José Sánchez Marco
José Sánchez Marco | |
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Born | José Sánchez Marco 1865 Tudela, Spain |
Died | 1949 (aged 83–84) Pamplona, Spain |
Nationality | Spanish |
Occupation(s) | lawyer, landowner |
Known for | politician |
Political party | PCN, CT |
José Benigno Sánchez Marco (1865-1949) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician, associated mostly with a branch known as Integrism and operating as Partido Católico Nacional, though active also within the mainstream Carlism. He is recognized as one of the longest-serving Integrist deputies to the Cortes, his 4 consecutive terms lasting between 1905 and 1916. He also presided over a number of Navarrese Catholic and landowners’ organizations.
Family and youth
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The Sánchez family originated from the Southern-Eastern part of Navarre, known as Ribera Baja. José's grandfather, Estanislao Sánchez, owned landholdings near Milagro and Cadreita.[1] He married a girl from Aragón and possibly lived for some time in Catalonia, as their son and José's father, Francisco Sánchez Asso (1831-1904),[2] was born in Sant Feliú de Guixols in the province of Gerona. Francisco settled in Tudela, where he practiced as lawyer and served as mayor.[3] At unspecified time he married María Antonia Marco Rodrigo, a native of Bello (Teruel province) and member of a well known Aragonese family. Her father, Mariano Marco Catalan, served as captain of the hussars in the War of Independence;[4] her paternal uncle, Juan Francisco Marco Catalan, earned his name as cardinal, growing to Governor of Rome and vice-camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church.[5] Her older brother, Manuel Marco Rodrigo, was a military who earned his name during the Third Carlist War. Growing to commander of the Carlist Aragón troops and widely known as Marco de Bello, he became sort of an iconic figure in the movement.[6]
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Francisco and María Antonia lived in Tudela; the couple had at least two children,[7] though exact number is not clear. The young José left his family home in 1874, entering the Jesuit Colegio del Salvador in Zaragoza, where he graduated in 1880.[8] At unspecified time he enrolled at Facultad de Derecho of the Zaragoza University, pursuing civil and canonical law; he graduated in both in 1887.[9] The same year he entered the local Colegio de Abogados in Tudela, but did not commence his own practice at the time. Instead, he moved to Pamplona; until 1893 he served as abogado fiscal in the local Audiencia Provincial, the same year entering also Colegio de Abogados of the Navarrese capital.[10] He inherited an estate of some 250 ha, located in the Ebro bend near Milagro,[11] and is referred to also as "propietario".[12]
At unspecified time José Sánchez Marco married Soledad Doussinague Casares (1870-1943),[13] descendant to a petty bourgeoisie family; her father, Pedro Doussinague Adema, was related to a textile manufacturing business in the Gipuzkoan town of Laskurain.[14] The couple had five children,[15] who changed their name to Sánchez-Marco Doussinague;[16] two sons[17] and three daughters.[18] Known locally in Navarrese realm, none of them became a nationally recognized figure;[19] Antonio volunteered to the Carlist requeté during the Civil War;[20] though not a military, he commanded a platoon in Tercio María de las Nieves battalion.[21] Later on he served as concejal in the Pamplona ayuntamiento.[22] María became a nun.[23] José's grandson Carlos Sánchez-Marco Mendizabal is a historian[24] and the moving spirit behind Fundación Lebrel Blanco, dedicated to culture and history of the province;[25] another one, Javier Sánchez-Marco Mendizabal, made his name as an entrepreneur.[26]
Early political career (before 1905)
[edit]José inherited Traditionalist outlook from the ancestors. His father was active in the legitimist ranks in the 1860s, by no means a typical path, given Tafalla and Tudela were "distritos de mayor tradición liberal".[27] In 1865 he entered Cortes as a Carlist-Catholic candidate elected from Pamplona[28] and in the 1880s he remained a Traditionalist militant.[29] José's maternal uncle – at that time not yet known as Marco de Bello - served as his godfather, specifically asked to provide spiritual guidance.[30] José was entering the Carlist realm in the 1880s; at that time the movement was divided between an intransigent ultra-Catholic faction and a group prepared to recognize political setting of the Restoration. During final breakup of 1888 he followed his father and sided with the former, led by Ramón Nocedal; the group became known as the Integrists. In the early 1890s Sánchez Marco started to appear in the party press, initially merely as signatory of various venerating addresses[31] and than as author of brief notes, hailing Nocedal.[32] At that time his father was member of the Navarrese Integrist executive, Asamblea Regional.[33]
In 1895 Sánchez Marco is first noted as taking part in a major party gathering in Azpeitia; speaking himself, he praised Gipuzkoa as a Spanish oasis, a province which preserved all traditional virtues of the country and was set to be its salvation ark.[34] In 1896 the Integrist Madrid mouthpiece, El Siglo Futuro, published his major elaborate, formatted as a sophisticated discourse of divine role in civilization; he lambasted "absurdities of Rousseau, Kant, Hobbes and Schelling" and in what seemed like a typical lecture of Integrist outlook admitted inspiration by scholastic doctrine of the 16th century.[35]
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In 1896 Sánchez Marco stood as an Integrist candidate for the Cortes from Pamplona.[36] The party entered no alliance in the Carlist-Conservative dominated constituency; it is not clear whether initial reports of his success were genuine or rather formed part of the party propaganda;[37] when eventually declared defeated, he protested electoral fraud.[38] Active in the party ranks, in the late 1890s he grew to vice-president of Junta Regional, the Navarrese Integrist executive.[39] There is no information on his taking part in electoral campaigns of 1898 and 1899. In the early 20th century the Integrists and the Carlists, venomously hostile during the preceding decades, neared each other. As a result, in 1901 they formed a joint Navarrese list and Sánchez Marco was its candidate in Tudela.[40] Unsuccessful again he complained about official detentions of party electoral agents[41] and other pucherazos.[42]
Active in Church-sponsored initiatives he embarked on setting up joint workers and owners labor organizations,[43] defusing conflict by arbitrary boards and insurance funds; at that time he counted as a "respected party member" dealing with representatives of the workers.[44] He did not run in the 1903 general elections and targeted the Pamplona council instead;[45] the same year he was elected to the ayuntamiento.[46] As concejal he lambasted militant proletarian initiatives promoting Catholic groupings;[47] as a lawyer he defended priests facing legal problems.[48]
Deputy (1905-1916)
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Prior to the 1905 electoral campaign the Integrists joined Liga Foral Autonomista, a centre-right alliance active in the Vascongadas and Navarre.[49] As representative of the party Sánchez Marco was offered a place on the alliance list in Azpeitia, a rural Gipuzkoan constituency which since the early 1890s remained an Integrist stronghold.[50] Virtually assured of success he indeed emerged victorious[51] and commenced a parliamentarian career which was to last during the following 11 years; the period of 1905-1916 marked his political climax.
Sánchez Marco's success relied on alliance with the Carlists, who in the early 20th century achieved political domination in Navarre. Enjoying position which was to last until the late 1910s, they used to gain most parliamentary mandates available for the province and by means of alliances partially controlled the remaining ones.[52] As venomous hostility between the Integrists and the Carlists gave way to rapprochement, the former were key beneficiaries of the Carlist alliance strategy, especially by means of the so-called "second vote" in Pamplona.[53] When the party leader Ramón Nocedal died in 1907, his place in the city was offered to Sánchez Marco,[54] the second most important Integrist in Navarre.[55] This mechanism ensured his success in 3 consecutive electoral campaigns of 1907,[56] 1910[57] and 1914.[58] In case of 1910 the Carlist-Integrist alliance enjoyed such a supremacy that no counter-candidate dared to challenge Sánchez Marco, who was declared victorious according to the notorious Article 29. Contemporary scholars count him among "grupo de poder de la ciudad"[59] and member of the inter-related family cacique network.[60]
Though in the chamber Sánchez Marco remained member of a minuscule, 2-person Integrist opposition minority,[61] he turned a rather restless deputy; he excelled in harassing governments during question sessions, engaging in debates and launching new motions, usually swiftly killed during the legislative process. His activity was mostly about siding with the Church,[62] promoting religious interests and attempting to thwart liberal designs;[63] its climax fell on the 1910 debates related to the so-called Ley del Candado,[64] when he animated local Junta Católica de Defensa.[65] He became known also promoting regional establishments[66] and especially official usage of Basque and Catalan, admitting allegiance to "nuestra lengua vascongada" and protesting exclusivity of castellano in the public realm.[67] Last but not least, a number of times he intervened in local Navarrese cases.[68]
Within Integrism Sánchez Marco was active taking part in propaganda gatherings in Navarre[69] and sometimes beyond, mostly in Catalonia,[70] though he withdrew from provincial Navarrese party structures[71] and focused on nationwide executive. Already before Nocedal's death he used to take vice-president seats during various party assemblies;[72] afterwards he entered a 7-member directorio[73] and was one of its 2 vice-presidents.[74] When in 1909 the body was re-formatted as a 3-member Jefatura,[75] Sánchez Marco emerged as the second most important party figure after its president, Juan Olazábal Ramery.
Ex-deputy and quasi-deputy (1917-1931)
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Sánchez Marco was always keen to maintain good relations with the Carlists.[76] Though some grumbled about their patronizing stance, he was aware that the mandate very much depended on their support.[77] He was also the first one who fell victim of their changed strategy, as during late Restauración the party adopted a pivotal stance concluding electoral deals with many parties at the expense of the Integros. In 1916 Sánchez Marco was not offered a place on the alliance list and ran stand-alone in Pamplona against a Jaimista-Romanonista-Maurista block,[78] suffering defeat.[79] In 1918 he intended to stand from Pamplona, but following unsuccessful haggling with the Maurists over a seat in the Senate[80] he eventually withdrew.[81] In 1919 he decided not to compete,[82] while in 1920 he agreed to represent a committee of landholders as an agrarian candidate in Tafalla,[83] losing again.[84] No source mentions him as running in the last electoral campaign of the Restoration in 1923.[85]
Sánchez Marco's relations with Integrism became somewhat loose; though some scholars refer to him as Jefe Provincial del Integrismo,[86] at that time he was merely an honorary president of the Integrist Navarrese Junta.[87] In 1921 he became a delegate of Dirección General de Agricultura, Minas y Montes in Navarre[88] and continued at this position until the late-1920s,[89] taking up jobs also in commercial companies.[90] In the late 1920s he moved into a new house, designed by a noted Pamplona architect Víctor Eusa, and set in his Dehesa de San Juan estate near Milagro.[91]
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The 1923 advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship was greeted ambiguously by the Integrists, who welcomed doing away with rotten democracy but abhorred declaration of loyalty to the 1876 constitution, considered original sin of the Restoration system.[92] Sánchez Marco was among those who tended to park their skepticism and in 1924 co-signed the founding manifesto of Unión Patriótica de Navarra. The document listed 3 pillars of their outlook: traditional values including religion, indivisible but regionalist state based on an organic constitution and enhancement of Navarrese identity in line with its foral rights.[93] Access to primederiverista structures[94] did not prevent his further engagement in Integrist initiatives,[95] though he excelled rather in Catholic activities.[96]
In 1927 Sánchez Marco was appointed as "destacado lider"[97] to the primoderiverista quasi-parliament, Asamblea Nacional Consultiva, nominated member of the pool reserved for Representantes de Actividades de Vida Nacional.[98] He signed up to seccion segunda of the Assembly, a committee dealing mostly with foreign policy,[99] and indeed remained active within its ranks;[100] very much like in the Restoration parliament, he also kept protesting invasion of indecency in public life.[101] However, he was getting increasingly unhappy about a constitution draft, discussed in 1929; Sánchez Marco was particularly upset about its Article 11, invoking religious freedom and considered carbon copy from the despised 1876 constitution. Instead, he thought the moment a good opportunity to launch "política de bien, mejor", which all Catholics would support and defend.[102]
Carlist re-united (1931-1936)
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During early months of the Republic Sánchez Marco joined efforts to mount a right-wing Navarrese coalition prior to the 1931 elections. Though 25 years earlier he boasted Navarre as part of the Vasco-Navarrese community,[103] at that time he cautiously supported "sane regionalism"[104] and was keen to keep the province out of Basque autonomous schemes.[105] Hence, his activity was aimed at preventing radical Basque nationalists from joining the alliance[106] and at highlighting its religious dimension.[107] On the other hand, he had no doubts about closing ranks with the Jaimists, taking part in joint propaganda meetings with their leaders.[108] Some scholars consider him key to successful emergence of candidatura católico-fuerista,[109] though he did not run himself.
Most of his career is marked by conciliatory stance towards the Carlists and some scholars even consider him an opportunist.[110] In mid-1931 Sánchez Marco went to great lengths seeking understanding with the movement he broke away from in 1888; he even made an unprecedented step of initiating vivas to the claimant, Don Jaime.[111] Referred to as jefe del integrismo navarro,[112] in early 1932 he wholeheartedly engaged in unification activities, which eventually brought the Integrists back to the legitimist camp. During a great Traditionalist unity gathering in Pamplona he appeared as one of key speakers and greeted the new claimant, Don Alfonso Carlos, as a joint of Traditionalist unity.[113] However, Sánchez Marco did not assume any major post in the united organization, Comunión Tradicionalista, except seat in the board of its daily, El Siglo Futuro.[114]
In the early 1930s the Integrists as a party and Sánchez Marco personally represented the most far-Right of the Spanish politics; there was no grouping standing more extreme to the Right.[115] His public addresses fell only slightly short of open rebellion against the regime. He declared the Republic "daughter of a masonic plot",[116] lambasted its secularist drive, especially expulsion of religious orders,[117] measures against cardinal Segura[118] and designs at obligatory secular education,[119] and declared himself seeking to restore the glory of Spain in union between the Church and Monarchy.[120] Sending numerous protest letters to various official bodies,[121] as member of a Catholic deputation he was even admitted by president Alcala Zamora.[122] It is not known whether he was anyhow engaged in the 1932 Sanjurjada,[123] though in its aftermath he suffered brief detention in Pamplona.[124]
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Sánchez Marco remained engaged in Catholic[125] and Carlist propaganda efforts also during the 1933 elections, though compared to the previous campaign his activity was – perhaps due to his age - visibly reduced.[126] In the mid-1930s engaged in religious initiatives like Navarrese pilgrimage to Rome,[127] he did not refrain from joining also those flavored with a Christian-democratic spirit, speaking at rallies organized by ACNDP.[128] However, he seemed most committed to numerous associations of landholders, endangered by agrarian reform; appearing as president of Navarrese section of various nationwide Agrarian Assemblies[129] he was member of Confederación Española Patronal Agricola,[130] Unión de Federaciones Católico Agrarias Vasco-Navarras[131] and Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra.[132]
Retiree (after 1936)
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It is not clear whether Sánchez Marco contributed to or was even aware of the Carlist gear-up to the 1936 coup. Since its early hours the city of Pamplona has been easily captured by the rebels and became sort of a capital of a Carlist fiefdom. However, nothing is known about any public engagements of Sánchez Marco either at that time or during the entire Civil War;[133] he was rather casually mentioned by the Navarrese press only in relation to his son Antonio, a requeté officer,[134] or in historical notes.[135] He did not enter either Navarrese of national Carlist wartime executive bodies, Junta Central Carlista de Navarra and Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra.[136]
None of the sources consulted provides any information on his public activity during the early Francoist period;[137] as a septuagenarian and since mid-1940s an octogenarian, due to his age he is likely to have withdrawn into privacy. In 1943 widowed by his wife, he spent his last years in between Pamplona and his estate in Milagro, surrounded by children and grandchildren.[138] None of the nationwide papers acknowledged his death in 1949. He seems to have fallen into oblivion rather quickly; a 1953 hagiographical book dedicated to illustrious Navarrese personalities neither contains his entry nor mentions his name.[139]
See also
[edit]- Navarrese electoral Carlism during the Restoration
- Electoral Carlism (Restoration)
- Ramón Nocedal Romea
Footnotes
[edit]- ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.03.08, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 11.04.04, available here
- ^ Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, El ayuntamiento de Pamplona ante la "crisis obrera", [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 3 (1989), p. 29
- ^ Luis Negro Marco, El general carlista Marco de Bello, [in:] Xiloca 8 (1991), p. 92
- ^ see Marco y Catalan, Juan Francisco entry, [in:] Florida International University service, available here
- ^ see his monograph, José María Jaime Lorén, Manuel Marco y Rodrigo: Marco de Bello, Teruel 1992, ISBN 9788460435082
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.12.34, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.03.08
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.03.08, Victor Manuel Arbeloa, Navarra y los estatutos de autonomía (1931 - 1932), Madrid 2015, ISBN 9788416549184, page unavailable, see here
- ^ El Liberal Navarro 06.03.93, available here
- ^ Juan Jesús Virto, Victor Manuel Arbeloa, La cuestión agraria navarra (1900-1936), part 3, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 171 (1984), p. 257. The area counted among the most secularized in Navarre; in the late 1920s some 500 inhabitants did not observe Easter, Javier Dronda Martínez, Con Cristo o contra Cristo: religión y movilización antirrepublicana en Navarra (1931-1936), Tafalla 2013, ISBN 9788415313311, p. 178
- ^ both in historiography and contemporary press, see e.g. Arbeloa 2015 and La Correspondencia de España 28.05.20, available here
- ^ ABC 07.10.43, available here; more information on her family, including many photographs, in Ignacio Miguéliz Valcarlos, Fotografía navarra. La colección del marqués de la Real Defensa, Tafalla 2014, ISBN 9788493784669, available here Archived 2016-08-06 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Marco Segurola Jiménez, Evolución del espacio industrial en Tolosa, [in:] Vasconia 24 (1996), p. 204
- ^ according to some sources 6, see Jisé Benigno Sánchez Marco entry, [in:] Geneallnet service, available here
- ^ instead of "Sánchez Doussinague", which would have been normally adopted
- ^ Antonio and Francisco Sánchez-Marco Doussinague
- ^ María, Josefa and Carmen Sánchez-Marco Doussinague
- ^ ABC 09.05.63, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 19.11.36, available here
- ^ listed as Antonio Sánchez Doussinague, Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, pp. 407, 421
- ^ José Miguel de Mayoralgo y Lodo, Movimiento nobiliario. Año 1936, [in:] Real Academia Matritense de Héraldica y Genealogía service, p. 131, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 29.07.25, available here
- ^ specializing in medieval history of Navarre, see his Historia Medieval del Reyno de Navarra, Madrid 2005 ISBN 9788460982203, La Lengua en el Crisol Navarro, Tafalla 2007, ISBN 9788461197286, and Navarra mon amour, Tafalla 2010, ISBN 9788461448579
- ^ see the Fundación Lebrel Blanco website, available here
- ^ ABC 01.12.12, available here
- ^ María del Mar Larraza, Navarra, [in:] José Varela Ortega (ed.), El poder de la influencia. Geografía del caciquismo en España. (1875-1923), Madrid 2001, ISBN 9788425911521, p. 437
- ^ Begoña Urigüen, Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo, Madrid 1986, ISBN 9788400061579, p. 251, see also the official Cortes service, also Sánchez Asso, Francisco entry, [in:] the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ El Tradicionalista 02.12.86, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.03.08
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 10.02.91, available here
- ^ "defensor de los derechos de Díos y de la Iglesia"
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 13.07.93, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 07.08.95, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 06.02.96, available here and El Siglo Futuro 07.02.96, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 24.03.96, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 07.04.96, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 17.04.96, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 09.05.96, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 01.04.01, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 20.05.01, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 25.01.01, available here
- ^ "evitar que la impiedad y el socialismo los arrastre"
- ^ Angel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Algunas noticias sobre el nacimiento del PSOE en Navarra. La Agrupación Socialista de Pamplona de 1892, [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 2 (1988), pp. 73, 76. In private he tried to implement his concept on his Dehesa de San Juan estate, where he settled some 30 tenant families; they were provided with some free amenities like firewood, schooling and religious services, apart from a favorable compensation scheme, Juan Jesús Virto, Victor Manuel Arbeloa, La cuestión agraria navarra (1900-1936), part 3, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 171 (1984), p. 257
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 09.11.06, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 19.11.06, available here
- ^ Heraldo de Madrid 20.01.05, available here, Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, El ayuntamiento de Pamplona ante la "crisis obrera", [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 3 (1989), pp. 35-36
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 19.03.06, available here
- ^ the alliance included the Carlists, the Liberals, the Conservatives, the Republicans and the Integrists; the only parties excluded were the Socialists and the Nationalists. According to some scholars, the alliance was merely a vehicle of pursuing economic goals of Basque bourgeoisie prior to renewed negotiations related to Concierto Economico, Javier Gonzalez Chamorro, Bitarte: humanidades e historia del conflicto vasco-navarro: fueros, constitución y autodeterminación, Donostia 2009, ISBN 9788461307111, p. 207
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 28.08.05, available here
- ^ see his 1905 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ for detailed discussion, see Mina Apat, María Cruz, Elecciones y partidos en Navarra (1891-1923), [in:] José Luis Garcia Delgado (ed.), La España de la Restauración, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305111, Sebastian Cerro Guerrero, Los resultados de las elecciones de diputados a Cortes de 1910 en Navarra, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 93–106, Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Las elecciones municipales de Pamplona en la Restauración (1891-1923), Pamplona 1990, ISBN 9788423509065, Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957, María del Mar Larraza Micheltorena, Las elecciones legislatives de 1893: el comienzo del fin del control de los comicios por los gobiernos liberales, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 215–227, César Layana Ilundáin, Elecciones generales en Navarra (1876-1890), Pamplona 1998, ISBN 9788495075178, Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 359–399, Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), pp. 177–224
- ^ the district of Pamplona was entitled to 3 mandates, though a voter could have picked only 2 candidates. When appealing to their electorate, the Carlists used to put forward their own candidate and suggest on whom a voter should cast his second ballot
- ^ El Imparcial 06.04.07, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 15.07.02, available here, El Siglo Futuro 15.07.06, available here
- ^ see his 1907 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ see his 1910 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ see his 1914 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ Javier Ugarte Tellería, Pamplona, toda ella un castillo, y más que ciudad, ciudadela. Construcción de la imagen de una ciudad. 1876-1941, [in:] Angel García-Sanz Marcotegui (ed.), Memoria histórica e identidad, Pamplona 2004, ISBN 8497690613, p. 223
- ^ he was related to Rafael Gaztelu Maritorena, a provincial deputy (1892-1896) and entrepreneur in banking industry, who married his sister; Rafael's brother Alfonso was alcalde of Pamplona 1913-1916, and both were Conservative though not Carlist politicians, Larraza Micheltorena 2001, p. 446, Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Elites económicas y políticas en la Restauración. La diversidad de las derechas navarras, [in:] Historia contemporánea, 23 (2001), p. 602. Sánchez Marco was also related to the Elorz family, as his daughter Carmen married Eusebio María de Elorz y Tutón, Carmen Sanchez-Marco y Doussinague entry, [in:] Geneallnet service, available here, Larraza Micheltorena 2001, p. 446. In the 1930s the Sanchez-Marcos were considered part of the local elite, Javier Ugarte Telleria, En l’esprit des années trente europeo: la actitud del Diario de Navarra y Garcilaso en la primavera de 1936, [in:] Principe de Viana 209 (1996), p. 631
- ^ in 1905-1907 with Ramón Nocedal, in 1907-1916 with Manuel Senante
- ^ e.g. defending Catholic teaching establishments against secular governmental designs, El Siglo Futuro 02.11.06, available here, launching a motion to enlarge subsidies to the clergy, El Siglo Futuro 15.11.07, available here, asking the minister of interior what measures he intended to take to prevent immoral exhibitions, El Siglo Futuro 20.11.08, available here, declaring in the chamber that Liberalism is a sin, El País 15.12.08, available here, launching a new motion to introduce obligatory teaching of religion in all types of schools, El Imparcial 04.07.10, available here, or demanding measures to be taken against radical periodicals, La Epoca 11.07.10, available here
- ^ e.g. speaking against commemorating the Cortes de Cadiz deputies in the Cortes, - La Mañana 26.01.12, available here
- ^ Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 29, Sevilla 1960, p. 43, Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitimismo español, Madrid 1958, p. 87
- ^ José Andres Gallego, La politica religiosa en España, Madrid 1975, p. 464, El Imparcial 03.08.10, available here, La Epoca 12.12.06, available here
- ^ 1906 supported Catalan claims and regional rights, pursued by Solidaridad Catalana - La Epoca 22.05.06, available here, also El Nuovo Regimen 04.06.06, available here
- ^ already as an MP he took part in meetings of Liga Foral de Guipúzcoa and praised "our Basque language" not only as private family language, but also in official use, a language to be protected, to develop its own literature and to be the cultural expression of the genuine spirit of the country, El Siglo Futuro 25.03.06, available here; he protested to minister of interior about notaries who speak only castellano while serving in the regions where also vascuense and catalan were spoken, El Siglo Futuro 30.04.09, available here. Sánchez Marco was member of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, compare Victor Manuel Arbeloa, Navarra y los estatutos de autonomia (1931-1932), Madrid 2015, ISBN 9788416549184, page unavailable, see here. This does not prevent some scholars from dubbing Sánchez Marco an "españolista", José María Jimeno Jurío, Navarra jamás dijo no al Estatuto Vasco, Tafalla 1997, ISBN 9788481360219, p. 112
- ^ e.g. discussing licenses to exploit water springs - El Siglo Futuro 11.12.05, available here, closed railway lines - El Siglo Futuro 30.04.09, available here, assistance to victims of natural disasters – El Siglo Futuro 12.06.12, available here
- ^ El Imparcial 26.07.08, available here
- ^ e.g. in Lerida, El Siglo Futuro 11.12.15, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 23.05.05, available here
- ^ El Imparcial 13.05.06, available here
- ^ Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 28/1, Sevilla 1960, pp. 302-3, Ferrer 1958, p. 89
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 10.07.07, available here
- ^ with Juan Olazábal and Benito de Guinea, Ferrer 1960, pp. 308-309, Ferrer 1958, p. 91
- ^ e.g. by sending public congratulations to Vázquez de Mella, El Siglo Futuro 24.11.06, available here
- ^ Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Las elecciones de diputados forales en el distrito de Estella – Los Arcos (1877-1915), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), p. 473
- ^ Fuente Langas 1990, pp. 951-3. He was massively quoting papal writings, all directed rather against liberals than against the Jaimists, as he still hoped for "segundo voto" of their elecftorate in Pamplona, Fuente Langas 1990, p. 954
- ^ The Jaimista-Romanonista-Maurista alliance seized all 3 mandates available for Pamplona; the frontrunner, Juan Vázquez de Mella, gained 9,749 votes, the last successful candidate was supported by 7,644 electors, while Sánchez Marco obtained 5,510 ballots, Fuente Langas 1990, p. 955. He appealed quoting electoral corruption on part of all victorious candidates, but later withdrew the charge with respect to Vázquez de Mella, Fuente Langas 1990, p. 956
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 15.02.18, available here
- ^ Ferrer 1960, p. 88, El Siglo Futuro 23.02.18, available here
- ^ El Debate 21.05.19, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 13.12.20, available here
- ^ having obtained 3,700 votes compared to 4,300 ballots of his counter-candidate, El Siglo Futuro 24.12.20, available here
- ^ instead, he endorsed the candidature of Justo Garrán Moso, Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Las posturas de la derecha tradicionalista y conservadora Navarra entre 1929 y 1940 en relación con la reintegración foral, [in:] Historia Constitucional 22 (2021), p. 415
- ^ Larraza Micheltorena 2001, p. 441
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 19.07.17, available here
- ^ Guía Oficial de España 1921, p. 826, available here
- ^ Guía Oficial de España 1927, p. 835, available here
- ^ 1919 he became member of the board of Celtiberia, an insurance company based in Zaragoza, El Debate 13.10.19, available here
- ^ see Casa Rural Dehesa de San Juan website, available here
- ^ Jesus Maria Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55 (1994), p. 422
- ^ "1) Todos tienen cabida en la Unión Patriótica con tal que acepten una serie de principios considerados esenciales tales como la familia, la propiedad, el trabajo, la patria, "ideales que no pueden vivir si la fe religiosa heredada de nuestros mayores". 2) El reconocimiento de España como "Patria única e indivisible' con una constitución orgánica que reconozca la personalidad de sus regiones con los elementos característicos y propios de cada una de ellas. 3) Sostenimiento del estado actual de Navarra y aspirando a "su mejoramiento a fin de lograr la mas completa reconquista de sus derechos forales". The document contained no reference to the 1876 constitution; other Integros who signed were Joaquín Garjón y Mariano León, Fuente Langas 1994, p. 422
- ^ his daughter got engaged in Somatén, El Siglo Futuro 26.09.27, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 20.03.25, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 20.06.25, available here
- ^ Francisco Miranda Rubio, Política y Foralidad en Navarra durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, [in:] Huarte de San Juan. Geografía e historia 12 (2005), p. 356
- ^ see his 1927 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
- ^ La Epoca 11.11.27, available here
- ^ La Nación 21.01.28, available here
- ^ El Año Político 1928, p. 163, available here
- ^ Fuente Langas 1994, p. 423
- ^ e.g. he boasted Navarre forming part laurak bat, a Vasco-Navarrese coat of arms, El Siglo Futuro 22.03.06, available here
- ^ Las Provincias 09.02.32, available here
- ^ claiming that "estatuto destruye la personalidad navarra y él es navarro antes que vasco", Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, La Cuestión estatutaria en Navarra durante la Segunda República, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 52 (1991), p. 199. The issue is not entirely clear, some scholars present him as supporter of the autonomous scheme, Jimeno Jurío 1997, pp. 129-130
- ^ some sources claim he supported inclusion of José Antonio Aguirre, see José Sánchez Marco entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia, available here; some claim he opposed Aguirre as "judaizante", Jimeno Jurío 1997, p. 136. The differences between Sánchez Marco and the Nationalists were getting increasingly visible during their campaign addresses, Alberto García Umbón, Tudela desde las elecciones de febrero de 1936 hasta el inicio de la guerra civil, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 234 (2005), p. 235. Detailed discussion on Irujo Aranzadi in Arbeloa 2015
- ^ in 1931 he was president of Acción Católica diocesana de Navarra, Ana Serrano Moreno, Las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana, 50 (1989), p. 711
- ^ García Umbón 2005, p. 235
- ^ and dubbed "sumo sacerdote" of the operation, Serrano Moreno 1989, p. 698
- ^ Jimeno Jurío 1997, p. 74
- ^ Región 16.06.31, available here
- ^ Región 16.06.31
- ^ El Defensor de Cordoba 11.01.32, available here
- ^ Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012)
- ^ "más extrema derecha" – Diario de Almería 10.09.31, available here
- ^ "la República española es hija de una conjuración masónica", Las Provincias 09.02.32, available here
- ^ La Independencia 06.06.31, available here
- ^ Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, [in:] Hispania Sacra, 59/119 (2007), p. 355
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 10.02.32, available here
- ^ Las Provincias 09.02.32, available here
- ^ e.g. to minister of interior, Serrano Moreno 1989, p. 724
- ^ Diario de Almería 10.09.31, available here
- ^ there are authors who claim Sánchez Marco was involved in the conspiracy, but they provide no sources, see e.g. Jimeno Jurío 1997, p. 112
- ^ El Pueblo 11.08.32, available here
- ^ he was member of Concejo de Administración of Diario de Navarra, Arbeloa 2015
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 18.11.33, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 23.09.33, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 23.02.35, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 10.05.33, available here
- ^ El avisador numantino 26.04.33, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 07.02.33, available here
- ^ Arbeloa 2015
- ^ he is not listed in any of detailed works on Navarrese Carlism during the Civil War consulted: Eduardo Martínez Lacabe, La unión imposible: carlistas y falangistas en Navarra durante la guerra Civil, [in:] Revista Huarte de San Juan 1 (1994), pp. 343-364, Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657, Maximiliano Garcia Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, Manuel Martorell Peréz, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008) pp. 429-456, Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523, Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36. La formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral en la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia contemporánea 38 (2009), pp. 49-87
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 19.11.36, available here
- ^ Pensamiento alaves 11.12.39, available here
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1998, Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), pp. 499-502
- ^ Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 97–117, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997), pp. 629–650
- ^ ABC 07.10.43, available here
- ^ Javier Ibarra, Biografías de los ilustres navarros del siglo XIX y parte del XX, Pamplona 1953
Further reading
[edit]- Victor Manuel Arbeloa, Navarra y los estatutos de autonomía (1931 - 1932), Madrid 2015, ISBN 9788416549184
- Sebastian Cerro Guerrero, Los resultados de las elecciones de diputados a Cortes de 1910 en Navarra, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 93–106
- Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957
- Jesus María Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55 (1994), pp. 417–426
- Ignacio Miguéliz Valcarlos, Fotografía navarra. La colección del marqués de la Real Defensa, Tafalla 2014, ISBN 9788493784669
- María Cruz Mina Apat, Elecciones y partidos en Navarra (1891-1923), [in:] José Luis Garcia Delgado (ed.), La España de la Restauración, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305111
- Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 359–399
- Juan Jesús Virto, Victor Manuel Arbeloa, La cuestión agraria navarra (1900-1936), part 3, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 171 (1984), pp. 247–294