Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Hansen Innovative Metal
Hansen Innovative Metal
Metal Matters
Innovative Technologies and Social Change in Prehistory and Antiquity
Stefan Burmeister, Svend Hansen, Michael Kunst and Nils Mller-Scheeel (Eds.)
VIII, 282 Seiten mit 188 Abbildungen und 5 Tabellen Titelvignette: Wordcloud des englischsprachigen Forschungsprofils von Cluster 2 (s.S. 1, Abb. 1 in diesem Band)
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Innovative Metals: Copper, Gold and Silver in the Black Sea Region and the Carpathian Basin During the 5th and 4th Millennium BC
Svend Hansen
Introduction
It is a widespread opinion that the discovery, exploitation and processing of metal count as the socially most consequential technical innovations. Can this be asserted only retrospectively by an industrial society, in which life without metal is inconceivable and scientists constantly strive towards new metal alloys, a society in which copper and other metals in demand aim for the highest price on international commodity markets? Were the consequences that evolved from the early use of metal by prehistoric societies really as far-reaching as repeatedly propounded ever since V.Gordon Childe? Childe maintained that the key technologies such as the wheel, the ox-cart, the sailing boat and metallurgy as well were the decisive prerequisites for the emergence of complex societies (the urban revolution) in Egypt and the Near East.1 Is this assertion perhaps merely a matter of the perspective from which metals are viewed? Is there not equally reason to doubt that early metallurgy according to todays criteria was really an innovative technique?2 Namely, technically the copper axe is not superior to the stone axe. One cannot chop down a tree more quickly or easily by using a copper axe rather than a stone axe. What then was the advantage in the use of copper? As is often in such cases, if no practical reasons are immediately at hand, then aesthetic, symbolic or ideological motives are sought.3 Nevertheless, the fact that the mining commenced with the 5thmillenniumBC in southeastern Europe and hardly later in other European regions, at first glance from a functionalist perspective, seems rather in need of explanation. Yet, a closer look reveals that the technical command of the metallurgical chain of production, the development of techniques in metalworking and the control over production represent determinative catalytic agents in the social transformation of Western Asia and Europe during the 5th and 4th millennium. Apparently copper was initially used to make jewellery: The earliest metal finds are mostly small copper beads. Experimentation with metal, at first with native copper, began as early as the Pre-Pottery Neolithic in Anatolia, during the 9thmillenniumBC. In Akl Hyk copper beads are found foremost in graves. In ayn there is a large spectrum of beads, pendants made of malachite and copper, and small tools such awls. There are even indications of the specialised production of beads.4 As in Akl Hyk, the objects are made of native copper that was either cold-hammered or formed in a warmed state. Jewellery is a means of accentuating social relationships, and ever since the late Palaeolithic period ornamental beads of shell were exchanged over hundreds of kilometres. No other material was transferred over such great distances. Anatomically modern man was the first to use sea shells as jewellery, and this was quite innovative in itself. Namely, the durability of the shell material allowed the social message connected with shell jewellery to be conveyed to others for a long period of time. The gradual standardisation of the elements of a bead necklace, the combination of beads, their variations and their accumulation are characteristics, which depending upon the beads jewellery was able to communicate differentiated messages.5 However, beads were not only jewellery; they also served to fend off evil; that is, they had the character of a talisman.6 The early use of copper must be regarded under all of these general aspects. The earliest Neolithic copper was first used to make decorative beads.7 It is, thus, pertinent that copper objects had an immediate, social differentiating effect.8 And this was likely precisely Gordon Childes thought, when he ascribed a significant role to metallurgy in the formation of complex structures of social organisation. This, however, has been contested in various recent works, which argue that no central authority or control would be necessary for simple metallurgical production, nor did a controlling power arise in the beginning stages of metallurgy at least; the knowledge of and skills in metallurgy supposedly disseminated over larger distances by means of networks of relationships.9 It is further argued that comparisons between cultures show that the use of metal did not lead to the emergence of more complex social organisation everywhere; indeed, some rather complex societies had no need for metal at all.10 Finally, it has been pointed out that no specialised skill is needed to make small tools such as simple axes, and, therefore, some kind of social control over craftsmen and handwork does not need to be assumed.
1 Childe 1942/1982, 97; for Childe, see also Sherratt 1997/1998, 369370; 1997, 59; 498. 2 Zimmermann Siegmund 2002. 3 Smith 1981, 330331. 4 Esin 2007, 214ff. (Akl Hyk); zdoan zdoan 1999, 16 (ayn). 5 Kuhn Stiner 2007, 45ff. 6 Bar Yosef Mayer Porat 2008, 8548ff.
7 Cp. Wright Garrad 2003, 267ff. 8 Zimmermann Siegmund 2002, 604. 9 Rovira 2002, 5ff. pertaining to Spain; see also Kienlin 2008 on the Carpathian Basin; for the hoard from Nahal Mishmar and alleged absence of a social hierarchy in the Copper Age Levant, see Amzallag 2009, 498. 10 Cp. Carozza Mille 2007, 181, on the social consequences of copper on the Late Neolithic period in southern France.
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These arguments are correct in maintaining that between the 7th and 4thmillenniaBC in Eurasia very different societies came in touch with metallurgy, whose developmental course was not uniform. Nonetheless, there are recognizable
trends in development in centres of metallurgical activities throughout the Caucasus, eastern Anatolia and the Balkans, trends that other geographic regions did not escape either, although some at considerably different times.
11 Cp. esp. Service 1977; Fried 1967; for the most comprehensive presentation of this theory, see Carneiro 2003; for critique see Yoffee 2005, 8ff., and Bernbeck 2008, 533ff. 12 Service 1977, 359ff. 13 Breuer 1998, 33; cp. also Eggert 2007, 255ff. contra Breuer 1998.
14 15 16 17
Strahm 2005, 32. Flanagan 1989, 246. Cp. the overview by Roscoe 2000, 79ff. My definition of one generation being 25years follows Ian Hodders line of thought, Hodder 2006,21.
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and ethnology; for, it is archaeology that observes long-term developments, whereas the actual temporal depth of ethnological studies is, by contrast, quite shallow. Today, the field of ethnology has only historical documentation at hand. Archaeology, oppositely, can trace the course of mankinds
development in specific spaces and time and name the discontinuities in history. It does not need ideal types of stages in order to interpret its source material socially and politically. Thus, archaeology addresses cultural peculiarities, instead of searching pointlessly for cultural universalities.18
18 Cp. Foucault 2001, 89. 19 For pottery kilns, cp. Hansen Streily 2000, 69ff. 20 Can Hasan: Yalin 1998, 279ff.; Mersin: Yalin 2000; cp. also Yener 2000, 24 25. Cp. overviews of early metallurgy in Schoop 1995; Todorova 1999, 237ff. 21 Cp. Ottaway 2001, 104. 22 Sahlins 1972. 23 The term urban mining refers to efforts being made today to gain valuable raw materials from waste disposal sites.
24 Sddeutsche Zeitung 22./23.1.2011, 34. 25 Therefore, the absence of metal in archaeological documentation is normal, while metal objects found are the exception. The latter were namely taken out of the circle of productionconsumption recycling and placed as offerings in graves or offered to powers believed to be supernatural. This aspect will be discussed later. 26 Cp. in one aspect Eliade 1980, esp. 149ff.; Strahm 2005, 35 speaks of a cognitive revolution.
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Fig.2 Circulation process of the use of copper during early metallurgy (diagram by Anke Reuter).
27 Cp. the map in Sherratt 1980, 108 fig. 15,5; recent detailed illustrations in Lichter 2005. 28 Renfrew 1969, 12ff.; see for this phenomenon zdoan 2008, 139ff.
29 Cp. Schoop 1995; Roberts etal. 2009, 1019; Roberts 2009, 461: () there is no evidence for the independent invention of metallurgy in Western Europe. 30 zdoan, M. Parzinger 2000, 84 fig. 1. 31 Zalai-Gaal 1996, 1ff.
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and bracelets, mostly together with spondylus ornaments from the Mediterranean, were used as grave goods in cemeteries of the Lengyel culture in western Hungary.31 Numerous beads made of malachite and copper are likewise attested in the cemetery at Durankulak on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast.32 The small cemetery of VarnaII yielded three unusually richly furnished graves. Among other finds, 31gold beads, 139beads of malachite and one copper armring were recovered from grave 3. A noteworthy find among the other grave goods is the green stone axe with a pointed neck, which is a link to the western European jade axe-circulation (Fig.3).33 This period of time is distinguished archaeologically by ornamental objects primarily; only very few tools, mainly small chisels or axes, are documented for example, in Kamnik, Slatino, Marica and Sesklo34 and Alsnyk.35
Varna and the Copper Age in the west Black Sea area
At a somewhat greater time later a remarkably broad spectrum of copper tools and weapons appeared in the cemetery I at Varna. Besides the small axes, there are now shaft-hole axes and lanceheads in various forms. It is above all the great diversity of artefacts that lends Varna an extraordinary position within the circumpontic sphere. The profusion of such artefacts in the Carpathian Basin led Ferencz Pulszky, as early as 1876, to speak of an independent Copper Age there.36 The question as to the provenance of these artefacts had to remain open at that time, as evidence of production was unknown. But with the discovery of mines in Rudna Glava/ Serbia and Ai Bunar/Bulgaria, dated as early as the 5thmillenniumBC, the exploitation of copper ores could be definitively proven.37 Copper had not been imported from afar, but instead procured locally; copper axes were not made from native copper, but were produced by casting.38 With the discovery of the cemetery of Varna the term Copper Age took on a social dimension. Specifically, the graves found there contained not only a plenitude of copper tools and weapons, but also a wealth of objects made of gold. Furthermore, the enormous scale in the number and weight of grave goods was interpreted as an expression of great social differentiation. Initially Varna was dated to the Early Bronze Age: The multitude of metal objects and such a conspicuous social differentiation were hardly consistent with the egalitarian Neolithic society. However, against the background of 14C datings it soon became clear that Varna should be dated to the 5thmillenniumBC. This realisation will be discussed further below. Here only one grave will be singled out: grave 43 that held the remains of a 40 50-year old male in extended supine position (Fig.4). His grave gifts included several weapons made of copper: two shaft-hole axes, one broad and one narrow one, and a copper spearhead or dagger (?) that is a singular piece in itself. The deceased male also had a pointed flint blade, with bilateral retouching and a rounded base. The stone axe with a wooden shaft covered with gold sheet can be understood as a sceptre. The old-fashioned stone axe formed a link to the past and with that established the deceaseds legitimacy to power. A jade axe is an import from afar: The raw material derives from the Alps and the axe likely made its long way from western Europe to ultimately reach the Black Sea coast, where it was brought into the typical shape of east Balkan axes.39 Among the many flint blades is one outstanding example of almost 40cm in length. Its significance lies in the fact that there is still no plausible explanation for the strength and prowess that was necessary to strike such a long blade from the core. The spondylus from which the originally red bracelet was made came from the Mediterranean. The bracelet must have been repaired once, for which gold sheet was used, an indication indeed of how precious it was. This solitary piece was worn together with two arm rings of gold on the left arm. All together 1413 grams of gold were found in the grave. Aside from the armrings, there was a myriad of golden beads that had been attached to the bracelets or worn as necklaces. The various gold discs were likely sewn onto garments, so that the entire body of the deceased was covered in gold. A gold penis sheath lay in the pelvic area. Gold was not only the metal of power in Varna; it was evidently also the stuff of life. For the first time gold was used to represent the living, which is a small innovation in itself. The gold astragal found in grave 36 (Fig.5) is the first known metal copy of a bone original, that is, part of a living being; from the same grave came metal figurines of animals, the first found in Eurasia. The sceptre and the diadem were sym-
32 33 34 35 36
Todorova 2002, 62 pl. 107. 1978, 8687 pl. 47. Todorova 1999, 241 fig. 4. Zalai-Gal 2008, 271ff. The standard work on early metallurgy is E. Chernykhs study in 1992. Cp. also Ottaway 2001, 87ff. A good overview is offered in: Ottaway Roberts 2008, 193ff.; for the Copper Age, Pulszky 1877;
Montelius 1895. The southeast European cultures of the 5th and 4th millenniaBC are understood here as Copper Age. Cp. Korfmann 2004, 109ff. 37 Jovanovi 1971; ernych 1988, 145ff. 38 Cp. recently Boroffka 2009. 39 On jade axes, see Ptrequin etal. 2002, 67ff.; 2005, 264ff.
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Fig.4 Varna, grave 43, reconstruction in the Varna Museum (Photo: S. Hansen).
Fig.5 Varna, grave 36, selected grave goods (after Fol Lichardus 1988).
bols of power then and are still understood as such today. In contrast to these richly furnished graves were burials that contained only few grave goods or none at all. The funerary gifts especially those made of metal served further as signs of social difference in life even after death. This is all the more noteworthy, for represented in Varna is only a part of
a long-distance communication network and exchange system that encompassed Thrace, northeast Bulgaria and southern Romania. The societies participating in this system seem to have been hierarchically structured and economically based on processes entailing the division of labour. This feature has found support at least in new excavations conducted at the settlement Mgura Gorgana in Pietrele (Romania). Production was controlled, and commodities were collected and redistributed. The involvement in supra-regional systems of resource procurement and redistribution of goods should be emphasised just as much as the dissemination of shared symbols, as exemplified for instance by anthropomorphic figurines.40 Moreover, Varna should probably be understood as the result of a specific development or a tradition, for the older cemetery of Varna II already comprises a disproportionate number of wealthy graves. By contrast, coeval settlements provide little noteworthy information about the production of metal objects. Nevertheless, copper finds from habitation sites are evidence that metal was indeed a part of daily life and was circulated in greater amounts. Among the numerous objects that were recovered from settlements are various forms of ornamental pins and small rings. Awls (Fig.6,6), some found still inserted in a bone shaft, were a widely used universal tool.41
41 Some possible uses, but certainly not all are presented by Pearce 2000, 67ff.
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Fig.6 Metal types in use during 46004200 BC: 12,5,11,12 Varna (Fol Lichardus 1988); 3 Plonik ( 1964); 4 Giurgiuleti (Dergaev 2002); 69 Pietrele (Photo: S. Hansen); 10,14 Karbuna (Photo: S. Hansen); 13 Pauilhac (Elure 1982). Various scales.
large shoe-last celt, a stone adze, a white stone macehead, a long silex knife and a bucranium (Fig.1011).
42 Cp. Kienlin 2008; Kienlin Pernicka 2009, 271272. 43 ika 1964, 293ff. 44 Lichter 2001, 282ff.
45 Dergaev 2002 pl. 1115; Govedarica 2004, 85ff. pl. 1416. 46 Govedarica 2004, 106ff. pl. 21,48; 2224.
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47 Todorova etal. 2002, 45; 78. 48 The two hammer-axes in Yunacite weigh 1250 and 900g respectively (Mazanova 2004, 394 fig. 3). The hammer-axes from the hoard of Rakilovzi (dist. Radomir) range between 720 and 840g in weight ( 2008, 35ff. fig. 18; in all more than 6kg of copper were retrieved).
49 Makkay 1989 pl. 9. 50 Dergaev 2002, 11ff. pl. 18. 51 Mauss 1968, 1718.
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America is a system of exchanging goods, whose later and particularly antagonistic form is foremost found in literature.52 Because the person giving could not withhold anything, these potlatches could lead to the total economic exhaustion of the giver. He who gave away most extravagantly gained most in prestige. In order to avoid the impression that great value was placed upon requital, the goods given were destroyed: boxes of fish and whale oil, wool blankets, even houses. The point was to out-do any rivals, to flatten ones rival. A chief could only retain his status, if he could prove that he was favoured by the spirits: he possessed fortune and wealth. He could prove his wealth only by giving away, by distributing and, thus, outdo the others.53 The ultimate aim of the potlatch was to interrupt the interchange of goods, that is, to perform a potlatch that could not be reciprocated.54 Mauss emphasised that the potlatch also had its effects upon nature: The exchange of goods between namesakes the homonyms of the spirits incite the spirits of the dead, the gods, things, animals, nature to be generous to them. The exchange of goods caused a surplus in riches .55 Basically, presents made to the gods and other imagined spirits follow in the same logic: I give as I am in their debt and
I obligate the imagined powers to pay back: do ut des.56 Needless to say, this was a potentially precarious exchange in goods. Between those of equal social status acceptance of the goods was obligatory. Among the socially unequal, it was the prerogative of the higher ranking person to return the gift. Consequently, giving and taking between the gods and humankind was unpredictable. With regard to metal depositions, the logic of exchange (giving, taking and giving back) had even further consequences. In the Copper Age only those persons who already held authority and who possessed a sizeable amount of copper were in the position to enter upon an exclusive relationship with the imagined supernatural powers. They could become engaged in socially obligatory relationships by offering valuable goods and could expect correspondingly large returns. Thus, here we have two social strategies that are documented by massive copper artefacts: In the grave the goods served to epitomise social distinction beyond death; among the living the communication with the supernatural powers was dominated by those persons who were able to give away metal objects and who were reliant to a great extent upon the benevolence of the supernatural powers.
Fig.13 Selection of copper axes and chisels from Plonik (changed, after 1973).
52 53 54 55 56 57
Mauss 1968, 77ff. Mauss 1968, 92. Godelier 1999, 85. Mauss 1968, 4041. Gladigow 2005, 188. Cp. Renfrew 1978; Korfmann 2004.
58 Higham etal. 2007. 59 Bori 2009, 191ff. 60 Presentation of finds in 1964, 35ff. and 1973, 157ff.; cp. also Bori 2009, 209ff.; ljivar etal. 2006, 255. 61 ljivar 1996, 85ff.
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the vicinity of a presumed melting oven, scattered over an area of about five metres.62 According to the lead-isotope analyses at hand, however, the axes are not surprisingly made of copper from Rudna Glava.63 Recent excavations have variously documented individual chisels found in a secure contextual layer, whose beginning dates to 4850 calBC,64 thus, relocating the date of the so-called massive tools to an even earlier time and decreasing the temporal discrepancy between the production of jewellery and axes or chisels. In the settlement of Belovode, close to Rudna Glava, one mould, large amounts of malachite and finished products are evidence of metalworking there throughout the entire sequence of layers, from c.5350 calBC to 4650 calBC.65 Signs of the exploitation of the mine at Rudna Glava date to around about the same time; so, mining could have begun there as early as the 55thcenturyBC.66 The youngest date falls within the time around 4650BC, that is, the end of the Vina culture. Furthermore, traces of metalworking were found throughout the entire stratigraphical sequence in the settlement of Vina itself.67 Although the temporal priority of casting and the processing of copper have not been attested yet, it seems quite likely that both were
achieved at the same time.68 Theoretically this means that a much longer phase in the production of artefacts can be reckoned with, which is not yet visible archaeologically due to the filter-effect of sources. At present, processes in early Balkan metallurgy cannot be denominated precisely according to date. The slender axes or chisels cannot be specified typologically. However, it can be stated with certainty that they were already disseminated over wide parts of the Balkans by the 49thcenturyBC at the latest.69 The aggregate find with the hammer axe in Plonik demonstrates that these objects too should be dated to a time horizon that is prior to Varna and, thus, that they were produced over a clearly longer span of time than assumed until now. This could also be the reason for the formal heterogeneity among hammer axes of the Plonik type.70 One of the consequences of the new datings is obvious: The metal phenomenon of Varna was possibly preceded by 500years of mining and metallurgical activities in southeast Europe. Thus, the synchronisation of Varna with phenomena in the Carpathian Basin is in need of a broad re-examination based upon 14Cdatings.71
62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71
ljivar etal. 2006, 255. Pernicka etal. 1993, 3738. Bori 2009, 214. ljivar etal. 2006, 251ff.; Bori 2009, 207ff. Bori 2009, 194ff. Antonovi 2002, 27ff. Yalin 1998, 286287. Pernicka Anthony 2010. Cp. Govedarica 2001. Cp. Csnyi etal. 2009: Basing upon 14Cdates, the cemetery of the Bodrogkeresztr culture at Rkczifalva-Bagi-fld can be placed between 4334 and 4075 calBC, thus rendering it markedly older than expected.
72 Cp. esp. Lichter 2006, on kiztepe. 73 Hppner etal. 2005, 298ff. 74 Bartelheim 2007, 190; Bartelheim etal. 2007, 42 fig. 10 (however, until now no finished products can be assigned to this type of copper). 75 Hppner etal. 2005, 312. 76 Mottes etal. 2002, 122; Pedrotti 2001, 207208 (for example, in Isera la Toretta; Trento). 77 Guilaine Burens 2003, 210ff. 78 For long silex blades found in a supra-regional context, see: Marquet 2006. 79 Guilaine Burens 2003, 212; Makkay 1989 pl. 11.
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Fig.14 Gold diadem, boar-tusk pendants, long silex blades and one of the large jade axes from the grave in Pauilhac (after Elure 1987).
polished.80 The slightly outcurving blade of the axes is unusual, which can only be understood as the stone craftsmans answer in stone to copper axes with hammered, fine cutting edges. The phenomenon of jade axes, which predomi-
nated the image of ritual depositions in western Europe from 4700BC onwards, had already been linked explicitly to the phenomenon of early copper axes in east central Europe.81 Hence, the impression arises of corresponding and concurrent systems in the circulation of prestigious goods, whose exclusivity in the procurement of raw material fell short of none in the metal system. In this respect, it is no coincidence that a jade axe was present in Varna as well. This automatically leads to the question: to what extent were copper axes known in western and northern Europe. The blade of the jade axes from Pauilhac, polished to a sharp edge, hints that occasionally copper axes were in use, even in western Europe. For typological reasons, various axes found in Portugal possibly date to the 5thmillenniumBC.82 Ever since fragments of slag dated to the first half of the 5thmillenniumBC were discovered at the Neolithic site of Cerro Virtud, prov. Almera, evidence of early metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula has been seen in a new light.83 Likewise, occasional evidence of the exchange of finished products has been detected in northern central Europe, for example, a broad axe in Blow, district of Teterow, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.84 Presumably more flat axes as well as some hammer axes of the Plonik type can be assigned to this horizon, too.85 Whereas during the 5thmillenniumBC metal played a role in an economical and ideological system in southeast Europe, in western Europe the possession and use of metal objects played a minor role. They seem to be limited or were not deposited. Be that as it may, the traces of Copper-Age mining in Brixlegg shows that experimentation with metal soon followed in central Europe.
The end of the 5th and the first half of the 4th millennium BC
Around 4250/4200BC settlements in Bulgaria and on the lower Danube River were abandoned. For several hundred years thereafter apparently no further settlements were established, at least in some regions such as Thrace and the entire lower Danube. There is still no convincing explanation for this abandonment of settlement mounds, such as climatic change or the internal collapse of this complex exchange system. In any case, it is irrefutable that the surge of innovations that brought forth the first appearance of mining, the development of new weapons and the emergence of strict social hierarchies did not continue further in the western Black Sea area. In the Carpathian Basin, oppositely, there was no noticeable profound disruption in the development of early metallurgy. Indeed, the spectrum of metal artefacts is even characterised by a remarkable multiplicity in axe-adzes (Fig.15,1.3). Whereas concentrations of axe-adzes are prolific in Transylvania, eastern Hungary and Slovakia, the density of finds decreases rapidly in bordering regions.86 These axes have been documented as grave gifts and in hoards, and mostly as single finds, that is, individual depositions (Fig.16). When assessing the use of metal within the social sphere, reference should be made to analyses of cemeteries, for the number of settlements investigated does not suffice. For example, excavations in Rkczifalva-Bagi-fld revealed a cemetery with 79graves of the Bodrogkeresztr culture. Among the grave goods of copper axes, several daggers and gold pendants, the excavators could recognise a dominant social hierarchy that surpassed the bounds of simple family kinship.87 New occurrences of copper ore in the metalliferous Carpathian Mountains must have been exploited, but little evidence of this has been detected until now.88 A distinct increase in metal finds can be noted in the northern Alpine region as well, starting in 3800BC. Some 80copper objects
80 Cp. Ptrequin etal. 2005, 265ff. fig. 23; for more detail see also Roussot-Larroque 2008, with a date in the first half of the 4thmillenniumBC. 81 Ptrequin etal. 2002, 90 fig. 12. 82 Monteagudo 1977, 2324 no. 7; 16; 18, 21 pl. 1,7.16. 18; 2, 21. 83 Ruiz-Taboada Montero-Ruiz 1999, 897ff.; Montero Ruiz 2005, 189 with a discussion about Late Neolithic find complexes with evidence of metallurgy.
84 Lutz etal. 1997, 4546. 85 For flat axes, see Klassen 2000, 98ff., assigned to the Kaka type; hammer axes, see Govedarica 2010, 1ff. 86 Schubert 1965, 274ff. with distribution map in appendix 3; czycki 2005, 52ff.; detailed maps in Manzura 2003, 376ff. map 3 9; recently Pop 2007, 49ff. 87 Csnyi etal. 2009. 88 Schalk 1998; 2010, 317ff.
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have been documented at sites ranging from upper Austria to central Switzerland.89 They include tools, weapons and jewellery made of arsenical copper. This is also viewed as the beginnings of mining activities in the Mitterberg district of the Austrian Alps.90 Narrow but thick flat axes appear during the late 5th or the early 4thmillenniumBC and become widespread: ranging from Bohemia to the area of the western Baltic Sea.91 Their metal composition probably derives from the West Carpathians. Axes with a pointed neck, like those found in Iserlohn, Mrkischer district (Fig.17) or in Hertinghausen, dist. Kassel, can be seen as local productions that copy the stone axes of the Michelsberg culture.92 Similarly, flat axes were already present in Italy during the late Neolithic; they can be dated to the first half of the 4thmillenniumBC.93 Slender flat axes like those found in the Bocca Lorenza cave near Santorso (Fig.15,2) belong to one of the
Fig.15 Metal types of the first half of the 4th millennium BC: 1Mezkeresztes (Patay 1984); 2Bocca Lorenza cave (Pearce 2007); 3Rkczifalva-Bagi (Csnyi etal. 2009); 4Ogorodnoe (Photo: B. Govedarica); 5 Cucuteni (Schmidt 1932); 6TiszalucSarkad (Patay Szathmri 2001); 7unknown site in western Hungary (Kovcs Raczky 1999); 8Kotou near tramberk (after Jisl 1967). Various scales.
89 Cevey etal. 2006, 24ff.; Bartelheim 2007, 191. 90 Stllner etal. 2006, 87ff. 91 Klassen 2000, 98ff.; Mller 2001, 410ff.
92 Hertinghausen: Kibbert 1980, 61 no. 18 pl. 4,18; Iserlohn: Baales etal. 2007, 41 fig. 54. 93 Pearce 2007, 38ff.; cp. also Barfield 1996, 66ff.
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groups disseminated from the Po river valley as far as eastern Hungary and the Tisza River.94 This important cultural link of the Italian Neolithic to the Carpathian Basin is likewise underlined by finds made there of iria-type axes. The spectacular hoard of Stollhof in lower Austria (Fig.18) can be dated to the beginning of the 4thmillenniumBC. Aside from two massive flat axes the hoard contained eight copper and four gold (lost today) double spirals, two spiral armrings, several spiral tubes, a piece of copper sheet in the form of a boar tusk and two ornamental gold disks.95 Among the oldest evidence of silver found north of the Alps is a comparable disk that measures 21.4cm in dia meter, which was discovered together with a copper double spiral pendant atop Kotou Mountain near tramberk in northern Moravia (Fig.19).96 Finally a slightlysimilar copper disk was found in the settlement of Hornstaad-HrnleI.97
Fig.19 Gold disc from Kotou near tramberk (after Jisl 1967).
94 For flat axes of the Gurnitz type, see Gleirscher 2007, 93ff. 95 Mayer 1977, 45ff. no. 93 pl. 117A; Ruttkay 1995, 143 fig. 13.
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98 99 100 101
Vajsov 1993, 141 fig. 36; Ivanova 2008, 72ff. Pernicka etal. 2002, 125ff. Lechtman 1996, 509. Pearce 2007, 84 85; the same observation in de Marinis 1992, 402. Comparable differences in alloying were observed in daggers and/or other objects of the Mondsee group: Obereder etal. 1993,
7 fig.4; cp. Northover 1989, 116, about an Irish halberd and large axes. 102 Cp. Maran 2001, 281; 2008. 103 Matuschik 1998, 214: dagger from Reute dated dendrochronologically to 3740BC. Cp. a new find from Berg-Kempfenhausen in Pflederer etal. 2009, 131 fig. 7,3.
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exchanged over great distances.104 As of the middle of the 4thmillenniumBC daggers are documented in noticeably larger numbers. At the same time a break-through to longer blades occurred, an exceptional example of which is the 30cm long dagger from the kurgan in Maikop, whose handle was secured with two silver rivets (Fig.20).105 Finally, the last quarter of the 4th millenniumBC saw the successful production of swords, some with a length of over 60cm (Fig.32,1).106 This technological mastery of casting, however, was probably limited to only a few workshops. Nevertheless, on the whole there was a multifaceted variety of dagger forms. Among them are daggers with a two-part bone handle, held together by metal rivets, as found in graves in Ogorodnoe, Neruaj and Durankulak in the northwestern Black Sea area.107 Comparably large numbers of metal finds were found in the graves in Usatovo (Ukraine), too. There, not only a stele displaying an image was discovered in kurgan3, but in addition grave1 in the kurgan contained an axe, a dagger and an awl. In Italy as well, in the second half of the 4th millenniumBC daggers belonged to funeraryequipment. A dagger of the Gaudo type with a straight hafting plate, discovered
in the burial cave of Grotta del Fontino near Grosseto/Tuscany, is associated with the 14Cdate of 3220 3120 calBC (Fig.21).108 Similarly, in southern France the oldest metal daggers, like the notched silex daggers, should be dated to the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 3rdmillenniumBC (cp. Fig.22).109 Occasional dagger blades have been found on the way to Scandinavia (Bygholm).110 And in all of these regions daggers made of copper have many analogies made of flint. For the 3rdmillenniumBC it should suffice here to point out some exceptional daggers, such as the example made of gold from Mala Gruda.111 Metal craftsmen still strove towards making longer blades: The almost 50-cm long cutting weapon in a grave of the Yamnaya culture in Kutuluk (dist. Samara) confirms this just as does the dagger of 22.7cm in length from Sarretdvri in eastern Hungary.112 In this context ultimately mention must be made of halberds, which also appear as early as the 4thmillenniumBC (Fig.32,5; 34), and develop into the characteristic weapon of the 3rdmillenniumBC.113 Daggers and halberds reveal more distinctly than axes that the metallurgical activities and skills of the 4thmillenniumBC expanded far beyond the major centre of finds, the Carpathian Basin.
104 The same applies, by the way, to the numerous silex daggers; see Tillmann 1993, 453ff. 105 There are conflicting data concerning the length of the blade; see Govedarica 2002, 785 note 21. 106 Cp. swords from Arslantepe in Frangipane 2004. 107 Dergaev 1991 pl. 46,14; 47,14; Vajsov 2002, 159ff. fig. 180. 108 Zanini 2002, 191 fig. 6; 200. 109 Vaquer etal. 2006, 158159.
110 The copper blades from Bygholm and the flint points are viewed as halberds in Danish research: Ebbesen 1992, 103ff.; see on the contrary: Lbke 1997/1998, 49ff. 111 Primas 1996, 88 fig. 6.14. 112 Kuznetsov 2005, 325ff. fig. 8; Dani Nepper 2006, 34 fig. 5,7 (first half of the 3rdmillenniumBC). 113 See now: Ch. Horn, Studien zu den europischen Stabdolchen (PhD thesis FU Berlin 2010).
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and painted red. This person was covered with ochre, too. The grave goods included among others a stone sceptre a standard symbol of power in the Maikop culture as well as a copper dagger, an axe and an adze.121
114 Cp. for example, Kalicz 1992, 13; Chernykh 1992, 55; Strahm 1994, 21 with illustration; Matuschik 1998, 29; Vajsov 2002, 161 162; Cevey etal. 2006, 25; Harrison Heyd 2007, 196; Strahm Hauptmann 2009, 120; Heyd Walker in print. 115 Ciugudean 2002. 116 Roberts 2009, 473.
117 Cp. Sherratt 2004. 118 Manzura 2003, 392; Hansen in Hansen Mller 2011. 119 Kohl 2007, 79. 120 For Maikop, cp. Govedarica 2002 and Kohl 2007, 57ff.; for the dating of Maikop and subsequent cultures see also Shishlina etal. 2009, 481ff. 121 Kantorovi Maslov 2008, 151ff.
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Fig.25 Copper cauldrons from Maikop graves in Kislovodsk and Nalik (Photo: S. Hansen).
The copper vessels in Maikop are not only an innovation in view of their metal; they also show that the technique of embossing was now employed for large-sized objects. Cauldrons of more than 50cm in height were found in several of the later graves of the Maikop culture (Fig.25). These technical innovations were not local developments, but should be seen instead within a dynamic association on a supra-regional scale. Individual objects from the area of Maikop display connections that reached as far as southern Mesopotamia and Susiana.122 It was not until recently that Victor Trifonov identified the tumuli at S Girdan in northwestern Iran as graves of the Maikop type.123 Still present in the looted tumuli were characteristic silver vessels, flat axes, shaft-hole axes and a myriad of gold, stone and glass beads. The message of the goods in Maikop graves conveys something new in a societal respect, which can also be read in the extremely richly furnished grave 31/5 at Klady cemetery near Novosvododnaja.124 The two-part stone chamber yielded several layers of six axes of different forms, nine daggers and one sword, among other objects (Fig.26 27). This
122 Hansen 2009 with further references. 123 2000, 244ff.; Muscarella 1969, 19ff. fig. 23 29; 1971, 7ff. fig. 414; for metals see Helwing 2009.
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arsenal of weapons is that of an especially impressive overequipped male, for they far exceed any functional armament. The kings grave at Arslantepe is similarly characterised by a large number of weapons.125 Graves frequently in stone cists furnished with weaponry are attested by several examples in northern Mesopotamia, dating to the early 3rdmillenniumBC (Carchemish, Hassek Hyk).126 This situation cannot be described in more detail here. Nonetheless, compared to the much older phenomena in Varna, it becomes clear that essential features of social marking as found in Maikop graves expanded beyond the narrow geographic realm of that culture and became temporally consistent.127 As a detailed example, the point is made here about the metal sets, which can be composed of an axe-adze, an axe and a chisel or dagger and which are attested in many graves and also as single pieces in hoards of the later 4th and early 3rdmillenniumBC (Hassek Hyk, Usatovo, Marinskaya, Vozdvienskaja, Brno Le and Velika Gruda, among others).128 The standardisation and medial
staging of grave goods find their match in stone stelae, which depict a new image of the warrior and the hero and which are found over a vast area, extending from the Caucasus to the Iberian Peninsula (Fig.28).129 In the Carpathian Basin the tradition of massive artefacts of copper seems to disappear with the beginning of the Baden culture, which may have led to the impression of a crisis in metallurgy. However, new datings for the Maikop culture have brought forth new perspectives. The rather stout shaft-hole axes in the Carpathian Basin have long been compared typologically with axes of the northern Caucasus.130 Now it is time to draw chronological conclusions. The hoard of Brno Le (Fig.32,3.9 10) is an important support for an early date of the stout axes in southeast Europe. The axe in this hoard finds good comparisons in Klady (Fig. 26,3 4), among others. The flat axe and the chisel with a pyramidshaped end for shafting can be linked to Caucasian forms. The objects were found lying one across the other, a wide-
125 Frangipane 2004, 103ff. with illustrations; Palumbi 2007, 28ff. 126 Palumbi 2007, 3637. 127 Cp. Hansen 2009.
128 Cp. also Primas 1996, 118119 fig. 8.58.6. 129 Overview by Casini 1994. 130 As already by Vulpe 1970, 26.
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spread manner of depositing weaponry during the Copper and Early Bronze Age.131 The hoard was found in the hilltop settlement of Star Zmky in the youngest settlement layer I, which as recent investigations have shown likely dates to the 4thmillenniumBC.132 The slender axe with long shaft tube (type Kozarac) from Mala Gruda, dated to the early 3rdmillenniumBC, points indirectly to a date for the plump shaft-hole axes in the 4th millennium BC as well.133 Thus, it can be postulated for the Carpathian Basin that stout shaft-hole axes date as early as the second half of the 4thmillenniumBC, as in the Caucasus. Technically the shaft-hole axe represents an effective innovation in weaponry, as the shaft-hole is now removed to
one end, thus rendering the axe greater striking power. The new weapon was a very successful development, whose production evidently reached many regions and whose dissemination spanned southeast Europe, northern Black Sea area, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. Metal finds are also rare outside of the Carpathian Basin, yet the quality of the finds points to a far more differentiated metalworking than recognisable in the few finds. The grave in Velvary in central Bohemia, discovered in 1899 (Fig.29), constituted a large cist built of five heavy sandstone blocks. It contained four clay vessels and two detached handles (ansa lunata type), which E.Pleslov-tikov assigned to the Proto-Rivna phase, that is, a horizon that corresponds
Fig.29 Finds from the grave in Velvary, Bohemia (after Smolk 18901892).
131 Cp. Hansen 2002, 151ff. 132 Cp. Beenov 1956, 236ff. fig. 1. According to Martin Furholt new 14 C datings suggest that the older layers III and II in Brno Le should be dated between 3520 and 3360BC (see Furholt in print;
cp. also Furholt 2008, 19 fig. 2; the Jeviovice B-group in Moravia can be reckoned with after 3100BC. 133 Primas 1996, 105 109. Two more silver shaft-hole axes stem from Stari Jankovci; see Balen Miheli 2003, 85ff. fig. 1.
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with the late Baden culture.134 Further finds to mention are an axe of serpentinite, 355limestone and bone beads and seven cardium shell pendants with a suspension hole. Of special note are the metal goods: eight beads, two spiral rings, 14pendants in the shape of shells, two spiral armrings and one pectoral made of arsenical copper (3% arsenic). The lunula-shaped pectoral is embossed and displays a raised zigzag decoration on the lower edge. A relatively large number of metal objects is attested in central Germany as of 3350calBC.135 Extraordinary finds are even documented in the area of the Funnel Beaker culture: The hoard from Bygholm near Horsens (Denmark) contained several flat axes, one dagger (halberd) and three spiral armrings. Further, the hoard from Byty (Poland) yielded, in addition to axes, a team of cattle in copper (Fig.30), which confirms the knowledge of casting in the lost-wax form.136 The flat axe in the hoard from Szeczecin-mierdnica indicates its date in this time horizon as well (Fig.31); the hammer axe with knobbed butt (Knaufhammeraxt) finds comparisons in Scandinavia, the eastern Alps and the Carpathian Basin.137 Various other copper axes found in northwestern Germany enable the confirmation of links with the Caucasus or the Black Sea coast (Fig.32).138 Last but not least in focal view of metallurgical activities is the glacier mummy from Hauslabjoch, which can be dated according to 14C-datings to the last quarter of the 4thmillenniumBC. Besides a silex dagger, the deceased carried a copper axe that compares with an axe in grave102 in the long
Fig.30 Team of cattle and accompanying flat axes from Byty (Photo: B. Walkiewicz, Museum Poznan).
Fig.32 M etal types of the second half of the 4th millennium BC: 1 Novosvobdnaja-Klady (Rezepkin 2000); 2 Maikop (Govedarica 2002); 3, 910 Brno Le (Beneov 1956); 4, 9 Se Girdan (Muscarella 1971); 56 Grotta del Fontino (Vigliardi 2002); 7 Szeczecin-mierdnica (Kunkel 1937); 8 Riesebusch (Photo: S. Hansen); 11 Reiffenhausen (Grote 2004); 12 Bygholm (Photo: S. Hansen); 13 Baden (Willvonseder 1937); 14 Byty (Photo: B. Walkiewicz, Museum Poznan); 15 Maikop ( 2004); 16 Velvary (Smolk 18901892). Various scales.
134 Smolk 1890/1892, 209ff.; Pleslov-tikov 1992, fig. 13. 135 Mller 2001, 412ff. fig. 254. 136 czycki 2004, 33ff.; a copper figurine from Dieburg: Zchner 1989/1990, 66ff. fig. 12.
137 Kunkel 1937, 75ff. with illustrations; czycki 2004, 48 fig. 7. The hoard was found under a block of reddish granite. For such axes see already Montelius 1895, 437. 138 For these axes see Hansen 2009, 34ff. fig. 3233.
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known cemetery of Remedello-Sotto. Together with a silex dagger and four silex arrowheads, the axe from grave102 belongs to the oldest horizon of the cemetery, dated between 3400 and 2900BC.139 In the meantime considerable evidence for the exploitation and use of copper in the Alps during the 4thmillenniumBC has been gained. The settlement at Arbon Bleiche yielded finds of awls, illustrating the use of metal to make tools and also that apparently large amounts of metal were indeed at disposal in the 34th centuryBC.140 During the second half of the 4thmillenniumBC copper-arsenic alloys, two-part moulds and silver objects are attested in Italy.141 The exploitation of copper in Ligurian Monte Loreta began around 3600BC at the latest.142 Copper metallurgy did not remain in Liguria, but spread farther into southeastern France. In Languedoc a variety of Late Neolithicearly Copper Age pottery groups existed in a very small area, and some uncertainty still prevails about the dating of individual find complexes. Despite this, the first
copper objects can be dated to 3300 3000BC.143 Admittedly, they comprise only a few pieces: in Roquemengarde, for example, only a dagger blade, various awls and one lead bead.144 The finds, however, are symptomatic. The dagger displays an advanced command of metalworking and the lead bead is an indication of know-how in silver processing. Also in this association is the copper mine in Cabrires-Pret. dp. Herault in Languedoc, for which the oldest dates likewise fall before 3000BC and continue for the entire 3rdmillennium.145 Characteristic funerary furnishings with metal weapons are present as well. In Fontaine-le-Puits, dp. Savoie, a small group of graves was excavated already in 1908. Today they are assigned to the Rinaldone culture and can be dated to the last centuries of the 4thmillenniumBC. A flat axe of copper was found in graveA together with a copper dagger, a jade axe, one large and several smaller silex blades as well as 37silex arrowheads, among others (Fig.33).146 Grave3 in Rinaldone is comparable (Fig.34); there two axes, three daggers, one halberd and 22silex arrowheads were found, which can be dated to the last centuries of the 4thmillenniumBC or at the beginning of the 3rdmillenniumBC as well.147
Fig.33 Fontaine-le-Puits, dp. Savoie (after Mller 1909; Combier 1976; Strahm 2005).
139 Gleirscher 2003, 44 fig. 3; de Marinis 1992, 392ff.; Pedrotti 2001, 192193 fig. 9. 140 de Capitani etal. 2002, 7273 fig. 95. 141 Cazella 1994, 11. 142 Maggi Pearce 2005, 66ff.; for Central Italy Dolfini 2010, 707ff. 143 On the Ferrires cultures and the following Fontbouisse culture: Jallot 2003. 144 Guilaine 1991, 292 fig. 3; Guilaine Burens 2003, 229.
145 Carozza Mille 2007, 165ff. fig. 7. 146 For grave A, see Mller 1909, 836ff. fig. 5; Combier 1976, 169ff. fig. 3,7,6; Strahm 2005, 29 fig.1. The axe has comparisons in the Jura and at Lake Constance (Klassen etal. 2007, 107 fig.5); traces of the shafting on the dagger cannot be recognised in the photograph by Mller (1909), but are visible in the photograph by Combier 1976; cp. also Vaquer etal. 2006, 158. 147 Dolfini 2004, 154ff. pl. 35A.
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Discussion
When people began during the pre-ceramic Neolithic to form native copper in order to make beads, they recognised the innate possibilities of this metal. In the form of beads copper became a medium that marked social standing and served as a protection against harm. Casting copper in order to produce massive objects can be supposed only in the late 6thmillenniumBC, after which the potential of copper-working increased abruptly. With this metal, technical and social innovations that were interrelated became possible. Thereby, four aspects seem to be of particular relevance: The primary accumulation of raw material and the possibilities for its transformation must have been attractive from the very beginning. These were, namely, closely connected with the possibility of an unlimited use in interchange between segments of society (for example, payment of the bride price). Linked with this were new possibilities with which metal could also assume the manipulation of imagined supernatural powers, provided that from the very start access to the raw material was socially limited or could be dominated rapidly. Because the relationship to the imagined supernatural powers could be monopolised to a certain extent, some kinship groups could legitimise their power lastingly. Local and regional exchange networks were integrated into large-scale exchange and communication systems through the procurement of copper as raw material and the finished metal products, which likely engaged even further transfer of knowledge. In this aspect these contacts became important resources in themselves. It is ultimately undeniable from a practical view that, above all, the possibilities for the development and production of lethal weapons were enlarged and the chances were also realised. Here particularly techniques in making blades should be emphasised, that is, lengthening the blades of thrusting weapons, so that one could hold the opponent at a distance. These four factors alone did not cultivate the technical and social dynamic that can be recognised in the 5th and 4thmillenniaBC in southeastern Europe. According to recent datings, the transition to the exploitation and mining of metal ores began as early as the first half of the 5thmillenniumBC in the central Balkans and possibly somewhat later in the west Black Sea area. It cannot be decided archaeologically whether the new material triggered social friction within a relatively short time and was used by one group to dominate the other. It is more likely that the organisation of raw materials was already managed by leaders, some form of chiefs, who were responsible for far-reaching contacts. These persons had already functioned for a long while, organising the exploitation and above the consumption of the new resources. Nevertheless, the concentration of gold and copper as well as other status symbols at the core of the cemetery of Varna signify something qualitatively new. For the first time individual men were distinguished with symbols of power and their bodies were brought to shine with gold. However, these developments were confined initially to southeast Europe and the Carpathian Basin. Whereas after 4250BC the system of settlement mounds in the eastern Balkans and the production of goods organised there, including copper artefacts, collapsed, in the Carpathian Basin and the east Alps there was conversely an expansion of metallurgical activities, at first during the late 5th and early 4thmillenniumBC. In other regions in Europe, too, endeavours were made to produce copper objects, that is, to build up the entire chain of metal production. The dissemination of certain metal types was achieved through the establishment of supra-regional exchange networks. Shortly before or around the mid 4thmillenniumBC a deceased male was placed in a grave at Maikop, furnished with a significant sum of metal goods, and an immense mound was raised over the burial. The monumental arrangement of the burial place was meant to have a seminal effect on future generations. Through the erection of the mound, the family of the deceased made a visible claim to property and privileges beyond his death. The furnishings in the graves were marked foremost by weaponry, as an ensemble or in an overly exaggerated amount. Unlike Varna, the image of the great warrior thus implicated spread to other regions in Europe as well, using the same means of representation: the equipment with weapons and the mound. This was accompanied by a further important innovation: large stone figures that should depict the mighty warrior forever. The possibilities that metal offered for producing new weapons, above all longer and sharper blades and halberds, far surpassed traditional materials such as silex and bone. The demand for quality products stimulated experimentation with different metals and their alloys as well as with different methods of casting and techniques of metal processing. The metallurgical innovations that were developed through this experimentation were accompanied by further fundamental techniques that emerged during the course of the second half of the 4thmillenniumBC. They include, in particular, the wheel and the wagon as well as the plough and the domestication of the horse and woolly sheep, all in all key technologies, which were of immeasurable importance for the expansion of cultivation of crops and pasturage, for transportation and communication. Thus, it is not surprising that this development was associated with a change in social organisation, which is articulated for example by the burial of a single individual under a mound. The 4thmillenniumBC saw the emergence of a new social dispositif. It was the transition of one more regional type of power as seen in Varna into an interregional style of power representation from the Caucasus to Western Europe. This development is not covered by neoevolutionist schemes. Without doubt the second half of this millennium can be designated as a hot period, during which technical processes and social differentiation took place in an unusually dense way. Claude Lvi-Strauss once suggested the distinction between two ideal types of society: the cold and the hot: the former seeking, by the institutions they give themselves, to annul the possible effects of historical factors on their equilibrium and continuity in a quasi-automatic fashion; the latter resolutely internalizing the historical process and making it the moving power of their development. In the case of cold societies the order of temporal succession should have as little influence as possible on their content [for example, through marriage regulations that would maintain a low birth-rate low]. Hot societies, by contrast, adapt to and incorporate changes. Ultimately, a political life among cold societies that
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seemingly bases upon agreement is at the same time created to turn off that driving force in collective living that uses the distance between power and opposition, majority and minority, exploiters and the exploited. Such (cold) societies approached the zero-point in historical temperature. Through their limited population and their mechanical way of functioning, they differ from the hot societies, which appeared in various parts of the world after the Neolithic revolution. They constantly tried out new differentiations between castes and classes, in order to draw from them the future and energy.148 Lvi-Strauss distinction between cold and hot societies is of course metaphorical, yet it is a help in working out the particularities in the development in western Europe after the end of the last Ice Age, which led comparatively rapidly to the emergence of states. For there is no one simple answer to the question as to the reasons for the emergence of domination and control and the transformation of segmented societies to early states.149 However, it should now be clear that the answer can hardly be reached following the neoevolutionist model in
ethnology. Instead, the dynamics of processes in technical and social transformation can be distinguished in the long periods of time which archaeology is capable of surveying. The development of metallurgical techniques that can be identified as innovations in the 5th and 4thmillenniaBC appear as the result of rather than the precondition for centralised authority. Early copper axes and adzes as tools are certainly not superior to those made of stone. Oppositely, the use of new materials to produce weapons, above all dagger blades, and the technical perfection in production opened new perspectives. Furthermore, the unlimited accumulation of metal was the basis for the expansion of exchange relations, as well as for warfare and all things connected with it. The ability to dispose over raw materials, the techniques, the knowledge and the finished products played an essential role in achieving and securing positions of power and sovereignty in society. The central element in the interconnection of technical and social apparently lies in the sphere of early metallurgy.
Acknowledgements
This text is the result of contemplations, aspects of which were presented in various conferences of the research cluster Innovations: technical and social. Here I wish to express my gratitude to Martin Bartelheim, Dirk Brandherm, Stefan Burmeister, Blagoje Govedarica, Andreas Hauptmann, BarbaraHelwing, Mehmet zdoan, Michael Prange and Helmut Schneider for our discussions and their suggestions. I am likewise grateful to Michael Baales, Marena S zmyt and Vladimir Slavchev for their preparedness to provide illustrations. Many thanks are extended to Michael Mller for procuring the literature and to Christoph Schrder and Anke Reuter for editing the illustrations. Emily Schalk translated the German text into English.
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Address of author
Svend Hansen Deutsches Archologisches Institut Eurasien-Abteilung Im Dol 26 14195 Berlin Germany [email protected]