russia. The Cossacks see this treaty as any other alliance treaty, they give their allegiance to the Tsar in exchange for protection. However, the Tsar sees the treaty as more of an annexation. This is where the long and difficult relationship starts
In 1674 he Prussian born Innokenty Gizel, a converted Orthodox priest wrote the Synopsis. This is the first historical work that tries to create a cohesive history of the Kievan Rus and also to link it to the Russian people. He is the first to claim that the Russian princes of Moscow are the successors of the Princes of Kiev. The goal of the Synopsis was to create a historical basis for the Treaty of Pereiaslav and the annexation of the Kievan lands.
Once the historical basis is set the book goes through all of the Polish-Cossack wars, rebellions, the subsequent Cossack hetmans, the invasion of Charles XII of Sweden and the rebellion of Ivan Mazepa, the reign of Catherine the Great and the conquest of Crimea and finally the disestablishment of the Cossack hetmanate in 1764-1783.
The book then goes through the cultural development in Ukraine during the XIXth century when writers such as Gogol and Taras Shevchenko make a name for themselves in Russian high society. However, the Ukrainian language is considered a poor, backwater dialect and the writers have to use Russian in order to be taken seriously. At this time Ukraine is seen as an integral part of Russia and the Ukrainian language is discouraged. The Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevskyi writes his 10 volume History of Ukraine-Rus which is the first historical work to break from the Russo-centric view and treats Ukraine as a separate entity.
The Russian revolution brings chaos in Ukraine as the Bolsheviks battle the Germans, Whites, the Poles, the Ukrainian nationalists under Petlyura and the peasant uprisings of Nestor Makhno. Several short lived Ukrainian states such as the Ukrainian People's Republic and the West Ukrainian People's Republic are established for the first time but quickly fall to the Bolsheviks. Ukraine is subsequently incorporated as a Soviet Republic in the USSR. Initially the Ukrainian language is encouraged by Lenin and Stalin. But subsequently the language is once again suppressed and Ukraine suffers starvation in the Holodomor and losses many of its intellectuals under Stalin's Great Terror.
Various Ukrainian nationalist groups spring up in the inter war period, notably the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists under Stepan Bandera. During World War II Germany occupies almost all of Ukraine and nationalist armies join the Germans in fighting against the Soviets. The Ukrainians even declare a state but that is suppressed by the Germans. As the war rages the Ukrainians find themselves on both sides of the conflict, the nationalists fight against the Soviets, then against the Germans and the Poles. After the war Ukraine is once again under Soviet rule and the nationalists are suppressed.
During the late 1908s Ukraine plays a pivotal role in the fall of the Soviet Union. The Chairman of the Ukrainian SSR Leonid Kravchuk becomes the first President of Ukraine, declares independence and agrees to the dissolution of the USSR along with the Russian leader Boris Yeltsin and the Belorussian leader Stanislav Shushkevich. The beginning of modern Ukraine marks almost the halfway point of the book.
An interesting note, even though they were old men Shushkevich and Kravchuk die within days of each other in May 2022, a few months after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Zygar speculates that they might have been killed as a symbolic revenge over their role in the dissolution of the USSR.
The 1990s begin with political turmoil, corruption and organised crime in Ukraine. The country inherits the USSR's nuclear arsenal and also has the majority Russian Crimea. Kravchuk is seen as pro-Western reformer but is eventually defeated in elections by the pro-Russian Leonid Kuchma. Initially, the Kremlin sought to break off Crimea however after the victory of Kuchma it was believed that Ukraine will re-enter the Russian orbit anyway so the Russians abandoned the separatist ideas.
Towards the end of Kravchuk's presidency he bows to US pressure and signs the Budapest Memorandum agreeing to give up Ukraine's inherited nuclear arsenal to Russia in exchange for financial support and also security guarantees that the territorial integrity of Ukraine will be expected. However, the French president Mitterand pulled Kravchuk aside and told him that he has made a big mistake and that the Russians will break the agreement.
Between 1994 to 2005 Ukraine is led by Leonid Kuchma. This was a period marked by powerful oligarchs controlling major branches of the economy, political assassinations, battles between oligarchs and wide spread corruption. The assassination of the investigative journalist Georgiy Gongadze by members of the police shocked the Ukrainian public and became a major political point in the 2004 elections. The Minister of Internal Affairs was the likely person that ordered the assassination and he died mysteriously in 2005 right before he was meant to be investigated for his role in the murder.
In the 2004 Presidential election Kuchma had selected the governor of Donetsk Viktor Yanukovich as his successor. Two former members of the Kuchma government: former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko and former Minister for Energy Yulia Tymoshenko created an unlikely alliance of reformers and pro-Western parties and challenged Yanukovich who was seen as the pro Russian candidate. Vladimir Putin heavily supported Yanukovich while the Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky secretly supported the opposition in order to thwart Putin's plans. During the election campaign Yushchenko was poisoned and became disfigured. This was mocked by the Yanukovich faction but was a rallying point for the opposition.
The election results initially showed the opposition winning but were then modified in order to show Yanukovich as the victor. This triggered the Orange Revolution which led to the invalidation of the election and the eventual victory of Yushchenko who became president and Tymoshenko Prime Minister. This was seen as a massive blow to Russia. However, after the victory Yushchenko and Tymoshenko started fighting which led to the eventual removal of Tymoshenko. The rest of his presidency was marked by infighting, legislative deadlock and coalition crises in 2007 and in 2008. He lost re-election to Yanukovych in the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election.
Ukraine was completely dependent on Russia for its gas supplies. Russia uses this dependence to keep a tight leash on Ukraine. Various corrupt oligarchs such as Dimitri Firtash controlled energy companies and were involved in deals between Ukraine and Russia. Various disputes led to the gas being cut-off by Russia several times as well as increase in the gas price as retaliation against Ukrainian attempts at independence.
Another major bone of contention during this period is the unity of the Orthodox church in Ukraine. After the fall of the Soviet Union 3 separate churches existed in Ukraine: a church which is dependent on the patriarch of Moscow, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate which separated from the Moscow branch in 1992 and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church which was established in 1989. Following long negotiations and political machinations the Kyiv Patriarchate and Autocephalous churches were unified in 2018 under the auspices of the Patriarch of Constantinople. This left only two major rival Orthodox churches: one under the control of Moscow and one under the control of Kyiv. During the 2022 invasion the Moscow led church would support the invasion which alienated a lot of its Ukrainian believers.
Yanukovych won the 2010 elections on a pledge to join the EU but NATO. The first years of his candidacy were marked by the jailing of Tymoshenko and increase in corruption. In 2013 made a sudden decision, amidst economic pressure from Russia, to withdraw from signing an association agreement with the EU and instead accept a Russian trade deal and loan bailout. This sparked mass protests against him which ultimately led to the Euro Maidan revolution. Special forces affiliated with the government but possibly under orders from Moscow opened fire on the protesters. This caused massive unrest and parliament voted the removal of Yanukovych who fled to Russia. In the elections that took place after the revolution the chocolate tycoon Petro Poroshenko won the Presidency.
Ukraine had always been divided between the Western parts which had been part of Poland or Austria and were pro-Western and spoke mainly Ukrainian and the Eastern parts which had been part of Russia, spoke mainly Russian and were pro-Russian.
Following the removal of Yanukovych Russia activated a long prepared plan and invaded and annexed Crimea. At the same time various Russian oligarchs and members of the special services incited unrest in the Eastern provinces of Lugansk and Donetsk. Rebellious militias appeared in these provinces which were led by Russian-sent GRU officers such as the infamous Ghirkin-Strelkov. The Ukrainian government initiated an anti-terrorist operation to defeat the rebels at which point the regular Russian army intervened and pushed back the Ukrainian army. The Lugansk and Donetsk People's Republics were declared and a low level civil war started which would last for 8 years.
Another major bone of contention during this period is the unity of the Orthodox church in Ukraine. After the fall of the Soviet Union 3 separate churches existed in Ukraine: a church which is dependent on the patriarch of Moscow, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate which separated from the Moscow branch in 1992 and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church which was established in 1989. Following long negotiations and political machinations the Kyiv Patriarchate and Autocephalous churches were unified in 2018 under the auspices of the Patriarch of Constantinople. This left only two major rival Orthodox churches: one under the control of Moscow and one under the control of Kyiv. During the 2022 invasion the Moscow led church would support the invasion which alienated a lot of its Ukrainian believers.
During the Presidency of Poroshenko several agreements were signed at Minsk between Ukraine and the Separatists. However, the agreements were violated straight away by the separatists and Ukraine was not eventually able to follow the agreements either as it would have meant a loss of sovereignty. The ongoing civil war, the difficult economic situation in the country and popular discontent led to the election of the famous Ukrainian comedian Volodymyr Zelensky as President in 2019.
Zelensky hailed from a Russian speaking Jewish family in Kryvyi Rih. Zelensky could not speak Ukrainian until later on in life and he learned the language after he became a television personality. He was famous in both Russia and in Ukraine because of his popular comedy group. In the comedy TV series Servant of People he plays the role of a teacher that is elected President. The show became so popular that eventually Zelensky was seen by many as a potential presidential candidate. He won the elections on a platform of anti-corruption and being Russian speaking he was voted by both the Ukrainian speakers in Western Ukraine but also by the Russian speakers in the East. His party managed to win the Parliamentary elections too.
During the Covid pandemic Vladimir Putin became increasingly isolated and spent most of his time in quarantine. During this period he became more and more obsessed with losing Ukraine and he started writing amateur historical documents to prove that the Ukrainian nation was invented and that the Ukrainians are just Russians. He want so far to even publish his historical thoughts in international magazines.
The pandemic also made Putin believe that the West was weak, divided and impotent. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan convinced Putin that America was collapsing and that it would abandon all its allies including Ukraine. That is when he decided to invade Ukraine. He did not share the plans with anyone but his inner circle but in early 2022 he ordered the massive invasion of Ukraine.
What makes the book even more valuable is the fact that Mikhail Zygar was a well known journalist in Russia and personally met and interviewed a lot of the actors in this war in both Russia and Ukraine. He mentions that some of his Ukrainian friends stopped talking to him because he is Russian and that had a major impact on him. In a way he wrote this book as an atonement to show that he does understand the plight of the Ukrainian people.
War and Punishment focuses on the history of the Russia-Ukraine relationship and covers a very long period of time from the XVIIth century to the present day. About half the book covers the period from the XVIIth century to the fall of the Soviet Union and the other half covers the modern history of Ukraine from independence until 2023.
This is the essential book to read in order to understand the origins of the Russia-Ukraine war. It is well worth the read for anyone interested in the topic and it is very well written and engaging.
---------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------------------------
The following is a summary of all of the events in the book (mainly for my own note-taking and remembering)
The book starts in the XVIIth century when the Cossack Hetmanate was part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth but the Cossack Bohdan Khmelnytsky started an anti-Polish uprising. In order to gain an edge against the Poles the Cossacks sign the Treaty of Pereiaslav with the Tsardom of Russia. The Cossacks see this treaty as any other alliance treaty, they give their allegiance to the Tsar in exchange for protection. However, the Tsar sees the treaty as more of an annexation. This is where the long and difficult relationship starts
In 1674 he Prussian born Innokenty Gizel, a converted Orthodox priest wrote the Synopsis. This is the first historical work that tries to create a cohesive history of the Kievan Rus and also to link it to the Russian people. He is the first to claim that the Russian princes of Moscow are the successors of the Princes of Kiev. The goal of the Synopsis was to create a historical basis for the Treaty of Pereiaslav and the annexation of the Kievan lands.
Once the historical basis is set the book goes through all of the Polish-Cossack wars, rebellions, the subsequent Cossack hetmans, the invasion of Charles XII of Sweden and the rebellion of Ivan Mazepa, the reign of Catherine the Great and the conquest of Crimea and finally the disestablishment of the Cossack hetmanate in 1764-1783.
The book then goes through the cultural development in Ukraine during the XIXth century when writers such as Gogol and Taras Shevchenko make a name for themselves in Russian high society. However, the Ukrainian language is considered a poor, backwater dialect and the writers have to use Russian in order to be taken seriously. At this time Ukraine is seen as an integral part of Russia and the Ukrainian language is discouraged. The Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevskyi writes his 10 volume History of Ukraine-Rus which is the first historical work to break from the Russo-centric view and treats Ukraine as a separate entity.
The Russian revolution brings chaos in Ukraine as the Bolsheviks battle the Germans, Whites, the Poles, the Ukrainian nationalists under Petlyura and the peasant uprisings of Nestor Makhno. Several short lived Ukrainian states such as the Ukrainian People's Republic and the West Ukrainian People's Republic are established for the first time but quickly fall to the Bolsheviks. Ukraine is subsequently incorporated as a Soviet Republic in the USSR. Initially the Ukrainian language is encouraged by Lenin and Stalin. But subsequently the language is once again suppressed and Ukraine suffers starvation in the Holodomor and losses many of its intellectuals under Stalin's Great Terror.
Various Ukrainian nationalist groups spring up in the inter war period, notably the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists under Stepan Bandera. During World War II Germany occupies almost all of Ukraine and nationalist armies join the Germans in fighting against the Soviets. The Ukrainians even declare a state but that is suppressed by the Germans. As the war rages the Ukrainians find themselves on both sides of the conflict, the nationalists fight against the Soviets, then against the Germans and the Poles. After the war Ukraine is once again under Soviet rule and the nationalists are suppressed.
During the late 1908s Ukraine plays a pivotal role in the fall of the Soviet Union. The Chairman of the Ukrainian SSR Leonid Kravchuk becomes the first President of Ukraine, declares independence and agrees to the dissolution of the USSR along with the Russian leader Boris Yeltsin and the Belorussian leader Stanislav Shushkevich. The beginning of modern Ukraine marks almost the halfway point of the book.
An interesting note, even though they were old men Shushkevich and Kravchuk die within days of each other in May 2022, a few months after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Zygar speculates that they might have been killed as a symbolic revenge over their role in the dissolution of the USSR.
The 1990s begin with political turmoil, corruption and organised crime in Ukraine. The country inherits the USSR's nuclear arsenal and also has the majority Russian Crimea. Kravchuk is seen as pro-Western reformer but is eventually defeated in elections by the pro-Russian Leonid Kuchma. Initially, the Kremlin sought to break off Crimea however after the victory of Kuchma it was believed that Ukraine will re-enter the Russian orbit anyway so the Russians abandoned the separatist ideas.
Towards the end of Kravchuk's presidency he bows to US pressure and signs the Budapest Memorandum agreeing to give up Ukraine's inherited nuclear arsenal to Russia in exchange for financial support and also security guarantees that the territorial integrity of Ukraine will be expected. However, the French president Mitterand pulled Kravchuk aside and told him that he has made a big mistake and that the Russians will break the agreement.
Between 1994 to 2005 Ukraine is led by Leonid Kuchma. This was a period marked by powerful oligarchs controlling major branches of the economy, political assassinations, battles between oligarchs and wide spread corruption. The assassination of the investigative journalist Georgiy Gongadze by members of the police shocked the Ukrainian public and became a major political point in the 2004 elections. The Minister of Internal Affairs was the likely person that ordered the assassination and he died mysteriously in 2005 right before he was meant to be investigated for his role in the murder.
In the 2004 Presidential election Kuchma had selected the governor of Donetsk Viktor Yanukovich as his successor. Two former members of the Kuchma government: former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko and former Minister for Energy Yulia Tymoshenko created an unlikely alliance of reformers and pro-Western parties and challenged Yanukovich who was seen as the pro Russian candidate. Vladimir Putin heavily supported Yanukovich while the Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky secretly supported the opposition in order to thwart Putin's plans. During the election campaign Yushchenko was poisoned and became disfigured. This was mocked by the Yanukovich faction but was a rallying point for the opposition.
The election results initially showed the opposition winning but were then modified in order to show Yanukovich as the victor. This triggered the Orange Revolution which led to the invalidation of the election and the eventual victory of Yushchenko who became president and Tymoshenko Prime Minister. This was seen as a massive blow to Russia. However, after the victory Yushchenko and Tymoshenko started fighting which led to the eventual removal of Tymoshenko. The rest of his presidency was marked by infighting, legislative deadlock and coalition crises in 2007 and in 2008. He lost re-election to Yanukovych in the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election.
Ukraine was completely dependent on Russia for its gas supplies. Russia uses this dependence to keep a tight leash on Ukraine. Various corrupt oligarchs such as Dimitri Firtash controlled energy companies and were involved in deals between Ukraine and Russia. Various disputes led to the gas being cut-off by Russia several times as well as increase in the gas price as retaliation against Ukrainian attempts at independence.
Another major bone of contention during this period is the unity of the Orthodox church in Ukraine. After the fall of the Soviet Union 3 separate churches existed in Ukraine: a church which is dependent on the patriarch of Moscow, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate which separated from the Moscow branch in 1992 and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church which was established in 1989. Following long negotiations and political machinations the Kyiv Patriarchate and Autocephalous churches were unified in 2018 under the auspices of the Patriarch of Constantinople. This left only two major rival Orthodox churches: one under the control of Moscow and one under the control of Kyiv. During the 2022 invasion the Moscow led church would support the invasion which alienated a lot of its Ukrainian believers.
Yanukovych won the 2010 elections on a pledge to join the EU but NATO. The first years of his candidacy were marked by the jailing of Tymoshenko and increase in corruption. In 2013 made a sudden decision, amidst economic pressure from Russia, to withdraw from signing an association agreement with the EU and instead accept a Russian trade deal and loan bailout. This sparked mass protests against him which ultimately led to the Euro Maidan revolution. Special forces affiliated with the government but possibly under orders from Moscow opened fire on the protesters. This caused massive unrest and parliament voted the removal of Yanukovych who fled to Russia. In the elections that took place after the revolution the chocolate tycoon Petro Poroshenko won the Presidency.
Ukraine had always been divided between the Western parts which had been part of Poland or Austria and were pro-Western and spoke mainly Ukrainian and the Eastern parts which had been part of Russia, spoke mainly Russian and were pro-Russian.
Following the removal of Yanukovych Russia activated a long prepared plan and invaded and annexed Crimea. At the same time various Russian oligarchs and members of the special services incited unrest in the Eastern provinces of Lugansk and Donetsk. Rebellious militias appeared in these provinces which were led by Russian-sent GRU officers such as the infamous Ghirkin-Strelkov. The Ukrainian government initiated an anti-terrorist operation to defeat the rebels at which point the regular Russian army intervened and pushed back the Ukrainian army. The Lugansk and Donetsk People's Republics were declared and a low level civil war started which would last for 8 years.
Another major bone of contention during this period is the unity of the Orthodox church in Ukraine. After the fall of the Soviet Union 3 separate churches existed in Ukraine: a church which is dependent on the patriarch of Moscow, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate which separated from the Moscow branch in 1992 and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church which was established in 1989. Following long negotiations and political machinations the Kyiv Patriarchate and Autocephalous churches were unified in 2018 under the auspices of the Patriarch of Constantinople. This left only two major rival Orthodox churches: one under the control of Moscow and one under the control of Kyiv. During the 2022 invasion the Moscow led church would support the invasion which alienated a lot of its Ukrainian believers.
During the Presidency of Poroshenko several agreements were signed at Minsk between Ukraine and the Separatists. However, the agreements were violated straight away by the separatists and Ukraine was not eventually able to follow the agreements either as it would have meant a loss of sovereignty. The ongoing civil war, the difficult economic situation in the country and popular discontent led to the election of the famous Ukrainian comedian Volodymyr Zelensky as President in 2019.
Zelensky hailed from a Russian speaking Jewish family in Kryvyi Rih. Zelensky could not speak Ukrainian until later on in life and he learned the language after he became a television personality. He was famous in both Russia and in Ukraine because of his popular comedy group. In the comedy TV series Servant of People he plays the role of a teacher that is elected President. The show became so popular that eventually Zelensky was seen by many as a potential presidential candidate. He won the elections on a platform of anti-corruption and being Russian speaking he was voted by both the Ukrainian speakers in Western Ukraine but also by the Russian speakers in the East. His party managed to win the Parliamentary elections too.
During the Covid pandemic Vladimir Putin became increasingly isolated and spent most of his time in quarantine. During this period he became more and more obsessed with losing Ukraine and he started writing amateur historical documents to prove that the Ukrainian nation was invented and that the Ukrainians are just Russians. He want so far to even publish his historical thoughts in international magazines.
The pandemic also made Putin believe that the West was weak, divided and impotent. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan convinced Putin that America was collapsing and that it would abandon all its allies including Ukraine. That is when he decided to invade Ukraine. He did not share the plans with anyone but his inner circle but in early 2022 he ordered the massive invasion of Ukraine.
January 31, 2024
Считаю Кремлевскую рать и Империя должна умереть отличными книгами, но эта книга разочаровала. Я ожидал серьезного анализа истории, а книга больше похожа на художественное произведение, быстро написанное под влиянием сильных эмоций. Я понимаю эмоции, но ожидал большего.
February 19, 2024
Хороший, в меру художественный рассказ крупными мазками об истории государственности Украины и её отношений с Россией. Минус звёздочка за подростковое возбуждение, которое автор (при его-то особенностях личной жизни) испытывает каждый раз, когда пишет о Тимошенко.
September 19, 2023
This book has one flaw: it ends at the most interesting point. But we know the rest all too well. The entire free world, all decent people, have been living through these events for two years now. I wish Zygar could write a sequel as soon as possible. After Ukraine's victory.
All “Westerners” should read it carefully, all Russians should learn the Epilogue by heart.
All “Westerners” should read it carefully, all Russians should learn the Epilogue by heart.
November 15, 2023
Osobnosti histórie žijúce pred stáročiami, intrigy a záhadné úmrtia, odkiaľ sa vynoril Zelenskyj a Putin... Autor nás pútavo a nestranne prevedie týmito medzníkmi a nezabudne použiť svoj typický nadhľad. Niektoré súvislosti, ktoré dokázal pospájať, boli tragikomické a, žiaľ, pravdivé.
Predslov mi vohnal slzy do očí. Aj keď som teraz tvrdila, že píše nestranne, zastáva názor kolektívnej viny Rusov. Počas čítania tejto novinky som pochopila prečo, no podľa mňa nikto nemôže za to, kde sa narodil.
Táto kniha síce nedokáže napraviť minulosť ani prítomnosť, ale môže zmeniť budúcnosť. Nacionalistické dejiny sú ako choroba, ktorou sa nakazili mnohé národy. Rusi môžu mýty, ktorými sa nakazili, vykoreniť; Ukrajinci sa s tými svojimi vyrovnávajú vlastnými silami.
(str. --)
Každý štát má príležitosť zmeniť sa a neopakovať chyby minulosti, no niektoré si nezvolia túto cestu. Tušila som, čo ma bude v diele čakať, ale stále ma dokáže prekvapiť zmýšľanie Ruska. Videla som všetky nesprávne rozhodnutia na jednom mieste. Keď sa človek viac ponára do udalostí, ktoré formovali tvár dnešného sveta, je zmätenejší ako na začiatku svojej púte za poznaním. Zygar všetko zrozumiteľne vysvetľoval, no jeho knihy nie sú oddychovým čítaním. Mňa miatlo aj to, keď som čítala o Kyjive namiesto o Kyjeve. Budem si na to musieť zvyknúť.
Michail volil tie správne slová, aby zaujal. Napríklad: „Všetko sa to začalo takto.“
Vedel, ako upútať pozornosť. Knihu som zhltla. Dôvodom mojej rýchlosti bol tiež fakt, že ak by som čítanie odkladala alebo kúskovala, iba by som sa v texte strácala. História je veľmi komplikovaná a Zygar odviedol výbornú prácu. Všetko nám naservíroval ako na podnose. Dokonca poskytol súvislosti, ktoré sme v daný moment potrebovali. Čítalo sa to vynikajúco, aj keď mi išiel vybuchnúť mozog. Som presýtená informáciami (úplne novými, ale aj zopakovanými z knihy Všetci mocní Kremľa), no mám pocit, že Michail bude o Rusku písať donekonečna, lebo nič neskončilo. Bohužiaľ.
Predslov mi vohnal slzy do očí. Aj keď som teraz tvrdila, že píše nestranne, zastáva názor kolektívnej viny Rusov. Počas čítania tejto novinky som pochopila prečo, no podľa mňa nikto nemôže za to, kde sa narodil.
Táto kniha síce nedokáže napraviť minulosť ani prítomnosť, ale môže zmeniť budúcnosť. Nacionalistické dejiny sú ako choroba, ktorou sa nakazili mnohé národy. Rusi môžu mýty, ktorými sa nakazili, vykoreniť; Ukrajinci sa s tými svojimi vyrovnávajú vlastnými silami.
(str. --)
Každý štát má príležitosť zmeniť sa a neopakovať chyby minulosti, no niektoré si nezvolia túto cestu. Tušila som, čo ma bude v diele čakať, ale stále ma dokáže prekvapiť zmýšľanie Ruska. Videla som všetky nesprávne rozhodnutia na jednom mieste. Keď sa človek viac ponára do udalostí, ktoré formovali tvár dnešného sveta, je zmätenejší ako na začiatku svojej púte za poznaním. Zygar všetko zrozumiteľne vysvetľoval, no jeho knihy nie sú oddychovým čítaním. Mňa miatlo aj to, keď som čítala o Kyjive namiesto o Kyjeve. Budem si na to musieť zvyknúť.
Michail volil tie správne slová, aby zaujal. Napríklad: „Všetko sa to začalo takto.“
Vedel, ako upútať pozornosť. Knihu som zhltla. Dôvodom mojej rýchlosti bol tiež fakt, že ak by som čítanie odkladala alebo kúskovala, iba by som sa v texte strácala. História je veľmi komplikovaná a Zygar odviedol výbornú prácu. Všetko nám naservíroval ako na podnose. Dokonca poskytol súvislosti, ktoré sme v daný moment potrebovali. Čítalo sa to vynikajúco, aj keď mi išiel vybuchnúť mozog. Som presýtená informáciami (úplne novými, ale aj zopakovanými z knihy Všetci mocní Kremľa), no mám pocit, že Michail bude o Rusku písať donekonečna, lebo nič neskončilo. Bohužiaľ.
August 30, 2024
Ruská vojna na Ukrajine, ktorú naplno spustili vo februári 2022 je pre Zygara trestom pre neho ako Rusa, pre Rusko ako také a zároveň je koncom Ruského impéria ako svetovej mocnosti. Január 2024, stále ťažko povedať, ako vojna dopadne, uvidíme.
Zygar píše históriu Ukrajiny s veľkým ohľadom na to, aby sa sústretil na osoby a príbehy, ktoré sú neskôr zneužívané Putinom, jeho propagandou a nohsledmi. Taký Chmeľnyckyj, Mazepa či Bandera mi ako mená veľa nehovorili, ale v ruských naratívoch sa s nimi zrejme narába jedna radosť. Pekne upravená ruská história tak, aby sedela k Putinovým cieľom. Zygar sa snaží tieto historické mýty povyvracať a objektívne popísať históriu ako bola. Historickí hrdinovia s ich chybami a neresťami, žiadne mýtické postavy.
A je to celé napísané pútavo. Hltal som tie strany aj pri častiach histórie, ktoré som nepoznal, aj pri tých, ktoré si pamätám z niekoľkých rokov dozadu. Asi som ani nečakal nič iné, dávnejšie som čítal autorovu knihu Všetci mocní kremľa a tak som aj očakával, že to bude pageturner.
Knihu si nechávam na poličke, je okrem iného praktická príručka na Putinovské mýty a tie zrejme ešte nejaký ten čas nevymiznú.
Zygar píše históriu Ukrajiny s veľkým ohľadom na to, aby sa sústretil na osoby a príbehy, ktoré sú neskôr zneužívané Putinom, jeho propagandou a nohsledmi. Taký Chmeľnyckyj, Mazepa či Bandera mi ako mená veľa nehovorili, ale v ruských naratívoch sa s nimi zrejme narába jedna radosť. Pekne upravená ruská história tak, aby sedela k Putinovým cieľom. Zygar sa snaží tieto historické mýty povyvracať a objektívne popísať históriu ako bola. Historickí hrdinovia s ich chybami a neresťami, žiadne mýtické postavy.
A je to celé napísané pútavo. Hltal som tie strany aj pri častiach histórie, ktoré som nepoznal, aj pri tých, ktoré si pamätám z niekoľkých rokov dozadu. Asi som ani nečakal nič iné, dávnejšie som čítal autorovu knihu Všetci mocní kremľa a tak som aj očakával, že to bude pageturner.
Knihu si nechávam na poličke, je okrem iného praktická príručka na Putinovské mýty a tie zrejme ešte nejaký ten čas nevymiznú.
September 10, 2023
Needs editing
Difficult to read. Disorganized, and unless the reader knows the history of the region alraedy, he/she might ended lost and confused. I had to stop.
Difficult to read. Disorganized, and unless the reader knows the history of the region alraedy, he/she might ended lost and confused. I had to stop.
November 26, 2023
Veľmi dobrá sumarizácia ukrajinsko-ruských vzťahov.
March 20, 2024
Po Impérium musí zomrieť ďalšie majstrovské dielo zo Zygarovho pera.
May 24, 2024
I have finished reading and will review "War and Punishment: Putin, Zelensky, and The Path to Russia's Invasion of Ukraine" by Mikhail Zygar, 2023, Scribner, New York. The title of the book, I think plays on two important novels, "War and Peace" by Leo Tolstoy and "Crime and Punishment" by Fyodor Dostoevsky, both of 19th century Russian literary fame. In between modus vivendi, Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Lithuania, and so on have had military and social conflict, empires expanding and contracting, nations existing, partitioned, absorbed, yet persisting and evolving. Putin and Zelensky, the leaders of present day Russia and Ukraine, in their suicidal struggle, pitting declining demographic vigor, with warfare ruinous to both, are characters among many in the history of Ukraine and Russia, yet both are products of social forces and national formation, as Tolstoy would say.
The key word is path to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and journalist Mikhail Zygar writes a journalistic history of that path and the people strewn on that path, and what they do, and what the peoples do. "As soon as Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, independent Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar circulated a petition that was signed first by prominent Russian writers, artists, and filmmakers, and then by thousands of others. Russia soon enacted strict new censorship laws, and Zygar was forced to flee his country....As an expert on Vladimir Putin's behavior, he has spent years studying the Kremlin's plan for Ukraine, and here, in clear chronological order, he explains the nationalist myths and legends Russia has exploited to justify savagely invading its independent neighboring country... Drawing on literature, formal histories, and his own reporting, Zygar details Ukraine's rise to nationhood."
Contents: Part I: Seven Tales of Colonial Oppression in Ukraine (1. The Myth of Unity: How Bojdan Khmelnytsky Signed a Contract with Moscow; The Myth of Betrayal: How Ivan Mazepa Broke with Peter the Great; The Myth of Crimea: How catherine the Great Took Away Cossack Freedom; The Myth of Language: How Taras Shevchenko Battled Slavery; The Myth of Lenin: How Independent Ukraine Emerged; The Myth of Prosperity: How Stalin Engineered the Holodomor; The Myth of Bandera: How Ukrainians Fought in World War II); Part II: Seven Tales of Present-Day Oppression in Ukraine (8. Unity Again: How Soviet Ukraine Searched for Itself; Betrayal Again: How Leonid Kravchuk Destroyed the Soviet Union; Language Again: How Leonid Kuchma Saddled the Devil and Flew to Moscow; Bandera Again: How Putin Sowed the Seeds of the Orange Revolution; Prosperity Again: How Viktor Yanukovych Overcame the Orange revolution; Crimea Again: How Putin Unleashed War on Ukraine; Lenin Again: How Volodymyr Zelensky Stopped Joking); Epilogue.
"Do you still think we are one people? Do you still think you can scare us, force us to make concessions? You really don't get it? Don't you understand who we are? What we stand for? What we're about?
Read my lips: Without gas or without you? Without you. Without light or without you? Without you. Without food or without you? Without you. Cold, hunger, darkness, and thirst are not as terrible and deadly for us as your friendship and brotherhood. But history will sort things out. And we will have gas, electricity, water, and food... without you!" September 11, 2022, Zelensky post Telegram messenger app.
"On February 24, the first day of the war, around 140 million people woke up without the future they'd had the night before. All plans, all dreams, were destroyed that morning. And not at the whim of one man. They were devoured by the empire...
We've been smoking this drug for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high...It's time to get off the needle. because we're a danger to others and to ourselves.
Imperial history is our disease; it's inherently addictive. And the withdrawal symptoms will hurt. But this is inevitable. We have to return to reality and realize what we've done." Epilogue.
The key word is path to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and journalist Mikhail Zygar writes a journalistic history of that path and the people strewn on that path, and what they do, and what the peoples do. "As soon as Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, independent Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar circulated a petition that was signed first by prominent Russian writers, artists, and filmmakers, and then by thousands of others. Russia soon enacted strict new censorship laws, and Zygar was forced to flee his country....As an expert on Vladimir Putin's behavior, he has spent years studying the Kremlin's plan for Ukraine, and here, in clear chronological order, he explains the nationalist myths and legends Russia has exploited to justify savagely invading its independent neighboring country... Drawing on literature, formal histories, and his own reporting, Zygar details Ukraine's rise to nationhood."
Contents: Part I: Seven Tales of Colonial Oppression in Ukraine (1. The Myth of Unity: How Bojdan Khmelnytsky Signed a Contract with Moscow; The Myth of Betrayal: How Ivan Mazepa Broke with Peter the Great; The Myth of Crimea: How catherine the Great Took Away Cossack Freedom; The Myth of Language: How Taras Shevchenko Battled Slavery; The Myth of Lenin: How Independent Ukraine Emerged; The Myth of Prosperity: How Stalin Engineered the Holodomor; The Myth of Bandera: How Ukrainians Fought in World War II); Part II: Seven Tales of Present-Day Oppression in Ukraine (8. Unity Again: How Soviet Ukraine Searched for Itself; Betrayal Again: How Leonid Kravchuk Destroyed the Soviet Union; Language Again: How Leonid Kuchma Saddled the Devil and Flew to Moscow; Bandera Again: How Putin Sowed the Seeds of the Orange Revolution; Prosperity Again: How Viktor Yanukovych Overcame the Orange revolution; Crimea Again: How Putin Unleashed War on Ukraine; Lenin Again: How Volodymyr Zelensky Stopped Joking); Epilogue.
"Do you still think we are one people? Do you still think you can scare us, force us to make concessions? You really don't get it? Don't you understand who we are? What we stand for? What we're about?
Read my lips: Without gas or without you? Without you. Without light or without you? Without you. Without food or without you? Without you. Cold, hunger, darkness, and thirst are not as terrible and deadly for us as your friendship and brotherhood. But history will sort things out. And we will have gas, electricity, water, and food... without you!" September 11, 2022, Zelensky post Telegram messenger app.
"On February 24, the first day of the war, around 140 million people woke up without the future they'd had the night before. All plans, all dreams, were destroyed that morning. And not at the whim of one man. They were devoured by the empire...
We've been smoking this drug for centuries, feeding our own vanity. The myth of greatness was spooned down our throats, injected into our veins, and it made us high...It's time to get off the needle. because we're a danger to others and to ourselves.
Imperial history is our disease; it's inherently addictive. And the withdrawal symptoms will hurt. But this is inevitable. We have to return to reality and realize what we've done." Epilogue.
Want to read
April 29, 2024The In-Depth Analysis of Historical, Political, and Cultural Factors
In 'War and Punishment' by "Mikhail Zygar, the comprehensive analysis of Russia's invasion of Ukraine delves deep into the historical, political, and cultural factors that have fueled the conflict. The book meticulously examines the intricate web of relationships and events that have led to the current geopolitical tensions between the two nations. By providing a detailed account of the background and context of the conflict, readers are able to gain a deeper understanding of the complexities at play.
One real-world example of the in-depth analysis provided in the book is the exploration of the historical ties between Russia and Ukraine, dating back to the Soviet era. The author delves into the impact of these historical connections on the current conflict, shedding light on how past events continue to shape present-day relations. Through a nuanced examination of these factors, readers are able to grasp the multifaceted nature of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
Using an analogy, the relationship between Russia and Ukraine can be likened to a tangled web, with each thread representing a different historical, political, or cultural factor influencing the conflict. By unraveling this web, the author of 'War and Punishment' helps readers navigate the complexities of the situation and gain a clearer understanding of the underlying causes.
In 'War and Punishment' by "Mikhail Zygar, the comprehensive analysis of Russia's invasion of Ukraine delves deep into the historical, political, and cultural factors that have fueled the conflict. The book meticulously examines the intricate web of relationships and events that have led to the current geopolitical tensions between the two nations. By providing a detailed account of the background and context of the conflict, readers are able to gain a deeper understanding of the complexities at play.
One real-world example of the in-depth analysis provided in the book is the exploration of the historical ties between Russia and Ukraine, dating back to the Soviet era. The author delves into the impact of these historical connections on the current conflict, shedding light on how past events continue to shape present-day relations. Through a nuanced examination of these factors, readers are able to grasp the multifaceted nature of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
Using an analogy, the relationship between Russia and Ukraine can be likened to a tangled web, with each thread representing a different historical, political, or cultural factor influencing the conflict. By unraveling this web, the author of 'War and Punishment' helps readers navigate the complexities of the situation and gain a clearer understanding of the underlying causes.
October 27, 2023
This is an exploration of why Russia invaded Ukraine and why now.
It explores Russian attitudes to Ukraine over the past 350 years – a tale of big brother chauvinism and oppression, and the colonial ideas continue to shape how most Russians think about Kyiv, with Moscow cast not as aggressor but victim. In summer 2021 Russia’s president published an essay setting out a manifesto for war: that Ukraine was never a state, people, or community. Instead, he claimed that Russia, Belarus and Ukraine were part of an ancient spiritual and cultural space, with their joint origins in the ninth-century princedom of Kyivan Rus.
Putin hatched his plan during the pandemic, and truly, it was personal. Putin never forgave Zelenskiy after the comedian did a TV sketch poking fun at Alina Kabaeva, a gymnast and Putin’s alleged mistress. Zelenskiy’s extraordinary career: from student performer to celebrity entertainer and Uranian leader--to be sure, it was a long shot, and entirely improbable and unexpected. After playing Ukraine’s president in the show Servant of the People, Zelenskiy decided to become the real president – a joke that turned serious. Putin hoped to cut him off at the knees, embarrass him on a world stage, and that clearly backfired. Instead he is a globally admired man, while Putin is reviled. This is a well written read, going through the history of the area, the faulty thinking, a play to wipe out a culture and a leader that has gone horribly wrong, even if they prevail in the end.
It explores Russian attitudes to Ukraine over the past 350 years – a tale of big brother chauvinism and oppression, and the colonial ideas continue to shape how most Russians think about Kyiv, with Moscow cast not as aggressor but victim. In summer 2021 Russia’s president published an essay setting out a manifesto for war: that Ukraine was never a state, people, or community. Instead, he claimed that Russia, Belarus and Ukraine were part of an ancient spiritual and cultural space, with their joint origins in the ninth-century princedom of Kyivan Rus.
Putin hatched his plan during the pandemic, and truly, it was personal. Putin never forgave Zelenskiy after the comedian did a TV sketch poking fun at Alina Kabaeva, a gymnast and Putin’s alleged mistress. Zelenskiy’s extraordinary career: from student performer to celebrity entertainer and Uranian leader--to be sure, it was a long shot, and entirely improbable and unexpected. After playing Ukraine’s president in the show Servant of the People, Zelenskiy decided to become the real president – a joke that turned serious. Putin hoped to cut him off at the knees, embarrass him on a world stage, and that clearly backfired. Instead he is a globally admired man, while Putin is reviled. This is a well written read, going through the history of the area, the faulty thinking, a play to wipe out a culture and a leader that has gone horribly wrong, even if they prevail in the end.
January 28, 2024
Ensimmäiset sata sivua käsiteltiin Ukrainan ja Venäjän historiaa 1600-1800 -luvulla ja olin ihan pihalla. Tärkeiden henkilöiden nimet menivät sekaisin enkä ollut ikinä kuullutkaan niistä aikaisemmin. Muistikuvia ei tästä osuudesta siis ole juurikaan. Kirja muuttui kuitenkin sitä paremmaksi mitä lähemmäksi nykypäivää päästiin, koska aloin myös hahmottamaan tapahtumia. Pidin erityisesti 2000-luvun alun sekä 2010-luvun tapahtumien kuvaamisesta, koska ne ovat tapahtuneet suhteellisen vähän aikaa sitten, mutta silloin en itse vielä ymmärtänyt politiikasta mitään. Siksi onkin hämmästyttävää saada selville asioita, joita Putinin sekä Venäjän annettiin tehdä ilman sen suurempaa puuttumista. Nyt ajattelen esimerkiksi miksi helvetissä Venäjä sai isännöidä jalkapallon MM-kisat vuonna 2018, kun se miehitti Krimin jo 2014. Jälkiviisaana on hyvä sanoa, mutta maailman päättäjien olisi pitänyt tunnistaa merkit aikaisemmin. Oli myös mielenkiintoista saada tietää Zelenskyin taustasta sekä hänen matkastaan presidentiksi.
July 20, 2024
One of my favorite smart observations (probably courtesy of Ashleigh Brilliant) is "that more books have been written from people's need to write than from people's need to read." Such is the case here, as this book feels like an effort to strike while the iron is hot by a writer who needs to quickly make a mark; having become a dissident exile.
Having said that, if you know only the bare minimum of Russian and Ukrainian history since the break-up of the Soviet Union, I suspect that you will find this book useful. Apart from that the author's apologetic for having, at one point, bought into Russian triumphalism without much thinking is a notable distinction.
Having said that, if you know only the bare minimum of Russian and Ukrainian history since the break-up of the Soviet Union, I suspect that you will find this book useful. Apart from that the author's apologetic for having, at one point, bought into Russian triumphalism without much thinking is a notable distinction.
December 11, 2023
I close my eyes and I see a woman's hand with bright red polish on a dirty road, I see a young man's face half buried in sand, I see a dying pregnant woman on a stretcher, I see a headless body on a bench at Kramatorsk railway station. I will not forget and I will not forgive myself.
March 24, 2024
Rozumiem ze bolo nutné sa venovať historickým vzťahom týchto dvoch štátov, ale prišlo mi, že sa autor venoval velku čast knihy vztahom pred 1.sv vojnou.
Časť, kde už sa venoval Zelenskemu a Putinovi bola veľmi zaujímavá a priniesla mi nový pohľad na vec. Výborná kniha, odporúčam prečítať.
Časť, kde už sa venoval Zelenskemu a Putinovi bola veľmi zaujímavá a priniesla mi nový pohľad na vec. Výborná kniha, odporúčam prečítať.
October 27, 2023
Expected more of a linear story but instead got multiple stories over time. The second half feels more relevant because it basically runs parallel stories of Putin and Zelensky, which is kind of weird because I don’t really care about Zelensky filming a Sex and the City type movie, just odd. Felt less like a book and more like long form magazine articles put into one book. Marginal revolution book recommendation.
August 29, 2023
Incredibly thorough and full of more detail than I could possibly hope to remember. This book walks through 500 years of Russian & Ukrainian history, giving context to the current conflict in Eastern Europe. My main takeaway is that any person who tries to give you a clean, easy to understand narrative re: Russo-Ukrainian history is lying. IT IS COMPLICATED.
Two things aren’t complicated, though:
- Vladimir Putin is a bad dude. Anyone who defends him as something other than a thug and a killer is either disingenuous or has their head buried in the sand.
- Since the fall of the USSR, Ukraine has been woefully governed by a series of corrupt politicians and oligarchs. It is a tragedy for the Ukrainian people who deserve so much better.
Two things aren’t complicated, though:
- Vladimir Putin is a bad dude. Anyone who defends him as something other than a thug and a killer is either disingenuous or has their head buried in the sand.
- Since the fall of the USSR, Ukraine has been woefully governed by a series of corrupt politicians and oligarchs. It is a tragedy for the Ukrainian people who deserve so much better.
June 3, 2024
4/5 содержание
2/5 манера изложения
Мне кажется, что эта книга важная и нужная, но она написана таким сухим языко��, что её очень сложно читать :( я начинала читать английскую версию, мне сложно было продираться через привычные мне слова, которые перевели на английский. Но в русскоязычной версии другие проблемы, мне тяжело воспринимать сухой текст с кучей дат.
2/5 манера изложения
Мне кажется, что эта книга важная и нужная, но она написана таким сухим языко��, что её очень сложно читать :( я начинала читать английскую версию, мне сложно было продираться через привычные мне слова, которые перевели на английский. Но в русскоязычной версии другие проблемы, мне тяжело воспринимать сухой текст с кучей дат.
August 31, 2023
This is really really well written and informative. I highly recommend it!!
Any interest in Ukraine is validated with this superb authorship.
Any interest in Ukraine is validated with this superb authorship.
August 15, 2023
This is a provocative and thoughtful book on the relationship between Russia and Ukraine, and the manner in which this was exploited by Vladimir Putin as the pretext for an aggressive war of expansion. The author, a native born Russian, pulls no punches in attributing responsibility for war directly on Putin. The unasked and unanswered question at the end of the book is how this terrible war will end and at what cost to Ukraine, Russia and wider humanity. Only time will tell.
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