We Were Soldiers Once . . . and Young: Ia Drang—The Battle That Changed the War in Vietnam
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About this ebook
In November 1965, some 450 men of the First Battalion, Seventh Cavalry, under the command of Lt. Col. Harold Moore, were dropped into a small clearing in the Ia Drang Valley. They were immediately surrounded by 2,000 North Vietnamese soldiers. Three days later, only two and a half miles away, a sister battalion was brutally slaughtered. Together, these actions at the landing zones X-Ray and Albany constituted one of the most savage and significant battles of the Vietnam War. They were the first major engagements between the US Army and the People’s Army of Vietnam.
How these Americans persevered—sacrificing themselves for their comrades and never giving up—creates a vivid portrait of war at its most devastating and inspiring. Lt. Gen. Moore and Joseph L. Galloway—the only journalist on the ground throughout the fighting—interviewed hundreds of men who fought in the battle, including the North Vietnamese commanders. Their poignant account rises above the ordeal it chronicles to depict men facing the ultimate challenge, dealing with it in ways they would have once found unimaginable. It reveals to us, as rarely before, man’s most heroic and horrendous endeavor.
Harold G. Moore
Lt. Gen. Harold G. Moore (USA Ret.) graduated from West Point, commanded two infantry companies in the Korean War, and was a battalion and brigade commander in Vietnam. After thirty-two years of service, he retired from the Army in 1977.
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Reviews for We Were Soldiers Once . . . and Young
33 ratings17 reviews
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5excellent. a gripping narrative devoid of almost any politics. probably about as closed as you're going to get to what it felt like
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5It's much eye opener when compared to the movie made on this account.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The first time I read the book was 20 years ago, before I left for boot camp. To read it again was a rare thing since I hardly read a book more than once. General Moore and Mr. Galloway's work is as powerful as it was all those years ago. Memory eternal. ☦️
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5I can't fault the intentions of the authors to honor the sacrifices on both sides of this battle, nor their evident dedication to get the facts right. There's a blurb in the back from General Norman Schwarzkopf recommending the book as a corrective to those who view warfare as a video game. If I were a military professional I'd certainly consider this invaluable. But despite the fact this was a bestseller, I don't see this as a book to interest a general reader not particularly fascinated by military stories or the Vietnam War. It doesn't have the intensity and feeling of immediacy of Mark Bowden's Black Hawk Down. To anyone considering joining the armed forces--or any citizen wanting to get a sense that warfare isn't a video game--well I'd recommend either the book or film of Black Hawk Down. I'm sure it helps that the Battle of Mogadishu it depicts happened in the age of video and audio recording, with media rolling the cameras and with Bowden able to get very fresh impressions of the encounter from all sides--the book came out only six years after the battle. We Were Soldiers Once which tells of the Battle of Ia Drang in Vietnam in 1965 was written in 1992--decades later. Nevertheless, Stephen Ambrose in his works about World War II (Bands of Brothers among others) manages to be engrossing, insightful and moving. So does Michael Shaara's The Killer Angels about the Battle of Gettysburg during the American Civil War--written over a century later. Harold G. Moore actually commanded a battalion in the field in Ia Drang. His author Joseph L. Galloway, a war correspondent, was there too. But they simply aren't comparable as writers to Bowden, Ambrose or Shaara. Too dry, too technical--the kind of book that makes your eyes glaze over and is a slog to read.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5This book made the war in Vietnam present again, 45 years later. The best account I have ever read of a battle from the point of view of the men who fought it, backed up with some of the larger details that give context. Moore didn't say as much as he could have, but if you know a bit about the history of the Vietnam War you can fill in the gaps with what he does say. Many of the things the military does today are based on lessons learned from this battle, and others like it.One of the blurbers described this book as eye-stinging. I can't think of a better word for my emotional reaction. The citizen soldiers who fought at LZ X-Ray and LZ Albany displayed incredible courage and grit. I was struck by the difference between this book and books of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The military that fights in the sandbox today is very different than that of the Vietnam War. Many of today's shooters are professionals, career military men who provide structure to an all-volunteer force that is increasingly disengaged with wider society.Moore's men were a combination of conscripts and volunteers, but they were the best of citizen soldiers, non-professionals who shouldered a tough job for a short time in solidarity with their countrymen. One of the best parts of the book is Moore and Galloway's homage "Where have all the young men gone?". They tracked down as many of the men who fought at Ia Drang as possible, and told their stories after the battle. These were men from every walk of life, so the impact of their lives and deaths was diffused throughout society. This was the last great hurrah of the citizen soldier, and he fought damn well.
1 person found this helpful
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Unlike some of my reviews, I plan to keep this one rather short. With the number of reviews here, most of what I would say would be rather redundant. Suffice to say that I have not read a book that touched me more in quite some time now. While I was not there, as I was serving in another area at this time, I did have friends who were; some made it out, others did not. I cannot imagine the horror they went through in the brief time this battle took place and I doubt very much if anyone who was not there could make that claim.This work is a very personal unit history of one battle during the Viet Nam War. It is a document which covers the first real use of our Air Assault Forces; the first time they were used on this scale against a very well trained and dedicated opponent. This battle took place during the month of November 1965 in the Ia Drang Valley. Between October 23 and November 26, 1965 305 American soldiers were killed in what is know as the Pleiku campaign. There were many, many wounded, both physically and emotionally. The total number of Vietnamese killed and wounded will never be known, but it is felt that it numbered in the thousands.The book itself is a rather personal book, and as one reviewer has pointed out, it is probably one of the best accounts of small unit combat since The Red Badge of Courage. I not that there has been some criticism that the book spent too much time detailing and naming individuals who participated in this engagement, naming names, home towns, backgrounds and ultimate fate on the battle field. Good grief people, many of these young men are either dead or quite old now. I personally feel that Lt. Gen Moore would have been less than honorable to not have noted as many of these men as he possibly could have. Their names need to be remembered. Moore should be applauded for this and his efforts to tell their stories.I also note that there is criticism from some of the arm chair soldiers as to tactics, etc. Again, good grief! Under the circumstances I doubt seriously if another group of officers and men could have done any better nor made a better account of themselves. As to those critical of Moore’s and Galloway’s writing style…again, get real! To be quite frank and blunt, no one really cares about your literary pontifications; they simply are not relevant here, and are sort of pathetic. If you want smooth action, and a flowing story, go see a John Wayne movie or read one of those God Awful Mack Bolan books. The Viet Nam War was a war that almost split this nation apart. I certainly am not going near that debate in this review. I will say though, that no matter what side of the coin you were on, this is one that all should read. We have young men and women in harms way at this time, and Americans need to know just what some of these young people are going though. In a way, it does not matter who won this battle or who lost. The fact is that many brave men, on both sides, gave their all and they should be remembered and honored. This is by no means an endorsement of war or an attempt to glorify war as only a complete fool would do such, it is though an honorable attempt to honor those that deserve it. This was a wonderful work on so many levels and I do recommend it be read by all. Don BlankenshipThe Ozarks
1 person found this helpful
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5A vivid retelling of a savage series of battles that took place in the early years of the Vietnam War. Moore and Galloway tell things as they happened. The language is very matter-of-fact. That is to say, it's not eloquent, flashy, or super-embellished, they (along with the comments of various other veterans of those battles) just tell you how it was.It's a gripping read with a very realistic edge to it, and combined with the film "We Were Soldiers" (which only depicts the battle at LZ X-Ray, you come to an understanding of just how brutal and fierce these engagements were. There were a few points where I did get a bit confused as to who was talking and/or where things were in the chronology of events, but overall, it was easy to follow.Recommendation: Read this book, then see the film, then read "We Are Soldiers Still".
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5This a story of a battle in Vietnam, the problem with American involvement and the tenacity of the enemy. A powerful story of the courage of soildiers in the heat of battle. This story is told with remarkable clarity by Moore.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5A vivid retelling of the intense battle for the Ia Drang valley.
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5The film only showes half the story in this book those looking for balance will appreciate this book it realy does bring home the strains and stresses of war .although it is quite long it is a real page turner and one finds oneself willing the individual soldiers on hoping they make it.
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5I only read 193 pages. How do you rate a nonfiction book like this? I realize that there was incredible courage shown by these men, BUT for what? Incredibly overwhelming odds in favor of GIs yet the NVA put up a valiant, effective fight causing horrific casualities on both sides. I've read many accounts of war. For me it must be more personalized, such as the personal accounts of Farley Mowat, Paul Fussell, & Norman Mailer.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Great book!! Harold Moore is a hero of mine. I use examples of his thought processes during the Battle of Ia Drang in sales and management training. The movie did not do the book justice unfortunately, and well Mel Gibson was probably mis-cast. This is a gripping book and a must read for those interested in the Vietnam War.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5I was impressed by the respect shown by the authors to the enemy.
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5Painful tale of an early war shellac-ing.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5One of the best books on the combat soldier in Vietnam. Told from two men that were at the first major battle of the war. Good job looking at the soul of the American combat soldier.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/54/2004 Excellent book and movie. Goes along well with any of Hackworth's books. Sad to read about the death and destruction but another example of men who fight for their country despite the odds, environment and pain they know they will endure if not immediately than for the rest of their lives. These men are true heroes.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Wonderfully told story of Ia Drang as one of the most important battles during the Viet Nam War.
Book preview
We Were Soldiers Once . . . and Young - Harold G. Moore
We Were Soldiers
Once … and Young
Ia Drang—the Battle That
Changed the War in Vietnam
Lt. Gen. Harold G. Moore (Ret.) and Joseph L. Galloway
Dedicated to the memory of these brave soldiers who gave their lives for their country and for the men who fought beside them in the Pleiku campaign in October and November 1965:
1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry
Headquarters Company
THOMAS C. METSKER
Indianapolis, Indiana
WILLIAM B. MITCHELL
Chester, Pennsylvania
CALVIN BOUKNIGHT
Washington, D.C.
Alpha Company
JACK E. GELL
Montmorenci, South Carolina
ROBERT E.TAFT
Highland Park, Illinois
BILLY R. ELLIOTT
Heavener, Oklahoma
RAMON BERNARD
Mayaguez, Puerto Rico
TRAVIS O. POSS
Brook Park, Ohio
ALEXANDER WILLIAMS
Jacksonville, Florida
RAFAEL A. BERLANGA
New York, New York
ALBERT WITCHER
Pittsylvania, Virginia
JOHN F. BRENNAN
Braddock, Pennsylvania
GAIL L. DAVIS
Nottinghill, Missouri
ROBERT L. MOORE
Montgomery, Alabama
Bravo Company
HENRY T. HERRICK
Laguna Beach, California
CARL L. PALMER
Pelham, Georgia
WILBUR CURRY, JR.
Buffalo, New York
ROBERT L. STOKES
Salt Lake City, Utah
BERNARD BIRENBAUM
New York, New York
JOHNNIE L. BOSWELL
Eatonton, Georgia
DOMINIC A. DE ANGELIS
Cambria Heights, New York
ROBERT M. HILL
Starkville, Mississippi
DONALD B. RODDY
Ann Arbor, Michigan
PAUL E. HURDLE
Washington, D.C.
JAMES R. HINES
Chicago, Illinois
RICHARD C. CLARK
Kankakee, Illinois
Charlie Company
JOHN L. GEOGHEGAN
Redding, Connecticut
NEIL A. KROGER
Oak Park, Illinois
THOMAS J. BARRETT, JR.
Many, Louisiana
ANTONIO BERNARD-ROBLES
New York, New York
SIDNEY COHEN
Carnden, New Jersey
ABRAHAM L. FIELDS
Spring Lake, North Carolina
JEREMIAH JIVENS
Savannah, Georgia
ROY LOCKHART
Vallejo, California
PARIS D. DUSCH
Carrollton, Kentucky
CARL E. HARRIS
Rock Hill, South Carolina
CHARLES E. HERRINGTON
Texas City, Texas
HERMON R. HOSTUTTLER
Terra Alta, West Virginia
JAMES D. SMITH
Altoona, Alabama
REGINALD A. WATKINS
Charlotte, North Carolina
NATHANIEL BYRD
Jacksonville, Florida
LEOC. CHASE, JR.
St. Augustine, Florida
ROBERTA. DAVIS
Oxford, Pennsylvania
RONALD D. FERGUSON
San Francisco, California
GEORGE FOXE
Rocky Mount, North Carolina
EARL C. GRAHAM
Charleston, South Carolina
BOBBY JOE HAMES
Blacksburg, South Carolina
DONALD L. HARRISON
Rockport, Indiana
DOUGLAS H. LEACH
Atlanta, Georgia
ROBERT L. LEWIS
Hopewell, Virginia
DONNELL PHILLIPS
Smithville, Texas
EDDIE L. POUGH
Columbus, Georgia
ALBERT W. SONNIER
Baytown, Texas
THOMAS E. TUCKER
Richton, Mississippi
WILLIAM T. VICTORY
Weirwood, Virginia
IVORY WARD, JR.
St. Louis, Missouri
DAVID J. CARNEVALE
Woodside, California
RALPH W. CARTWRIGHT
Virginia Beach, Virginia
CHARLEY H. COLLIER
Mount Pleasant, Texas
WILLIE F. GODBOLDT
Jacksonville, Florida
JOHN E. HIGMAN
Bellingham, Washington
SAMUEL L. MCDONALD
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
LEONARD W. SRAL
Hastings, Pennsylvania
RICHARD TESTA
New York, New York
LUTHER V. GILREATH
Surgoinsville, Tennessee
RICHARD B. BRADLEY
Wampsville, New York
FRED D. WITCHET
Houston, Texas
THOMAS C. PIZZINO
Hopedale, Ohio
Delta Company
GILBERT NICKLAS
Niagara Falls, New York
ROBERT GOMEZ
Los Angeles, California
HILARIO DE LA PAZ, JR.
Houston, Texas
2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry
Headquarters Company
THOMAS E. BURLILE
London, Ohio
HAROLD D. MCCARN
Lexington, North Carolina
CHARLES W. BASS
Winterset, Iowa
MELVIN W. GUNTER
Vincent, Alabama
CHARLES W. STOREY
Birmingham, Alabama
FRED H. JENKINS
Frogmore, South Carolina
CHARLES T. MOORE, JR.
Columbus, Ohio
DONALD C. PETERSON
Chicago, Illinois
CHARLIE ANDERS
Leckie, West Virginia
CHARLES A. COLLINS
Holly Springs, North Carolina
GERALD A. KOSAKOWSKI
Lincoln Park, Michigan
DAVID L. MENDOZA
Cleveland, Ohio
WILLIAM A. PLEASANT
Jersey City, New Jersey
ELWOOD W. DAVIS, JR.
Salineville, Ohio
JAMES E. HOLDEN
Millsboro, Delaware
ALPHA R. JACKSON
Houston, Texas
KENNETH C. BOLICH
Auburn, Pennsylvania
Alpha Company
WILLIAM A. FERRELL
Stanton, Tennessee
JAMES L. FISHER
Dallas, Texas
LEROYIRELAND
Athens, Georgia
MEGDELIO CARABALLO-GARCIA
Youco, Puerto Rico
RONALD R. MARTIN
Erie, Pennsylvania
GLENN E. MCCAMMON
Woodsfield, Ohio
PAUL E. TOLBERT
Williams, Indiana
LAVINE J. BANKS
New Orleans, Louisiana
GERALD B. EVANS
Junction City, Kansas
THOMAS JAMES
Jamaica, New York
WILBERT H. JOHNSON
Morgantown, West Virginia
ROGER A. STONE
Parish, Alabama
NEOPOLIS WIGFALL
Fruitland, Maryland
OSCAR BARKER, JR.
Metter; Georgia
ROLLIE L. BOLDEN
Albany, Oregon
BARRY T. BURNITE
Springfield, Pennsylvania
CHARLES E. COX
Lexington, Alabama
JERRY A. HIEMER
Memphis, Tennessee
RAMON KUILAN-OLIVERAS
Bayamon, Puerto Rico
MICHAEL MILLER
Peru, Indiana
ROBERT S. SHRIVER, JR.
Eugene, Oregon
MIGUEL D. VERA-DURAN
San Sebastian, Puerto Rico
GORDON P. YOUNG
Drakes Branch, Virginia
JIMMIE W. BARTON
Onaka, South Dakota
DENNIS W. BLACK
Laotto, Indiana
THOMAS G. BRANDES
Silver Lake, Wisconsin
WILLIAM R. BURTON, JR.
Orange, New Jersey
DANNY E. CARLTON
Greenfield, Tennessee
TOMMY A. DOAK
Cincinnati, Ohio
OTIS J. HAMPTON
New York, New York
HENRY T. LUNA
Fresno, California
JULIO MORALES-GONZALES
Aguada, Puerto Rico
GUY L. SCHAEFFER
Deptford, New Jersey
JOHN A. SHAW
Rising Fawn, Georgia
Bravo Company
CHARLES V. MCMANUS
Woodland, Alabama
ELIAS ALVAREZ-BUZO
Ponce, Puerto Rico
EDDIE BROWN, JR.
Macon, Georgia
RICHARD T. YOUNG
Hildebran, North Carolina
Charlie Company
EARL D. AULL
New Orleans, Louisiana
RONALD A. MILLER
Wichita Falls, Texas
HARRY F. JEDRZEJEWSKI
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
CLARENCE V. BEVERHOUDT
St. Thomas, Virgin Islands
DONALD C. CORNETT
Lake Charles, Louisiana
ROGER T. NELSON
Barrett, Minnesota
RICHARD D. OTT
Baltimore, Maryland
CECIL W. KITTLE, JR.
Huttonsville, West Virginia
ARTHUR R. MOODY III
St. Petersburg, Florida
AUGUSTIN C. PAREDEZ
Big Spring, Texas
GEORGE A. WILSON
Cartersville, Georgia
CHARLES T. STEINER
Cardiff, Maryland
KENNETH E. R. BURCH
Samson, Alabama
JORDEN D. FORRESTER
Tulsa, Oklahoma
PHILIP HOWELL
Parrot, Virginia
CARL M. HUME
Fresno, California
DEAN A. JACKSON
Morning Sun, Iowa
JAMES C. JACKSON
Oil Springs, Kentucky
JOSEPH S. LA FASO
Garfield, New Jersey
GARRETT F. LEE
Chicago, Illinois
GEORGE S. MCHELLON
Atlanta, Georgia
DARRELL W. SANDERS
Wayne, West Virginia
ROBERT POSIUS
Detroit, Michigan
RICHARD P. SAWICKI
Grand Island, Nebraska
HAROLD SCOTT
New York, New York
FINIS R. STUDDARD
Steele, Alabama
DAVID M. VANCELLETTE
Oxford, Massachusetts
ROBERT E. WALDVOGEL
St. Paul, Minnesota
BRIAN F. CARLQUIST
Draper, Utah
RUBEN G. CHAVEZ
Robstown, Texas
BUREN R. DAVIS
Muskogee, Oklahoma
ROBERT L. DAVIS
Providence, Kentucky
JOSEPH R. HILLARD
Bay City, Texas
WAYNE T. LUNDELL
Silver Spring, Maryland
ROBERT MORENO
Los Angeles, California
SHERMAN E. OTIS
Mobile, Alabama
LOUIS D. RICHARDSON
Biloxi, Mississippi
ROY L. RYSE, JR.
Inglewood, California
ROGER A. SIMRAU
Gladwin, Michigan
MICHAEL T. SMITH
New York, New York
GEORGE J. STEPHENS
Camden, New Jersey
ERNEST E. TAYLOR
Kaycee, Wyoming
BOBBY C. VINSON
Jackson, Tennessee
MACK A. WARE
Bessemer, Alabama
RONALD H. CHITTUM
Vinton, Virginia
DAVID W. MICHAEL
Oelwein, Iowa
FRANK J. NOSTADT, JR.
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Delta Company
MARTIN C. KNAPP
Wheeling, West Virginia
OSVALDO AMODIAS
Miami, Florida
BERNARD CREED
Medford, Massachusetts
JAMES W. ERVIN
Gilroy, California
PALMER B. MILES
Columbus, Georgia
LLOYD J. MONSEWICZ
Jacksonville, Florida
EARTHELL TYLER
Columbia, South Carolina
1SMAEL J. PAREDES
Jersey City, New Jersey
SNYDER P. BEMBRY
Unadilla, Georgia
RALPH W. BROWN
Benton, Pennsylvania
DONALD E.CRANE
Stillwater, Pennsylvania
JAMES R. DRAGOTI
New York, New York
CHARLES L. ELLER
Warrensville, North Carolina
FREDERICK C. HERIAUD
Oswego, Illinois
REYNALDO C. HERNANDEZ
Tulare, California
DUNCAN F. KRUEGER
WestAllis, Wisconsin
JACK D. LYNN
Hillard, Ohio
ROGER E. MERCK
Salem, South Carolina
HOWARD G. RILEY
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
JOHN SCHLECHT III
New York, New York
MATTHEWS SHELTON
Cincinnati, Ohio
EDWARD L. SIMMONS
LaFayette, Georgia
GARY D. SMITH
Knoxville, Tennessee
JOHN H. WOODY
Suches, Georgia
JOSEPH M. WORKMAN
Peoria, Illinois
LESTER R. BECKER
Harvard, Illinois
1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry
Alpha Company
LARRY L. HESS
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
CLAYTON G. ROGERS
Bridgeport, Alabama
NORMAN W. SOLTOW
Chicago, Illinois
JAMES O. VAUGHAN
Baltimore, Maryland
ROBERT G. WRIGHT
Youngstown, Ohio
RONNIE T. MATHIS
Atlanta, Georgia
HENRY F. SMITH
Albemarle, North Carolina
JOHN R. ACKERMAN
Gary, Indiana
FRANCISCO CONCEPCION, JR.
Kilauea, Hawaii
RALPH H. ERNST
St. Louis, Missouri
JIMMY HARRIS
Beattyville, Kentucky
ROBERT L. HIRST
Allentown, Pennsylvania
MARVIN SCHALIPP, JR.
Leavenworth, Kansas
JERELL L. GRAYSON
Duke, Missouri
VINCENT LOCATELLI
Santa Cruz, California
JESSE N. RODRIGUEZ
Houston, Texas
EUGENE C. SCOTT
St. Louis, Missouri
Bravo Company
MACK C. COX
Tampa, Florida
DALE F. HUDSON
Poplar Bluff, Missouri
JIMMY F. BOREN
Cadiz, Kentucky
Charlie Company
OSCAR E. COOPER
Bel Air, Maryland
Delta Company
WILLIAM J. LINDSEY
Augusta, Georgia
2nd Battalion, 5th Cavalry
Charlie Company
RICHARD D. BRODA
Portsmouth, Virginia
2nd Battalion, 19th Artillery
C Battery
EDWARD JOUJON-ROCHE
Bakersfield, California
1st Battalion, 21st Artillery
A Battery
FLOYD L. REED, JR.
Heth, Arkansas
HARLEY D. BECKWORTH
Baxley, Georgia
B Battery
SIDNEY C. M. SMITH
Manhasset, New York
MELVIN F. FORT
Memphis, Tennessee
JOSEPH P. MARA
Belwood, Illinois
C Battery
TIMOTHY M. BLAKE
Charleston, West Virginia
227th Assault Helicopter Battalion
Delta Company
HAROLD E. WILKINS
Vale, North Carolina
229th Assault Helicopter Battalion
Bravo Company
VIRGIL KIRKLAND, JR.
Chattanooga, Tennessee
JAMES W. MAYES
Mill Hall, Pennsylvania
RALPH A. COPELAND
Minot, North Dakota
Charlie Company
HERMAN L. JEFFERSON, JR.
New Orleans, Louisiana
8th Engineer Battalion
RUSSELL E. HAMMOND
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
ARLEN C. TUTTLE
Fort Campbell, Kentucky
HOOVER MORRIS
Lufkin, Texas
SCOTT O. HENRY
Commodore, Pennsylvania
JIMMY D. NAKAYAMA
Rigby, Idaho
United States Air Force
1st Air Commando Squadron
PAUL T. MCCLELLAN, JR.
West Stayton, Oregon
1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry
Headquarters Troop
CHARLES R. DAVIS, JR.
Cincinnati, Ohio
Alpha Troop
JAMES HOOVER
Kingston, Ohio
ALTON E. BAKER
Salinas, California
JESUS R. BERMUDEZ
Mendota, California
Bravo Troop
DANIEL D. HARDEN
Memphis, Tennessee
Charlie Troop
JAMES R. PARRETT
Columbia City, Indiana
FLORENDO B. PASCUAL
Honolulu, Hawaii
BENEDICTO P. BAYRON
Waianae, Hawaii
BILLY J. TALLEY
McCrory, Arkansas
JAMES L. RILEY
Vienna, West Virginia
BILLY M. KNIGHT
Ganado, Arizona
Delta Troop
THOMAS D. DUNCAN
Attalla, Alabama
1st Battalion, 8th Cavalry
Alpha Company
SAMUEL BESS
Sanford, North Carolina
TOMMIE KEETON
Huntsville, Tennessee
THEOPHILOS ORPHANOS
New York, New York
GARY W. PLATT
Boulder, Colorado
Delta Company
GUNDER P. GUNDERSON
Walhalla, North Dakota
RICHARD E. GEORGE
San Diego, California
2nd Battalion, 8th Cavalry
Headquarters Company
JAMES L. ALLEN
Beaumont, Texas
RICHARD A. NOELKE
Fontana, California
Alpha Company
DENNIS L. LONG
Chicago, Illinois
JAMES H. JARZENSKI
Cochranton, Pennsylvania
ALAN L. BARNETT
Astoria, Oregon
CARL S. DANIELS
New Orleans, Louisiana
RONALD H. LUKE
Miami, Florida
FRED MOORE, JR.
Sharpsville, Indiana
Bravo Company
CHARLES W. ROSE
Wye Mills, Maryland
GEZA TEGLAS
Washington, D. C.
FELIX D. KING, JR.
Florence, Alabama
RALPH N. SMITH
Morganton, North Carolina
WILLIAM A. SULLIVAN
Fayetteville, North Carolina
RUDOLPH RODRIGUEZ
Lindsay, California
CLYDE R. HERMAN
Roanoke, Virginia
EARL G. PHILLIPS
War, West Virginia
JAMES J. CRAFTON
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Charlie Company
MORRIS E. WHEELER
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
JAMES W. BARKSDALE
St. Petersburg, Florida
MILES H. LOPER, JR.
Fort Knox, Kentucky
VARIS SAVAGE, JR.
Nashville, Tennessee
LEWIS SHERROD
Washington, D. C.
DENNIS LICHOTA
Detroit, Michigan
TIMOTHY B. JOHNSON
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
JOHN K. KEAO III
Los Angeles, California
JUSTIN M. LYNCH
Fort Bragg, North Carolina
THOMAS H. MAYNARD
El Monte, California
JOSEPH P. MINNOCK
Cranford, New Jersey
JAMES MOONEY
Selma, Alabama
ANTHONY E. PENDOLA
Peoria, Illinois
WILLIE C. PICKETT
Pensacola, Florida
PHILLIP K. REA
Chicago, Illinois
DANIEL SANTOS-TRUJILLO
Loiza, Puerto Rico
ALVIN C. SLIGH
Greensboro, North Carolina
Delta Company
RICHARD A. COFFEY
Los Angeles, California
EDDIE L. HILL, JR.
Mobile, Alabama
WRIGHT B. HAMILL
Albany, Oregon
1st Battalion, 12th Cavalry
Alpha Company
NEIL R. HANS
Muncy, Pennsylvania
Delta Company
RALPH W. ONANA
Los Angeles, California
RODNEY C. HARRIS
Jacksonville, Florida
JAMES V. POTTKOTTER
New Weston, Ohio
2nd Battalion, 12th Cavalry
Headquarters Company
ROBERT A. TILLQUIST
New Haven, Connecticut
Alpha Company
CARRIER PIERRE
New York, New York
Bravo Company
CHARLES C. COX
High Point, North Carolina
WALTER B. OLIVER
Newark, Ohio
LARIS WHITE, JR.
Bonifay, Florida
RONALD J. LOERLEIN
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
Headquarters, 3rd Brigade
DAVE MAYES, JR.
Jonesville, Louisiana
Contents
Maps
Prologue
GOING TO WAR
1. Heat of Battle
2. The Roots of Conflict
3. Boots and Saddles
4. The Land and the Enemy
X-RAY
5. Into the Valley
6. The Battle Begins
7. Closing with the Enemy
8. The Storm of Battle
9. Brave Aviators
10. Fix Bayonets!
11. Night Falls
12. A Dawn Attack
13. Friendly Fire
14. Rescuing the Lost Platoon
15. Night Fighters
16. Policing the Battlefield
17. It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over
ALBANY
18. A Walk in the Sun
19. Hell in a Very Small Place
20. Death in the Tall Grass
21. Escape and Evade
22. Night Without End
23. The Sergeant and the Ghost
AFTERMATH
24. Mentioned in Dispatches
25. The Secretary of the Army Regrets …
26. Reflections and Perceptions
Epilogue
Image Gallery
Appendix: Where Have All the Young Men Gone?
Acknowledgments
Interviews and Statements
Chapter Notes
Selected Bibliography
Index
Prologue
In thy faint slumbers I by thee have watch’d
And heard thee murmur tales of iron wars …
—SHAKESPEARE,
Henry IV, Part One Act II Scene 3
This story is about time and memories. The time was 1965, a different kind of year, a watershed year when one era was ending in America and another was beginning. We felt it then, in the many ways our lives changed so suddenly, so dramatically, and looking back on it from a quarter-century gone we are left in no doubt. It was the year America decided to directly intervene in the Byzantine affairs of obscure and distant Vietnam. It was the year we went to war. In the broad, traditional sense, that we
who went to war was all of us, all Americans, though in truth at that time the larger majority had little knowledge of, less interest in, and no great concern with what was beginning so far away.
So this story is about the smaller, more tightly focused we
of that sentence: the first American combat troops, who boarded World War II-era troopships, sailed to that little-known place, and fought the first major battle of a conflict that would drag on for ten long years and come as near to destroying America as it did to destroying Vietnam.
The Ia Drang campaign was to the Vietnam War what the terrible Spanish Civil War of the 1930s was to World War II: a dress rehearsal; the place where new tactics, techniques, and weapons were tested, perfected, and validated. In the Ia Drang, both sides claimed victory and both sides drew lessons, some of them dangerously deceptive, which echoed and resonated throughout the decade of bloody fighting and bitter sacrifice that was to come.
This is about what we did, what we saw, what we suffered in a thirty-four-day campaign in the Ia Drang Valley of the Central Highlands of South Vietnam in November 1965, when we were young and confident and patriotic and our countrymen knew little and cared less about our sacrifices.
Another war story, you say? Not exactly, for on the more important levels this is a love story, told in our own words and by our own actions. We were the children of the 1950s and we went where we were sent because we loved our country. We were draftees, most of us, but we were proud of the opportunity to serve that country just as our fathers had served in World War II and our older brothers in Korea. We were members of an elite, experimental combat division trained in the new art of airmobile warfare at the behest of President John F. Kennedy.
Just before we shipped out to Vietnam the Army handed us the colors of the historic 1st Cavalry Division and we all proudly sewed on the big yellow-and-black shoulder patches with the horsehead silhouette. We went to war because our country asked us to go, because our new president, Lyndon B. Johnson, ordered us to go, but more importantly because we saw it as our duty to go. That is one kind of love.
Another and far more transcendent love came to us unbidden on the battlefields, as it does on every battlefield in every war man has ever fought. We discovered in that depressing, hellish place, where death was our constant companion, that we loved each other. We killed for each other, we died for each other, and we wept for each other. And in time we came to love each other as brothers. In battle our world shrank to the man on our left and the man on our right and the enemy all around. We held each other’s lives in our hands and we learned to share our fears, our hopes, our dreams as readily as we shared what little else good came our way.
We were the children of the 1950s and John F. Kennedy’s young stalwarts of the early 1960s. He told the world that Americans would pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship
in the defense of freedom. We were the down payment on that costly contract, but the man who signed it was not there when we fulfilled his promise. John F. Kennedy waited for us on a hill in Arlington National Cemetery, and in time we came by the thousands to fill those slopes with our white marble markers and to ask on the murmur of the wind if that was truly the future he had envisioned for us.
Among us were old veterans, grizzled sergeants who had fought in Europe and the Pacific in World War II and had survived the frozen hell of Korea, and now were about to add another star to their Combat Infantryman’s Badge. There were regular-army enlistees, young men from America’s small towns whose fathers told them they would learn discipline and become real men in the Army. There were other young men who chose the Army over an equal term in prison. Alternative sentencing, the judges call it now. But the majority were draftees, nineteen and twenty-year-old boys summoned from all across America by their local Selective Service Boards to do their two years in green. The PFCs soldiered for $99.37 a month; the sergeants first class for $343.50 a month.
Leading us were the sons of West Point and the young ROTC lieutenants from Rutgers and The Citadel and, yes, even Yale University, who had heard Kennedy’s call and answered it. There were also the young enlisted men and NCOs who passed through Officer Candidate School and emerged newly minted officers and gentlemen. All laughed nervously when confronted with the cold statistics that measured a second lieutenant’s combat life expectancy in minutes and seconds, not hours. Our second lieutenants were paid $241.20 per month.
The class of 1965 came out of the old America, a nation that disappeared forever in the smoke that billowed off the jungle battlegrounds where we fought and bled. The country that sent us off to war was not there to welcome us home. It no longer existed. We answered the call of one president who was now dead; we followed the orders of another who would be hounded from office, and haunted, by the war he mismanaged so badly.
Many of our countrymen came to hate the war we fought. Those who hated it the most—the professionally sensitive—were not, in the end, sensitive enough to differentiate between the war and the soldiers who had been ordered to fight it. They hated us as well, and we went to ground in the cross fire, as we had learned in the jungles.
In time our battles were forgotten, our sacrifices were discounted, and both our sanity and our suitability for life in polite American society were publicly questioned. Our young-old faces, chiseled and gaunt from the fever and the heat and the sleepless nights, now stare back at us, lost and damned strangers, frozen in yellowing snapshots packed away in cardboard boxes with our medals and ribbons.
We rebuilt our lives, found jobs or professions, married, raised families, and waited patiently for America to come to its senses. As the years passed we searched each other out and found that the half-remembered pride of service was shared by those who had shared everything else with us. With them, and only with them, could we talk about what had really happened over there—what we had seen, what we had done, what we had survived.
We knew what Vietnam had been like, and how we looked and acted and talked and smelled. No one in America did. Hollywood got it wrong every damned time, whetting twisted political knives on the bones of our dead brothers.
So once, just this once: This is how it all began, what it was really like, what it meant to us, and what we meant to each other. It was no movie. When it was over the dead did not get up and dust themselves off and walk away. The wounded did not wash away the red and go on with life, unhurt. Those who were, miraculously, unscratched were by no means untouched. Not one of us left Vietnam the same young man he was when he arrived.
This story, then, is our testament, and our tribute to 234 young Americans who died beside us during four days in Landing Zone X-Ray and Landing Zone Albany in the Valley of Death, 1965. That is more Americans than were killed in any regiment, North or South, at the Battle of Gettysburg, and far more than were killed in combat in the entire Persian Gulf War. Seventy more of our comrades died in the Ia Drang in desperate skirmishes before and after the big battles at X-Ray and Albany. All the names, 305 of them including one Air Force pilot, are engraved on the third panel to the right of the apex, Panel 3-East, of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C., and on our hearts. This is also the story of the suffering of families whose lives were forever shattered by the death of a father, a son, a husband, a brother in that Valley.
While those who have never known war may fail to see the logic, this story also stands as tribute to the hundreds of young men of the 320th, 33rd, and 66th Regiments of the People’s Army of Vietnam who died by our hand in that place. They, too, fought and died bravely. They were a worthy enemy. We who killed them pray that their bones were recovered from that wild, desolate place where we left them, and taken home for decent and honorable burial.
This is our story and theirs. For we were soldiers once, and young.
GOING TO WAR
1
Heat of Battle
You cannot choose your battlefield,
God does that for you;
But you can plant a standard
Where a standard never flew.
—STEPHEN CRANE, The Colors
The small bloody hole in the ground that was Captain Bob Edwards’s Charlie Company command post was crowded with men. Sergeant Hermon R. Hostuttler, twenty-five, from Terra Alta, West Virginia, lay crumpled in the red dirt, dead from an AK-47 round through his throat. Specialist 4 Ernest E. Paolone of Chicago, the radio operator, crouched low, bleeding from a shrapnel wound in his left forearm. Sergeant James P. Castle-berry, the artillery forward observer, and his radio operator, PFC Ervin L. Brown, Jr., hunkered down beside Paolone. Captain Edwards had a bullet hole in his left shoulder and armpit, and was slumped in a contorted sitting position, unable to move and losing blood. He was holding his radio handset to his ear with his one good arm. A North Vietnamese machine gunner atop a huge termite hill no more than thirty feet away had them all in his sights.
We lay there watching bullets kick dirt off the small parapet around the edge of the hole,
Edwards recalls. I didn’t know how badly I had been hurt, only that I couldn’t stand up, couldn’t do very much. The two platoon leaders I had radio contact with, Lieutenant William W. Franklin on my right and Lieutenant James L. Lane on Franklin’s right, continued to report receiving fire, but had not been penetrated. I knew that my other two platoons were in bad shape and the enemy had penetrated to within hand-grenade range of my command post.
The furious assault by more than five hundred North Vietnamese regulars had slammed directly into two of Captain Edwards’s platoons, a thin line of fifty Cavalry troopers who were all that stood between the enemy and my battalion command post, situated in a clump of trees in Landing Zone X-Ray, Ia Drang Valley, in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam, early on November 15, 1965.
America had drifted slowly but inexorably into war in this far-off place. Until now the dying, on our side at least, had been by ones and twos during the adviser era
just ended, then by fours and fives as the U.S. Marines took the field earlier this year. Now the dying had begun in earnest, in wholesale lots, here in this eerie forested valley beneath the 2, 401-foot-high crest of the Chu Pong massif, which wandered ten miles back into Cambodia. The newly arrived 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) had already interfered with and changed North Vietnamese brigadier general Chu Huy Man’s audacious plans to seize the Central Highlands. Now his goal was to draw the Americans into battle—to learn how they fought and teach his men how to kill them.
One understrength battalion had the temerity to land by helicopter right in the heart of General Man’s base camp, a historic sanctuary so far from any road that neither the French nor the South Vietnamese army had ever risked penetrating it in the preceding twenty years. My battalion, the 450-man 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry of the U.S. Army, had come looking for trouble in the Ia Drang; we had found all we wanted and more. Two regiments of regulars of the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN)—more than two thousand men—were resting and regrouping in their sanctuary near here and preparing to resume combat operations, when we dropped in on them the day before. General Man’s commanders reacted with speed and fury, and now we were fighting for our lives.
One of Captain Edwards’s men, Specialist 4 Arthur Viera, remembers every second of Charlie Company’s agony that morning. The gunfire was very loud. We were getting overrun on the right side. The lieutenant [Neil A. Kroger, twenty-four, a native of Oak Park, Illinois] came up in the open in all this. I thought that was pretty good. He yelled at me. I got up to hear him. He hollered at me to help cover the left sector.
Viera adds, "I ran over to him and by the time I got there he was dead. He had lasted a half-hour. I knelt beside him, took off his dog tags, and put them in my shirt pocket. I went back to firing my M-79 grenade launcher and got shot in my right elbow. The M-79 went flying and I was knocked down and fell back over the lieutenant. I had my .45 and fired it with my left hand. Then I got hit in the neck and the bullet went right through. Now I couldn’t talk or make a sound.
I got up and tried to take charge, and was shot a third time. That one blew up my right leg and put me down. It went in my leg above the ankle, traveled up, came back out, then went into my groin and ended up in my back, close to my spine. Just then two stick grenades blew up right over me and tore up both my legs. I reached down with my left hand and touched grenade fragments on my left leg and it felt like I had touched a red-hot poker. My hand just sizzled.
When Bob Edwards was hit he radioed for his executive officer, Lieutenant John Arrington, a twenty-three-year-old South Carolinian who was over at the battalion command post rounding up supplies, to come forward and take command of Charlie Company. Edwards says, Arrington made it to my command post and, after a few moments of talking to me while lying down at the edge of the foxhole, was also hit and wounded. He was worried that he had been hurt pretty bad and told me to be sure and tell his wife that he loved her. I thought: ‘Doesn’t he know I’m badly wounded, too?’ He was hit in the arm and the bullet passed into his chest and grazed a lung. He was in pain, suffering silently. He also caught some shrapnel from an M-79 that the North Vietnamese had apparently captured and were firing into the trees above us.
Now the North Vietnamese were closing in on Lieutenant John Lance (Jack) Geoghegan’s 2nd Platoon. They were already intermingled with the few survivors of Lieutenant Kroger’s 1st Platoon and were maneuvering toward Bob Edwards’s foxhole. Clinton S. Poley, twenty-three, six foot three, and the son of an Ackley, Iowa, dirt farmer, was assistant gunner on one of Lieutenant Geoghegan’s M-60 machine guns. The gunner was Specialist 4 James C. Comer, a native of Seagrove, North Carolina.
Poley says, When I got up something hit me real hard on the back of my neck, knocked my head forward and my helmet fell off in the foxhole. I thought a guy had snuck up behind me and hit me with the butt of a weapon, it was such a blow. Wasn’t anybody there; it was a bullet from the side or rear. I put my bandage on it and the helmet helped hold it on. I got up and looked again and there were four of them with carbines, off to our right front. I told Comer to aim more to the right. After that I heard a scream and I thought it was Lieutenant Geoghegan.
It wasn’t. By now, Lieutenant Jack Geoghegan was already dead. His platoon sergeant, Robert Jemison, Jr., saw him go down trying to help a wounded man. Willie Godboldt was twenty yards to my right. He was wounded, started hollering: ‘Somebody help me!’ I yelled: ‘I’ll go get him!’ Lieutenant Geoghegan yelled back: ‘No, I will.’ He moved out of his position in the foxhole to help Godboldt and was shot.
Just five days past his twenty-fourth birthday, John Lance Geoghegan of Pelham, New York, the only child of proud and doting parents, husband of Barbara and father of six-month-old Camille, lay dead, shot through the head and back, in the tall grass and red dirt of the Ia Drang Valley. PFC Willie F. Godboldt of Jacksonville, Florida, also twenty-four years old, died before help ever reached him.
Sergeant Jemison, who helped fight off five Chinese divisions at Chipyong-ni in the Korean War, now took a single bullet through his stomach but kept on fighting. Twenty minutes later the order came down for every platoon to throw a colored smoke grenade to mark friendly positions for the artillery and air strikes. Jemison got up to throw one and was hit again, this time knocked down by a bullet that struck him in the left shoulder. He got up, more slowly now, and went back to firing his M-16. Jemison fought on until he was hit a third time: It was an automatic weapon. It hit me in my right arm and tore my weapon all to pieces. All that was left was the plastic stock. Another bullet cut off the metal clamp on my chin strap and knocked off my helmet. It hit so hard I thought my neck was broke. I was thrown to the ground. I got up and there was nothing left. No weapon, no grenades, no nothing.
James Comer and Clinton Poley, thirty feet to Jemison’s left, had been firing their M-60 machine gun for almost an hour, an eternity. "A stick-handled potato-masher grenade landed in front of the hole. Comer hollered, ‘Get down!’ and kicked it away a little bit with his foot. It went off. By then we were close to being out of ammo and the gun had jammed. In that cloud of smoke and dust we started to our left, trying to find other 2nd Platoon positions. That’s when I got hit in the chest and I hit the ground pretty hard.
Poley adds, I got up and then got shot in my hip, and went down again. Comer and I lost contact with each other in the long grass. We’d already lost our ammo bearer [PFC Charley H. Collier from Mount Pleasant, Texas], who had been killed the day before. He was only eighteen and had been in Vietnam just a few days. I managed to run about twenty yards at a time for three times and finally came to part of the mortar platoon. A sergeant had two guys help me across a clearing to the battalion command post by the large anthill. The battalion doctor, a captain, gave me first aid.
Meantime, Specialist Viera was witness to scenes of horror: The enemy was all over, at least a couple of hundred of them walking around for three or four minutes; it seemed like three or four hours. They were shooting and machine-gunning our wounded and laughing and giggling. I knew they’d kill me if they saw I was alive. When they got near, I played dead. I kept my eyes open and stared at a small tree. I knew that dead men had their eyes open.
Viera continues, Then one of the North Vietnamese came up, looked at me, then kicked me, and I flopped over. I guess he thought I was dead. There was blood running out of my mouth, my arm, my legs. He took my watch and my .45 pistol and walked on. I watched them strip off all our weapons; then they left, back where they came from. I remember the artillery, the bombs, the napalm everywhere, real close around me. It shook the ground underneath me. But it was coming in on the North Vietnamese soldiers, too.
All this, and much more, took place between 6:50 A.M. and 7:40 A.M. on November 15, 1965. The agonies of Charlie Company occurred over 140 yards of the line. But men were fighting and dying on three sides of our thinly held American perimeter. In the center, I held the lives of all these men in my hands. The badly wounded Captain Bob Edwards was now on the radio, asking for reinforcements. The only reserve I had was the reconnaissance platoon, twenty-two men. Was the attack on Charlie Company the main enemy threat? Delta Company and the combined mortar position were also under attack now. Reluctantly, I told Captain Edwards that his company would have to fight on alone for the time being.
The din of battle was unbelievable. Rifles and machine guns and mortars and grenades rattled, banged, and boomed. Two batteries of 105mm howitzers, twelve big guns located on another landing zone five miles distant, were firing nonstop, their shells exploding no more than fifty yards outside the ring of shallow foxholes.
Beside me in the battalion command post, the Air Force forward air controller, Lieutenant Charlie W. Hastings, twenty-six, from La Mesa, New Mexico, radioed a special code word, Broken Arrow,
meaning American unit in danger of being overrun,
and within a short period of time every available fighter-bomber in South Vietnam was stacked overhead at thousand-foot intervals from seven thousand feet to thirty-five thousand feet, waiting its turn to deliver bombs and napalm to the battlefield.
Among my sergeants there were three-war men—men who parachuted into Normandy on D day and had survived the war in Korea—and those old veterans were shocked by the savagery and hellish noise of this battle. Choking clouds of smoke and dust obscured the killing ground. We were dry-mouthed and our bowels churned with fear, and still the enemy came on in waves.
2
The Roots of Conflict
There never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not be found to prevent the drawing of the sword.
—GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT
One month of maneuver, attack, retreat, bait, trap, ambush, and bloody butchery in the Ia Drang Valley in the fall of 1965 was the Vietnam War’s true dawn—a time when two opposing armies took the measure of each other. The North Vietnamese commanders had a deep-rooted fear that the lessons they had learned fighting and defeating the French a decade earlier had been outmoded by the high-tech weaponry and revolutionary airmobile helicopter tactics that the Americans were trying out on them.
The North Vietnamese wanted their foot soldiers to taste the sting of those weapons and find ways to neutralize them. Their orders were to draw the newly arrived Americans into battle and search for the flaws in their thinking that would allow a Third World army of peasant soldiers who traveled by foot and fought at the distant end of a two-month-long supply line of porters not only to survive and persevere, but ultimately to prevail in the war—which was, for them, entering a new phase.
The 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) was born of President John F. Kennedy’s determination that the U.S. Army, which for a decade had focused exclusively on training and arming itself to fight World War III on the plains of Europe, prepare to fight a series of small, dirty wars on the world’s frontiers. Toward that end Kennedy gave the U.S. Special Forces their head—and a distinctive green beret to wear. The Special Forces were good at what they did, counterguerrilla warfare, but clearly they were not the force needed to deal with battalions and regiments of regular soldiers in the Communist armies of liberation. For that matter, neither were the regular infantry divisions of the U.S. Army—hidebound, road-bound, and focused on war in Germany. Something new and totally different had to be created to meet the challenge of the jungles of Indochina.
What would that something be? No one was absolutely certain, but a coterie of young colonels and brigadier generals hiding out in the bowels of the Army’s research-and-development division in the Pentagon had an idea, a dream, and they had been tinkering with it for years.
In the summer of 1957, Lieutenant General James M. Gavin, who won early fame and swift promotion with the 82nd Airborne Division in World War II, was chief of research and development for the Army. He had a vision of a new fighting force, something that he described in a seminal article as Cavalry—And I Don’t Mean Horses.
His vision centered on the helicopter, that ungainly bumblebee, which made a very limited combat debut in Korea, principally hauling wounded to the rear two at a time.
Jim Gavin’s dream was that someday bigger, faster, and better helicopters would carry the infantry into battle, forever freeing it of the tyranny of terrain and permitting war to proceed at a pace considerably faster than that of a man walking. The helicopter, Gavin believed, held the possibility of making the battlefield truly a three-dimensional nightmare for an enemy commander.
Gavin’s dream was enthusiastically shared by Brigadier General Hamilton W. Howze, chief of Army Aviation, and other pioneers like Colonel John Norton, Colonel George P. (Phip) Seneff, Colonel John J. (Jack) Tolson, Colonel Bob Williams, and Colonel Harry W. O. Kinnard. World War II had proved there were shortcomings and limitations in the practice of airborne warfare; but airmobile warfare could address most, if not all, of those limitations.
By mid-1962, Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara, pursuing President Kennedy’s vision, seized on the airmobility idea. McNamara ordered the Army to determine if the new UH-1 Huey helicopter, the big CH-47 Chinook transport helicopter, and their sisters in rotary-wing aviation made sense on the battlefield of the future.
An Airmobility Concept Board was created and, in short order, the 11th Air Assault Division (Test) was born at Fort Benning, Georgia, in February 1963. Its commander was Brigadier General Harry Kinnard. The 10th Air Transport Brigade (Test) was activated under the command of Colonel Delbert Bristol, and the Aviation Group (Test) was created under the command of Colonel Phip Seneff. To assess it all was the Test/Evaluation/Control Group, under Brigadier General Bob Williams. These units would encounter no bureaucratic resistance or red tape at Fort Benning: The new assistant commandant there was Brigadier General John Norton. Talk about stacking the deck!
The 11th Air Assault Test began at the bottom and built upward, starting with only three thousand men for individual air-mobility training and testing in platoon-size and company-size elements. By June of 1964, the Army added two more brigades of infantry, plus artillery and support units, and began training and testing battalion, brigade, and division tactics.
At that time, America had not yet recovered from the shock of President Kennedy’s assassination and was only beginning to measure the man who had succeeded him, Lyndon B. Johnson. Johnson was passing the first wave of Great Society legislation, which would restructure America, and that was his main agenda. But the trouble in South Vietnam would not go away and could not be safely ignored in an election year.
The country he called Veet-Nam
was already beginning to gnaw at Lyndon Baines Johnson’s innards. It was not the place Johnson would have chosen to make a stand against the Communists. In 1954, when the French were trembling on the brink of disastrous defeat at Dien Bien Phu, and President Eisenhower’s advisers debated the pros and cons of American intervention in Indochina—intervention possibly even including a nuclear strike—then Senator Lyndon Johnson stood up strongly against that folly, arguing against any war on the Asian mainland. Johnson was proud of that.
Johnson had, however, inherited John F. Kennedy’s hyperactive foreign policy as well as Kennedy’s principal advisers, the men he derisively nicknamed the You-Harvards.
In Kennedy’s thousand days the nation had gone through the Bay of Pigs debacle, the Berlin Wall crisis, the Cuban missile crisis, and the crisis over the tiny, and largely inconsequential, kingdom of Laos. Days before Kennedy fell to an assassin’s bullet, Ngo Dinh Diem, the autocratic ruler of South Vietnam, was deposed and murdered in a coup d’état that was at least sanctioned, if not sponsored, by Washington.
Kennedy’s successor, new to the job and moving into an election year, could not afford to be seen as soft on communism. President Johnson was approving a slow but steady buildup in the number of American advisers in South Vietnam.
Now, in the summer of 1964, important decisions were also being made in Hanoi, the capital of Communist North Vietnam. In the defense establishment and the ruling councils of the Communist party a group of Young Turks pressed the case for escalating the war so as to liberate the southern half of the country. They argued that simply to continue providing guns and ammunition and encouragement for the Viet Cong guerrillas was not enough: The time had come to intervene on the battlefields of the south with regiments and divisions of North Vietnamese People’s Army regulars.
These better-armed, trained, and motivated soldiers should infiltrate South Vietnam, they argued, and launch hammer blows against the weak and unmotivated South Vietnamese army. In short order, they would liberate all of the land and people south of the 17th Parallel. Senior General Vo Nguyen Giap vigorously opposed the suggested escalation as hasty and premature, and urged that the guerrilla-war phase, which was proving ever more successful, be continued.
President Ho Chi Minh came down on the side of escalation and the army high command drew up a daring plan for the dry-season campaign of 1965. Three regular army regiments would be brought up to strength, trained and equipped, and sent south along the Ho Chi Minh Trail through Laos and Cambodia to launch a stunning autumn offensive that would begin in the remote Central Highlands and perhaps end in Saigon.
Hanoi’s planners envisioned a classic campaign to crush the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), starting in October 1965, after the monsoon rains ended in the mountains and plateaus of Pleiku province. They would lay siege to the American Special Forces camp at Plei Me with its twelve American advisers and four hundred-plus Montagnard mercenaries.
That attack, in turn, would draw an ARVN relief column of troops and tanks out of Pleiku and down Route 14, thence southwest on the one-lane dirt track called Provincial Route 5—where a regiment of People’s Army troops would be waiting in a carefully prepared ambush. Once the ARVN relief forces were destroyed and Plei Me camp crushed, the victorious North Vietnamese army regiments would then take Pleiku city and the way would be clear to advance along Route 19 toward Qui Nhon and the South China Sea. Whoever controls Route 19 controls the Central Highlands, and whoever controls the Highlands controls Vietnam. By early 1966, the North Vietnamese commanders were certain, South Vietnam would be cut in two and trembling on the verge of surrender.
The North Vietnamese preparations were well under way by the fall of 1964, while Lyndon B. Johnson campaigned across America promising that American boys will not be sent to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for themselves.
That fall the 11th Air Assault Test Division conducted a crucial two-month test in the Carolinas. The theory of helicopter warfare was proved to the satisfaction of the U.S. Army in the largest field exercises since World War II. Now the Pentagon began the process of incorporating the Air Assault Division into the regular ranks of the Army.
As the new airmobile division moved toward becoming a reality, the situation in the theater of its most likely employment—what Lyndon Johnson called that damned little pissant country,
Vietnam—deteriorated by the day, both politically and militarily. Saigon’s generals took turns staging coups d’état and being the strongman of the month, while the Viet Cong guerrillas expanded their control of the rice-growing Mekong Delta and reached north into the rubber country.
So long as he was presenting himself as the reasonable, peaceful alternative to the hawkish Republican challenger, Senator Barry Goldwater, Johnson resisted the recommendations of his advisers for a massive escalation of the American military presence. Once he had beaten Goldwater and was president in his own right, Lyndon Johnson was certain, he could cut a deal in the best Texas tradition with the Vietnamese Communists.
Already frustrated by a series of terrorist incidents aimed at Americans in Vietnam, Johnson exploded when, on the night of February 6, 1965, Viet Cong sappers mortared and mined the U.S. advisers’ compound and air base at Pleiku in the Central Highlands. Eight Americans were killed and more than one hundred wounded. I’ve had enough of this,
Johnson told his National Security Council.
In retaliation, within hours carrier-based Navy jets struck the first targets inside North Vietnam. By March 2, Operation Rolling Thunder, a systematic and continuing program of air strikes against the North, had begun. While the Navy warplanes safely came and went from aircraft carriers at sea, the U.S. Air Force jets based at Da Nang were clearly vulnerable to enemy retaliation.
When General William C. Westmoreland, the American commander in Vietnam, asked for U. S. Marines to guard the air base, he got them. On March 8, a battalion of Marines splashed ashore on China Beach. On April 1, President Johnson approved General Westmoreland’s request for two more Marine battalions, plus 20,000 logistics troops. He also agreed with General Westmoreland that the Marines should not be limited to strictly defensive duties; now they would fan out and begin killing Viet Cong. For the first time since the Korean War, American combat troops now deployed for action on the Asian mainland.
In a major speech on April 7, the President urged that the North Vietnamese negotiate a reasonable settlement, and offered them a piece of a huge Mekong River economic-development project that Washington would finance. Hanoi replied that there could be no negotiations while American planes were bombing North Vietnam.
By April 15, the White House was entertaining Westmoreland’s request for the dispatch of an additional 40,000 American troops to South Vietnam to raise the ante. In mid-June, Westmoreland urgently asked that the number of U.S. troops in the pipeline be doubled. He now wanted approval of a force of 180,000 men, most of them American, some of them South Korean, by the end of 1965. And the general was projecting that he would need at least an additional 100,000 or more in 1966.
President Johnson was inclined to give Westmoreland what he wanted, but he was also determined that this war would be fought without unduly distressing the American public. Surely so rich and powerful a nation could afford both a brushfire war and his Great Society programs.
Johnson decided, against the advice of his military chiefs, that the American escalation in South Vietnam be conducted on the cheap: There would be no mobilization of reserve and National Guard units; no declaration of a state of emergency that would permit the Army to extend for the duration the enlistments of the best-trained and most experienced soldiers. Instead, the war would be fed by stripping the Army divisions in Europe and the continental United States of their best personnel and materiel, while a river of new draftees, 20,000 of them each month, flowed in to do the shooting and the dying.
With the U.S. Marines beginning combat operations in the northern part of South Vietnam, and the newly arrived 173rd Airborne Brigade now operating in the central part of the country, Hanoi’s military planners were forced to take a new look at the winter-spring campaign planned for Pleiku province. Senior General Chu Huy Man, who commanded the campaign, says that in June 1965, the People’s Army high command decided to postpone the audacious plan to seize the Central Highlands and attack down Route 19 to the coast.
That plan was postponed for ten years,
General Man says. It was completed in 1975.
The new plan would follow the opening sequence of the original: The People’s Army forces would lay siege to Plei Me Special Forces Camp, ambush the inevitable South Vietnamese relief column when it ventured out of Pleiku city, and then wait for American combat troops to be thrown into the battle to save the South Vietnamese.
We wanted to lure the tiger out of the mountain,
General Man says, adding: We would attack the ARVN—but we would be ready to fight the Americans.
Major General Hoang Phuong, now chief of the Institute of Military History in Hanoi and a veteran of the Ia Drang battles, recalls: Headquarters decided we had to prepare very carefully to fight the Americans. Our problem was that we had never fought Americans before and we had no experience fighting them. We knew how to fight the French. We wanted to draw American units into contact for purposes of learning how to fight them. We wanted any American combat troops; we didn’t care which ones.
The Americans that Man and Phuong would meet in due course had not yet left the United States in June of 1965, but they smelled something in the wind. In early May 1965, commanders of the 11th Air Assault Division began receiving informational copies of the after-action reports of the 173rd Airborne Brigade’s battles and operations in Vietnam. By late May, battalion, brigade, and division commanders and staff were reporting to heavily guarded classrooms at the Infantry School in Fort Benning, Georgia, for top-secret map exercises. The maps the games were played on covered the Central Highlands of South Vietnam.
By mid-June the Pentagon ordered the division commanders to begin an intensive eight-week combat-readiness program that focused on deployment to South Vietnam. Secretary of Defense McNamara announced on June 16 that the Army had been authorized an airmobile division as part of its sixteen-division force.
In early July, the Pentagon announced that the 11th Air Assault (Test) Division would be renamed the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) and that it would take over the colors of that historic division that had distinguished itself in combat in the Korean War and in the Pacific theater in World War II—not to mention horse-cavalry skirmishes with bandits along the Mexican border in Texas and New Mexico in the early 1920s.
In a televised address to the nation on the morning of July 28, 1965, President Johnson described the worsening situation in South Vietnam and declared: I have today ordered the Airmobile Division to Vietnam.
On that day, convinced that the President’s escalation without a declaration of emergency was an act of madness, General Harold K. Johnson, Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army, drove to the White House with the intention of resigning in protest. He had already taken the four silver stars off each shoulder of his summer uniform. As his car approached the White House gates, General Johnson faltered in his resolve; he convinced himself that he could do more by staying and working inside the system than by resigning in protest. The general ordered his driver to turn around and take him back to the Pentagon. This decision haunted Johnny Johnson all the rest of his life.
In South Vietnam, the 320th Regiment of the People’s Army of Vietnam was midway through a two-month-long siege of Due Co Special Forces Camp in the Central Highlands. A young Army major, H. Norman Schwarzkopf, West Point class of 1956, was adviser to the South Vietnamese Airborne battalion that was hip deep in the fighting at Due Co. A quarter-century later, General Norm Schwarzkopf would date the birth of his famous hot temper to those days, when he begged and pleaded on the radio for someone to evacuate his wounded South Vietnamese soldiers, while American helicopters fluttered by without stopping.
That week, the 33rd People’s Army Regiment left Quang Ninh province in North Vietnam on the two-month march down the Ho Chi Minh Trail through Laos and Cambodia to South Vietnam. Brigadier General Chu Huy Man was already in the South overseeing Viet Cong operations against the U.S. Marines in the Da Nang-Chu Lai region, but he had orders to return to the Western Highlands to establish the B-3 Front, a flexible and expandable headquarters charged with tactical and administrative control over both the People’s Army and Viet Cong units operating in the Highlands. Man’s new assignment was to prepare a warm welcome for the Americans in Pleiku province.
The first leg of the new, high-tech Airmobile division’s journey to the war zone would be decidedly low-tech. Beginning in August, the 1st Cavalry would ride to war in a mini-fleet of World War II-era troopships, and their helicopters would sail to South Vietnam aboard a flotilla of four aging aircraft carriers.
The cavalry troopers launched into a flurry of packing equipment, getting their shots, writing wills, getting last-minute dental and health problems cleared up, resettling their wives and kids