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Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident  Veröffentlichungen des Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz

Der Doppeladler
Byzanz und die Seldschuken in Anatolien
vom späten 11. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert
Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger  ·  Falko Daim (Hrsg.)
Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident  | 1
Veröffentlichungen des Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz

Herausgegeben vom Vorstand des Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz

Der Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz ist eine Forschungskooperation des

Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums und der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
Der Doppeladler
Byzanz und die Seldschuken in Anatolien
vom späten 11. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert

Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger  ·  Falko Daim (Hrsg.)

Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums | Mainz | 2014

Redaktion: Stefan Albrecht (RGZM)
Satz: Claudia Nickel (RGZM)
Gestaltung: fuhrer visuelle gestaltung oeg, Wien
Coverfoto: Rüçan Arık

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 Vorwort zur Reihe »Byzanz zwischen Orient
und Okzident – Veröffentlichungen des
Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz«

Das Römische Imperium umfasste große Teile des heutigen eine interdisziplinäre Byzanzforschung unverzichtbar sind.
Europa, vom Atlantik bis zum Schwarzen Meer, dazu Klein- Die Voraussetzungen für eine wissenschaftliche Kooperation
asien und Nordafrika. In seiner Westhälfte konnten sich im waren also sehr gut. Bereits 2005 wurde hier die »Byzanti-
5. und 6. Jahrhundert germanische Herrschaften durchsetzen, nische Archäologie Mainz« (BAM) gegründet, eine Koope-
während sich das Reich im Osten bruchlos zu einem mittelal- ration des Römisch-Germanischen Zentral­museums (RGZM)
terlichen Staat entwickelte. Dieses mittelalterliche Römerreich mit Professoren der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität (JGU).
nannte man seit dem 16. Jahrhundert das »Byzantinische Sie hatte das Ziel, eine institutionalisierte, inter­disziplinäre Zu-
Reich«, nach der griechischen Kolonie Byzantion an der Stelle sammenarbeit zwischen Byzantinistik, Christlicher Archäolo-
des späteren Konstantinopel und des heutigen Istanbul. Zu- gie und Byzantinischer Kunstgeschichte, Provinzialrömischer
mindest bis in das 12. Jahrhundert bildete es in vielfacher Archäologie, Ägyptologie und Vor- und Frühgeschichte zu
Hinsicht den Maßstab für die Nachbarn, auch wenn ihm im etablieren.
Kalifat und im Karolingischen sowie – später – dem Ottoni- Aufgrund des Erfolgs der BAM entstand der Plan, die
schen Imperium ernsthafte Konkurrenz erwuchs. Kooperation auf weitere Fächer an der JGU auszudehnen.
Kein Zweifel: Das Byzantinische Reich war die bedeu- Das Ergebnis ist der »Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz:
tendste Entität des europäischen Früh- und Hochmittelalters. Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident«, der formal am 1. Juni
Gleichwohl ist es heute – zumindest im Westen – weitgehend 2011 seine Arbeit aufgenommen hat. Auf der Grundlage
unbekannt. Die Gründe dafür sind vielfältig, doch ohne das der Vorarbeiten der BAM wird die Byzanzforschung in Mainz
Byzantinische Reich bleibt die Geschichte Europas unvollstän- durch den WissenschaftsCampus seitdem maßgeblich wei-
dig und undifferenziert. Insbesondere das Verständnis der terentwickelt.
Entwicklungen Südost- und Osteuropas ist ohne Berücksich- Das Format des »WissenschaftsCampus« ist vom Präsi-
tigung des byzantinischen Erbes unmöglich. Ja es ist sogar mit dium der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft entwickelt worden und ver-
Recht argumentiert worden, das historische Europa würde steht sich als Kooperation zwischen einem Leibniz-Institut
auch den Vorderen Orient umfassen, eine Region, die bis zur und der Universität am Standort zur Bearbeitung eines inno-
Mitte des 7. Jahrhunderts zum byzantinischen Reichsgebiet vativen Forschungsfeldes. Im Fall des WissenschaftsCampus
gehörte und wo alle drei monotheistischen Religionen ihren Mainz ist es die interdisziplinäre Byzanzforschung, die hier
Ausgang nahmen. vom RGZM und der JGU gemeinsam betrieben wird. Koope-
Es gibt also sehr gute Gründe dafür, die wissenschaftli- rationspartner sind auch das Leibniz-Institut für Europäische
che Erforschung der byzantinischen Geschichte und Kultur Geschichte sowie die Landesmuseen Mainz und Trier.
zu intensivieren und Byzanz wieder in das Bewusstsein der Am 1. Juni 2011 trat ein entsprechender Vertrag zwi-
Öffentlichkeit zu rücken. Dabei ist ein interdisziplinärer, histo- schen den beiden Institutionen in Kraft. Der Aufbau einer
risch-kulturwissenschaftlicher Ansatz zukunftsträchtig, dem- Organisationsstruktur und die institutionelle Vernetzung der
zufolge alle aussagekräftigen Daten und Materialien genützt Partner im WissenschaftsCampus Mainz konnte dank der An-
und zahlreiche spezialisierte Fächer mit ihren entwickelten schubfinanzierung der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft schnell realisiert
Methoden einbezogen werden. Gerade in den Bereichen werden. Anders als bei der BAM stellt der thematische Fokus
zwischen den traditionellen akademischen Fächern lässt sich »Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident« die Mittlerrolle des
rasch Neuland gewinnen. Byzantinischen Reichs als Brücke von der Antike in die Neuzeit
Weltweit existieren nur wenige bedeutende Standorte der und gleichzeitig von Europa in den Orient in den Mittelpunkt.
Byzanzforschung. Den Forschungsstandort Mainz zeichnet Dabei sind die Forschungen und Aktivitäten unter dem Dach
neben wichtigen Beständen archäologischer Funde vor allem des WissenschaftsCampus Mainz durch eine Bündelung, Ver-
die große Vielfalt an wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen aus, die – zahnung und komplementäre Ergänzung von wissenschaftli-
abgesehen von den »Kernfächern« Byzantinistik sowie Christ- chen Ansätzen und Kompetenzen der beteiligten Disziplinen
licher Archäologie und Byzantinischer Kunst­geschichte – für an der JGU, dem Leibniz-Forschungsmuseum RGZM als auch

5
weiterer Partner charakterisiert. Um längerfristige Projekte
durchführen zu können, wird eine Verstetigung des Leibniz-
WissenschaftsCampus Mainz: Byzanz zwischen Orient und
Okzident angestrebt.
Der vorliegende Band ist der erste einer Publikationsreihe
des Leibniz-WissenschaftsCampus Mainz. Sie wird dazu die-
nen, ihm ein unverwechselbares Gesicht zu verleihen und
ergänzt bereits etablierte Serien. Tagungsbände und Mono-
graphien aus den Forschungen des WissenschaftsCampus
sollen mithelfen, interdisziplinäre Ansätze in der Byzanzfor-
schung zu befördern und das Bewusstsein für die Bedeutung
der Byzantinischen Kultur in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung
zu stärken.

Falko Daim
Jörg Drauschke
Johannes Pahlitzsch
Jörg Rogge
Vassiliki Tsamakda

6
Inhaltsverzeichnis

  9 Vorwort

Peter Schreiner
 11 Byzanz zwischen Kulturkonkurrenz und Leitkultur

Günter Prinzing
Byzantiner und Seldschuken zwischen Allianz, Koexistenz und Konfrontation
 25 im Zeitraum ca. 1180-1261

Rustam Shukurov
 39 Sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II in Byzantium (1262-1264/1265)

Rainer Warland
Byzantinische Wandmalerei des 13. Jahrhunderts in Kappadokien.
 53 Visuelle Zeugnisse einer Koexistenz von Byzantinern und Seldschuken

Antony Eastmond
 71 Inscriptions and Authority in Ani

Thomas F. Mathews with Theo Maarten van Lint

 85 The Kars-Tsamandos Group of Armenian Illuminated Manuscripts of the 11th Century

Nina Iamanidze
The Dragon-Slayer Horseman from its Origins to the Seljuks:
 97 Missing Georgian Archaeological Evidence

Thomas Dittelbach
111 Seldschuken und Normannen. Transmediterrane Perspektiven

Ömür Bakırer
129 The Palace of ٗAlā’ad-Dīn Kay-Qubād I at Alanya and its Glass Finds

Rüçhan Arık
New Information and Perspectives on Seljuk Art
139 Obtained throughout the Kubad Abad Palace Excavations

Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger
153 Überlegungen zu einer Herrscherinsignie in Byzanz: der Schirm

Arne Effenberger
161 Viktorien und Engel in der seldschukischen Skulptur

177 Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren

179 Siglen der Reihe Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident

7
 Vorwort

Unmittelbar nach der Gründung des türkischen Großseld- ler zeigen. Trotzdem verfügen wir noch immer über relativ
schukenreichs (1037/1038) auf persischem Boden (Merz / Nis- geringe Kenntnisse über die Seldschuken und die Wech-
hapur / Herat) hatte Byzanz mannigfaltige Kontakte zu diesem selwirkungen zwischen ihnen und den Byzantinern. In der
Staat aufgenommen. Doch den Tiefpunkt der Beziehungen wissenschaftlichen Sekundärliteratur begegnet man häufig
markiert das Jahr 1071, als die byzantinische Armee unter Vorurteilen, die den Eindruck erwecken, dass zwischen By-
Romanos IV. Diogenes (1068-1071) durch den Großseldschu- zantinern und Seldschuken kaum ein kultureller Austausch
kensultan Alparslan (1063-1072) bei Manzikert in der Nähe stattgefunden habe und seit 1071 die byzantinische Kultur in
des heutigen Van besiegt wurde und der Kaiser selbst in Anatolien auf einen künstlerischen Tiefpunkt herabgesunken
Gefangenschaft geriet. Die Folge dieses Siegs war die Grün- sei. Das Verständnis der gesamten Kunst und Kultur Anato-
dung eines noch vom Großseldschukenreich abhängigen Va- liens zwischen dem 11. und 14. Jahrhundert wird hierdurch
sallenstaats in Kleinasien, dem Kernland des Byzantinischen a priori blockiert, obwohl eine vorurteilsfreie Betrachtung der
Reichs, zunächst mit der Hauptstadt İznik (Nikaia), später tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten neue Horizonte für die Bewer-
mit der Hauptstadt Konya (Ikonion). Der neu gegründete tung der künstlerischen Hinterlassenschaften beider Seiten
Staat der Rum-Seldschuken bzw. Anatolischen Seldschuken eröffnen könnte.
wirkte nunmehr nicht nur als ein bedeutsamer politischer In diesem Sinne fand vom 1. bis zum 3. Oktober 2010 im
Akteur im damaligen »Nahen Osten«, sondern war für meh- Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz unter die Lei-
rere Jahrhunderte der wichtigste Nachbar der Byzantiner an tung seines Generaldirektors Prof. Dr. Falko Daim und unter
deren Ostgrenze, bis er zu Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts von Mitwirkung von PD Dr. Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger (damals
der Weltbühne abtrat und auf seinen Trümmern mehrere Universität Bonn) eine international besetzte Tagung statt,
selbstständige türkische Fürstentümer einschließlich dem der die Wissenschaftler aus den Disziplinen seldschukische und
Osmanen gegründet wurden. byzantinische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, Geschichte
Der Seldschukenstaat in Anatolien hatte nicht nur eine er- und Philologie erstmals in Deutschland zusammenführte und
hebliche Zahl an griechisch-orthodoxen Bewohnern, sondern ein Forum bot, um eine Diskussion über die anstehenden
pflegte auch vielseitige Kontakte mit Byzanz durch Handel, Probleme zu eröffnen.
Künstleraustausch und Heiraten. Konya und Konstantinopel Wir freuen uns, die Früchte dieser Tagung nunmehr in
waren in Notzeiten für die Eliten beider Länder einschließlich einer Publikation vorlegen zu können, und danken allen Au-
der Sultane und Kaiser wechselweise sichere Asylorte. Die torinnen und Autoren, die ihre seinerzeit gehaltenen Vorträge
sozialen und politischen Beziehungen sowie die griechisch- zu Aufsätzen ausgearbeitet und uns für diesen Band überlas-
türkische Koexistenz innerhalb des religiös toleranten Seld- sen haben. Antony Eastmond, Michael Greenhalgh und John
schukenstaats erbrachten zahlreiche Früchte hinsichtlich der Haldon danken wir für ihre Hilfe bei der Redaktion einiger
Kunst, wie die Schriftquellen und die erhaltenen Denkmä- englischer Texte.

Mainz, im August 2014

Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger
Falko Daim

9
Nina Iamanidze

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman from its Origins

to the Seljuks: Missing Georgian Archaeolog-
ical Evidence

Situated on the crossroads of the Christian and Islamic worlds, Christian and Muslim contexts. This image offers an explicit
medieval Georgia was a site of intense artistic interaction re- example of the transfer of ideas through times and cultures
sulting from the political, diplomatic and cultural contacts and the iconographic and contextual adaptability of this rep-
between the ruling families of the Kingdom of Georgia, the resentation, has already been explored by several scholars 4.
Byzantine Empire and the eastern regions 1. The relations These studies have shown how the motif was used by the
between Georgia and its neighbours have always facilitated Seldjuks of Anatolia and consequently adapted in accordance
the transmission of intellectual values to Georgia, where they with the Turco-Islamic believes.
were creatively transformed in accordance with the local The hagiographic dossier and the iconography of the
artistic tradition, reflecting political and artistic movements dragon-slayer horseman became the subject of many stud-
of the period. The chronological span of this interaction, ies, with the most recent and comprehensive among them
ranging from Late Antiquity to the medieval era, is indicative being those by Christopher Walter 5. The cult of military saints
of the complexity and intensity of the cultural exchange. originated in the territories of Asia Minor and Palestine and
Thus, Georgian artistic production constitutes a promising soon spread widely in the East and the West. The so-called
field for interdisciplinary research on the relations between Holy Rider iconography had its roots in the ancient tradition
Europe and Asia. of magical / apotropaic amulets and appeared as early as the
My intention in the present study is to reveal Georgian 6th century in Byzantine Syria and Palestine, from where it also
contribution in the context of the migration of visual vocab- reached Anatolia 6.
ularies that took place in the Middle Ages, focusing on the From the 10th century and the Armenian church of the
possible occurrence of Georgian elements in Seljuk art. Holy Cross at Agh’tamar comes the oldest securely dated
An extremely complex cultural mixture and variety awaited image of equestrian Saint Theodore killing a dragon 7. How-
the Seljuks when they arrived in Anatolia in the 11th cen- ever, a number of undated and unidentified representations
tury. The interaction between the existing Anatolian artis- might be regarded as the earliest examples of Saint Theodore
tic heritage and Islamic culture played an important role in engaged in dragon-slaying 8. The corpus of these images has
the formation of Seljuk art 2. A part of the region’s artistic been recently enriched by new discoveries in Cappadocia:
background was due to the Kingdom of Georgia, which by the dragon-slayer saint Theodore appears in the church of
the 11th century had already traversed a rather long path Saint Michael in Bașköy (8th-9th centuries) and in the church
in the development of Christian art. It is known that me- of İçeridere (9th century). Catherine Jolivet-Lévy who published
dieval Anatolia had been influenced by the earlier cultures these monuments was also able to prove the early appear-
of the Caucasus, especially in stone carving, figural reliefs ance of the representation of Theodore as a dragon-slayer
and metalwork 3. In the framework of the expanded artistic in the Christian Orient already in the 6th-7th centuries 9. Such
exchange, I would like to draw attention to a particular rep- early examples include possibly the church no. 3 of Güzelöz
resentation: the dragon-slayer horseman, the image that had (Mavrucan) 10 in the same region, although the dating of the
been adopted, reproduced and reinterpreted several times latter, ranging from the 6th to the 9th century 11 is uncertain.
from Late Antiquity to the arrival of the Seljuks in Medieval Among the images of the dragon-slayer horseman pro-
Anatolia, illustrating its wide diffusion and similar function in duced before the Turkish settlement of Medieval Anatolia,

1 I am grateful to Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger for drawing my attention to the  6 Spier, Gems 83-84. – Matantseva, Les amulettes 110-121. – Dauterman-­
significance of Seljuk art. I also offer many thanks to Pagona Papadopolou who Maguire / Maguire / Duncan-Flowers, Art and Holy Power 25-28.
read and commented on this text.   7 Der Nersessian, Agh’tamar 19 fig. 50.
2 Redford, A Grammar 283-310.  8 Walter, Intaglio 397-414. – Walter, Thracian Horseman 657-673.
3 Cat. London 2005, 43.  9 Jolivet-Lévy, Saint Théodore 357-382.
4 Shukurov, Christian Elements 707-764. – Pancaroğlu, Dragon-Slayer 151-164. – 10 Completely destroyed today.
Redford, A Grammar 283-310. 11 Jolivet-Lévy, Les églises 247-248. – Thierry, Art byzantine 258-263 fig. 2, pro-
5 Walter, Theodore, Archetype 163-195. – Walter, Saint Theodore 95-106. – Wal- poses 6th century as date; 9th century is suggested by Hild / Restle, Kappadokien
ter, Warrior Saints 44-66, with complete bibliography. 232. – See also: Walter, Saint Theodore 99 no. 33.

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 97

 of emperors and military aristocracy 13. It is also from this time
that the first Georgian translations of the vitae of the most
venerated saints, George and Theodore, appear 14. In the 11th-
13th centuries, interest in the lives of military saints increased
considerably, since they presented as examples of military
force, heroism and courage 15.
It is generally agreed that visual and textual representa-
tions of the dragon-slayer were in a close relationship to
each other 16. However, some Georgian representations of
dragon-slayer equestrian saints derived from the early period
confirm the precedence of the visual tradition over the tex-
tual evidence, as it has already been suggested in the case
of Saint Theodore by Walter and Jolivet-Lévy on the basis of
Byzantine material 17.
Georgian stone-carved crosses constitute a remarkably
rich and diverse corpus that despite their great spread in
Georgia, since the 4th and particularly during the 6th-8th cen-
turies, remain relatively unknown to non-Georgian special-
ists. The crosses were supported by stone-carved pillars – or
stela – and were raised mostly in rural places, far away from
churches, presumably in order to mark a holy site where
Christian rituals took place. The absence of relevant written
sources obscures the origins and purposes of that practice.
However large numbers, in which these religious monuments
survived, indicate the existence of a well-organized system
involved in the production of stone crosses decorated with
reliefs in early medieval Georgia. Most probably, sculptural
workshops functioned in various regions of the country 18.
The valley Xožorni (ancient Banuš-čai, K’vemo K’art’li,
region in south-eastern Georgia) was populated by Georgians
Fig. 1 Small stela of Brdadzori. – (Photo N. Iamanidze).
since ancient time. The archaeological evidence confirms the
existence of an active life in this area already in the 1st century
BC 19. From that time onwards and until the 10th century, the
Georgian examples hold an important position since they valley counted seven important cites, among which there
offer significant insight as to the genesis of this representation were Xožorni and Brdadzori. It was the region where a group
in Byzantium and its neighbouring regions 12. of early Christian stone crosses, dated approximately by the
The representation of the dragon-slayer horseman – the 6th century, was discovered in the 1950s 20. Three of them
image that delivers the essential message of the triumph of bear figures on horseback impaling a large dragon or serpent.
Good over Evil – was very popular in early Christian Georgia: These carved fragments suggest the existence of a sculptural
substituting the veneration of ancient heroes, the worship of workshop in the valley that was apparently active already
military saints perfectly fitted the ideology and military vision from an early period. The fact that two of the four stelae bear
of a »feudal« country. However, in spite of the early spread inscriptions in Georgian confirms the Georgian origin of the
of the cult of equestrian saints, their veneration developed monuments 21.
particularly, in Georgia as in Byzantium, from the 9th-10th cen- Much-damaged principal side of the so-called small Brdad-
turies, when they acquired the function of protectors of the zori cross 22 shows a figure on horseback, aiming his spear at
terrestrial army, attributed by some scholars to the influence two coiled dragons (fig. 1). The scene is clearly divided into

12 The aspects of development of the cult and iconography of equestrian saints in 17 Walter, Saint Theodore 95-106. – Jolivet-Lévy, Saint Theodore et le dragon 357-
medieval Georgia are developed in the forthcoming book N. Iamanidzé, Culte 382.
et images en Géorgie aux VIe-XIe siècles entre Byzance et l’Orient: le cas parti- 18 For Georgian stone crosses see: Javaxišvili, Stelabi. – Mačabeli, K’vajvarebi.
culier des saints cavaliers. 19 Ckitišvili, C’op’i 85.
13 Grotowski, Arms and Armour 63-74. 20 Gagošidze, K’vasvetebi 60-71. – Gagošidze, C’minda giorgis 26-27.
14 Gabidzašvili, C’minda giorgi. – Kekelidze, Etiudebi II. – Chahanov, Materialy. – 21 For the inscriptions see: Gagošidze, K’vasvetebi 70.
Marr, Agiografičeskie materialy I 47. – Jordania, Opisanie I 380-381. 22 Čubinašvili, Xandisi 8. – Javaxišvili, Stelabi 33-34. – Gagošidze, K’vasvetebi 61-
15 Kekelidé, Etiudebi 6. 80. 71.
16 Walter, Warrior Saints 44-66. – Pancaroğlu, Dragon-Slayer 152.

98 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

two parts by a narrow relief border used as a ground for the
horse. The horseman, in the upper register, spears two large
dragons placed on the lower part, by inserting the lance into
the mouth of one of them. The monsters cover almost two
quarters of the relief and are bigger than the rider himself.
A comparable image is offered by the stela of Xožorni 23
(fig. 2) which repeats almost exactly the iconography of
Brdadzori: it shows an equestrian saint moving from left to
right, holding the lance in his right hand while his left hand
holds the shield. The large coiled dragon fills the lower regis-
ter of relief separated from the figure of a horseman on the
upper part by a narrow relief border. The surviving traces of
inscriptions that will be examined further below render this
example particularly significant.
In both cases (Brdadzori and Xožorni), it is obvious that the
Good and the Evil are clearly divided. The dragon, incarnation
of the Evil, is placed at the bottom of relief, while the trium-
phant over the Evil dragon-slayer is raised to the highest part.
This is an original iconographic system, which, to the best of
my knowledge, appears only on these two monuments.
Another better-preserved example is the so-called large
stela of Brdadzori 24 (fig. 3). It measures 6 m in height and is
thus the largest stone-cross preserved in Georgia. The base of
stela remains intact with only a small part on the top missing.
The eastern side is divided into squares bearing figural and
ornamental decoration. Only 13 squares are visible today. One
of the squares shows the equestrian dragon-slaying saint in
Fig. 2  Xožorni stela. – (Photo N. Iamanidze).
a similar attitude as in Xožorni. However, the iconography
is quite different: the warrior aims his spear at the serpent
whose tail rises up in front of the horse; he pierces the head
of the monster lying down on the horizontal border of the
frame. The rider, moving towards the serpent and holding a Another significant element is the cross at the end of the
large round shield in his left hand with the spear in his right warrior’s spear on the so-called large cross of Brdadzori. It
hand as in Xožorni, is surmounted by a cross. represents a direct indication on the nature of military saints
Among all almost identical iconographic elements of these and becomes later the essential attribute in the iconography
three compositions, the most remarkable is the large size of of Saint Theodore and Saint George. It could thus be consid-
the dragon – or the serpent in the case of Brdadzori, which ered as an indication for the identification of the saint that
embody the evil forces and could be explained by the will in the absence of inscription remains problematic. The pres-
to emphasize its harmful strength. We are supposed to see ence of the halo in Xožorni and the cross topping the spear
the triumph over the forces of evil of all forms in this image, in Brdadzori would suggest an identification of the depicted
where the rider appears as a protector and victor over the figure at least with Saint Theodore, whose representation,
demons. This type of the dragon could possibly be connected according to common belief, appeared in the Christian East
with the real situation in Georgia; according to historical already in the 6th-7th  centuries, well before those of Saint
sources, during the 4th-6th  centuries, the population of the George 26.
eastern part of Šida K’art’li was not entirely and definitively The case of Xožorni, however, enables us to put forward
converted to Christianity 25. Thus, besides its symbolic con- another, more concrete hypothesis concerning the identifica-
notation, the image would also reflect political and religious tion of the saint. The inscription on the stela is much dam-
state of a country. aged, but a readable part on the small relief border at the leg

23 Privalova, P’avnisi 2. – Gagošidze, C’minda giorgis 26. 25 Janašia, Sak’art’velo 212. – Gagošidze, K’ristianoba da c’armart’oba 27.
24 Čubinašvili, Xandisi 8. – Javaxišvili, Stelabi 33-34. – Gagošidze, K’vasvetebi 67- 26 Walter, Saint Theodore 95-106. – Jolivet-Lévy, Saint Theodore et le dragon 357-
68. 382.

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 99

 Fig. 3 Big stela of Brdadzori. – (Photo N. Iama-
nidze).

of the horse names the dragon: ႤႱႤ Ⴀ / ႰႱ ႥႤႸႠႮႨ »this is ocletian. The iconographic theme of the saint combating the
a dragon«. Some letters can also be discerned on both sides dragon made its appearance in the 11th century and mostly in
of the rider’s head. On the left side we can read: ႰႢ »rg« that wall-paintings (Hadiši [11th century], Boč’orma [12th century],
could eventually be the part of »George« (Giorgi en Geor- P’avnisi [12th-13th centuries]) 29. It forms part of the miraculous
gian). The letter Ⴈ »i« to the right can nowadays be hardly rescuing by the saint of a princess in the city of Lasia, first
seen. However, it was more than 30 years ago Ekaterina attested in an 11th century manuscript preserved in the Greek
Privalova proposed a reading of this name, indicating with patriarchal library in Jerusalem cod. 2 30.
no hesitation the same asomt’avruli letters flanking the saint’s However, it should be noted that the oldest images of the
head – »rg« to the left and »i« to the right 27. Obviously the saint killing the dragon cannot be considered as illustrations
inscription was in a better condition at the end of the 1970s. of the life of Saint George, since they do not reproduce the
According to that reading, the inscription identifies the figure narrative of the vita. According to the latter, Saint George
with Saint George; the iconographic type of the depicted defeated the dragon miraculously, only with the force of his
saint also bears typical physical characteristics of Saint George prayer, and killed it with his sword without a fight 31. On the
that is his curly hair and absence of beard. This identification contrary, early Christian stone crosses depict the combat of
would make the Xožorni stela one of the earliest examples of the saint with the creature, attributing precise semantic im-
Saint George as a dragon-slayer, a motif that does not occur portance to each element of the composition.
until the 11th century in Byzantine art. An episode of the victory over the dragon included in the
However, it leads us to consider two main problems: first, life of Saint Theodore Tiron, dated as early as the 8th  cen-
dating in the 11th century of the earliest written sources, re- tury 32, indicates that the idea of this battle can be counted
ferring to Saint George as a dragon-slayer and consequently among the heroic acts of almost all popular military saints and
the later origin of its image; second, the particular success seems to derive from older symbolic representations. Thus,
that enjoyed in Georgia the image of Saint George killing a the image of Saint George or any other saint as a dragon
male figure instead of the dragon. killer in Georgia must be considered as a purely symbolical
Scholars agree that early unnamed pictures of a saint representation.
killing a dragon should not be identified with Saint George Further archaeological evidence could confirm the par-
first represented killing a man 28. Medieval Georgian art offers ticular popularity of Saint George in early Christian Georgia.
many examples of representations of Saint George killing Di- According to Niko Čubinashvili and Kiti Mačabeli, the rep-

27 Privalova, P’avnisi 64. – Šošiašvili, Lapidaruli c’arc’erebi 230. – In spite of this 30 Blake, Catalogue 17.
inscription, Nicole Thierry identifies this warrior saint, as well as that of the small 31 Blake, Catalogue 17. – Privalova, P’avnisi 73. – Walter, The Origins 320-322. –
stela of Brdadzori, as Saint Theodore: Thierry, Aux limites 236. Thierry, Compte-rendu Walter 266.
28 Walter, Origins 320. 32 Zuckerman, The Reign of Constantine V 191-210. – Walter, Theodore, Arche-
29 Ševjakova, Monumental’naja živopic’ tabs 92-94. – Q’enia, Lag’ami 38- type 166-168. – Auzepy, Constantin 324-326.
39. – Privalova, P’avnisi 18 figs 4-5.

100 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

Fig. 4 Xandisi stela. – (Photo N. Iamanidze). Fig. 5  Pillar of Gveldesi templon. – (Photo N. Iamanidze).

resentation of the 6th century Xandisi stela (fig. 4) could attest Instead, 7th century stela from Kataula (fig. 6) carries an
to his early cult. This image shows a martyr saint – not a mil- interesting inscription. The representation of a woman, cer-
itary one – identified by those scholars with Saint George 33. tainly a donor, is accompanied by an invocation in asomtavruli
However, in the absence of inscriptions, this identification script: »Saint George, have mercy upon your slave« 35. This
remains tentative. According to Rene Šmerling, another rep- prayer confirms the particular esteem and respect that Saint
resentation of Saint George can be found on one of the pillars George enjoyed in early Christian Georgia, while underlin-
of the 8th century Gveldesi templon (fig. 5). The relief shows ing the existence of his cult already in the 7th century. This
the saint standing, and not as a horse rider, spearing a long issue becomes particularly interesting since the inscription of
serpent with a lance topped by a cross, but the clearly visible Kataula is not a unique case. Beside the well-known inscrip-
beard would enable us to recognize rather Saint Theodore 34. tion of the 6th century monastery at Ezra (Zorava) in Syria

33 Čubinashvili, Xandisi 4. – Mačabeli, K’vajvarebi 51. 35 Mačabeli, K’vajvarebi 166-176.

34 Šmerling, Malye formy 74-76.

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 101

 George certainly formed part of the oral tradition that circu-
lated at Early Christian time 38. Therefore, together with the
Hellenistic and Sassanian influences, local cults have fostered
the emergence of this iconography 39. The synthesis of these
traditions could lead to the early image of the equestrian
saint killing dragon or snake in Georgia. This image of a
warrior, but not a martyr, fitted perfectly in the political and
spiritual ideology of the country propagating the new state
religion, was also widely spread in the other parts of the
early Christian world – the fact that confirms the circulation
and use of a common iconographic theme as well as direct
link of Georgia with the eastern Christian spiritual centres. It
could have influenced the text of the saint’s life, which took
a more developed and narrative form 40. Consequently, we
can consider that the iconography of the miracle of Saint
George with the dragon in the city of Lasia, created in the
11th century according to the life of Saint George and soon
spread widely in medieval Georgian painting, was inspired by
this kind of representations 41.
The early Georgian images of the dragon-slayer horseman
allow us to incorporate Georgia in the circle of countries that
contributed to the creation of this iconography. The quality
and number of relevant surviving representations from the
period before the 11th century confirm that the popularity
of these representations increased in Georgia after the Early
Fig. 6 Kataula stela. – (Photo N. Iamanidze).
Christian era. This popularity went together with the creation
of a different iconography: the representation of equestrian
saints facing each other, with Saint Theodore impaling a ser-
(514-515), where Saint George is mentioned as a victorious pent, and Saint George, killing a male figure.
warrior for the first time 36, similar examples appear in other I will draw attention to some less known monuments and
regions of the Christian East, together with the images show- to more famous representations of controversial dating.
ing a saint in warrior costume, often with a blessing gesture, One of the reliefs on the western façade of the Martvili
sometimes in the company of donor. The prayers to Saint church shows equestrian saints, George and Theodore, kill-
George clearly suggest his identification (as on the 4th century ing a double-headed dragon (fig. 7). This iconography is not
cross of Mesembrios form Cabinet des médailles, on the am- common in Georgia and is related to Cappadocia, which
ulet ring from Benaki museum [6th-7th centuries], on the relief offers a number of its examples: in Pürenli seki kilise (9th-
from Vinica [Macedonia, 4th-6th or 8th centuries]) 37. 10th  centuries), Yılanlı kilise / Göreme no. 28 (11th century)
This evidence leads us to suppose that the image of the Saklı kilise / Göreme no. 2a (11th century) in the Ihlara valley 42.
dragon-slaying Saint George was created in Georgia well The triumphal character of this representation is emphasized
before the relevant written version on the basis of ancient, by two flying angels glorifying the saints by holding a crown –
pre-Christian cults of the so-called Holy Rider (known as the unusual detail for the iconography of medieval Georgia
warrior God in Georgia). The old legends related to Saint and generally characteristic for early Christian time.

36 Walter, Origins 314. – Walter, Warrior Saints 114-115. 40 For the pre-Christian cults and the old legends related to Saint George, see:
37 Cotsonis, Processional Crosses 88-95. – Cat. Thessaloniki 2001-2002, 438-439. Javaxišvili, K’art’veli eris istoria 41-55. – Gagošidze, Adrek’ristianuli xanis dzeg-
– Drandaki, Copper Alloy Jewellery 70. The rich Cappadocian dossier could also lebi 40-43. – Barnaveli, K’art’uli meomari 36. The material culture evidence dis-
provide important data to confirm this hypothesis. However, the chronology of covered during archaeological excavations confirms that the tradition of the re-
the early paintings is difficult to establish and remains controversial. presentation of a riding saint in Georgia existed in very old times. – Gagošidze,
38 For the pre-Christian cults and the old legends related to Saint George, see: Adrek’ristianuli xanis dzeglebi 34-43 suggests a close link between the images
Javaxišvili, K’art’veli eris istoria 41-55. – Gagošidze, Adrek’ristianuli xanis dzeg- of holy riders armed with the lance on the small objects found in tombs in
lebi 40-43. – Barnaveli, K’art’uli meomari 36. The material culture evidence dis- K’ančaet’i, dated in 2nd-3rd centuries, and that of Saint George. – Gagošidze,
covered during archaeological excavations confirms that the tradition of the re- K’ristianoba da c’armart’oba 27-28.
presentation of a riding saint in Georgia existed in very old times. – Gagošidze, 41 Privalova, P’avnisi 76-77 pointed out that in the 11th-century church of Hadiši
Adrek’ristianuli xanis dzeglebi 34-43 suggests a close link between the images and the 12th-century Boč’orma church, the equestrian saints Theodore and
of holy riders armed with the lance on the small objects found in tombs in George appear together with the scene of the miracle in Lasia, a fact that, in
K’ančaet’i, dated in 2nd-3rd centuries, and that of Saint George. – Gagošidze, her opinion, proves the autonomy of each composition.
K’ristianoba da c’armart’oba 27-28. 42 Thierry, Aux limites du sacré 234-236 fig. 1. – Jolivet-Lévy, Saint Théodore 358-
39 Javaxišvili, K’art’veli eris istoria I 41-55. – Gagošidzé, Adrek’ristianuli xanis dzeg- 359.
lebi 40-43. – Barnaveli, K’art’uli meomari 36.

102 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

Fig. 7  Martvili church. Western façade. – (After Aladašvili, Monumental’naja skul’ptura fig. 56).

Fig. 8  Martvili church. Western façade. – (After Aladašvili, Monumental’naja skul’ptura fig. 58).

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 103

 The image on the right, on the same façade shows an- Regarding the argument of the construction date, the
other horseman hitting with his long and massive spear a church of Martvili, which belongs to the group of the so-
man at the feet of his horse (fig. 8). The presence of the called Jvari type churches, was restored in the 10th century;
latter – inseparable element of Saint George’s iconography – some new compartments were then added to the principal
allows the identification of the scene to the traditional image building dated from the 7th century 48.
of Saint George killing Diocletian and follows the general The program of images of the Martvili church and the
scheme, well established from the 10th century. abundance of »archaic« iconographic elements seem to per-
According to Georgian scholars, these reliefs can be dated fectly correspond with early Christian tradition. However,
to the 7th century and the image of Georges and Theodore these elements keep on appearing until 9th-10th centuries
killing a dragon provides the earliest example of this type. in the so-called archaic paintings. Instead, if we accept the
This dating is based on the presence of antique sculptural 10th century date we must admit that the reliefs were exe-
forms in the style of reliefs and on the early iconography 43. cuted by not very qualified artists who made use of »archaic«
This opinion has been contested by Russian and European prototypes. The type of equestrian saints is usual of medieval
scholars, who move forward the dating of the church ar- iconography: the occurrence of Diocletian missing from other
chitecture, as well as of its reliefs towards the 10th century. Georgian monuments dated before the 10th century and the
This later chronology derives from a different dating of the similarity to the 9th-10th centuries Coptic models, as for ex-
construction of the church, the style of the figures en bloc, ample, manuscript Copto 66 from Vatican Apostolic Library
the late iconography with the facing saints and of the type or those from the British Museum (OR. 6801) or the Pierpont
of the horses’ harness, notably the presence of stirrups 44. Morgan Library, New York (M. 613) 49, arguing in favour of
The example of the church no. 3 of Güzelöz (Mavrucan) the later date.
that has already been mentioned could provide an excellent Another example can be found on the 10th-century plaque
parallel for the early use of this iconography, however its discovered in the basilica of Saint Step’ane in the monastery
dating in the 7th century is not certain 45. The resemblance of Iq’alt’o 50 (fig. 9). The plaque’s initial function is unknown.
of the Martvili relief to the plaque from the Benaki Museum Most probably it represents the top of the altar table as it was
was mentioned as a supplementary argument for a late dat- used in the church where it was found. However, the problem
ing 46. The plaque of the church Amasia in Pontus is dated of its function remains open. If it is an altar, we are dealing
by 10th-11th centuries, although its execution may suggest with an example with no direct parallels, either in Georgia, or
a later date (13th century?). The image of equestrian saints elsewhere in the Byzantine world.
facing each other and slaying with their spears a man placed The decoration of the plaque consists of a composite pro-
at the feet of their horses seem to be a suitable parallel: the gram of images which, as in most religious works, expresses
attitude and the costumes of riders, details of horses harness the Glory of Christ by underlining the theme of His Sacrifice
are comparable to what we see on Martvili relief. But this with focusing on Incarnation and Redemption. Part of this
iconography is very unusual for Georgia where the Saints program is also the representation of equestrian saints iden-
George and Theodore never kill a man together. The image tified by inscriptions (fig. 10): Saint Theodore, on the left,
from Benaki attests the use of the same prototypes but spears the dragon, while Saint George, on the right, kills
seems to have been created under the influence of different a human figure identified by the inscription as Diocletian.
models: the »Cappadocian« dragon is replaced here by a The idea of triumph is stressed by a medallion containing
»Georgian« man. the bust of Christ blessing the warrior saints and by the
The absence of stirrups does not seem to be a valuable important scale of the riders and their privileged location,
argument for a late dating: indeed, no stirrups appear on the almost in the middle of the plaque, near the Crucifixion of
early Christian Georgian images of equestrian saints. They Christ. This arrangement certainly aims to emphasize the
also seem to be absent in the representations of horsemen apotropaic function of the image, illustrating at the same
in ancient Rome and the Sassanid art. However, scholars time the victory of the Christian soldiers over the Evil and
have traced the route of their arrival in Byzantium in the enjoying for its purpose the protection of the object and
6th century 47. its users.

43 Čubinašvili, Džvari 51. – Aladašvili, Monumental’naja skul’ptura 48-56. One of ed already in the 6th century – in Strategikon attributed to the emperor Maurice
the main arguments for early dating is the presence of flying angels glorifying (582-602). See: Das Strategikon. – Haldon, Arms and Armour 68. – Dawson,
the saints by holding a crown. Syntagma Hoplôn 81. Following this path we can suppose that hypothetically
44 Chruškova, Skul’ptura 59. – Vagner, Obraz 4. – Thierry, Aux limites 240 no. 40. they could appear in Georgia as early as in the 6th-7th centuries. – For stirrups
– Walter, Warrior Saints 129 indicates the date 912-957, with no comments. see also: Curta, Avar-age stirrups 297-326. – Genito, Early medieval nomads
45 Jolivet-Lévy, Les églises 247-248. – Thierry, Art byzantin 258-263. – Restle, Kap- 229-247.
padokien 232. – Walter, Saint Theodore 99 no. 33. 48 Mep’isašvili, Vale 25-52.
46 Pancaroğlu, Dragon-Slayer 154. – For this plaque and its dating see: Delivorrias, 49 For coptic manuscrits see: Leroy, Les manuscrits coptes 185-186 pl. 105, 2; 188
Benaki Museum 65. 69. pl. 107, 2; 188-189 pl. 106, 1.
47 Bivar, The stirrup 61-65. – Bivar, Cavalry equipment 274. 286-288. – Haldon, 50 For Iq’alt’o plaque see: Iamanidzé, Les installations liturgiques 61-94.
Arms and Armour 66-67 no. 4. In the Byzantine textual sources they are attest-

104 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

Fig. 9  Iq’alt’o plaque. – (Photo N. Iamanidze).

One more less known example comes from the eastern the 12th-century copper coin of the Danishmendid ruler of
façade of the 10th century Joisubani church (fig. 11). The Malatya Nasr al-Dīn Muhammad (1162-1170, 1175-1178),
equestrian saints George and Theodore are integrated in a bear the effigy of a dragon-slaying horseman 52. This image
complex iconographic program as parts of one of the oldest of authority bears the same significance of the triumph over
representations of the Last Judgment. They are shown to- the Evil. In media other than coins, the message of victory is
gether with Christ the Judge, the figure of the donor and the sometimes emphasized by the accompanying inscription. An
archangels, surrounded by inscriptions and invocations, high- explicit example can be found on the 13th-century bronze
lighting the devotional use of this image. They also appear as candlestick from southern Anatolia decorated with large me-
protectors and have in this case too an apotropaic function. dallion bearing figure of mounted hunter fighting a dragon.
The earliest comparable examples of the equestrian drag- The text of the inscription wishes the owner luck, wealth and
on-slayer from Turco-Islamic Anatolia appear on coins dated victory over his enemies 53.
by the 12th century; in this context the iconography conveys The relief plaques of the C’ebelda templon – another Geor-
the message of authority and rulership 51. The coin types gian monument meriting special attention, offer an interesting
follow the standard Byzantine iconography of the theme, case-study of common motifs on the boundaries of Georgian
aiming to express the ideas of victory and power. Some of and Islamic cultures and traditions. These sculpted panels
them, such as the 12th-century copper coins of the Seljuk sul- provoked much interest and were published several times.
tan Rukn al-Dīn Sulayman Shah (1196-1204), show a horse- However, the dating of the reliefs is still disputed, with the
rider with a halo carrying a spear. Other issues, for example proposed dating between the 6th and the 12th-13th centuries 54.

51 Pancaroğlu, Dragon-Slayer 158-159. – For figural coinage in Anatolia and their 54 Uvarova, Christianskie pamjatniki 22. – Šervašidzé, Reznye kamni 90-105. –
iconography, see: Spengler / Sayles, Turkoman Figural Bronze Coins I-II. Ajnalov, Elinističeskie osnovy 33-242. – Čubinašvili, K’art’uli xelovnebis istoria I
52 Cat. Genève 1985, 388 cat. 530. – For the coins of the Seljuk sultan Sulayman 208-209. – Amiranašvili, Istorija 121. 178. – Alibegašvli, Rel’efnaja plita 511-
Shah, see: Hennequin, Catalogue 699-705. 512. – Chruškova, Skul’ptura 43-85. – Saltykov, La vision 5-17. – Thierry, Le
53 Cat. Copenhagen 1996, cat. no. 363. – Cat. Genève 1985, 276 cat. no. 285. culte du cerf 80-84. – Chruškova, Abkhazie 145-153. – Iamanidzé, Les installa-
tions liturgiques 115-129.

Fig. 10  Iq’alt’o plaque. Equestrian saints. –

(Photo N. Iamanidze).

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 105

 Fig. 11  Joisubani church. Eastern façade. –
(Photo N. Iamanidze).

The complex iconography of these panels was also interpreted According to some scholars, these representations surprise
in different manners. All those various and contradictory tes- with their abundance in Sassanid motifs 55: the garments
timonies leave the question of the datum open and, at the and hats of the riders certainly bear a resemblance to those
same time, raise several problems of interpretation for further of Sassanid kings. The long sword and the way it is being
research. carried, the horse with the tied tail and the harness are also
One of the panels bears the traditional representation of of Sassanid type, as well as the bearded faces with their char-
two facing equestrian saints, George and Theodore, spear- acteristic features. Others detect Arab and Iranian influences
ing Diocletian and a dragon respectively (fig. 12). On the and move its dating towards the 11th-12th centuries 56 – a time
second panel, the hunting scene with Saint Eustathe, an period that coincides with the Seljuk settlement in Anatolia.
episode taken from the life of a local Georgian saint, draws Nevertheless, according to the general consensus the style of
our attention (fig. 13). It shows a figure on horseback holding the reliefs is rustic and archaic. Again, some scholars found it
in its left hand a bow; in front of him there is a dog and a typically Sassanid, others characterized it as Sassanisant and
bird, followed by a stag with the image of a bearded Christ »Caucasian« 57 – a term which, in my opinion, is not very clear
between it horns. and needs further elaboration.

55 Ajnalov, Ėlinističeskie osnovy 33-242. – Šervašidzé, Reznye kamni 90-105. – 56 Chruškova, Abkhazie 145-152. – It seems that Nicole Thierry is also inclined to
Amiranašvili, Istorija 121. 178. – Čubinašvili, K’art’uli xelovnebis istoria I 208- this later dating (pers. comm.).
209. 57 Thierry, Le culte du cerf 80-84.

106 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

Fig. 12 C’ebelda templon.
Small panel. – (Photo N. Ia-
manidze).

Fig. 13 C’ebelda tem-

plon. Big panel. – (Photo
N. Ia­manidze).

Particularly significant in this context is the scene of saint However, it is difficult to assert the influence of this kind
Eustathe, which evokes representations of princely hunting in of representations on the C’ebelda reliefs, since for a number
the presence of dogs and an eagle, widely spread motif in the of reasons their dating in the 12th-13th centuries seems to be
12th and 13th centuries Anatolia, as well as in Transcaucasia, inaccurate. Actually, the style of the reliefs, as well as their
Central Asia and Iran 58. It is also interesting to recall here the complex iconography, does not have any exact parallels. The
additional visual and conceptual absorption of the equestrian stylistic particularity and the complexity of the iconographic
dragon-slayer into representations of princely hunting – as- program can be explained by the use of various models, or
similation inspired by the general theme of victory, common even by the participation of several artists in the execution
to both dragon-slaying and hunting. A number of candle- of the panels 60. The iconographic features and theological
sticks and mirrors attributed to the 12th-13th-century Anatolia context of the C’ebelda program permits, in my opinion, a
reveal the association of the dragon-slayer with the notion of reduction of the chronological limits. In the current state of
princely authority and prerogative 59. research, I would rather propose – with some hesitation – a

58 Ibidem 83-84. 60 Iamanidzé, Les installations liturgiques 128.

59 Pancaroğlu, Dragon-Slayer 159-160.

The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 107

dating in the 9th century, during the so-called transitional Blake, Catalogue: P. Blake, Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens de la
period of Georgian art, a period marked by an active search Bibliothèque patriarcale grecque à Jérusalem. ROC 3 (13), 3, 4, 1922-
1925 (Paris 1934).
for new artistic forms 61.
The research on Sassanid, Seljuk and Iranian art would not Chachanov, Materialy: A. S. Chachanov, Materialy po gruzinskoj agiologii
suffice to conclude whether the particularities observed on po rukopisjam X veka (Moskva 1910).
the C’ebelda reliefs are due to Sassanid influence or rather Chruškova, Abkhazie: L. Chruškova, Les monuments chrétiens de la côte
to the survival of Sassanid elements in Arab and Iranian or orientale de la mer noire. Abkhazie IVe-XIVe siècles. Bibliothèque de
Seljuk art. The source of inspiration for the C’ebelda artist l’Antiquité Tardive 9 (Turnhout 2006).
remains obscure, since the question of »influences« remains
Skul’ptura: L. G. Chruškova, Skul’ptura srednevekovoj Abchazii (Tbilisi
open. The same holds true for certain ornamental elements 1980).
on the panels. Some, which appear also in Seljuk art and have
Ck’itišvili, C’op’i: G. Ck’itišvili, C’op’i. Sak’art’velos istoriuli geograp’iis
been called by scholars the »Seljuk chain« 62, were in use in
krebuli (Tbilisi 1960).
pre-Christian and early Christian Georgian jewellery and have
probably an antique origin 63. Thus, it is not impossible that Cotsonis, Processional Crosses: J. A. Cotsonis, Byzantine Figural Proces-
Seljuk art was inspired by Georgian artistic elements and sional Crosses. Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Collection Publications 10
(Washington, D. C. 1995).
adopted from the latter decorative motives. In any case, the
example of C’ebelda opens the way towards future research Curta, Avar-age stirrups: F. Curta, The earliest Avar-age stirrups, or the
in this direction. »stirrup controversy revisited«. In: F. Curta / R. Kovalev (eds), The other
The representations of equestrian dragon-slayers pro- Europe in the Middle Ages. Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans
(Leiden, Boston 2008) 297-326.
duced in Turko-Islamic Anatolia in close iconographic relation
to earlier Byzantine examples shed light on significant aspects Čubinašvili, K’art‘uli xelovnebis istoria: G. Čubinašvili, K’art‘uli xelovnebis
of artistic exchange and cultural integration. Georgian mon- istoria (Tbilisi 1936).
uments complete the data provided by other regions of the Džvari: G. Čubinašvili, Pamjatniki tipa Džvari (Tbilisi 1948).
Eastern Christian world and contribute to our understanding
Čubinašvili, Handisi: N. Čubinašvili, Handisi (Tbilisi 1972).
of the artistic developments of a wider Eastern world encom-
passing Byzantium and the Islamic Near East, and the cultural Das Strategikon: Das Strategikon des Maurukios. Hrsg. von G. T. Dennis;
exchange that took place within it. übers. von E. Gamillscheg. CFHB 17 (Wien 1981).

Dauterman-Maguire / Maguire / Duncan-Flowers, Art and Holy Power:

E. Dauterman-Maguire / H. Maguire / M. J. Duncan-Flowers, Art and
61 Ibidem 129.
Holy Power in the Early Christian House (Urbana, Chicago 1989).
62 Chruškova, Abkhazie 151.
63 Javakhishvili / Abramishvili, Jewellery 10-11.
Dawson, Syntagma Hoplôn: T. Dawson, Syntagma Hoplôn: The Equipment
of Regular Byzantine Troops, c. 950 to c. 1204. In: D. Nicolle (ed.),
A Companion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbrige 2002) 81-
90. (Reprint in: J. Haldon [ed.], Byzantine Warfare [Burlington 2007]
References 379-390)

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The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze 109

Vagner, Obraz: K. Vagner, Obraz voina-vsadnika v skul’pture srednavakovoj byzantinischen Beispielen entstanden sind, beleuchten be-
Gruzii i drevnej Rusi. II Symposium of Georgian Art (Tbilisi 1977) 3-8. deutende Aspekte künstlerischen Austauschs und kultureller
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Medieval Art and Archaeology (Exeter 2003) 95-106.

Intaglio: Ch. Walter, The intaglio of Solomon in the Benaki Museum The Dragon-Slayer Horseman from its Origins to the
and the origins of the iconography of warrior saints. In: Ch. Walter, Seljuks: Missing Georgian Archaeological Evidence
Pictures as Language. How the Byzantines exploited them (London Among the images of the dragon-slayer horseman produced
2000) 397-414. before the Turkish settlement of medieval Anatolia, Geor-
Origins: Ch. Walter, The Origins of the Cult of Saint George. REB 53, gian examples hold an important position since they offer
1995, 295-326. significant insight as to the origins of this representation
in Byzantium and its neighbouring regions. The aim of this
Theodore, Archetype: Ch. Walter, Theodore, Archetype of the Warrior
Saint. REB 57, 1999, 165-210. present study is to show the Georgian contribution in the
context of this migration of visual vocabularies that took place
Thracian Horseman: Ch. Walter, The Thracian Horseman: Ancestor of
in the Middle Ages, focusing especially on the possible use of
the Warrior Saints? BF 14, 1989, 657-673.
Georgian elements in Seljuk art.
Warrior Saints: Ch. Walter, Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition The early images of the dragon-slayer horseman in Geor-
(Aldershot, Burlington 2003). gia lead us to suppose that this iconography was created in
Zuckerman, The Reign of Constantine V: C. Zuckerman, The Reign of Georgia well before the relevant written version on the basis
Constantine V in the Miracles of St. Theodore the Recruit (BHG 1764). of ancient, pre-Christian cults. The problem of the origin of
REB 46, 1988, 191-210. the equestrian dragon-slayer’s image and the quality and
number of relevant surviving representations from the period
before the 11th century confirm the autonomy of its iconog-
raphy and the importance of the Georgian contribution in
Zusammenfassung / Abstract / Résumé the course of the infiltration of this image into the iconogra-
phy of medieval Anatolia. The representations of equestrian
Der Drachentöter-Reiter von seinen Anfängen bis zu dragon-slayers produced in Turko-Islamic Anatolia in close
den Seldschuken: fehlende georgische archäologische iconographic relation to earlier Byzantine examples shed light
Belege on significant aspects of artistic exchanges and cultural in-
Unter den Bildern des Drachentöter-Reiters, die vor der türki- tegration. Georgian monuments usefully augment the data
schen Besiedlung des mittelalterlichen Anatoliens hergestellt provided by other regions of the Eastern Christian world.
worden sind, sind die georgischen Beispiele besonders zu
nennen, weil sie einen bedeutenden Einblick in die Ursprünge Le cavalier tueur de dragons des origines aux Seld-
dieser Darstellung in Byzanz und den benachbarten Regionen joukides: absence de preuve archéologique géor-
bietet. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Studie ist es, den georgi- gienne
schen Beitrag im Kontext der mittelalterlichen Wanderung Parmi les images d’un cavalier combattant avec le dragon pro-
visueller Vokabularien zu entdecken, indem vor allem auf die duites avant l’installation des Turcs en Anatolie médiévale, les
mögliche Nutzung georgischer Elemente in der seldschuki- exemples géorgiens occupent une place importante puisque
schen Kunst fokussiert wird. ils offrent un aperçu significatif sur les origines de cette repré-
Die frühen Bilder des Drachentöter-Reiters in Georgien sentation à Byzance et ses régions voisines.
legen nahe, dass diese Ikonographie in Georgien entstanden Les témoignages archéologiques les plus anciens attestent
ist, lange vor dem Entstehen der einschlägigen schriftlichen que le culte de saint George s’est répandu en Géorgie dès
Version, die auf der Grundlage alter, vorchristlicher Kulte ge- les premières années de la christianisation et amènent éga-
schaffen worden ist. Das Problem der Herkunft des Bildnisses lement à supposer qu’en Géorgie, l’image du saint cavalier,
des berittenen Drachentöters sowie die Qualität und Zahl der vainqueur du serpent / dragon a été formée indépendamment
relevanten erhaltenen Darstellungen vor dem 11. Jahrhundert et bien avant la création de la version écrite de la vie du saint,
bestätigen die Autonomie seiner Ikonographie und die Be- dérivées de cultes préchrétiens du dieu-guerrier. Le nombre et
deutung Georgiens bei der Einführung dieses Bildnisses in die la qualité des images crées avant 11e siècle confirment l’auto-
Ikonographie des mittelalterlichen Anatoliens. Die Darstellun- nomie de cette iconographie et l’importance de la contribu-
gen des berittenen Drachentöters, die im türkisch-islamischen tion géorgienne sur la voie de pénétration de ce thème dans
Anatolien in enger ikonographischer Beziehung zu früheren l’art de l’Anatolie médiévale.

110 The Dragon-Slayer Horseman  |  Nina Iamanidze

Siglen
der Reihe Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident

AJA American Journal of Archaeology

BF Byzantinische Forschungen

BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies

BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies

BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift

CahArch Cahiers archéologiques

CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae

CSHB Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae

DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers

DOS Dumbarton Oaks Studies

EI¹ Enzyklopädie des Islam (Leiden / Leipzig 1913-1934)

EI² Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition (Leiden u. a. 1954-2004)

IstMitt Istanbuler Mitteilungen

JbAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum

JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient

JÖB Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik

LMA Lexikon des Mittelalters

OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica

ODB The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium

RbK Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst

REB Revue des Études byzantines

ROC Revue de l’Orient chrétien

RSBN Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici

TIB Tabula Imperii Byzantini

VV Vizantijskij vremennik

ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

ZRVI Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta

Siglen der Reihe Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident 179