The Orange Tree
By Carlos Fuentes and Alfred MacAdam
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In the five novellas that comprise The Orange Tree, Carlos Fuentes continues the passionate and imaginative reconstruction of past and present history that has distinguished Terra Nostra and The Campaign. From the story of Columbus's arrival in the Caribbean, to the fate of Hernan Cortes's two sons, to the destruction of the Spanish city of Numantia by the Romans and the annihilation of Hollywood by Acapulco, Fuentues couples the epic grandeur of the spiritual and the historical with the many pleasures of the flesh. "In The Orange Tree," he remarks, "I gather together not only all my most immediate sensual pleasures--I see, touch, peel, bite, swallow--but also the most primordial sensations: my mother, wet nurses, breasts, the sphere, the world, the egg." The result is a sensitive exploration of cultural conflict that is also a feast for the senses.
Carlos Fuentes
Carlos Fuentes (1928-2012) was one of the most influential and celebrated voices in Latin American literature. He was the author of 24 novels, including Aura, The Death of Artemio Cruz, The Old Gringo and Terra Nostra, and also wrote numerous plays, short stories, and essays. He received the 1987 Cervantes Prize, the Spanish-speaking world's highest literary honor. Fuentes was born in Panama City, the son of Mexican parents, and moved to Mexico as a teenager. He served as an ambassador to England and France, and taught at universities including Harvard, Princeton, Brown and Columbia. He died in Mexico City in 2012.
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The Orange Tree - Carlos Fuentes
The Two Shores
TO JUAN GOYTISOLO
Like the planets in their orbits, the world of ideas tends toward circularity.
—AMOS OZ, Late Love
Combien de royaumes nous ignorent!
—PASCAL, Pensées
[10]
ALL this I saw. The fall of the great Aztec city in the moan of the conch shells, the clash of steel against flint, and the fire of Castilian cannon. I saw the burnt water of the lake where stood this Great Tenochtitlán, two times the size of Córdoba.
The temples fell, the standards, the trophies. The very gods themselves fell. And the day after the defeat, using the stones of the Indian temples, we began to build the Christian churches. Anyone curious—or who happens to be a mole—will find at the base of the columns of the Cathedral of Mexico the magic emblems of the God of Night, the smoking mirror of Tezcatlipoca. How long will the new mansions of our one God, built on the ruins of the not one but thousand gods last? Perhaps as long as the name of these: Rain, Water, Wind, Fire, Garbage …
To tell the truth, I don’t know. I just died of buboes. A horrible death, painful, incurable. A bouquet of plagues bestowed upon me by my own Indian brothers in exchange for the evils we Spaniards visited on them. I am shocked to see this city of Mexico populated by faces scarred by smallpox, as devastated as the causeways of the conquered city—all in the twinkling of an eye. The water of the lake heaves, boiling; the walls have contracted an incurable leprosy; the faces have forever lost their dark beauty, their perfect profile: for all time, Europe has marked the face of this New World, which, in fact, is older than the European face. Although to tell the truth, from this Olympian vantage point death has given me, I see everything that’s happened as the meeting of two old worlds, both millenarian—the stones we’ve found here are as old as those of Egypt, and the destiny of all empires was written for all time on the wall at Balthazar’s feast.
I saw it all. I’d like to tell it all. But my appearances in history are rigorously limited to what’s been said about me. The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo mentions me fifty-eight times in his True History of the Conquest of New Spain. The last thing known about me is that I was already dead when Hernán Cortés, our commander, embarked on his ill-fated expedition to Honduras in October of 1524. That’s how the chronicler describes it, and he soon forgets about me.
True, I do reappear in the final parade of ghosts, when Bernal Díaz lists the fates of the comrades of the conquest. The writer possesses a prodigious memory: he remembers every name, doesn’t forget a single horse or who rode it. Perhaps he had no other recourse but memory to save himself from death. Or from something worse: disillusion and sadness. Let’s not fool ourselves. No one escaped unscathed from this venture of discovery and conquest—neither the conquered, who witnessed the destruction of their world, nor the conquerors, who never achieved the total satisfaction of their ambitions, suffering instead endless injustices and disenchantments. Both should have built a new world after their shared defeat. I can know that because I’ve already died; the chronicler from Medina del Campo didn’t know it very well when he wrote his fabulous history, which is why he’s got more than enough memory and not enough imagination.
Not a single comrade of the conquest is missing from his list. But the vast majority are dispatched with a laconic epitaph: He died his death. It’s true that some, very few, are singled out because they died in the power of the Indians.
The most interesting are those who had a singular, almost always violent, fate.
Glory and abjection are equally evident in this affair of the conquest. Cortés sentenced Pedro Escudero and Juan Cermeño to the gallows because they tried to escape to Cuba on a boat, while he only ordered their pilot, Gonzalo de Umbría, to have his toes cut off. Maimed and all, this Umbría had the effrontery to appear before the King and complain, obtaining thereby rents paid in gold and Indian townships. Cortés must have regretted not having hanged him as well. Observe then, readers, listeners, penitents, or whatever you are as you approach my tomb, how decisions are made when time presses and history suppresses. Things could always have happened exactly opposite to the way the chronicle records them. Always.
But it also tells you that in this undertaking there was a bit of everything, from the personal pleasures of a certain Morón who was a great musician, a man named Porras with bright red hair who was a great singer, or an Ortiz who was a great cittern player and dancing master, to the disasters of Enrique something-or-other, a native of Palencia, who drowned from fatigue, the weight of his weapons, and the heat they caused him.
There are crossed destinies: Cortés marries Alfonso de Grado to no less a personage than Doña Isabel, daughter of the Aztec emperor Moctezuma; at the same time, a certain Xuárez, called the Old Man, ends up killing his wife with a corn-grinding stone. Who wins, who loses in a war of conquest? Juan Sedeño came with a fortune—merely his own ship, a mare and a black to serve him, bacon, a good supply of cassava bread—and made more here. A certain Burguillos, on the other hand, acquired wealth and good Indians, but he gave it all up to become a Franciscan. Most returned from the conquest or stayed on in Mexico without saving a single maravedí.
So what can one more destiny—my own—matter in this parade of glory and misery? I’ll merely say that in this matter of destinies, I think that the wisest of all of us was the man called Solís, Behind-the-Door,
who spent his time in his house behind the door watching the others pass by in the street, not meddling with anyone and not being meddled with by anyone. Now I think that in death we’re all like Solís: behind the door, watching people pass by without being seen, and reading what’s said about us in the chronicles written by the survivors.
About me, then, this is the final statement:
Another soldier, whose name was Jerónimo de Aguilar, passed; I include Aguilar in this account because he was the man we found at Catoche Point, who was being held by Indians and who became our translator. He died crippled with buboes.
[9]
I have many final impressions of the great business of the conquest of Mexico, in which fewer than six hundred valiant Spaniards subdued an empire nine times larger than Spain in territory and three times larger in population. To say nothing of the fabulous treasure we found here, which, shipped to Cádiz and Seville, made the fortune not only of Spain but of the whole of Europe, for all time, right until today.
I, Jerónimo de Aguilar, look at the New World before closing my eyes forever, and the last thing I see is the coast of Veracruz and the ships setting sail filled with Mexican treasure, guided by the most trustworthy of compasses: a sun of gold and a moon of silver, both simultaneously hanging over a blue-black sky that is stormy on high but bloody as soon as it touches the surface of the water.
I want to bid farewell to the world with this image of power and riches in the background of my vision: five well-stocked ships, a large number of soldiers, and many horses, shot, shotguns, crossbows, and all sorts of weapons, piled up to the masts and stored in the holds as ballast; eighty thousand pesos in gold and silver, infinite jewels, and the entire wardrobe of Moctezuma and Guatemuz, the last Mexican kings. A clean conquest operation, justified by the treasure a bold captain in the service of the Crown sends to His Majesty, King Charles.
But my eyes don’t manage to close in peace, thinking above all about the abundance of protection, arms, men, and horses that accompanied the gold and silver of Mexico back to Spain—a cruel contrast to the insecurity, slim resources, and small number of soldiers with which Cortés and his men came from Cuba in the first moment of this dubious exploit. And yet, just look at the ironies of history.
Quiñones, captain of Cortés’s personal guard, sent to protect the treasure, crossed the Bahamas but stopped at the island of Terceira with the booty of Mexico. He fell in love with a woman there, and was stabbed to death because of it; while Alonso de Dávila, who led the expedition, crossed the path of the French pirate Jean Fleury, whose nickname among us is Juan Florín, who stole the gold and silver and imprisoned Dávila in France, where King Francis I had declared again and again, Show me the clause in Adam’s testament in which the king of Spain is given half the world,
to which his corsairs answered in chorus: When God created the sea, he gave it to all of us without exception.
And as a moral to the story: Florín or Fleury was himself captured on the high seas by Basques (Valladolid, Burgos, the Basque Country: the Discovery and Conquest finally united and mobilized all Spain!) and hanged in the port of Pico …
And the thing doesn’t end there, because a certain Cárdenas, a pilot born in the Triana district of Seville and a member of our expedition, denounced Cortés in Castile, saying that he’d never seen a land where there were two kings as there were in New Spain, since Cortés took for himself, without any right to it, as much as he sent to His Majesty. For his declaration, the King gave this man from Triana a thousand pesos in rents and a parcel of Indians.
The bad thing is that he was right. We were all witnesses to the way our commander took the lion’s share and promised us soldiers rewards at the end of the war. May it be long in coming! So we were left, after sweating our teeth out, without a pot to piss in … Cortés was sentenced and deprived of power; his captains lost their lives, their freedom, and, what’s worse, the treasure, which ended up scattered to the four corners of Europe …
Is there any justice, I ask myself, in all this? Did we do nothing more than give the gold of the Aztecs a better destiny by pulling it out of its sterile occupation and spreading it around, distributing it, conferring on it an economic purpose instead of an ornamental or sacred one, putting it into circulation, melting it down the better to see it melt away?
[8]
From my grave, I try to judge things calmly; but one image forces itself on my thoughts again and again. I see before me a young man, about twenty-two years old, of clear, dark complexion, of a very noble disposition, both in body and in facial features.
He was married to one of Moctezuma’s nieces. He was called Guatemuz or Guatimozín and had a cloud of blood in his eyes. Whenever he felt his vision blur, he lowered his eyelids, and I saw them: one was gold and the other silver. He was the last emperor of the Aztecs, after his uncle Moctezuma was stoned to death by the disillusioned mob. We Spaniards killed something more than the power of the Indians: we killed the magic that surrounded it. Moctezuma did not fight. Guatemuz—let it be said to his honor—fought like a hero.
Captured with his captains and brought before Cortés on August 13, at the hour of vespers on Saint Hippolytus Day in the year 1521, Guatemuz said that in the defense of his people and vassals he’d done everything he was obliged to do out of honor and (he added) also out of passion, strength, and conviction. And since I’ve been brought by force, a prisoner,
he said then to Cortés, before your person and power. Take that dagger you wear on your belt and kill me with it.
This young, valiant Indian, the last emperor of the Aztecs, began to weep, but Cortés answered him that for being so brave he should come in peace to the fallen city and govern in Mexico and in its provinces as he had before.
I know all this because I was the translator of the interview between Cortés and Guatemuz, who could not understand each other alone. I translated as I pleased. I didn’t communicate to the conquered prince what Cortés really said, but put into the mouth of our leader a threat: You will be my prisoner; today I will torture you by burning your feet and those of your comrades until you confess where the rest of your uncle Moctezuma’s treasure is (the part that didn’t end up in the hands of French pirates).
I added, inventing on my own and mocking Cortés: You’ll never be able to walk again, but you’ll accompany me on future conquests, crippled and weeping, as a symbol of continuity and the source of legitimacy for my enterprise, whose banners, raised on high, are gold and fame, power and religion.
I translated, I betrayed, I invented. Right then and there, Guatemuz’s tears dried, and instead of tears, down one cheek ran gold and down the other silver, cutting a furrow in them as a knife would, leaving a permanent wound in them which, may it please God, death has healed.
Since my own death, I remember that vespers of Saint Hippolytus, recorded by Bernal Díaz as an eternal night of rain and lightning, and I reveal myself before posterity as a falsifier, a traitor to my commander Cortés, who instead of making a peace offering to the fallen prince offered him cruelty, continued oppression without mercy, and eternal shame for the conquered.
But since things happened as I’d said, my false words becoming reality, wasn’t I right to translate the commander backwards and tell the truth with my lies to the Aztec? Or were my words perhaps a mere exchange and I nothing more than the intermediary (the translator), the mainspring of a fatal destiny that transformed trick into truth?
On that Saint Hippolytus night, playing the role of translator between the conquistador and the conquered, I merely confirmed the power of words: I used them to say the opposite of what Cortés said only to express what he actually did. I’d acquired a knowledge of the soul of my commander, Hernán Cortés, a dazzling mix of reason and folly, will and weakness, skepticism and fantastic naïveté, good luck and bad, gallantry and jest, virtue and malice—all those things went into the man from Estremadura, the conqueror of Mexico whom I’d followed from Yucatan to Moctezuma’s court.
The powers of folly and foolishness or malice and good fortune when they’re not in harmony, when they’re only words, can turn our intentions upside down. The story of the last Aztec king, Guatemuz, ended with him not in the place of power promised by Cortés, not in the honor with which the Indian surrendered, but in a cruel comedy, the very one I’d invented and made inevitable with my lies. The young emperor was the king of fools, dragged without feet by the victor’s chariot, crowned with cactus, and finally hanged upside down from the branches of a sacred silk-cotton tree like a hunted-down animal. What happened was exactly what I had lyingly invented.
For that reason I don’t sleep in peace. Possibilities not carried out, the alternatives of freedom all rob me of sleep.
A woman was to blame.
[7]
Among all the prodigies produced by my captain Don Hernán Cortés to impress the Indians—fire from harquebuses, steel swords, glass beads—none was so important as the horses of the conquest. A shotgun blast fades in smoke; a Spanish blade can be overcome by a two-handed Indian sword; glass may fool people, an emerald as well. But the horse exists, stands there, has a life of its own, moves, possesses the combined power of nerve, gloss, muscle, foaming mouth, and hooves. Those hooves, links to the earth, makers of thunder, twins of steel. Hypnotic eyes. The rider who gets on and off adds to the perpetual metamorphosis of the beast seen now but never before imagined, not, certainly, by the Indians, not even by a single one of their gods.
Could the horse be the dream of a god who never communicated his secret nightmare to us?
An Indian could never overcome an armed Castilian on horseback, and this is the true secret of the conquest, not any dream or prophecy. Cortés exploited his meager cavalry to the limit, not only in attacks or fights in open country but in specially prepared seaside cavalcades where the chargers seemed to shake the waves—so much so that even we Spaniards imagined that if the horses were not there, these coasts would be as calm as a mirror of water.
We stared in astonishment at the unthought-of fraternity between the sea foam and the foam on their dewlaps.
And in Tabasco, when Captain Cortés wanted to astonish the envoys of the Great Moctezuma, he paired off a stallion with a mare in heat and hid them, instructing me to make them whinny at the right moment. The king’s envoys had never heard that sound and succumbed in shock to the powers of the Teúl, or Spanish God, as the Indians called Cortés from that moment on.
The truth is that neither I nor anyone else had ever before heard such a whinny come out of the silence, devoid of a body, and reveal animal desire, bestial lust, with such crude force. My captain’s theatrics far surpassed his intentions and even shocked us Spaniards. It made all of us feel a bit like beasts …
But the emissaries of the Great Moctezuma had also seen all the portents of that year prophesied by their magicians concerning the return of their blond and bearded god. Our marvels—the horses, the cannon—only confirmed what they already carried in their eyes: comets at midday, water in flames, fallen towers, nocturnal shrieking of wandering women, children carried away by the wind …
And lo and behold, Don Hernán Cortés arrives at that precise moment, as white as winters in the Gredos mountains, as hard as the earth in Medellín and Trujillo, and with a beard older than he was. So they wait for the return of the gods and instead get people like the hunchback Rodrigo Jara or Juan Pérez, who killed his wife, known as the Cowherd’s Daughter, or Pedro Perón de Toledo, of turbulent descendancy, or a certain Izquierdo from Castromocho. Some gods! Even in the grave I cackle to think of it.
One image cuts off my laughter. The horse.
Even Valladolid, the Fat Man,
looked good on horseback; I mean he inspired respect and awe. The mortality of the man was saved by the immortality of the horse. Cortés was right when he told us from the first moment: We shall bury the dead at night and in secret. That way our enemies will think us immortal.
The rider fell; never the charger. Never; not Cortés’s bay, not Alonso Hernández’s silver-gray mare that ran so well, not Montejo’s sorrel, not even Morán’s splayfooted, spotted nag. So it wasn’t just men who entered the Great Tenochtitlán on November 3, 1520, but centaurs: mythological beings with two heads and six feet, armed with thunder and dressed in stone. And besides, thanks to the coincidences of the calendar, we’d been confused with the returning god, Quetzalcoatl.
Appropriately, Moctezuma received us on foot, halfway along the causeway that linked the valley to the city built on a lake, saying: "Welcome. You are home. Now