Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft: Market Concentration - Competition - Innovation Strategies
Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft: Market Concentration - Competition - Innovation Strategies
Working Paper
Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft:
Market concentration - competition - innovation
strategies
Suggested Citation: Dolata, Ulrich (2017) : Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft:
Market concentration - competition - innovation strategies, SOI Discussion Paper, No. 2017-01,
Universität Stuttgart, Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Abteilung für Organisations- und
Innovationssoziologie, Stuttgart
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RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS TO ORGANIZATIONAL SOCIOLOGY AND
INNOVATION STUDIES / STUTTGARTER BEITRÄGE ZUR ORGANISATIONS-
UND INNOVATIONSSOZIOLOGIE
Ulrich Dolata
Editor
Managing Editor
Ulrich Dolata is Professor for Organizational Sociology and Innovation Studies at the University
of Stuttgart (Germany).
Additional downloads from the Department of Organizational Sociology and Innovation Studies
at the Institute for Social Sciences (University of Stuttgart) are filed under:
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Abstract
Based on a systematic review and evaluation of business reports, documents, statis-
tics, literature and press releases, this paper analyzes the market concentration and
the expansion and innovation strategies of the leading internet companies Google,
Facebook, Apple, Amazon and Microsoft. The findings invalidate any claims that a
decentralization of the market and a democratization of the internet is taking place,
or that research, development and innovation processes are becoming more open and
collaborative. The five examined companies, as the operators of the core infrastruc-
tures of the worldwide web, shape the overall products and services offer of the in-
ternet, determine access to the web, structure the communication possibilities for us-
ers, and are the main drivers of innovation in this field. Not decentralization, democ-
ratization and open innovation, but market concentration, control and power strug-
gles are categories to adequately describe the fundamental dynamics of the commer-
cial internet.
Zusammenfassung
In diesem Aufsatz, der auf einer systematischen Auswertung von Geschäftsberichten,
Dokumenten, verfügbarem empirischem Material, Literatur und Presseberichten ba-
siert, werden die Konzentrationsprozesse, Expansions- und Innovationsstrategien der
führenden Internetkonzerne Google, Facebook, Apple, Amazon und Microsoft ana-
lysiert. Die Befunde, die der Text vorstellt, sind von einer Dezentralisierung der
Markt- und Demokratisierung der Innovationsprozesse im Web ebenso weit entfernt
wie von Vorstellungen einer vornehmlich offenen und kollaborativ betriebenen
Technik- und Produktentwicklung. Die fünf untersuchten Konzerne prägen nicht nur
wesentliche Angebote und Märkte des Internets. Sie regeln als Betreiber der zentra-
len Infrastrukturen auch die Zugänge zum Netz, strukturieren die Kommunikations-
möglichkeiten der Nutzer und sind wesentliche Treiber des Innovationsprozesses.
Nicht Dezentralisierung, Demokratisierung und Kooperation, sondern Konzentration,
Kontrolle und Macht sind, so die These, die Schlüsselprozesse und -kategorien, mit
denen sich die wesentlichen Entwicklungstendenzen des (kommerziellen) Internets
angemessen erfassen lassen.
Contents
References 26
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 5
Over the past two decades, the internet has evolved into a ubiquitous information,
communication and media network that is indispensable to the social reality of our
societies. Its visible interface includes search engines, e-commerce platforms and so-
cial media services as distinct commercial offers. It is on these platforms that the bulk
of information provision, consumption, user-generated content and private or public
exchange on the internet takes place. In addition there are multi-function and mobile
devices such as smartphones, tablets or laptops which serve as means of access or
communication. The vastly invisible but nonetheless structuring footing of this exten-
sive infrastructure is formed by a diverse range of software applications with which
operators not only manage, aggregate and evaluate large amounts of data but also di-
rect the actions, and modes of action, of the individual platforms.
Although the internet still provides room for decentralized and collaborative produc-
tion and innovation processes, or the emergence of start-ups such as Snap Inc., Airbnb
or Uber, large parts of the web are now dominated by the offerings of a few internet
companies, all of which are based in the United States. These are, by and large,
Google (restructured into “Alphabet” in 2015), Facebook, Amazon, Apple and Mi-
crosoft. They not only dominate the basic offerings and markets of the internet, but, as
operators of the central infrastructures, also regulate access to the web, structure the
communication possibilities of users, are key drivers of the innovation process and, as
employers of some 10,000 staff, shape the working conditions of the commercial in-
ternet sector. With the exception of Facebook, these companies are among the 50
companies with the highest sales in the United States. Indeed, in 2015, Apple ranked
3rd, Amazon 18th, Microsoft 25th and Google 36th (Table 1, Fortune 500, 2016).
The focus of this article, which is based on the analysis of business reports, documents,
empirical material, literature and press reports, is on the economic, infrastructural and
rule-setting power that these companies have acquired by now. The findings presented
repudiate the existence of the supposed decentralization of the market and the democ-
ratization of innovation processes just as much as the notions of a largely open and col-
laborative technology and product development (Chesbrough 2003, 2003a; Hippel
2005; Benkler 2006; Tapscott and Williams 2006). Not decentralization, democratiza-
tion and cooperation but rather concentration, control and power are—which compris-
es the thesis of this article—the key processes and categories with which to adequately
describe the essential development trends of the (commercial) internet.
nied by fierce oligopolistic competition between the leading companies. This compe-
tition is fought out primarily by way of innovative leads. Given the important role of
innovation, Section 4 analyzes and systematizes these groups’ innovation strategies.
The latter are still characterized by a strong in-house orientation, for two main reasons.
For one, strategically relevant projects are carried out at the companies’ own research
and development (R&D) centers under tightly controlled conditions of strict secrecy
and, secondly, external know-how is obtained primarily through acquisitions and then
integrated into the companies’ own research. Section 5 summarizes the expansion and
innovation strategies of the big internet companies and discusses the question of how
their dominance is reflected not only in economic clout but also in data-related, infra-
structural and rule-setting power.
Economically speaking, the internet is not a clearly defined sector with a well-de-
veloped data basis (such as the automotive or pharmaceutical industry). Instead it of-
fers the space for relatively few yet commercially diverse activities, especially in ad-
vertising, commerce, mediation services and the sale of multi-function devices. The
market structures on the internet likewise differ from those of many classic markets.
Often the companies here act as intermediaries in so-called two-sided markets in
which the commercial attractiveness of offerings, for example to advertisers or re-
tailers on one side of the market depends directly on the number of regularly active
users of their free services on the other side of the market. This effect is particularly
noticeable in search engines or social networking platforms. Indeed, the economic
success of Google and Facebook as advertising and marketing companies results
from the large number of users, which make these platforms particularly interesting
for advertisers. Commercial or mediation platforms such as Amazon, booking.com
or Airbnb likewise work according to this principle (Rochet and Tirole 2003).
A look at the most important segments and markets of the commercial internet shows
that each of the companies examined in this study has carved out its own domain.1
1
The use of the term commercial internet refers to consumer-oriented economic offerings and
markets, which is referred to as business-to-consumer (B2C) e-commerce in the economic litera-
ture. The internet companies examined here are predominantly active in this sector, which is in
fact relatively small compared to e-commerce as a whole, which includes the economic activi-
ties that take place between companies (business-to-business e-commerce, B2B). “While the in-
ternet economy is generally thought of as enterprises selling to consumers, the vast majority of
e-commerce is actually comprised of businesses selling to other businesses. In 2007, roughly 90
percent of global e-commerce was B2B” (Atkinson et al. 2010: 22).
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 7
In the social networks sector, Facebook had evolved from a newcomer to a world-
wide dominant company in only a few years, ousting former platforms such as
MySpace or, in Germany, StudiVZ along the way. In mid-2016, some 1.7 billion
people were registered as monthly active users on Facebook, about one billion on
WhatsApp and 500 million on Instagram (Facebook 2016). Facebook, and its two
subsidiaries, presently dominate the social networks sector just as much as Google
does the search engine market.
Search engines and social networks are not markets; however, they form the basis of
the core business of Google and Facebook. In fact, the two companies generate more
than 90% of their sales through internet advertising, which is a fast-growing and
highly concentrated market (Evans 2008). In the United States, this market account-
ed for one third (33%) of all advertising revenues, or $59.6 billion, in 2015. Only tel-
evision advertising (Broadcast and Cable Television) generated more revenues,
namely $66.3 billion. In 2015 in the United States, 75% of the total revenue generat-
ed by advertising on the internet was realized by the top ten advertising companies in
this sector. And Google, which makes 45% of its sales in the United States, captured
approximately 50% of that total revenue. Worldwide, too, this segment is clearly
dominated by Google, followed by Facebook, Yahoo, Microsoft and Twitter (Price
Waterhouse Coopers 2016, Table 1). Nonetheless, Google would not qualify as a
monopolist in this market, being challenged in particular by Facebook. It should be
stated, moreover, that internet advertising is still competing with other advertising
media such as television, radio and magazines.
E-commerce is the domain of Amazon, by far the largest retailer on the internet
(Stone 2013). In 2013, the group generated a higher turnover in global retail than the
nine largest (after Amazon) internet retailers taken together (National Retail Federa-
tion 2013). In Germany, Amazon’s second-largest market, the group in 2015 gener-
ated €7.8 billion, comprising nearly one third of the total sales of the hundred big-
gest online retailers, followed by Otto (€2.3 billion) and Zalando (€1.0 billion) (EHI
Retail Institute 2016). Here too, the effects of two-sided markets are evident: the
more consumers use Amazon, the more interesting the platform becomes for retail-
ers—and the more Amazon can dictate the conditions under which these can make
their offerings there. It should be noted, however, that e-commerce, with a turnover
of around 10% of all retail trade, is still a small segment of retail at large, which is
still dominated by the classic retail companies. Nonetheless, in 2015 Amazon ranked
9th among the world’s largest retailers (Handelsverband Deutschland 2016; National
Retail Federation 2015).
Apple, for its part, has burgeoned since the early 2000s from a niche provider for PCs
to the leading and trend-defining manufacturer in the multimedia devices market: iPod
and iTunes were constitutive of the internet-based music market; the iPhone and the
proprietary operating system iOS then led to the triumph of the smartphones; and with
the iPad Apple pioneered the market for tablet PCs. This was accompanied with a
sky-rocketing increase in sales from $5.4 billion (2001) to $233 billion (2015). Never-
theless, Apple too is not a monopolist in its rather classically-oriented consumer mar-
kets and is under immense pressure from its competitors. The extremely dynamic and
fiercely competitive mobile devices market, previously in the hands of Nokia, has
been dominated since the advent of smartphones by Apple and the South Korean
company Samsung Electronics. That said, looking at the number of smartphones sold
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 9
worldwide in 2015, Apple and Samsung together accounted for just under 40% of all
sales, followed by a number of smaller competitors such as Huawei (Statista 2016).
By contrast, in the field of mobile device operating systems, Google and Apple have
been the central players, and competitors, for several years. In 2016, 64% of all de-
vices were equipped with Google’s open Android system, and 29% with Apple’s pro-
prietary iOS system (Netmarketshare 2016a).
For many internet offerings, direct or indirect network effects are typical. The alleg-
edly egalitarian and decentralized web produces, even under normal circumstances,
only few centralized sites for doing searches and engaging in communication, net-
working and consumption, attributed to the similar behavior of the numerous users
(Barabasi and Bonabeau 2003). These sites essentially comprise social media plat-
forms such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. The more such web services are used
and the more members they have, the more interesting they become for additional
users who then flock there—and the more difficult it becomes for alternative provid-
ers to compete. E-commerce platforms or search engines can likewise benefit from
such network effects. For example, an e-commerce platform like Amazon can easily
attract additional users due to its high acceptance and broad product range. For those
same reasons, a leading search engine such as Google can generate added trust in the
superior quality of its search results and thereby attract new users. In addition, given
the mass of data which Google generates over the long term, the company can con-
tinually improve the quality of the search algorithm, thereby distinguishing itself
from the competition. Such network effects result in quasi-monopolies, which are
engendered by the mass behavior on the web in addition to being, often, desired by
the users (Shelanski 2013, Monopolkommission 2014).
However, not only massively streamlined behavior of users can produce such Mat-
thew effects. The reach and reputation of an offer also entails indirect network ef-
fects, which are triggered by actors on the other side of the market (Haucap and
Wenzel 2011; Haucap and Heimeshoff 2014). A dominant social network or a fre-
quently used search engine, for example, is of particular interest to advertisers, as it
allows them to bundle their advertising activities, which in turn contributes to the
concentration of the advertising market on the internet. A leading retailer such as
Amazon also becomes a coveted intermediary and e-commerce platform for other re-
tailers who wish to benefit from the high visibility of this established online retailer.
Finally, the heavily frequented app stores such as those of Google and Apple are in-
strumental in shaping the ways in which end users select and purchase their devices,
10 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
while also becoming the preferred venue for numerous software developers wishing
to present and market their applications there.
Network effects of this kind can be augmented if the switch from one offer to anoth-
er is associated with comparatively high switching costs (Pollock 2010). All compa-
nies work hard to keep users, customers, providers and advertisers tied as extensively
and permanently as possible to their services. As a result, proprietary system envi-
ronments, such as those provided by Apple and Amazon with their customized and
integrated hardware offerings, programs and services, are designed to prevent any
subsequent systems change and to aim for exclusive use. Even open systems such as
Google’s operating system Android for mobile devices can produce such lock-in ef-
fects. The purchase of a smartphone or tablet is linked to the choice between two op-
erating systems (and app stores), which are not only mutually incompatible but
which also differ greatly with regard to their interface concepts and usage routines.
However, what contributes the most to the increase of switching costs for users and
providers is the development of the various offerings and business activities into in-
tegrated socio-technical ecosystems that encompass coordinated and networked ser-
vices, programs and devices. Such ecosystems are not simply cross-application tech-
nological infrastructures but rather, with their wide range of offerings and services,
also social spaces in which users build member profiles, establish specific search,
communication and consumption patterns, and develop reproducible behavioral and
usage routines—all of which invariably ties them to the offerings of a given compa-
ny. Overall, users do have the possibility to switch systems, yet only at the price of a
comprehensive reorganization or reconstitution of their individual patterns and
movements on the net.
In the context of their ecosystems, the internet companies also act as active market
creators and regulators. Amazon’s e-commerce platform, for example, has long
since integrated a number of independent retailers. Similarly, Google’s video plat-
form YouTube is now much more than the playground for amateurs it started out as.
Rather, it is an advertising market place used by big-name companies as well as by
numerous professional YouTubers, many with their own firms. Finally, the app
stores operated by the big companies have become the focus of activity for many
more or less successful developers. As a result, the scope and reach of the internet
companies has grown beyond their activities in existing markets. As platform opera-
tors, they also create, organize, regulate and control markets and market competition
within their ecosystems (Kirchner and Beyer 2016).
In addition, another factor plays a central role in the concentration dynamics and the
consolidation of market power on the internet: these are the superior economic re-
sources which internet companies can now put into play to stabilize and expand their
market power. These consist of high stock market values and considerable liquid as-
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 11
sets that enable these companies to make major investments and costly acquisitions
on a continual basis (Table 2).
Google 551.4
Facebook 392.8
Amazon 392.2
Apple 675.4
Microsoft 487.7
Due to their extraordinary financial strength, the internet companies are in a position
to invest heavily in the continuous development of their own technological and lo-
gistical infrastructures. The latter may include: server architectures; data collection
and evaluation technologies; the quality of search algorithms; the technical integra-
tion of extensive ecosystems; or, as in the case of Amazon, the group’s ordering, lo-
gistics and warehouse systems. This alone makes it very hard for newcomers to be-
come serious competitors of the established leaders in any of the already occupied
core business fields.
In addition, all internet groups have the necessary financial resources to continually
and consistently invest in their own research and development (R&D). This applies
not only to the continuous and frequent improvement of their already established
product and service portfolio but also to technology and innovation fields that are
new to those companies and with which they hope to gradually expand their radius of
action. In highly dynamic and fast-moving technology markets such as those dis-
cussed here, where competitive positions are often defined less by price than by in-
novation strategies and innovation leadership, this ability to make massive invest-
ments in R&D becomes a key competitive advantage against newcomers.
Last but not least, any of these companies are easily able to protect their business fields
and to penetrate into new sectors not only through internal restructuring but also
through at times very costly partnerships and acquisitions (Hong, Bhattacharyya and
Geis 2013; Table 3). The vast majority of the numerous smaller “business-as-usual”
acquisitions made by all of these companies on a regular basis serve to acquire know-
how and interesting applications that support the respective core business. In addition,
the acquisition strategies are designed to allow these companies to expand and venture
into new business areas. This is typical for the newer company acquisitions of Google
(e.g., Nestlabs, Skybox Imaging, Deep Mind), Amazon (e.g., Lovefilm, Double Helix
12 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
Games, Twitch) and Microsoft (e.g., aQuantive, Skype Technologies, Nokia Devices,
LinkedIn). After all, the acquisition of particularly successful newcomers is a tried and
tested means to take potential competitors out of the race at an early stage and to inte-
grate their services into one’s own group. This is perhaps best illustrated with the pur-
chase of WhatsApp by Facebook in early 2014 (Dolata and Schrape 2014).
Source: Annual reports of the companies; media content analysis; own compilation.
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 13
However, the brief history of the commercial internet is characterized not only by a
strong trend of mergers and the formation of a few dominant companies. What strikes
just as much is the persistently fierce competition over innovation and, in some cases,
the swift replacement of market leaders who once seemed indomitable by new players.
As a matter of example, in the early 2000s, the search engine pioneers Altavista, Ly-
cos and Yahoo were quickly crowded out by Google, followed by, a decade later, the
ousting of the initial social network pioneers MySpace and StudiVZ (a German stu-
dent-based social networking platform) by the then-newcomer Facebook—despite the
fact that MySpace was owned by News Corporation and StudiVZ by the Holtzbrinck
Publishing Group, both powerful media groups. Since the beginning of the 2010s, Fa-
cebook has emerged, practically starting from nowhere, as a serious new competitor
for Google in the internet advertising market. And in the market for accommodation
and car transportation services, Airbnb and Uber have recently positioned themselves
as new providers and competitors.
In these cases, newcomers who had until then been unknown became challengers, if
not leaders, in those markets. By contrast, the struggle for dominance in the mobile
internet market took place between already established groups. For example, the lead-
ing providers Nokia and BlackBerry were put in their place, in the late 2000s, by
Samsung and Apple; and the competition over mobile operating systems and apps
was limited to Apple and Google (Arthur 2012; Angwin 2009; Kirkpatrick 2010).
This means that the strong, sometimes monopolistic position enjoyed by a small
number of internet companies is no guarantee for sustained periods of market domi-
nance. This is partly due to the often volatile and unpredictable behavior of large user
groups. The consumer-oriented product markets and service offerings that character-
ize the commercial internet are, to a large extent, dependent on the respective prefer-
ences of end consumers and users, similar to comparable markets in the old economy.
Apps
Google, Apple
Cloud
iCloud
Internet of Things
Wearables; health and fitness; connected car: iOS in
the car - alliance between Apple and car
manufacturers
Social networks
Facebook; Google+
Source: Annual Reports of the companies; media content analysis; own compilation.
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 15
To compound matters, given the extraordinary innovation dynamics and rapid trend
changes on the commercial internet, the leading companies are constantly challenged
to defend and renew their position of dominance. They do so mainly through the de-
velopment of new offerings and features as well as rapid advances into new growth
markets. This means that the companies must demonstrate a high and sustained level
of adaptability, considered to be comprised of the early and continuous anticipation,
reception and integration of new technological and socio-economic developments as
well as their implementation into attractive commercial offers (Dolata 2013). The lit-
erature on organizational inertia and path dependency has demonstrated that estab-
lished and saturated companies often underestimate the potential reach or shattering
effect of radically new developments, that they are reluctant to veer from the strategic
behavior that led to their initial success, and that they are not inclined to adopt new
and ambiguous developments unless these are clearly being backed at a broader scale
(Mellahi and Wilkinson 2004).
In addition, the ambition of internet companies to expand beyond their regular area of
business often leads to new and fierce competition both among themselves and with
established media, consumer electronics, technology and industrial enterprises. All
the companies considered in this study have been, to a greater or lesser degree, ex-
panding their radius of action for several years. Overall, four key expansion trends
and new fields of competition can be identified which are being pushed forward by
the companies by means of internal development strategies as well as acquisitions and
strategic alliances (Table 4).
The first of these expansion trends concerns the extremely complex field of internet-
based media content and services, targeted and vied for especially by Google, Apple
and Amazon (Dolata and Schrape 2013). Over the last decade, the three companies
have gradually turned into internet-based media groups and are steadily building
their profile as turnkey providers of a broad range of commercial services and media
content, some of which they are now producing themselves. Apple had already en-
tered this segment in 2003 by introducing its iTunes Music Store, and Google in
2006 with the acquisition of the video platform YouTube. Amazon, for its part, has
been pursuing the trend since the late 2000s with a very aggressive expansion strate-
gy. In the meantime, all three companies have a broad portfolio of media offerings
consisting of their own digital music and video services (purchase, rental and stream-
16 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
ing), e-book and games, app stores as well as over-the-internet access to television.
Through these offers they are encroaching on the territory of the classic media com-
panies (film, music and book publishers), established game publishers (Microsoft,
Sony and Nintendo) as well as net-based movie rental and streaming companies
(Netflix, Hulu and Spotify). Apple (with iPod, iPad, iPhone and iWatch) and Ama-
zon (with the Kindle e-book reader, Kindle Fire tablet and Fire Phone) also offer, as
a means to provide access to their content and services, complete and proprietary de-
vice families. Google, for its part, focuses on driving the spread of its open source
mobile Android operating system, with which it establishes priority access to its us-
ers via the devices of other manufacturers (2015/16 Annual Reports [Form 10-K] of
the companies; media content analysis).
The second key trend, which is closely linked to the first trend, concerns the domi-
nance over the mobile internet. This competition is fought out primarily between
Google and Apple, whose operating systems are installed on over 90% of all mobile
devices and which have by far the largest app stores. In addition, Amazon, which is
already marketing a complete range of mobile devices and services, is likewise try-
ing to join the ranks of the major players in this field—so much that it even engages
in predatory pricing. Microsoft, for its part, even despite the acquisition of Nokia
Devices, has not yet succeeded to make inroads into this field. In the meantime, the
dominance of Google and Apple in the mobile devices market means that, unlike at
the end of the 2000s, they can impose their rules on other device manufacturers and
large telecommunication companies wishing to use their software or sell their devic-
es. While Apple, with its advancement in the mobile internet market, aims primarily
at marketing its hardware, Google’s primary goal is to provide users, through the
spread of its operating system and mobile browser, with priority access to its services
(2015/16 Annual Reports [Form 10-K] of the companies; media content analysis;
Dolata and Schrape 2014).
In addition to these two major trends, two new markets have emerged over the last
few years and are being pursued by the main internet groups (Amazon, Apple,
Google and Microsoft) not only through acquisitions but also through strategic alli-
ances. The first of these—comprising the third key trend—is the provision of data
storage, computing capacity and cloud services. These offers and services can be
used not only by individual internet users to store and retrieve their music, images,
documents, contacts and programs from external computers, but also by business
customers who outsource entire internal data processing infrastructures onto the new
platforms. Here, Apple and IBM have entered, in mid-2014, a strategic alliance de-
signed to combine the offerings of mobile devices and services from Apple with the
experience of IBM in the construction and management of company-internal data
processing and communication structures. The aim of the alliance is to, by way of
devices, software and services, make the internal IT and communication structures of
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 17
business customers more compatible with the mobile web. At the same time, this al-
liance serves to challenge Microsoft as a leader in the field of IT equipment and con-
sulting for companies (media content analysis).
As a fourth key trend, especially Google, Apple and Amazon are increasingly pio-
neering fields that until recently have not been affected or determined by the internet.
For example, Amazon and Google are each working on developing package delivery
drones, which challenges the established structures of the logistics industry as well
as the conventional parcel delivery companies. In addition, with the acquisition of
the thermostat and smoke detector manufacturer Nest, Google has also entered the
smart home sector, effectively moving into territory that has been in the hands of, for
instance, Microsoft, Bosch kitchen and home appliances, and network equipment
provider Cisco. Apple, for its part, with the introduction of its iWatch in 2014, has
also been venturing into the field of wearables, that is, body-wearable information
technology, and health and fitness-related monitoring and tracking devices. Finally,
Google and Apple compete with each other as well as with the established automo-
bile companies for dominance in the connected car sector (media content analysis).
The commercial internet is thus characterized not only by strong merger trends but
also by intense competition in all its essential segments—a situation that, for better
or for worse, challenges the power of individual companies on a continuous basis. As
we have demonstrated, this pressure is generated more so by the big companies as
direct competitors than by commercially-oriented newcomers, open source projects
or forms of commons-based peer production. Thus, the essential feature of today’s
competition in the commercial internet is fierce oligopolistic competition between the
leading companies, which is carried out primarily through aggressive innovation and
expansion strategies. In all the mentioned areas of business, Google, Apple and Am-
azon are currently the key players, with Facebook still in a consolidation phase and
Microsoft largely consumed in a defensive battle. Under these conditions of oligopo-
listic competition, individual start-ups only have a chance of becoming significant
(co-)players if they can occupy a completely new, not yet consolidated commercial
field that is not on the radar of the established companies. Examples of the latter are
the search engine market, in the early 2000s, social networking, one decade later and
the recent reconfiguration of the markets for online accommodation and car transpor-
tation services. However, start-ups that are innovative in fields that have already
been appropriated, such as WhatsApp in the messaging service sector, are essentially
easy prey to becoming bought out by the main players.
The expansion strategies of the internet companies are typically twofold. While the
leading companies in other economic sectors often have drastically reduced the num-
ber of their business areas over the last two decades, instead focusing on a few core ar-
eas (such as the pharmaceutical industry, Dolata 2003: 185-192), the internet compa-
nies are successively diversifying and expanding their reach. However, despite their
18 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
diversification activities, none of them has managed to complement their core business
with commercially viable new business areas to date. Although all five companies, and
especially Google, Amazon and Apple, have through their expansion and acquisition
strategies de facto become media groups with a broad offer of media content and ser-
vices, all of them continue to generate the vast majority of their revenues and profits
from their traditional core business (Table 1). Economically, Google and Facebook are
still web-based advertising and marketing companies, Apple is still a leading provider
of communications and consumer electronics, Microsoft is still a software company,
and Amazon an internet retailer. Until now, the in part strong expansion and diversifi-
cation into new business segments serves above all to enhance these companies’ socio-
technical ecosystems, which are designed for the extensive and exclusive use by indi-
vidual users as well as business customers. Nonetheless, this has in no way eclipsed
the still enormous economic importance of their core business areas.
The latter characteristic is also indicative of the companies’ strong in-house orienta-
tion, in particular with regard to R&D, for which strategic alliances and cooperations
are entered into only on rare occasions.
Therefore, it is not surprising that all of the five internet companies are highly re-
search-intensive, have large-scale R&D centers, and allocate a substantial portion of
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 19
their staff to R&D (Table 1)2. The central feature of the way in which they organize
their R&D activities is not only a strong in-house orientation but also what has been
termed closed innovation for some time now (Chesbrough 2003, 2003a; West et al.
2014). A significant portion of the products and services that characterize the internet
today and which users are confronted with in rapid succession derives from internal
research and is developed and produced under conditions of strict secrecy. Among
these are Google’s search algorithm; Facebook’s social graph; Microsoft’s software
packages; Google and Facebook’s data evaluation and advertising systems; Apple
and Microsoft’s operating systems; Apple and Amazon’s device families; Apple,
Amazon and Google’s cloud services; and Amazon’s ordering and logistics systems.
If and when know-how for proprietary developments is lacking, the companies rely
on acquisitions of technology companies that offer the sought for resources (Table 3).
Microsoft explains, which could be representative of any of the other groups, the
strong internal focus of its R&D activities as follows:
“We develop most of our products and services internally. Internal development allows us to
maintain competitive advantages that come from product differentiation and closer technical
control over our products and services. It also gives us the freedom to decide which modifica-
tions and enhancements are most important and when they should be implemented. […] Gen-
erally, we also create product documentation internally.” (2013, p. 8)
In a statement that could likewise have been issued by any of the other companies,
Google points to the great importance of confidentiality and secrecy in its R&D ac-
tivities and to which it commits both its staff and third parties:
“We rely on a combination of patent, trademark, copyright, and trade secret laws in the U.S. and
other jurisdictions as well as confidentiality procedures and contractual provisions to protect our
proprietary technology and our brand. We also enter into confidentiality and invention assign-
ment agreements with our employees and consultants and confidentiality agreements with other
third parties, and we rigorously control access to proprietary technology.” (2010, p. 16)
The core of the innovation model of the five internet companies is therefore a strong
internal orientation of their R&D and the practice of those activities under quaran-
tine-like conditions of extreme secrecy. The main reason for this is that the success-
ful development and marketing of proprietary innovations on the internet markets
comprises the basis for achieving competitive advantages over competitors. To this
end, all companies seek to maintain utmost secrecy and control over their research
activities and innovation projects, especially those crucial to their corporate strategy,
and to secure the intellectual property rights of their products and services (Trott and
Hartmann 2009; Braun and Herstatt 2008; Freedman 2012).
2
The, at first sight, very low percentage of R&D in Apple’s total turnover (Table 1) should not be
interpreted as a weakness. The group’s product portfolio, to which its R&D is dedicated, is fairly
small. Moreover, its exorbitant growth rate over the last 15 years—from $5.4 billion in 2001 to just
under $234 billion in 2015— invariably dwarfs the R&D intensity (as a percentage of R&D ex-
penditure in relation to total turnover) (Apple 2001, 2016).
20 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
At the same time, however, there are also controlled openings at the edges of this
closed system—especially in the form of relationships between the internet compa-
nies and open source communities as well as within the framework of the companies’
own app stores.
All internet companies have long been benefiting from the adaptation of software
developments that have been driven in the context of open source communities such
as Linux, Mozilla or Apache (Lerner and Tirole 2002). Open source software is a
constituent part of operating systems (such as macOS and iOS from Apple or An-
droid from Google) and servers, of devices (such as the Apple iPhone or Kindle from
Amazon), of tools for external developers, of preinstalled mobile app devices and of
the cloud services offered by internet companies.3 It is therefore important for them
to stay abreast of, and gain access to, the widely dispersed knowledge generated in
the various open source communities. To this end, the companies employ a non-
negligible number of people who are involved in open source development and who
work in open source communities. They also participate, through their employees, in
the big developer conferences of those communities and even contribute to the fi-
nancing of open source projects and their foundations (West and O’Mahoney 2008).
The Mozilla Foundation is funded by Google, the main sponsors of the Apache
Software Foundation include Google, Yahoo, Microsoft and Facebook as platinum
members with donations of more than $100,000 per year, and the Linux Foundation
is financed by numerous large companies including Google, Amazon, Yahoo, Twit-
ter, Samsung and Nokia (Schrape 2015).
Dahlander and Gann (2010) refer to this aptly as inbound innovation sourcing. Ac-
cording to them, the companies’ activities in the open software sector allow them to
gain access to a wide range of external ideas and knowledge—unobstructed by for-
malized and contractually regulated cooperations and with comparatively little asked
in return. The companies then exploit and utilize said ideas and knowledge for their
internal R&D, a practice described as “parasitic actions by firms” by West and
Lakhani (2008). Amazon, in particular, is described as a company “that harvests
code from vast fields of open source software while obscuring its code donations and
distancing itself from the wider world of computing” (Clark 2014).
Controlled openings also exist in the fast-growing field of software applications, or
apps, that are tailored to mobile devices. Indeed, in today’s market a mobile device
would not be viable unless it comes with a broad range of apps. The central hubs for
3
For example, Google itself points to “the vital role of open source software plays at Google”
(https://developers.google.com/open-source/) and Apple emphasizes that “Open Source develop-
ment [is] a key part of its ongoing software strategy” (https://www.apple.com/opensource/). Ama-
zon too uses “tons of Linux, not only to power all the servers that it uses for retail but also for Am-
azon Web Services—and in its own Kindle Device, which is by all accounts selling like hotcakes”
(Brockmeier 2011).
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 21
spreading mobile applications are Google and Apple, which, with well over one million
apps each, have by far the largest app stores. Amazon is likewise active in this field,
with its own app store that offers no less than one quarter of a million apps. It is obvious
that only a fraction of this huge number of apps could possibly come from in-house de-
velopment and that the companies rely on the work of countless external developers and
companies. In no other area of business is the collaboration of the major internet com-
panies with third-party providers as extensive as in the mobile apps field. Therefore,
they have to maintain a new balance between control on the one hand and decentralized
creative freedom on the other (Eaton et al. 2011; Schreyögg and Sydow 2010).
Nonetheless, these openings which the companies concede to are subjected to rigid
control strategies. The app sector, as such, is not a bottom-up market that was initiat-
ed by countless developers but rather a top-down market established and developed
mainly by Apple and Google. These companies control the app market as follows:
they coordinate and monitor their app stores; define the licensing conditions and
price structures; specify the criteria that an application must meet in order to be sold
there; remove offers that do not appear opportune to them or that are classified as po-
litically incorrect; co-determine, with their supporting software development kits, the
appearance of the apps and the terms and conditions for using them; and contribute
significantly to the success or failure of offers through the search algorithms in their
stores. In addition, the companies resort to their app stores as a pool of ideas from
which they can draw on if need be. In recent years, Apple and Google have consist-
ently integrated new application ideas into their own products or acquired promising
emerging market players. For example, Google has purchased the apps Flutter
(movement control), Sparrow (e-mail client) and Waze (social GPS); and Apple has
purchased Siri (voice control), Cue (personal assistant) and Spotsetter (social maps)
(Dolata and Schrape 2014, Table 3).
The internet companies are thus perceptive to their environments and systematically
exploit external innovation impulses. They observe very closely what is happening in
the open source communities; collaborate in open source projects; revert to a not in-
significant degree to software and know-how developed there; outsource develop-
ment activities when their own R&D capacities have reached their limits to external
developers and companies; and regularly and systematically survey the wide field of
start-up companies for interesting takeover targets.
The above discussions provide us with an overall picture that has three main features.
4
The automotive industry, for example, has numerous suppliers; and in the pharmaceutical industry
there are the many R&D-intensive start-up companies that exist alongside and in cooperation with
the large pharmaceutical companies.
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 23
against communications, consumer electronics and media groups, does not change the
high degree of concentration that is typical of the commercial internet. However,
which constitutes the second finding, it leads to a remarkable volatility of acquired
market and power positions, which must be repeatedly defended and renewed in the
face of the extremely rapid succession of innovation dynamics—and which cannot
always be sustained permanently.
Thirdly, the rivalries between the internet companies primarily concern innovative
leads. The latter, even if only temporary, are acknowledged as a means to drive the
ongoing development of software, devices, services, technical infrastructures and in-
tegrated ecosystems. The strategic importance of a group’s own R&D is, accordingly,
very high. The companies make intensive use of the dispersed knowledge and know-
how that is emerging in open source communities, and also draw on the contributions
of a large number of software developers and companies, for instance in the frame-
work of their app stores. In the core area of competitively relevant innovation projects,
however—this being the third finding—they are still in-house oriented; insist on ut-
most secrecy and sealed-off conditions for conducting their R&D and managing their
knowledge base; and prefer a closed innovation model with which they seek to secure
as much control as possible over their proprietary projects, products and services.
Thus, overall their activities have little to do with open innovation or with the decen-
tralization and democratization of innovation processes.
Their power first manifests as an economic power, which is based on the superior
economic resources of the companies—their financial strength, strong research capac-
ity, market dominance—which they use against the competition and with which they
can keep new competitors at bay.
In addition, internet companies are gradually broadening their power over data, name-
ly by interlinking their range of cross-divisional offerings and by systematically
matching and evaluating the resulting user traces. For example, the companies use
their large volumes of data to create ever-more differentiated user profiles, which are
applied to anticipate what users want—ideally even before the users themselves might
acknowledge or express their own wants. These profiles also serve as an important
input for their research and production and help to refine their products and services
and to tailor these as closely as possible to user preferences (Shelanski 2013).
Google’s former CEO, Eric Schmidt, aptly expressed this in an interview during the
Washington Ideas Forum in 2010 as follows:
“With your permission, you give us more information, if you give us information about who
some of your friends are, we can probably use some of this information—again: with your
permission—to improve the quality of our searches. […] We don’t need you to type at all.
‘Cause we know where you are—with your permission. We know where you’ve been—with
your permission. We can more or less guess what you’re thinking about. Now is that right
24 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
over the line? […] So we’ll try to find that line to try to help you understand more about the
world around you.” (Eric Schmidt at Washington Ideas Forum, October 1, 2010, https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=CeQsPSaitL0)
However, the power of internet companies is above all based on their ability to, by
means of numerous and coordinated offers, design and shape the framework condi-
tions of essential social contexts, be they consumer worlds, information and commu-
nication patterns or social relationship networks. No device, no software, no app store
and no search, media, consumer or social platform is simply a neutral technical offer-
ing that allows users to design and redefine their content. At all times, the underlying
technology incorporates rules, standards and instructions that impact the activities of
users similarly to how social institutions influence people’s behavior (Winner 1980;
Lessig 1999).
This starts with, for example, the predefined user interfaces and default settings of the
platforms, which are not usually changed by the users and which have a strong struc-
turing effect on their actions insofar as they allow for certain activities while exclud-
ing others. The embedding of features such as the trending button on Twitter, the
emoticon buttons or the trending news function at Facebook are not just technical
gadgets but rule-setting, action-orienting and opinion-forming structural elements.
Socially constructed algorithms are used to determine what might be relevant for
whom and what not and to structure all information and interaction processes, to an-
ticipate user preferences and to make recommendations. Together with intra-company
content moderation teams, algorithms function to decide on what is obscene, offen-
sive, politically incorrect, erotic or pornographic—and to relegate or delete content
accordingly. In this way, algorithms, forming the basis for any search, information,
communication and interaction on these platforms, are highly political programs that
construct distinct, selective and increasingly personalized social realities on the basis
of social criteria that ultimately remain obscure to both the individual and the public
(Just and Latzer 2016; Gillespie 2014; van Dijck 2013; Pariser 2011).
This can be described as infrastructural and rule-setting power. In that the internet
companies develop and provide the essential infrastructural foundations of the web
and act as gatekeepers to access to the web, they become the main rule-setting and -
controlling actors. As part of that function, they structure the online experience of
individual users and collectives and prescribe framework conditions for their activi-
ties, whereby they ultimately influence users’ behavior and actions. As companies
that seek to have a socio-political vision and voice, they structure and shape large
segments of private and public life on the web through the technically mediated so-
cial specifications of their offers—all below the radar of public perception and con-
trol. This means that they are not merely intermediaries, such as telephone compa-
nies, but are action-orienting and opinion-forming “curators of public discourse”
(Gillespie 2010, p. 347).
Dolata: Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Microsoft 25
In sum, the purview of the internet companies’ power today includes, beyond the eco-
nomic dominance of the commercial internet markets, a major influence on the consti-
tution of the public in our societies—albeit without being limitless or absolute. After
all, power is never simply a “thing” that one either has or does not have but rather the
outcome of social relationships, and is therefore continuously subject to negotiation
and contestation. This relational and dynamic view on power applies not only to the
fierce rivalries in which the internet companies everywhere are entangled. Indeed,
AOL, Yahoo, MySpace or Nokia are examples of how quickly market-dominant posi-
tions in this dynamic business can dissipate. Governmental and European regulatory
activities, too, can pose problems for internet companies, as the political debates over
the power of Google show.
In such turbulent environments as are typical for the (commercial) internet, the com-
panies must continually work on optimizing and aligning their resources, competen-
cies and scope of influence and on adapting themselves to rapidly changing condi-
tions. If they fail to do so, on time, they may see their power erode very quickly.
26 SOI Discussion Paper 2017-1
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Further Publications
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