Customer Experience Im Zeitalter Des Kunden Best Practices Lessons Learned Und Forschungsergebnisse 1st Edition Andreas Rusnjak
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Andreas Rusnjak
Daniel R. A. Schallmo Hrsg.
Customer Experience
im Zeitalter des Kunden
Best Practices, Lessons Learned
und Forschungsergebnisse
Customer Experience im Zeitalter des Kunden
Andreas Rusnjak · Daniel R. A. Schallmo
(Hrsg.)
Customer Experience im
Zeitalter des Kunden
Best Practices, Lessons Learned und
Forschungsergebnisse
Herausgeber
Andreas Rusnjak Daniel R. A. Schallmo
Hochschule Flensburg Hochschule Ulm
Flensburg, Deutschland Ulm, Deutschland
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte
bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
Springer Gabler
© Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH 2018
Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung, die nicht
ausdrücklich vom Urheberrechtsgesetz zugelassen ist, bedarf der vorherigen Zustimmung des Verlags.
Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Bearbeitungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die
Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.
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auch ohne besondere Kennzeichnung nicht zu der Annahme, dass solche Namen im Sinne der Warenzeichen- und
Markenschutz-Gesetzgebung als frei zu betrachten wären und daher von jedermann benutzt werden dürften.
Der Verlag, die Autoren und die Herausgeber gehen davon aus, dass die Angaben und Informationen in
diesem Werk zum Zeitpunkt der Veröffentlichung vollständig und korrekt sind. Weder der Verlag noch
die Autoren oder die Herausgeber übernehmen, ausdrücklich oder implizit, Gewähr für den Inhalt des
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Gebietsbezeichnungen in veröffentlichten Karten und Institutionsadressen neutral.
V
Herausgeber- und Autorenverzeichnis
Autorenverzeichnis
Akademischer Rat
Bamberg, Deutschland
E-Mail: [email protected]
Prof. Dr. Ralf T. Kreutzer ist seit 2005 Professor für Mar-
keting an der Berlin School of Economics and Law sowie
Marketing und Management Consultant. Er war 15 Jahre in
verschiedenen Führungspositionen bei Bertelsmann (letzte
Position Leiter des Auslandsbereichs einer Tochtergesell-
schaft), Volkswagen (Geschäftsführer einer Tochtergesell-
schaft) und der Deutschen Post (Geschäftsführer einer
Tochtergesellschaft) tätig, bevor er 2005 zum Professor für
Marketing berufen wurde.
Prof. Kreutzer hat durch regelmäßige Publikationen und
Vorträge maßgebliche Impulse zu verschiedenen Themen
rund um Marketing, Dialog-Marketing, CRM/Kundenbin-
dungssysteme, Database-Marketing, Online-Marketing,
Social-Media-Marketing, Digitaler Darwinismus, Digital
Branding, Dematerialisierung, Change-Management, stra-
tegisches sowie internationales Marketing gesetzt und eine
Vielzahl von Unternehmen im In- und Ausland in diesen
Themenfeldern beraten. Zusätzlich ist Prof. Kreutzer als
Trainer und Coach im Einsatz.
Seine jüngsten Buchveröffentlichungen sind „Corporate
Reputation Management“ (2013, zusammen mit C. Wüst),
„Praxisorientiertes Online-Marketing“ (2. Aufl., 2014), B2B-
Online-Marketing und Social Media (2015, zusammen mit
A. Rumler, B. Wille-Baumkauff), „Dematerialisierung – Die
Neuverteilung der Welt in Zeiten des digitalen Darwinismus“
(2015 zusammen mit K.-H. Land), „Digitaler Darwinismus“
(2. Aufl., 2016, zusammen mit K.-H. Land), „Kundenbezie-
hungsmanagement im digitalen Zeitalter“ (2016), „Erfolg-
reiches Dialog-Marketing im Modehandel“ (2016), „Digital
Business Leadership“ (2016, zusammen mit T. Neugebauer
und Annette Pattloch), „Digitale Markenführung – Digital
Branding“ (2017, zusammen mit K.-H. Land), „Praxisorien-
tiertes Marketing“ (5. Aufl., 2017).
Professor für Marketing an der Berlin School of Economics
and Law
sowie Coach und Marketing-/Management-Consultant
Badensche Str. 50-51
10825 Berlin
E-Mail: [email protected]
Herausgeber- und Autorenverzeichnis XIII
XV
XVI Abbildungsverzeichnis
XIX
Gestaltung und Digitalisierung von
Kundenerlebnissen im Zeitalter des 1
Kunden
Vorgehensmodell zur Digitalen Transformation von Business
Models im Kontext der Customer Experience
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zusammenfassung
Preise, Sortimente und Technologie alleine stellen keine Determinanten mehr für stra-
tegische Wettbewerbsvorteile dar. Customer Experience wird in Zukunft der wich-
tigste Faktor sein, um die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu erhalten oder um eine führende
Position im Markt zu erlangen. Dabei sind die Themen Digitale Transformation und
Customer Experience unzertrennbar miteinander verbunden. Um Kundenerlebnisse
nachhaltig entwickeln zu können, bedarf es in diesem Kontext einer ingenieursmäßi-
gen, agilen Vorgehensweise. In diesem Beitrag wird das Business Model Engineering
A. Rusnjak (*)
Professor für Informationsmanagement & Digitale Wirtschaft, Hochschule Flensburg,
Flensburg, Deutschland
E-Mail: [email protected]
D. R. A. Schallmo
Dr. Schallmo & Team GmbH, Ulm, Deutschland
E-Mail: [email protected]
als Vehikel der Digitalen Transformation vorgestellt und im Rahmen dessen ein Vor-
gehensmodell zur Entwicklung von Kundenerlebnissen durch Business Model Inno-
vation beschrieben.
„Digitale Transformation“ – Kaum ein Wortpaar wird heutzutage so häufig mit der Not-
wendigkeit des Wandels unserer unternehmerischen Landschaft in Verbindung gebracht,
wie dieses. Wirklich neu ist der Umstand der digitalen Transformation allerdings nicht.
Unternehmen transformieren ihre Prozesse und die Art und Weise, wie sie Entscheidun-
gen treffen bzw. unterstützen, schon seitdem es die ersten Großrechner gibt. Mit zuneh-
mendem Fortschritt wird Informationstechnologie leistungsfähiger und erschwinglicher.
Sie nimmt mehr Aufgaben in den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen von Unternehmen wahr.
Die Notwendigkeit der digitalen Transformation und ihr Auslöser können daher aus rein
unternehmensbezogener Sicht nur schwer auf die letzten 10 bis 15 Jahre zurückzuführen
sein. Warum treiben wir also mit der „Digitalen Transformation“ eine scheinbar „neue“
Sau durch das Dorf? Was hat sich verändert?
In den letzten Jahren haben technologische Entwicklungen zu einem fundamentalen
Wandel dahin gehend geführt, wie wir kommunizieren, kollaborieren, entscheiden, pro-
duzieren und konsumieren. Digitalisierung durchdringt heute – mehr denn je – viele bis
alle Teile unseres gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenwirkens. Von ihr
betroffen sind das Wirken von Unternehmen genauso wie das von Regierungen, Behör-
den, von Bildungsträgern und unser Zusammenleben im Allgemeinen. Kurz gesagt, Digi-
talisierung ist omnipräsent. Anscheinend erleben wir damit auch zum ersten Mal, dass
Konsumenten technologische Fortschritte deutlich schneller adaptieren, als Unternehmen
bzw. Regierungen in der Lage sind, diesen zu folgen. Hinzu kommt, das viele Unterneh-
men in der Vergangenheit IT-bezogene Tätigkeiten ausgelagert haben und ihnen somit
eine der Kernkompetenzen für die Digitale Transformation abhandengekommen ist. Die
Marktkräfte haben sich klar zugunsten von Konsumenten verschoben. Forrester Research
bezeichnet daher die aktuelle Dekade als das Zeitalter des Kunden. In diesem Zusam-
menhang, wie auch im Kontext der zunehmenden Digitalisierung, kann deshalb von
einem sogenannten Business Darwinismus gesprochen werden. Wie bei jeder anderen
Art von Darwinismus geht es nicht darum, dass der Stärkste überlebt, sondern derjenige,
der sich am besten anpassen kann (Daniel 2016).
Preise, Sortimente und Technologie alleine stellen in der Regel keine Faktoren mehr für stra-
tegische Wettbewerbsvorteile dar → Customer Experience wird in Zukunft der wichtigste
Faktor sein, um wettbewerbsfähig zu bleiben und um eine führende Rolle im Markt zu erlan-
gen bzw. zu halten (Prof. Dr. Andreas Rusnjak, eCommerce-Konferenz Zürich, März 2016).
Über das Internet herrscht eine derart hohe Transparenz, dass sich meist immer ein güns-
tigerer Preis bei einem Mitbewerber oder ein Substitut finden lässt. Die zunehmende
1 Gestaltung und Digitalisierung von Kundenerlebnissen … 3
Globalisierung und die Möglichkeit, über Plattformen wie Alibaba bzw. AliExpress
direkt beim Erzeuger im In- und Ausland zu kaufen, befeuern den Preis- und Wettbe-
werbsdruck zusätzlich, sodass Preise und Sortimente als Differenzierungsmerkmal
zunehmend irrelevanter werden.
Die Cloud in Form von verteilten Rechen- und Speicherkapazitäten ermöglicht es
innovativen Softwareanbietern, zeitgemäße Lösungen einfach zu entwickeln, zu ver-
treiben und bei ihren Kunden zu migrieren. Unternehmen werden in die Lage versetzt,
auf Knopfdruck innovative Technologien in Form von SaaS oder PaaS-Lösungen1 – mit
mehr oder weniger hohem Migrationsaufwand – in ihre Wertschöpfung zu integrie-
ren, beliebig zu skalieren und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit damit zu steigern. Der Bedarf
an komplexer IT-Infrastruktur und notwendigem IT-Know-how im eigenen Haus sinkt.
Unternehmen können sich auf Ihre Kernkompetenzen konzentrieren, verkürzen ihre
Goto-Market-Zeiten und versenken mitunter weniger Geld in komplexen, teils schwer
beherrschbaren IT-Projekten. Bedenken hinsichtlich Datenschutz begegnen die Cloud-
Anbieter damit, dass Dienstleistungen auch ausschließlich auf europäischen bzw. deut-
schen Serverstandorten gebucht werden können. Zudem gibt es mittlerweile für sehr,
sehr viele unternehmerischen Problemstellungen Lösungen aus dem Silicon Valley, dem
Silicon Wadi oder aus einem der zahlreichen deutschen bzw. europäischen Start-ups und
es werden von Woche zu Woche mehr2.
Über soziale Medien nehmen Konsumenten immer mehr Einfluss auf das Verhalten
weiterer Konsumenten und damit mittelbar auch auf das Verhalten von Unternehmen.
Dieser „neuen“ Macht der Konsumenten können Unternehmen nur durch Anpassung
und proaktives Handeln auf nahezu allen Ebenen der Wertschöpfung begegnen. Meist
geschieht dies jedoch eher reaktiv, in dem bspw. Unternehmen über soziale Medien die
Macht des Konsumenten durch sogenannte „Shitstorms“3 deutlich zu spüren bekommen
und in ihrer Reaktion die Wogen eher hochschaukeln als glätten. Die wenigsten Unter-
nehmen haben eine Social-Media-Strategie und agieren präventiv bzw. reagieren richtig
auf „Trolle“ und/oder zurecht verärgerte Konsumenten.
Wie also in Zukunft differenzieren bzw. Wettbewerbsvorteile schaffen bzw. auf die
Veränderung der Spielregeln reagieren? Im Jahr 1998 stellten Pine und Gilmore im
Harvard Business Review (Pine und Gilmore 1998) die Experience Economy vor und
beschrieben Erlebnisse als reale Angebote, wie sie auch gängige Handelsware, sonstige
Güter oder Dienstleistungen darstellen. Darüber hinaus stellen Sie das Vermitteln bzw.
Inszenieren von Erlebnissen als wichtigen Differenzierungsfaktor dar.
Being world class in both customer experience and operations will allow us to grow faster
and deliver even higher service level (Bezos 1998).
Jeff Bezos hat bereits sehr früh verstanden, dass vor allem Customer Experience, Logis-
tik und Technologie das neue Marketing sind und darüber Wettbewerbsvorteile generiert
werden sollen. Indem er nicht müde wird, seine Teilhaber bzw. Mitarbeiter immer wieder
den „Tag 1“ zu erinnern und konsequent über die Stärken und Ressourcen des Unterneh-
mens neue, kundenorientierte Business Models jeglicher Art an die Märkte bringt, hat er
Amazon zu dem gemacht, was es heute ist.
I am incredibly lucky to be a part of this large team of outstanding missionaries who value
our customers as much as I do and who demonstrate that every day with their hard work. As
always, I attach a copy of our original 1997 letter. Our approach remains the same, and it’s
still Day 1 (Jeff Bezos 2013)4.
In 2014 – 17 Jahre nach Bezos – formulierte Steve Cannon (CEO, Daimler USA) in
einem Webinar5 und im darauffolgenden Jahr in einem Interview gegenüber Gartner
(Sorofman 2015), dass Customer Experience das neue Marketing sei. Dieses Beispiel ist
symptomatisch für das Agieren der „alten“ etablierten Unternehmen, die sich zunehmend
einer „neuen“ Art von Unternehmen gegenübergestellt sehen. Diesen neuen Unterneh-
men fällt es aufgrund ihrer Firmenkultur, Prozesse und Technologien sehr viel leichter,
den Kunden in das Zentrum der Bemühungen zu stellen und dementsprechend agil zu
agieren. Im Thema Customer Experience Management sind sie ihren etablierten Wett-
bewerbern und Mittbewerbern teils um „Lichtjahre“ voraus. In diesem Sinne soll dieser
Beitrag ein Verständnis darüber schaffen, wie Kundenerlebnisse im Kontext der Digita-
len Transformation nutzenstiftend in Unternehmen entwickelt werden können.
4https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1018724/000119312513151836/d511111dex991.htm.
Zum besseren Verständnis wird nach der Einführung eine Begriffsbestimmung über die
Begriffe Customer Experience Management, Digitale Transformation, Business Model
und Business Model Engineering vorgenommen. Im Anschluss daran, dem dritten
Abschnitt dieses Beitrags, wird das Business Model Engineering als „Gestaltungsrah-
men“ vorgestellt. Im Rahmen dessen wird ein Profil herausgearbeitet, das dabei hilft, die
Begriffe „Business Model Innovation“, „Business Model Transformation“ und „Business
Model Health Check“ praxisrelevant abgrenzen und einordnen zu können. Wichtig ist
zu verstehen, dass sich dieser Beitrag aus Platzgründen primär auf die frühe Phase der
Digitalen Transformation konzentriert, d. h. auf die Gestaltung von Kundenerlebnissen
als differenzierenden Wettbewerbsfaktor. Die Aufgabenfelder hieraus lassen sich primär
der Disziplin „Business Model Innovation“ zuordnen. Die eigentliche Implementierung
(Business Model Transformation) und kontinuierliche Verbesserung (Business Model
Health Check) ist nicht Gegenstand dieses Beitrags. Mehr dazu finden Sie zu gegebener
Zeit im Business Model Engineering Playbook (www.businessmodelengineering.de).
Im darauffolgenden vierten Abschnitt wird ein Vorgehensmodell zur Gestaltung neuer
Kundenerlebnisse vorgestellt, mittels welchem Unternehmen in die Lage versetzt wer-
den, Digitalisierung als Chance zu nutzen, um über neuartige Kundenerlebnisse im Zeit-
alter des Kunden zu bestehen oder zu wachsen. Der Beitrag schließt mit einer kurzen
Handlungsempfehlung zur Anwendung des Vorgehensmodells in ihrem Unternehmen
(vgl. hierzu auch Abb. 1.1).
1.2 Begriffsbestimmungen
Um das Wesen von Customer Experience im Zusammenhang mit der Digitalen Transfor-
mation und mit Business Models zu erfassen, ist es zunächst wichtig, bedeutende Teil-
aspekte zu durchdringen und zu verstehen. Aus den eingangs erwähnten Aspekten und
Umständen heraus leiten sich folgende wesentliche Handlungsfelder der Digitalen Trans-
formation ab,
Für ein besseres Verständnis werden in diesem Abschnitt zunächst die grundlegenden
Begriffe Customer Experience Management, Digital Business, Digitale Transformation
und Business Model Engineering sowie ihr Zusammenhang kurz erläutert.
6 A. Rusnjak und D. R. A. Schallmo
3. Die Customer Journey endet nicht mit einem Kauf und beinhaltet zwingend eine
Rückkopplung des Kunden zur stetigen Verbesserung des Kundenerlebnisses.
4. Alle Touchpoints (Kundenkontaktpunkte) sollten einprägsam und wirkungsvoll
gestaltet sein
5. Kundenerlebnisse sollten, je nach Gestaltungszeitpunkt einfach, intuitiv, reibungslos,
persönlich, ideenreich, bahnbrechend, unvergesslich, funktionell, bedeutsam/einpräg-
sam, teilbar etc. gestaltet sein.
6. Alle Kundenerlebnisse haben ein weiteres Engagement und eine höhere Loyalität der
Kunden als Ziel.
7. Für ein nahtloses Kundenerlebnis müssen alle Touchpoints konsistent über alle Platt-
formen und Devices integriert sein.
Gartner zufolge (Thompson und Herschel 2009) resultiert ein Erlebnis aus einer Summe
bewusst wahrgenommener Momente/Ereignisse. Ein Erlebnis kann dabei in vielerlei
Hinsicht interpretiert werden, z. B. a) über eine Summe an Interaktionen, b) die Akti-
vierung bestimmter Gefühle, c) das Wiedererkennen gleicher oder ähnlicher Erlebnisse,
d) die Erweiterung von Intelligenz, e) eine Unterstützung, z. B. über Best Practices oder
f) in der Weiterentwicklung von Fachkompetenz.
Customer Experience beginnt im Grunde schon bei einer Werbeaussage bzw. einem
Markenversprechen oder einer Empfehlung durch einen Kunden/Partner an einen Inte-
ressenten. Sie zieht sich von der Wahrnehmung, über die Information, den Kauf, die
Lieferung sowie die Nutzung eines Produkts bis hin zum Servicefall, einer Retoure und
Gutschrift. Für die weitere Verwendung im Rahmen dieses Beitrags gilt folgende Defini-
tion:
Customer Experience kann als die Summe aller Erlebnisse und dazugehörigen Emo-
tionen bezeichnet werden, die über einmalige oder mehrmalige Wahrnehmungen im
Umgang zwischen Kunden und Systemen oder Produkten & Dienstleistungen eines
Unternehmens sowie seiner Stakeholder (z. B. Mitarbeiter, Kunden, Partner, Werbung,
Presse etc.) entstehen.
Der Begriff Digital Business bezieht sich im Business-Model-Kontext auf alle elekt-
ronisch steuerbaren Anwendungsformen von Informationen und Technologien zur Ent-
wicklung von neuen Produkten und/oder Dienstleistungen sowie zur Verbesserung der
operativen Fähigkeiten innerhalb der Wertschöpfung und der Kundenerfahrung.
Nach Daniel (2016) lassen sich zwei grundsätzliche, strategische Motivationen für eine
Digitale Transformation ableiten:
1. Überleben
2. Marktdominanz
1 Gestaltung und Digitalisierung von Kundenerlebnissen … 9
Das wichtigste Ziel der Digitalen Transformation von Unternehmen muss es sein, einen
Zustand im Markt und innerhalb der Organisation herzustellen, in welchem die Angst
vor digitalem Wandel bzw. Disruption obsolet wird. Digitale Transformation stellt dem
Unternehmen – richtig angewendet – eine Plattform für strategisch zielführende Initiati-
ven, Innovationen und disruptive Maßnahmen dar. Sie ist i. d. R. mit deutlichen Kosten
und Aufwand sowie mit einer hohen Komplexität verbunden.
Digitale Transformation manifestiert sich vor allem über – für den Markt oder für
Unternehmen – neuartige Business Models, d. h. Unternehmen transformieren wesent-
liche Aspekte ihrer Wertschöpfung in Form eines oder mehrerer Business Models. Man
befasst sich in diesem Kontext nicht mehr nur mit der Digitalen Kompetenz (Level 1)
und der Nutzung Digitaler Technologien (Level 2), sondern mit dem höchsten Level, der
Transformation von kompletten Business Models. Damit verbunden ist häufig ein tief
greifender Eingriff in die Unternehmenskultur (vgl. hierzu auch Martin 2009).
Für die weitere Verwendung des Business-Model-Begriff gelten folgende Definitio-
nen:
Ein Business Model (Geschäftsmodell) beschreibt in abstrahierter Art und Weise eine
betrachtungsrelevante Auswahl an Produkten & Dienstleistungen sowie die zur Leis-
tungserbringung notwendigen Hilfsmittel und dazugehörigen Informations-, Transfer-
und Finanzflüsse entlang der Wertschöpfungskette(n) eines Unternehmens oder einer
Organisationseinheit.
Wichtige Elemente eines Business Models sind 1) beteiligte Akteure (z. B. Kunden,
Lieferanten, Kooperationspartner, Wettbewerber, etc.) und deren Ziele/Motivation, 2) das
Leistungs-/Nutzenversprechen des Unternehmens, 3) Absatzkanäle, 4) Schlüsselressour-
cen und Schlüsselaktivitäten, 5) relevante Kosten und Erlöse sowie 6) Erfolgsfaktoren
und 7) die Darstellung relevanter Strategien.
Business Models lassen sich auf vielerlei Art und Weise darstellen bzw. abbilden.
Abb. 1.2 stellt ein Framework vor, welches sich seit einigen Jahren in der Anwendung
bei Konzernen, KMU und Start-ups bewährt hat (siehe auch www.businessmodelcrea-
tivity.net oder www.gemvini.de). Es handelt sich um eine strukturierte, grafische
10
A. Rusnjak und D. R. A. Schallmo
Eine erfolgreiche Digitale Transformation kann nur dann gelingen, wenn über Modelle
und Methoden umfassend und strukturiert vorgegangen wird. Im Vergleich zum „Business
Modeling“-Begriff soll der Zusatz „Engineering“ die Notwendigkeit einer ingenieurmä-
ßigen Herangehensweise verdeutlichen. Im Gegensatz zur klassischen, planerischen und
normenbehafteten Ingenieurstätigkeit, wird beim Business Model Engineering bewusst
ein hoher Wert auf eine schlanke, agile und experimentelle, teils vielleicht auch unkon-
ventionelle Vorgehensweise gelegt, um der Dynamik in den Märkten Rechnung zu tragen.
Business Model Engineering leitet sich unmittelbar aus den Prinzipien des Business
Engineerings ab:
Business Engineering in der Praxis heißt, strukturiert und mit geeigneten Methoden indivi-
duelle Veränderungsprojekte erfolgreich zu führen. Dabei wird die Informationstechnologie
(IT) als „enabler“ von Business Innovationen und Business Redesign aufgefasst, aber nicht
als primärer Treiber eingesetzt. Erfolgreiche Veränderungsprojekte basieren vielmehr auf
der Entwicklung einer leistungsfähigen Geschäftsarchitektur durch Methoden des Strategie-,
Prozess- und Technologiemanagement sowie der bewussten Intervention in die Unterneh-
menskultur (Baumöl et al. 2005).
Fragestellungen, Zielsetzungen und Aufgaben aus dem Business Modeling heraus kön-
nen durchaus als Teilaspekte innerhalb des Business Engineerings eingeordnet werden.
Dabei ist jedoch zu berücksichtigen, dass das Business Model Engineering selbst nicht
nur als Teilaufgabe des Business Engineerings betrachtet wird, sondern aufgrund sei-
ner Bedeutung, als eigenständiges strategisches Arbeitsfeld begriffen werden sollte (vgl.
hierzu auch Abb. 1.3 und Rusnjak 2014).
Unter dem Begriff Business Model Engineering kann ein ingenieurmäßiges, agiles,
methoden- und modellbasiertes Vorgehen zur Transformation eines oder mehrerer Busi-
ness Models verstanden werden.
Abb. 1.4 stellt eine Übersicht über die wichtigsten Bereiche im Business Model Enginee-
ring und ihre Einordnung zu den Themen Business Vision & Strategy, Business Model
und Business Operating Model dar.
6vgl.auch den Business Model Canvas von Alexander Osterwalder (Osterwalder und Pigneur 2009
oder Schallmo und Rusnjak 2017).
12
Cicero had two children by Terentia. His daughter Tullia was the
elder. He had brought her up in his own way, initiating her into his
studies, and giving her the taste for those intellectual things that he
loved so much himself, and which, it appears, his wife did not care
for. “I find in her,” he said, “my features, my words, my mind;”[114]
accordingly he loved her tenderly. While she was still very young her
father could not refrain from making allusion in one of his pleadings
to the affection he had for her.[115] This affection, certainly the
deepest he ever felt, was the great anxiety of his life. A sadder fate
than that of this young woman it is impossible to imagine. Married at
thirteen to Piso, then to Crassipes, and separated from them by death
and divorce, she re-married for the third time while her father was
absent governing Cilicia. Suitors were numerous, even among young
men of illustrious family, and it was not only the renown of the
father-in-law that attracted them, as we might think. He tells us that
they supposed he would return from his government very rich. By
marrying his daughter these young men thought to make an
advantageous match which would allow them to pay their debts.[116]
Among them were the son of the consul Sulpicius and Tiberius Nero,
who was the father of Tiberius and Drusus. Cicero favoured the
latter, who even went to Cilicia to seek his consent, but his wife and
daughter, to whom on leaving he had given the right of choosing,
decided without him for Cornelius Dolabella. He was a young man of
high family, a friend of Curio, of Caelius and Antony, who till then
had lived like them, that is to say in risking his reputation and
wasting his fortune; he was, besides, a man of wit and fashion. This
husband was not much to the taste of Atticus; but it seems that
Terentia was gained over by his great name, and perhaps Tullia was
not insensible to his fine manners. At first the marriage seemed a
happy one. Dolabella charmed his mother-in-law and his wife by his
good-nature and kindness. Cicero himself, who had been at first
surprised at the haste with which the affair had been carried through,
thought that his son-in-law had a good deal of wit and refinement.
“For the rest, he added, we must be resigned.”[117] He referred to the
frivolous and dissipated habits that Dolabella did not give up
notwithstanding his marriage. He had promised to reform, but kept
his promise badly, and, however willingly Cicero would have shut his
eyes to his dissoluteness, ended by making resignation very difficult.
He continued to live like the youth of that time, making an uproar in
the streets at night under the windows of fashionable women, and
his debaucheries seemed scandalous in a city accustomed to
debauch. He attached himself to a fashionable woman, celebrated by
her amorous adventures, Caecilia Metella, wife of the consular
Lentulus Sphinther. She was the same woman who afterwards ruined
the son of the great tragic actor Aesopus, that madman who, not
knowing what to invent to ruin himself most quickly, had the strange
caprice, at a dinner that he gave to his mistress, to dissolve and
swallow a pearl worth a million sesterces[118] (£8000). With a woman
like Metella, Dolabella soon squandered his fortune, he then
dissipated his wife’s, and not content with betraying and ruining her,
threatened to divorce her when she dared to complain. It seems that
Tullia loved him very much, and for a long time resisted those who
advised a divorce. Cicero blames, somewhere, what he calls his
daughter’s[119] folly, but she had at last to decide for this after fresh
outrages, and leave her husband’s house to return to her father’s. She
was enceinte. The confinement that followed in these painful
circumstances carried her off at Tusculum at the age of thirty-one.
Cicero was inconsolable for her death, and his grief at losing her
was certainly the greatest of his life. As his affection for his daughter
was well known, letters came to him from all sides, of the sort that
usually console those only who have no need of consolation. The
philosophers, to whom his name gave credit, tried by their
exhortations to make him support his loss more courageously.
Caesar wrote to him from Spain, where he had just vanquished
Pompey’s sons. The greatest personages of all parties, Brutus,
Lucceius, Dolabella himself, shared his sorrow; but none of these
letters must have touched him more sensibly than that which he
received from one of his old friends, Sulpicius, the great lawyer, who
at that time governed Greece. Fortunately it has been preserved. It is
worthy of the great man who wrote it and of him to whom it was
addressed. The following passage has often been quoted: “I must tell
you a reflection that has consoled me, perhaps it will succeed in
diminishing your affliction. On my return from Asia, as I was sailing
from Aegina towards Megara, I began to look at the country
surrounding me. Megara was in front of me, Aegina behind, the
Piraeus on the right, Corinth on the left. Formerly these were very
flourishing cities, now they are but scattered ruins. At this sight I
said to myself: How dare we, poor mortals that we are, complain of
the death of our friends, whose life nature has made so short, when
we see at one glance the mere corpses of so many great cities lying
around!”[120] The thought is new and grand. This lesson drawn from
the ruins, this manner of drawing moral ideas from nature, this grave
melancholy mingled with the contemplation of a fine landscape, are
sentiments little known to pagan antiquity. This passage seems
inspired by the spirit of Christianity. We should say it was written by
a man familiar with the sacred writings, and “who was already
sitting, with the prophet, on the ruins of desolate cities.” This is so
true that Saint Ambrose, wishing to write a letter of condolence,
imitated this one, and it was thought, quite naturally, to be Christian.
Cicero’s reply was not less noble. We see in it a most touching picture
of his sadness and isolation. After having described the sorrow he felt
at the fall of the republic, he adds: “My daughter at least was left me.
I had a place to which to retire and rest. The charm of her
conversation made me forget my cares and sorrows; but the dreadful
wound I received in losing her has re-opened in my heart all those
wounds that I thought closed. Formerly I retired into my family to
forget the misfortunes of the state, but can the state now offer me
any remedy to make me forget the misfortunes of my family? I am
obliged to shun, at the same time, both my home and the Forum, for
my home no longer consoles me for the trouble the republic causes
me, and the republic cannot fill the void that I find in my home.”[121]
Tullia’s sad fate, and the grief that her death caused her father,
attract us towards her. When we see her lamented so much we wish
to know her better. Unfortunately, not a single letter of hers remains
in Cicero’s correspondence; when he lavishes compliments on her
mind, we are obliged to take it upon trust, and a father’s
compliments are always open to suspicion. From what we know, we
can easily admit that she was an accomplished woman; lectissima
femina, is the praise Antony, who did not like her family, gives her.
[122]
We should like to know, however, how she bore the education
that her father gave her. We rather mistrust this sort of education,
and we cannot help fearing that Tullia suffered somewhat from it.
The very manner in which her father bewailed her is, to our way of
thinking, prejudicial to her memory. In composing on her death, that
treatise “On Consolation” which was filled with her praises, he has
not, perhaps, done her a great service. A young woman so
unfortunate deserved an elegy; a philosophic treatise seems to weigh
on her memory. Is it not possible that her father rather spoilt her in
wishing to make her too learned? It was quite the custom at that
time. Hortensius had made his daughter an orator, and it is asserted
that, one day, she pleaded an important case better than a good
advocate. I suspect that Cicero wished to make his a philosopher, and
I am afraid he succeeded only too well. Philosophy presents many
dangers for a woman, and Madame de Sévigné had not much reason
to congratulate herself on having put her daughter under the system
of Descartes. That dry and pedantic figure is not calculated to make
us like women philosophers.
Philosophy succeeded still less with Cicero’s son Marcus than with
his daughter. His father was completely mistaken about his tastes
and abilities, which is not very extraordinary, for parental tenderness
is often more warm than enlightened. Marcus had only the instincts
of a soldier, Cicero wished to make him a philosopher and an orator,
but he lost his labour. These instincts, repressed for a moment,
always broke out again with added force. At eighteen, Marcus lived
like all the young men of that time, and it was necessary to
remonstrate with him on his expenditure. He was bored with the
lessons of his master, Dionysius, and with the rhetoric that his father
tried to teach him. He wished to set out for the Spanish war with
Caesar. Instead of listening to him, Cicero sent him to Athens to
finish his education. He had an establishment like a nobleman’s son.
They gave him freedmen and slaves that he might make as good a
figure as the young Bibulus, Acidinus and Messala who studied with
him. About a hundred thousand sesterces (£800) were assigned to
him for his annual expenses, which seems a reasonable allowance for
a student in philosophy; but Marcus went away in a bad humour, and
his stay at Athens did not have the results that Cicero expected. No
longer under his father’s eyes he indulged his tastes without
restraint. Instead of following the lectures of the rhetoricians and
philosophers, his time was taken up with good dinners and noisy
entertainments. His life was so much the more dissolute as, to all
appearance, he was encouraged in his dissipation by his master
himself, the rhetorician Gorgias. This rhetorician was a thorough
Greek, that is to say, a man ready to do anything to make his fortune.
In studying his pupil he saw that he should gain more by flattering
his vices than by cultivating his good qualities, and he accordingly
flattered his vices. In this school, Marcus, instead of paying attention
to Plato and Aristotle, as his father recommended him, acquired the
taste for Falernian and Chian wine, a taste that continued with him.
The only reputation that he was proud of afterwards was that of
being the hardest drinker of his time; he sought and obtained the
glory of conquering the triumvir Antony, who enjoyed a great
reputation in this line, that he was very proud of. This was his way of
avenging his father, whom Antony had put to death. Later, Augustus,
who wished to pay the son the debt he had contracted with his father,
made him a consul, but did not succeed in breaking him of his habits
of debauchery, for the sole exploit that we are told of him is, that one
day, when he was drunk, he threw his glass at Agrippa’s head.[123]
We can understand what sorrow Cicero must have felt when he
learnt of his son’s early dissoluteness. I suppose he hesitated to
believe it for a long time, for he liked to delude himself about his
children. So when Marcus, lectured by all the family, dismissed
Gorgias and promised to behave better, his father, who was very
willing to be deceived, was eager to believe it. From this time we see
him constantly engaged in begging Atticus not to let his son want for
anything, and in studying the letters he receives from him to try and
discover some progress. There remains just one of these letters of
Marcus of the time when he seems to return to better habits. It was
addressed to Tiro, and is full of protestations of repentance. He
acknowledges himself so humiliated, so tormented by all his faults,
“that not only his soul detests them, but he cannot bear to hear of
them.” To convince him thoroughly of his sincerity he draws the
picture of his life; it is impossible to imagine one better occupied. He
passes his days and almost his nights with the philosopher
Cratippus, who treats him like a son. He keeps him to dinner in order
to deprive himself of his society as little as possible. He is so charmed
with the learned conversation of Bruttius that he wishes to have him
near him, and pays his board and lodging. He declaims in Latin, he
declaims in Greek with the most learned rhetoricians. He only visits
well-informed men; he only sees learned old men, the wise Epicrates,
the venerable Leonidas, all the Areopagus in fact, and this edifying
narration ends with these words: “Above all, take care to keep in
good health, that we may be able to talk science and philosophy
together.”[124]
It is a very pleasing letter, but in reading it a certain suspicion
comes into our mind. These protestations are so exaggerated that we
suspect Marcus had some design in making them, especially when
we remember that Tiro possessed the confidence of his master, and
disposed of all his liberalities. Who knows if these regrets and high-
sounding promises did not precede and excuse some appeal for
funds?
It must be said in favour of Marcus that, after having grieved his
father by his dissipation, at least he consoled his last moments.
When Brutus passed through Athens, calling to arms the young
Romans who were there, Marcus felt his soldierly instincts revive. He
remembered that at seventeen he had successfully commanded a
cavalry corps at Pharsalia, and he was one of the first to respond to
the call of Brutus. He was one of his most skilful, most devoted and
most courageous lieutenants, and often deserved his praise. “I am so
pleased,” wrote Brutus to Cicero, “with the valour, activity and
energy of Marcus, that he seems always to recall to me the father
whose son he has the honour to be.”[125] We can well understand how
pleased Cicero must have been with this testimony. It was while
rejoicing over this awakening of his son that he wrote and dedicated
to him his treatise De Officiis, which is perhaps his finest work, and
which was his last farewell to his family and his country.
IV.
This study of Cicero’s family life is not yet complete; there remain
a few details to add. We know that a Roman family was not only
composed of the persons united by relationship, but that it also
comprised the slaves. Servant and master were then more closely
connected than they are now, and they had more community of life.
In order to know Cicero thoroughly, then, in his family, we must say
a few words about his relations with his slaves.
In theory, he did not hold opinions upon slavery different from
those of his time. Like Aristotle, he accepted the institution, and
thought it legitimate. While proclaiming that a man has duties to
fulfil towards his slaves, he did not hesitate to admit that they must
be held down by cruelty when there was no other means of managing
them;[126] but in practice he treated them with great mildness. He
attached himself to them so far as to weep for them when he had the
misfortune to lose them. This, probably, was not usual, for we see
that he almost begs pardon for it of his friend Atticus. “My mind is
quite troubled, he writes to him; I have lost a young man named
Sositheus, who was my reader, and I am more grieved perhaps than I
ought to be at the death of a slave.”[127] I only see one, in all his
correspondence, with whom he seems to be very angry; this was a
certain Dionysius whom he sought for even in the depths of Illyria,
and whom he wished to have again at any price;[128] but Dionysius
had stolen some of his books, and this was a crime that Cicero could
not forgive. His slaves also loved him very much. He boasts of the
fidelity they showed towards him in his misfortunes, and we know
that at the last moment they would have died for him if he had not
prevented them.
We know better than the rest one of them, who had a greater share
in his affection, namely, Tiro. The name he bears is Latin, which
makes us suspect that he was one of those slaves born in the master’s
house (vernae), who were looked upon as belonging to the family
more than the rest, because they had never left it. Cicero became
attached to him early, and had him carefully instructed. Perhaps he
even took the trouble to finish his education himself. He calls
himself, somewhere, his teacher, and likes to rally him about his way
of writing. He had a very lively affection for him, and at last could not
do without him. He played a great part in Cicero’s house, and his
powers were very various. He represented in it order and economy,
which were not the ordinary qualities of his master. He was the
confidential man through whose hands all financial matters passed.
On the first of the month he undertook to scold the debtors who were
in arrears, and to get too pressing creditors to have patience; he
revised the accounts of the steward Eros, which were not always
correct; he went to see the obliging bankers whose credit supported
Cicero in moments of difficulty. Every time there was some delicate
commission to be executed he was applied to, as for instance when it
was a question of demanding some money of Dolabella without
displeasing him too much. The care he gave to the most important
affairs did not prevent him being employed on the smallest. He was
sent to overlook the gardens, spur on the workmen, superintend the
building operations: the dining-room, even, fell within his province,
and I see that he is entrusted with the sending out the invitations to a
dinner, a thing not always without its difficulties, for one must only
bring together guests who are mutually agreeable, “and Tertia will
not come if Publius is invited.”[129] But it is as secretary, especially,
that he rendered Cicero the greatest services. He wrote almost as
quickly as one speaks, and he alone could read his master’s writing,
that the copyists could not decipher. He was more than a secretary
for him, he was a confidant, and even a collaborator. Aulus Gellius
asserts that he helped him in the composition of his works,[130] and
the correspondence does not belie this opinion. One day when Tiro
had remained ill in some country house, Cicero wrote to him that
Pompey, who was then on a visit to him, asked him to read him
something, and that he had answered that all was mute in the house
when Tiro was not there. “My literature,” he added, “or rather ours,
languishes in your absence. Come back as quickly as possible to re-
animate our muses.”[131] At this time Tiro was still a slave. It was not
till much later, about the year 700, that he was manumitted. Every
one about Cicero applauded this just recompense for so many
faithful services. Quintus, who was then in Gaul, wrote expressly to
his brother to thank him for having given him a new friend. In the
sequel, Tiro bought a small field, no doubt out of his master’s bounty,
and Marcus, in the letter he wrote him from Athens, rallies him
pleasantly on the new tastes this acquisition will develop in him.
“Now you are a landowner!” says he, “you must leave the elegance of
the town and become quite a Roman peasant. How much pleasure I
have in contemplating you from here under your new aspect! I think
I see you buying agricultural implements, talking with the farmer, or
saving seeds for your garden in a fold of your robe at dessert!”[132]
But, proprietor and freedman, Tiro was no less at his master’s service
than when he was a slave.
His health was poor, and not always sufficiently attended to.
Everybody liked him, but under this pretext everybody made him
work. They seemed to agree in abusing his good-nature, which they
knew to be inexhaustible. Quintus, Atticus, and Marcus insisted
upon his constantly giving them news of Rome and of Cicero. Tiro so
readily took his share of each addition to the business that came
upon his master, that at last he fell ill. He fatigued himself so much
during Cicero’s governorship of Cilicia that, on the return journey, he
had to be left at Patras. Cicero very much regretted the separation
from him, and to testify the sorrow he felt at leaving him, he wrote to
him as often as three times in the same day. The care that Cicero
took on every occasion of this delicate and precious health was
extreme; he became a doctor in order to cure him. One day, when he
had left him indisposed at Tusculum, he wrote to him: “Take care of
your health, which you have heretofore neglected in order to serve
me. You know what it demands: a good digestion, no fatigue,
moderate exercise, amusement, and keeping the body open. Come
back a good-looking fellow, I shall like you all the better for it, you
and Tusculum.”[133] When the illness was graver the advice was given
at greater length. All the family joined in writing, and Cicero, who
held the pen, said to him, in the name of his wife and children: “If
you love us all, and particularly me who have brought you up, you
will only think of re-establishing your health.... I beg you not to
regard expense. I have written to Curius to give you all that you want,
and to pay the doctor liberally that he may be more attentive. You
have rendered me numberless services at home, at the Forum, at
Rome, in my province, in my public and private affairs, in my studies
and my literary work; but you will put the finishing touch if, as I
hope, I see you again in good health.”[134] Tiro repaid this affection by
an indefatigable devotedness. With his feeble health, he lived more
than a hundred years, and we may say that all this long life was
employed in his master’s service. His zeal did not flag when he had
lost him, and his time was taken up with him to his last moments. He
wrote his biography, he brought out his unpublished works; that
nothing should be lost, he collected his smallest notes and witty
sayings, of which, it is said, he made a somewhat too large collection,
for his admiration did not allow him to distinguish, and he published
some excellent editions of his speeches, which were still consulted in
the time of Aulus Gellius.[135] These assuredly were services for which
Cicero, who thought so much of his literary glory, would have most
heartily thanked his faithful freedman.
There is one reflection that we cannot help making when we study
the relations of Tiro with his master, and that is, that ancient slavery,
looked at from this point of view, and in the house of such a man as
Cicero, appears less repulsive. It was evidently much softened at this
time, and letters have a large share in this improvement. They had
diffused a new virtue among those who loved them, one whose name
often recurs in Cicero’s philosophical works, namely, humanity, that
is to say, that culture of mind that softens the heart. It was by its
influence that slavery, without being attacked in principle, was
profoundly modified in its effects. This change came about
noiselessly. People did not try to run counter to dominant prejudices;
up to Seneca’s time they did not insist on establishing the right of the
slave to be reckoned among men, and he continued to be excluded
from the grand theories that were made upon human brotherhood;
but in reality no one profited more than he by the softening of
manners. We have just seen how Cicero treated his slaves, and he
was not exceptional. Atticus acted like him, and this humanity had
become a sort of point of honour, on which this society of polished
and lettered people prided themselves. A few years later, Pliny the
younger, who also belonged to this society, speaks with a touching
sadness of the sickness and death of his slaves. “I know well, he says,
that many others only regard this kind of misfortune as a simple loss
of goods, and in thinking thus they consider themselves great and
wise men. For myself, I do not know if they are as great and wise as
they imagine, but I do know that they are not men.”[136] These were
the sentiments of all the distinguished society of that time. Slavery,
then, had lost much of its harshness towards the end of the Roman
republic and in the early times of the empire. This improvement,
which is usually referred to Christianity, was much older than it, and
we must give the credit of it to philosophy and letters.
Besides the freedmen and slaves, who formed part of the family of
a rich Roman, there were other persons who were attached to it,
although less closely, namely, the clients. Doubtless the ancient
institution of clientage had lost much of its grave and sacred
character. The time had gone by when Cato said that the clients
should take precedence of kinsmen and neighbours in the house, and
that the title of patron came immediately after that of father. These
ties were much slackened,[137] and the obligations they imposed had
become much less rigid. Almost the only one still respected was the
necessity the clients were under of going to salute the patron early in
the morning. Quintus, in the very curious letter that he addressed to
his brother on the subject of his candidature for the consulship,
divides them into three classes: first, those who content themselves
with the morning visit; these are, in general, lukewarm friends or
inquisitive observers who come to learn the news, or who even
sometimes visit all the candidates that they may have the pleasure of
reading in their faces the state of their hopes; then, those who
accompany their patron to the Forum and form his train while he
takes two or three turns in the basilica, that everybody may see that
it is a man of importance who arrives; and lastly, those who do not
leave him all the time he is out of doors, and who conduct him back
to his house as they had gone to meet him there. These are the
faithful and devoted followers, who do not haggle about the time they
give, and whose unwearied zeal obtains for the candidate the
dignities he desires.[138]
When a man had the good fortune to belong to a great family, he
possessed by inheritance a ready-made clientage. A Claudius or a
Cornelius, even before he had taken the trouble to oblige anybody,
was sure to find his hall half filled every morning with people whom
gratitude attached to his family, and he produced a sensation in the
Forum by the number of those who accompanied him the day he
went there to plead his first cause. Cicero had not this advantage;
but, although he owed his clients to himself alone, they were none
the less very numerous. In that time of exciting struggles, when the
quietest citizens were exposed every day to the most unreasonable
accusations, many people were forced to have recourse to him to
defend them. He did so readily, for he had no other means of making
a clientage than by giving his services to a great many. It was this,
perhaps, that made him accept so many bad cases. As he arrived at
the Forum almost alone, without that train of persons whom he had
obliged, which gave public importance, it was necessary for him not
to be too particular in order to form and increase it. Whatever
repugnance his honest mind may have felt on taking up a doubtful
case, his vanity could not resist the pleasure of adding another
person to the multitude of those who accompanied him. There were,
in this crowd, according to his brother, citizens of every age, rank,
and fortune. Important personages no doubt were mingled with
those insignificant folks who usually formed this kind of retinue.
Speaking of a tribune of the people, Memmius Gemellus, the
protector of Lucretius, he calls him his client.[139]
It was not only at Rome that he had clients and persons who were
under obligation to him; we see by his correspondence that his
protection extended much further, and that people wrote to him
from all parts demanding his services. The Romans were then
scattered over the entire world; after having conquered it they busied
themselves in making the greatest possible profit out of it. In the
track of the legions and almost at their heels, a swarm of clever and
enterprising men settled on the just conquered provinces to seek
their fortunes there; they knew how to adapt their skill to the
resources and needs of each country. In Sicily and in Gaul they
cultivated vast estates, and speculated in wines and corn; in Asia,
where there were so many cities opulent or involved in debt, they
became bankers, that is to say, they furnished them, by their usury, a
prompt and sure means of ruining themselves. In general, they
thought of returning to Rome as soon as their fortune was made, and
in order to return the sooner, they sought to enrich themselves as
quickly as possible. As they were only encamped, and not really
settled in the conquered countries, as they found themselves there
without ties of affection and without root, they treated them without
mercy and made themselves detested. They were often prosecuted
before the tribunals and had great need of being defended, and so
they sought to procure the support of the best advocates, above all
that of Cicero, the greatest orator of his time. His talent and his
credit were not too great to extricate them from the discreditable
affairs in which they were mixed up.
If we wish to become well acquainted with one of those great
merchants of Rome, who, by their character and their fate,
sometimes resemble the speculators of our days, we must read the
speech that Cicero delivered in defence of Rabirius Postumus. He
there narrates the whole story of his client. It is a lively story, and it
is not without interest to sum it up in order to know what those
Roman business men, who so often had recourse to his eloquence,
were like. Rabirius, the son of a rich and acute farmer of taxes, was
born with the spirit of enterprise. He did not confine himself to a
single branch of commerce, for he was one of those of whom Cicero
said that they knew all the roads by which money could come in,
omnes vias pecuniae norunt.[140] He transacted all kinds of business,
and with equally good fortune; he undertook much himself, and
often shared in the enterprises of others. He farmed the public taxes;
he lent to private persons, to the provinces and to kings. As generous
as he was rich, he made his friends profit by his good fortune. He
created employment for them, gave them an interest in his business,
and a share in the profits.
His popularity therefore was very great at Rome; but, as
sometimes happens, his prosperity ruined him. He had lent a good
deal of money to Ptolemy Auletes, King of Egypt, who probably gave
him good interest. This king having got himself expelled by his
subjects, Rabirius was induced to make him fresh advances in order
to recover the money that was at stake. He pledged his own fortune
and even that of his friends to provide for his expenses; he defrayed
the cost of the magnificent royal cortège when Ptolemy went to
Rome to demand the support of the senate, and, what must have cost
him still more, gave him the means of gaining over the most
influential senators. Ptolemy’s business appeared safe. As people
hoped much from the gratitude of the king, the most important
personages strove for the honour or rather the profit of reinstating
him. Lentulus, then proconsul of Cilicia, contended that they could
not refuse it to him; but at the same time Pompey, who received the
young prince at his house at Alba, demanded it for himself. This
rivalry caused everything to miscarry. The opposing interests
counteracted each other, and in order not to cause jealousy by letting
one man profit by this fortunate opportunity, the senate would not
grant it to anybody. It is said that Rabirius, who knew the Romans
well, then gave the king the bold advice to apply to one of those
adventurers of whom Rome was full and who flinched from nothing
for money. A former tribune, Gabinius, governed Syria. He was
promised 10,000 talents (£2,200,000) if he would openly disobey
the decree of the senate. It was a large sum; Gabinius accepted the
bargain, and his troops brought Ptolemy back to Alexandria. As soon
as Rabirius knew that he was re-established he hastened to meet
him. To make more sure of recovering his money, he consented to
become his overseer of the revenue (diaecetes), or as we should now
say, his minister of finance. He wore the Greek mantle, to the great
scandal of strict Romans, and put on the insignia of his office. He
had only accepted it with the idea that he should never be better paid
than if he paid himself, through his own hands. This is what he tried
to do, and it appears that in raising the money promised to Gabinius
he also cautiously took enough to repay himself; but the people, who
were being ruined, complained, and the king, to whom Rabirius had
become intolerable now that he had no longer need of him, and who
was no doubt delighted to find a convenient means of getting rid of a
creditor, threw him into prison and even threatened his life. Rabirius
fled from Egypt as soon as he could, happy to have left only his
fortune there. He had only one resource left. At the same time that he
administered the king’s finances, he had bought on his own account
Egyptian merchandise, paper, flax, glass, and had laden several
vessels which unloaded at Puteoli with considerable ostentation. The
report of this reached Rome, and, as people there were used to the
lucky adventures of Rabirius, rumour took pleasure in exaggerating
the number of the vessels and the value of their cargo. It was even
said, in an undertone, that there was among these ships a smaller
one that was not shown, no doubt because it was full of gold and
precious objects. Unfortunately for Rabirius there was no truth in all
these tales. The little ship only existed in the imagination of news-
mongers, and the goods that the others carried being sold at a loss,
he was quite ruined. His disaster made a sensation at Rome, and was
the talk of a whole season. The friends he had so generously obliged
deserted him; public opinion, which up to that time had been so
favourable to him, turned against him. The most indulgent called
him a fool, the most violent accused him of feigning poverty and of
withholding a part of his fortune from his creditors. It is certain,
however, that he had nothing, and only lived on the bounty of
Caesar, one of that small number who remained true to him in his
misfortune. Cicero did not forget him either. He remembered that, at
the time of his exile, Rabirius had put his fortune at his disposal and
paid men to accompany him, and therefore he hastened to plead for
him when it was proposed to include him in the prosecution of
Gabinius, and he succeeded at least in preserving his honour and
liberty.
One trait is missing in this description. Cicero tells us in his speech
that Rabirius was only moderately educated. He had done so many
things in his life that he had not had time to think of learning, but
this was not usual; we know that many of his colleagues,
notwithstanding their not very literary occupations, were none the
less witty and lettered men. Cicero, recommending a merchant of
Thespiae to Sulpicius, tells him: “He has a taste for our studies.”[141]
He looked upon Curius of Patras as one of those who had best
preserved the turn of the ancient Roman humour. “Make haste and
come back to Rome, he wrote him, lest the seed of our native humour
be lost.”[142] Those knights who associated themselves in powerful
companies and farmed the taxes, were also men of wit and men of
the best society. Cicero, who came from their ranks, had connection
with almost all of them; but it seems that he was more especially
connected with the company that farmed the pasturages of Asia, and
he says that it put itself under his protection.
This protection was also extended to people who were not Romans
by birth. Foreigners, we can well understand, regarded it as a great
honour and security to be in any way connected with an illustrious
personage in Rome. They could not be his clients, they wished to
become his hosts. At a time when there were so few convenient
hotels in the countries one passed through, it was necessary, when
you wished to travel, to have obliging friends who would consent to
receive you. In Italy, rich people bought little houses where they
passed the night on the roads they were accustomed to travel; but,
elsewhere, they journeyed from one host to another. To shelter a rich
Roman in this way was often a heavy expense. He always had a large
train with him. Cicero tells us that he met P. Vedius in the depths of
Asia “with two chariots, a carriage, a litter, horses, numerous slaves,
and, besides, a monkey on a little car, and a number of wild
asses.”[143] Vedius was a comparatively unknown Roman. One may
judge of the suite that a proconsul and a praetor had when they went
to take possession of their provinces! However, although their
passage exhausted the house that received them, this ruinous honour
was solicited because numberless advantages were found in securing
their support. Cicero had hosts in all the great cities of Greece and
Asia, and they were almost always the principal citizens. Kings
themselves like Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes considered themselves
honoured by this title. Important cities, Volaterrae, Atella, Sparta,
Paphos frequently claimed his protection and rewarded it with public
honours. He counted entire provinces, nations almost, among his
clients, and after the affair of Verres, for instance, he was the
defender and patron of Sicily. This custom survived the republic, and
in the time of Tacitus orators of renown had still among their clients
provinces and kingdoms. It was the only mark of real distinction that
remained to eloquence.
These details, it seems to me, complete our knowledge of what the
life of an important person was at that time. As long as we are
satisfied with studying the few persons who compose what we should
now-a-days call his family, and only see him with his wife and
children, his life very much resembles our own. The sentiments
which are the foundation of human nature have not changed, and
they always lead to very nearly the same results. The cares which
troubled Cicero’s domestic hearth, his joys and misfortunes, are
much like ours; but as soon as we leave this limited circle, when we
replace the Roman among the crowd of his servants and familiar
friends, the difference between that society and ours becomes
manifest. Now-a-days life has become more plain and simple. We
have no longer those immense riches, those extensive connections,
nor that multitude of people attached to our fortunes. What we call a
great retinue would scarcely have sufficed for one of those clerks of
the farmers of the revenue who went to collect the taxes in some
provincial town. A noble, or even a rich Roman knight, did not
content himself with so little. When we think of those armies of
slaves they gathered together in their houses and on their estates, of
those freedmen who formed a sort of court around them, of that
multitude of clients who encumbered the streets of Rome through
which they passed, of those hosts they had throughout the world, of
those cities and realms that implored their protection, we can better
understand the authority of their speech, the haughtiness of their
bearing, the breadth of their eloquence, the gravity of their
deportment, the feeling of personal importance which they threw
into all their actions and speeches. It is here, above all, that the
perusal of Cicero’s letters renders us a great service. They give us a
notion of lives lived on a scale such as we no longer know, and thus
help us to understand better the society of that time.
ATTICUS