Rory Hearne

Abolishing the USC would involve a reduction in public spending equivalent to the largest austerity budget implemented during the current government’s term of office. And it would not just be a once off reduction - it would be an annual loss, a form of ‘permanent austerity’. That is why it is essential that significant changes to the tax system are assessed in terms of their potential impact on Ireland’s general tax revenue (which provides the funding for public services) and wider economic… Show more

Abolishing the USC would involve a reduction in public spending equivalent to the largest austerity budget implemented during the current government’s term of office. And it would not just be a once off reduction - it would be an annual loss, a form of ‘permanent austerity’. That is why it is essential that significant changes to the tax system are assessed in terms of their potential impact on Ireland’s general tax revenue (which provides the funding for public services) and wider economic inequalities.
There is a lack of appreciation of just how low Irish tax revenue actually is, and even less realisation of how low it is projected to go. Ireland had the third lowest government revenue in the EU at 33.2per cent of GDP in 2015, but this is projected to fall even further to 32per cent this year, and 31per cent in 2017. This will result in severe pressure on public services.
The President, Michael D Higgins, recently asked if it is “possible to have a decent society and at the same time continue to lower taxes for the purposes of securing the best short-term benefit?” Based on the evidence outlined above the clear answer to that is an unambiguous ‘no’. The level and fairness of taxes have a direct impact on both the quality of public services and on levels of economic equality, key measures of a ‘decent society’. Show less

The Irish housing system is in an unprecedented crisis. This is visible in escalating rents, ‘economic’ evictions, mortgage arrears, repossessions, waiting lists, substandard accommodation and the growing numbers of those unable to buy a home.
It is a national emergency and without a significant shift in policy the crisis will only worsen. At the current rate of families becoming homeless there will be more than 6,000 children in emergency accommodation by 2017. This is deeply traumatic for… Show more

The Irish housing system is in an unprecedented crisis. This is visible in escalating rents, ‘economic’ evictions, mortgage arrears, repossessions, waiting lists, substandard accommodation and the growing numbers of those unable to buy a home.
It is a national emergency and without a significant shift in policy the crisis will only worsen. At the current rate of families becoming homeless there will be more than 6,000 children in emergency accommodation by 2017. This is deeply traumatic for children and their families. It is arguably a breach of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
The current crisis results from decades of housing policy that followed the private ‘free-market’ approach which treated housing primarily as a commodity and speculative investment asset.
This continues today with the crisis being analysed as one of ‘demand outstripping supply’ and discussion focused on how to incentivise the property industry to build more housing stock.
However, during the boom there was plenty of supply and still prices rose to unaffordable and unsustainable levels contributing to the crash. This is because price is determined not simply by demand and supply but also by profit seeking, costs of investment, and government regulation.
Developers can and do sit for decades on land or leave property derelict until they consider it profitable to commence building. Right now there is 2,233 hectares of undeveloped zoned land in the wider Dublin region which could provide 102,500 new housing units. Show less

In this paper we provide an overarching analysis of housing in Ireland from 1993-2014, examining trends in housing and land prices, supply and vacancy, social housing, private renting, mortgage debt and arrears, negative equity, and homelessness. The central thesis we advance is that housing in Ireland has been perpetually in crisis over the past twenty years, evolving through three distinct phases: 1993-2006 (the Celtic Tiger years); 2007-2012 (the crash); 2013- (unstable, uneven and partial… Show more

In this paper we provide an overarching analysis of housing in Ireland from 1993-2014, examining trends in housing and land prices, supply and vacancy, social housing, private renting, mortgage debt and arrears, negative equity, and homelessness. The central thesis we advance is that housing in Ireland has been perpetually in crisis over the past twenty years, evolving through three distinct phases: 1993-2006 (the Celtic Tiger years); 2007-2012 (the crash); 2013- (unstable, uneven and partial rebalancing). The paper sets out the trends, policy and the multiple crises operating within each of these periods, illustrated through an extensive use of relevant data. The conclusion sets out why housing in Ireland evolved through these crises and examines what might be done to solve present issues and provide more robust housing policies that will be sustainable, equitable and ameliorate against future boom and bust cycles. Show less

Hearne, R (2014) Communities and Housing Standards in Ireland: Tenants experience of social housing in Ireland, in Sirr, L. (ed.) Public and Private Renting in Ireland, Dublin: Institute of Public Administration

Hearne, R., Kitchin, R. & O’ Callaghan, C. (2014) Spatial justice and housing in Ireland, in Kearns, G. et al. Spatial Justice and the Irish Crisis, Dublin Royal Irish Academy

The article examines the potential of a symbiotic strategy to transform capitalism in a more socialist direction through a case study of a community campaign to address substandard housing conditions resulting from neoliberal property-based regeneration policies and austerity. The case study contrasts the empowerment of disadvantaged groups with dominant partnership approaches to achieving social justice in Ireland. It concludes that while such human rights approaches offer the potential to… Show more

The article examines the potential of a symbiotic strategy to transform capitalism in a more socialist direction through a case study of a community campaign to address substandard housing conditions resulting from neoliberal property-based regeneration policies and austerity. The case study contrasts the empowerment of disadvantaged groups with dominant partnership approaches to achieving social justice in Ireland. It concludes that while such human rights approaches offer the potential to achieve improvements in people's living conditions, their prospect for symbiotic transformation is limited, unless they link to wider social and political forces challenging structural inequalities, including class and gender. Show less

On Thursday 13th June Clúid launched a new report which recommends a strategy to make regeneration work, following the failure of the Public-Private-Partnership model and significant public funding cuts. The report recommends a Public-Nonprofit-Partnership between housing associations and local authorities to tackle substandard and derelict estates across the country.

GIVEN THE RECENT departure of the Socialist Party from the United Left Alliance (ULA) the progress of the ‘Left’ in Ireland is under the spotlight again. With the increase in issues affecting people across the country such as unemployment, poverty and deprivation, bank and mortgage debt, emigration etc, the question being asked is why is the radical left and opposition social movements espousing a ‘left-wing’ or ‘progressive’ agenda of greater equality, social justice, and democracy, not… Show more

GIVEN THE RECENT departure of the Socialist Party from the United Left Alliance (ULA) the progress of the ‘Left’ in Ireland is under the spotlight again. With the increase in issues affecting people across the country such as unemployment, poverty and deprivation, bank and mortgage debt, emigration etc, the question being asked is why is the radical left and opposition social movements espousing a ‘left-wing’ or ‘progressive’ agenda of greater equality, social justice, and democracy, not growing in Ireland – as has happened with the emergence of new left parties in Greece (Syrizia) and growing opposition in Spain and Portugal?

Potential historic impact of election result
Firstly, we must return to the historic 2011 general election where left wing parties and independents almost doubled their representation in the Dail, from 34 to 62 TDs. In Irish terms, it was correct to classify this is as a political revolution, given the historic growth in support for the left. There was, at that point, an opportunity to fundamentally realign Irish politics along left/right or conservative/progressive lines. However, on reflection, the Labour Party undermined the potential historic impact of the election result by entering, as the minority partner, into coalition government with the Fine Gael.

Had Labour stayed in opposition and forced the two right-wing parties of Fine Gael and Fianna Fail to coalesce, they would have lead a predominantly left opposition with significant potential to gain enough support to become the first left-wing government in Ireland after the election of 2016. Labour’s decision was a continuation along the well-trodden historical path of mainstream left-wing politics in Ireland. Labour only had to look at its own history, and that of the recent Green Party, to see what happens in these cases. Show less

The Government announced a €2.25 billion Infrastructure Stimulus Programme in July. This Programme aims to generate 13,000 jobs, address important social and economic infrastructure deficits, and support economic recovery. The first phase of the Programme involves a €1.4 billion investment of non-Government funding. This private finance will be used to deliver infrastructure projects including roads, schools, the DIT Grangegorman campus, primary health care centres and court buildings. These… Show more

The Government announced a €2.25 billion Infrastructure Stimulus Programme in July. This Programme aims to generate 13,000 jobs, address important social and economic infrastructure deficits, and support economic recovery. The first phase of the Programme involves a €1.4 billion investment of non-Government funding. This private finance will be used to deliver infrastructure projects including roads, schools, the DIT Grangegorman campus, primary health care centres and court buildings. These projects will be delivered through Public Private Partnerships (PPPs). This mode of delivery raises serious issues, as has been accepted in analogous jurisdictions, such as Britain.

Accessing private finance for PPP projects has become extremely difficult due to the international financial crisis. The Government acknowledges this and the Progamme outlines an intention to combine funding from domestic banks, the European Investment Bank, the National Pension Reserve Fund and other sources of private finance. However, there is no further detail given on this.

Evidence from PPP projects already developed in Ireland, in schools, motorways, social housing, and waste water projects, highlights serious problems with the PPP mechanism of delivery. PPP projects do not necessarily provide value for money (VFM). Government analysis of their VFM is never available for public scrutiny as it is deemed ‘commercially sensitive’
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Extracts:
..Hearne does exactly this by producing a critical and in-depth analysis of the introduction of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Ireland, an area that has attracted little attention yet has become an important strategy of government in tackling infrastructure deficits...This book analyses the development of PPPs in Ireland and highlights the role they play in privatisation and neo-liberalism in infrastructure, service delivery, employee conditions and public… Show more

Extracts:
..Hearne does exactly this by producing a critical and in-depth analysis of the introduction of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Ireland, an area that has attracted little attention yet has become an important strategy of government in tackling infrastructure deficits...This book analyses the development of PPPs in Ireland and highlights the role they play in privatisation and neo-liberalism in infrastructure, service delivery, employee conditions and public governance.
Hearne argues that in this neo-liberal era PPPs became an important means in the market reform of the Irish welfare state as an alternative to privatisation, which would have raised opposition. Moreover, during the economic boom, the private capital that PPPs provided was regarded as a means by which public spending and borrowing could be kept at low levels so as not to breach the EU budgetary debt guidelines.
The research for this book is impressive...This well-written and informative book begins by exploring PPPs and the international experience of PPPs, which highlights that many of the benefits attributed to them have not been achieved satisfactorily. It then turns to trends in the historical development of the Irish state, with particular emphasis on public services and infrastructure.
The most insightful part of the book, however, is contained in the two case study chapters, which consider the outcomes of the Grouped Schools Pilot PPP Project and the regeneration of Dublin’s inner-city estates through PPPs…
This book makes an important contribution to the Irish policy landscape by providing an in-depth analysis and critique of the introduction of a neo-liberal solution to decades of underinvestment in Irish public infrastructure. Although PPPs have indeed provided a solution, they have not been flawless in their implementation, and those involved would do well to learn from the mistakes of those projects explored in the book.
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Some of the review: you can read the full review on http://www.housing.ie/Housing/media/Media/Social%20Leasing%20Library/Rent%20Calculator_Oct%202012/Housing-Ireland-Summer-2012.pdf

“This is a study with
profoundly important
policy implications,
showing with painful
clarity why the role
of PPPs needs to be
questioned.”

This book is part of the Irish Society series that, according
to its editor, Rob Kitchen, provides a critical, in-depth
analysis that… Show more

Some of the review: you can read the full review on http://www.housing.ie/Housing/media/Media/Social%20Leasing%20Library/Rent%20Calculator_Oct%202012/Housing-Ireland-Summer-2012.pdf

“This is a study with
profoundly important
policy implications,
showing with painful
clarity why the role
of PPPs needs to be
questioned.”

This book is part of the Irish Society series that, according
to its editor, Rob Kitchen, provides a critical, in-depth
analysis that reveals the processes and forces shaping
social, economic, cultural and political life, and their
outcomes for communities and social groups. The main
focus of the book is on Public Private Partnerships (PPPs)
giving a detailed and investigative exposition on the
rationale behind their introduction in Ireland.
Dr. Rory Hearne has written an erudite yet straightforward
account of the impact of PPPs and he demonstrates that
they have not consistently provided the stated benefits
put forward by their promoters across a variety of sectors.
Drawn from extensive research and detailed evidence he
contends that PPPs are actually playing an important role
in the implementation of privatisation and neoliberalism
in key aspects of the Irish state. He argues, however, that
PPPs have a deeper, broader and more specific impact
than privatisation. They were identified by governments
and private sector proponents as an important mechanism
to continue the neoliberal privatisation of public service
delivery and the welfare state more generally.
The book’s core offering is a theoretical and empirical
analysis of how PPPs are part of a wider ideological drive
by government rather than meaningful and effective
reform.
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Book on neoliberalism, privatisation, public service reform and the role of the state in Ireland and its impact on public services, communities and public infrastructure provision.

THE GOVERNMENT’S stated aim in the coming budget is to reduce the deficit in ways that will have the least negative impact on economic growth and ensure fairness. That makes sense. But the austerity plans likely to be in the budget have been proven to accentuate the economic recession here, and, internationally.

Many economists, like Paul Krugman (Europe Clings Uselessly to Policies of Austerity, September 27th) argue that such policies – increased taxes and charges for the poor and… Show more

THE GOVERNMENT’S stated aim in the coming budget is to reduce the deficit in ways that will have the least negative impact on economic growth and ensure fairness. That makes sense. But the austerity plans likely to be in the budget have been proven to accentuate the economic recession here, and, internationally.

Many economists, like Paul Krugman (Europe Clings Uselessly to Policies of Austerity, September 27th) argue that such policies – increased taxes and charges for the poor and middle-income earners, along with the neo-liberal reduction of expenditure on essential public services and privatisation – will not bring recovery.
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This paper explores the origins and development of PPPs in the delivery of public services and infrastructure internationally and in Ireland, where they were introduced on a pilot basis in June 1999. It contextualises PPPs within the broader process of privatisation and neoliberalism. It provides a critical analysis from the literature of both the benefits and more recent criticisms of PPPs in practice. It outlines the extent to which the development and outcomes of PPPs in Ireland mirror the… Show more

This paper explores the origins and development of PPPs in the delivery of public services and infrastructure internationally and in Ireland, where they were introduced on a pilot basis in June 1999. It contextualises PPPs within the broader process of privatisation and neoliberalism. It provides a critical analysis from the literature of both the benefits and more recent criticisms of PPPs in practice. It outlines the extent to which the development and outcomes of PPPs in Ireland mirror the international experience of PPPs. Using the social housing sector as a case study, this paper presents important findings for public policy in relation to the delivery of public services and infrastructure generally, given the dearth of existing empirical evidence relating to PPPs. The understanding of PPPs in Ireland presented in the paper provides both an insight into the contemporary nature of Irish public policy in this area and evidence of the increasing role of the private sector and neoliberal perspectives in Irish public service policy formation generally.

Key words: neoliberalism, public services and infrastructure, public private partnerships, regeneration, privatisation Show less