From Far and Wide: A History of Canada's Arctic Sovereignty
By Peter Pigott
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About this ebook
In the early 20th century the Canadian North was a mystery, but the Canadian military stepped in, and this book explores its historic activities in Canada’s Arctic.
Is the Canadian North a state of mind or simply the lands and waters above the 60th parallel? In searching for the ill-fated Franklin Expedition in the 19th century, Britain’s Royal Navy mapped and charted most of the Arctic Archipelago. In 1874 Canadian Prime Minister Alexander Mackenzie agreed to take up sovereignty of all the Arctic, if only to keep the United States and Tsarist Russia out. But as the dominion expanded east and west, the North was forgotten. Besides a few industries, its potential was unknown. It was as one Canadian said for later.
There wasn’t much need to send police or military expeditions to the North. Not only was there little tribal warfare between the Inuit or First Nations, but there were few white settlers to protect and the forts were mainly trading posts. Thus, in the early 20th century, Canada’s Arctic was less known than Sudan or South Africa.
From Far and Wide recounts exclusively the historic activities of the Canadian military in Canada’s North.
Peter Pigott
Peter Pigott is Canada’s foremost aviation author. Among his accomplishments are the histories of Air Canada, Trans Canada Airlines, and Canadian Airlines. He is the author of From Far and Wide, Sailing Seven Seas, Canada in Sudan and many more books. He lives in Ottawa.
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From Far and Wide - Peter Pigott
windfall.
Introduction
From Far and Wide is a play in six acts. The stage setting and the backdrop remain the same throughout while the players enter in period costume, perform their lines, and exit. The arrangement of scenery and props is intended to depict the Canadian Arctic — from the 60th parallel as far north as Herschel Island in the west to the Lincoln Sea in the east. The painted backdrop could thus be icebergs, pack ice, mountains, glaciers, coastal plains, muskeg, or Baffin Island cliffs. The few props will range from simple canvas tents to empty meat tins to 1927 Fokker monoplanes to giant golf ball–like antenna.
Because this is the Arctic, the lighting will vary from high intensity to almost pitch-blackness. It will initially illuminate each scene and then a spotlight will focus on the individual central to the period — be it Sir John Franklin, Sir George Simpson, Clifford Sifton, or John Diefenbaker, keeping the remainder of the stage dark while he speaks of his particular vision
for the Arctic. If the theatre company possesses the resources and technical wizardry to create the magnificence of the aurora borealis, so much the better.
As stage lighting tends to remove definition from a face, cosmetic makeup is essential, especially in Acts One through Three. Haggard features etched by scurvy and disease can be created by emphasizing cheekbones, eye sockets to portray hollowed faces. Alternately, sunburn and sun blindness in such a frigid climate would cause swollen eyes and lips and the appearance of each actor in these scenes is to be made up with reddish greasepaint, creating the effect of as if boiling water had been poured on his head.
At times the action will move away from centre stage to the Norwegian or the Alaskan Arctic, or a river in the Yukon. As this is a historical drama, the dialogue and costumes of the all-male cast are appropriate to their time period. This will vary from British naval officers of the 1840s to North-West Mounted Police constables in 1898 to Prime Minister Mackenzie King in the 1940s to that of American servicemen of the 1950s, culminating with the Canadian Forces’ Frozen Chosen
in 2010. By far the most difficult task for the actors will be conveying to the audience the ever present, bone-chilling cold. Intermittently, there will be voices heard offstage, ostensibly coming from diplomats, prime ministers, and interested parties (like Lady Franklin) in London, Ottawa, Oslo, and Washington.
The audience will soon discern that the singular thread that runs through all six acts is the quest for sovereignty over 40 percent of Canada’s land mass and more than 19,000 islands in the Arctic Archipelago. The actors will discuss exploration of the Arctic and protecting what they have mapped (and thus claimed for their sovereign) from the other polar neighbours such as Denmark, Norway, Russia, Sweden, and the United States. Their incentives to risk their lives in the harshest climate on the planet will range from sheer obsession about conquering the Northwest Passage to moiling for gold
[1] to protecting the Arctic’s fragile ecosystem.
Then, below the footlights, but crucial to the play, would be the Aboriginals of the Canadian Arctic — the Inuit. Referred to in early scenes as Esquimaux or Eskimo, until the last pages of Act Six, they are to be treated indifferently by those on stage. But unlike them, the Inuit are dressed appropriately for the Arctic: in double-layer trousers and waterproof parkas (double-layer pullover jackets with hoods) made of skins and furs.
Beginning as a mystery, the play is Canada’s own Norse saga, an epic of adventure over two centuries, populated by men who were sometimes arrogant, greedy, and careless of their circumstances, but were always brave and determined. It wasn’t that ignorance was bliss or uncertainty adventurous, but that for many who ventured into the Arctic, both would prove deadly. They were the astronauts of their day, and the Arctic was their moon.
It is hoped that the audience will come away from From Far and Wide with the realization that 90 percent of sovereignty is stewardship and that all sovereign rights of Arctic lands and waters by the government of Canada is owed to British exploration in the post-Napoleonic era and Inuit use and occupation of Inuit Nunangat since time immemorial.
The germ of From Far and Wide arose when I worked in the Treaty Section of the Department of Foreign Affairs. The original texts of all treaties that Canada is party to were stored in the Treaty Vault and, in my opinion, no other room in the Lester B. Pearson Building holds so much of the history of our country’s foreign relations — even before it was a country. Within the banal facades of mobile shelving were rows of manila folders containing the original texts of agreements, conventions, protocols, declarations, memoranda of understanding, and Exchange of Notes. On all except the very recent, the signatures had faded, the vellum aged from translucent to opaque, the wax seals brittle and cracked.
I romanticized the language of the treaties and the choreography of their signing ceremonies. As history’s great accomplishments, from the age of calligraphy to computers, they were proof that nations could come together to protect migratory birds, combat cyber-crime, or disarm their nuclear arsenals. Some treaties had been signed in the grandeur of Versailles or on the decks of battleships, while others were sealed in hitherto unknown places like Kyoto, Doha, or Schengen — or Osborne House on the Isle of Wight, the summer residence of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. For it was here on July 31, 1880, that all British territories and possessions in North America were given to the Dominion of Canada — the biggest land transfer in history. Within the legalese of the relevant Arctic treaties — some of which are reproduced in the book, is the subtlety and dynamism of our country’s history.
Considering that most of us are more familiar with the beaches of Florida or Cuba, it is curious that a majority of Canadians consider the Arctic to be a cornerstone of national identity. In its survey for the Munk School of Global Affairs, EKOS Research Associates discovered that we see the Arctic as an integral part of our sense of national identity and favour protecting it — with the military if need be.[2] Another poll reveals that Canadians think the region should be the nation’s top foreign policy priority for the military — far ahead of NATO or UN commitments.
Explored and mapped by the Royal Navy seeking a passage to the east, then transferred to the Dominion of Canada, the Arctic remained terra incognita until the air age. Although it could not have comprehended the size of the territorial windfall it had received, the Liberal government of Prime Minister Alexander Mackenzie accepted the transfer — if only to keep the United States and Czarist Russia out. But as the Dominion expanded along its east-west axis (dictated by the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway), the gift was forgotten. Except for the whaling, fishing, and fur industries, the potential of the North remained unknown. It was as one astute Canadian statesman observed: … for later.
As late as the Cold War, the Canadian military, focused as it was on battlefields in Europe, with the exception of Alert, rarely ventured north of the 60th parallel. That was understandable for as General Walter Natynczyk, chief of the defence staff has explained, even today the North is logistically more difficult for the Canadian Forces than Afghanistan. But by 2011, the concept of Arctic security had undergone a change: military threats to Canadian Arctic sovereignty had been replaced with the Whole of Government Approach for protecting the environment and maintaining a healthy, educated indigenous population.
Prime ministers from Wilfrid Laurier to Stephen Harper have regularly reminded Canadians that their governments are determined to defend this country’s sovereignty in the Far North, making the term sovereignty
as clichéd as thinking outside the box.
From my time in the Treaty Section, I know there is confusion surrounding the word. In international law, sovereignty is defined as the totality of the various forms of exclusive jurisdiction which a state may exercise within its boundaries.
This applies to land and to certain sea areas of which Canada claims sovereignty on the basis of historic title and because of straight baselines established around the Arctic Archipelago. The requirements for acquiring a historic title of the seas or sea ice are similar to those for land: the exercise of exclusive state jurisdiction, sometimes settlement by nationals, and acquiescence by foreign states, particularly those whose interests are primarily affected.
Every book is written alone, but one of this magnitude required the inspiration and help of those giants of Arctic history and poetry. Over the years, Pierre Berton, Farley Mowat, Robert Service, Jack London, and Peter C. Newman are the many authors on whose research I have drawn. All Canadians owe them a special debt of gratitude, none more than I.
Special thanks are due to many in the Department of National Defence, especially Lieutenant-Colonel John Blakeley; Director Public Affairs Canada Command, Lieutenant-Colonel Dwayne Lovegrove; Commanding Officer, 440 Transport Squadron, Lieutenant-Commander John Nethercott; Lauri Sullivan, National Defence; Captain Martine Goulet; Chief Warrant Officer Dave Mahon of the Canadian Ranger National Authority; Colonel Sean Friday (Canada COM DCOS Plans); Commander Al Harrigan, Director of Maritime Strategy, 2 Strategic Analysis; Major Bill Chambré of the Canadian Forces Arctic Training Centre; and Major Steve Burgess, CANOSCOM. Writing about 440 Squadron’s Twin Otter aircraft, Lieutenant-Colonel Lovegrove put it best: We are the physical expression of Canada maintaining sovereignty over the North.
Darryl Catton and Jerry Proc helped with the history of Alert. Catton had been posted there in 1957 and has never lost his fascination with the Arctic. A licensed amateur radio operator, Jerry Proc’s interest in Alert came when a colleague asked him to identify a CRT-based direction-finding set used at Special Wireless Station, Coverdale, New Brunswick, during the war. After identifying the set, he began researching the history of the Supplementary Radio System of which Alert was one of the stations. Another of the Frozen Chosen
was Edie Whiting, who catered to my vanity, supplying alcohol and laughter in generous measure.
My daughters Holly and Jade provided their support in the months that led to the completion of From Far and Wide. As with the other books, they endured their aviation-mad father, secure in the knowledge that they are his life. I must also acknowledge with sadness a special debt to my beloved aunt who passed away while I wrote the first chapters. She first encouraged me to write, typing out the stories of a six-year-old on an old Underwood.
Research for my last three books took me to Afghanistan, Sudan, and the high seas, and for this one I looked forward to exploring my own country, especially the Arctic where, Jack London wrote, it is so cold that time itself freezes. My journey to do so began in my hometown of Ottawa, not far from where on the morning of May 6, 1898, the Yukon Field Force marched from the Drill Hall to Union Station through streets lined by a cheering crowd and the band played The Girl I Left Behind Me.
May we all conquer our own Northwest Passages.
Peter Pigott, Ottawa
1
British Obsession
The first military men to venture into the Canadian Arctic were British. After 1815, having conquered both of its rivals, the navies of France and Spain, the Royal Navy looked for ways to expend its energy. With Napoleon securely in St. Helena, Nelson’s navy, built up to blockade Europe, had been stood down. Ships were laid up, officers put on half pay, and ordinary seamen dismissed. In 1812, there were 131,087 men serving in 543 ships in commission, 98 of which were ships of the line. By 1817, the comparable figure had fallen to 22,944 men and 13 ships of the line. In lieu of fighting a war, exploration was an alternative — ships and crews were dispatched on what were called Discovery Service
in the name of sovereignty, survey, and science.
That the Canadian Arctic was explored and charted was due to the Royal Navy and testimony to its efforts are the numerous islands, straits, and sounds named after the officers, their ships, their sovereigns, or their patrons. Besides the Beaufort Sea, named for Sir Francis Beaufort, the Royal Naval hydrographer, King William Island, was named for William IV and there is also Victoria Island with its Prince Albert Peninsula, Banks Island for the botanist Sir Joseph Banks, Ellesmere Island for Francis Egerton, the Earl of Ellesmere and president of the Royal Geographical Society. In ships’ names — besides the Terror and Erebus, Fury, and Hecla — Resolute Bay is named after the abandoned Franklin search vessel that drifted into Baffin Bay to be picked up by the United States and returned to the Royal Navy and Alert after the first vessel to land at the northern part of Ellesmere Island in 1875.[1]
Britain first came to hold legitimate title over the North American Arctic region in 1763 through the terms of the Treaty of Paris, when France ceded to her all her possessions in North America, with the exceptions of the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon off the Atlantic coast. For the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, if there were a navigable Northwest Passage to China and India, this would increase British power and commerce at the expense of the Russians, and increasingly, the young United States. Brimming with confidence to the point of arrogance, the island nation ruled supreme in the early 19th century. It was, as the popular air Rule Britannia
went: The dread and envy of them all.
Not only had it finally defeated its traditional enemies, but its technology led the world — James Watt, Henry Bessemer, Abraham Darby, and Henry Doulton were few of a generation of Englishmen who had made major contributions to the Industrial Revolution. But the island was also happily blessed with bottomless supplies of that crude oil
of the 19th century: coal. That an Englishman would discover the Northwest Passage was inevitable.
For the Royal Navy in the process of converting to steam and soon iron-clad ships, here was an opportunity to test out theories and equipment. Steam power, screw propellers, inflatable India rubber boats, anti-scurvy solutions, sleds hauled by men — the expeditions were ideal proving grounds for all of these. For the naval officers now on half pay, exploration among the polar snows was not only romantic, but a shortcut for awards and promotion — both meagre in a peacetime navy. They were also for the most part deep sea
sailors who abhorred, as one wrote, skulking around coastlines
— bringing with them where ever they went as one HBC factor wrote, their home environment.
At a time when average life expectancy in Britain was 41 years of age, there were some in the service’s senior positions who had far outlived their allotted span. Finding the Northwest Passage was to be their legacy, the last opportunity at achieving some form of immortality. Sir John Franklin, whose fate played a major role in the exploration of the Canadian Arctic, had cheated death on numerous occasions to the point of believing his own immortality. A midshipman at the battles of Copenhagen and later Trafalgar, he had accompanied his uncle Matthew Flinders on the first circumnavigation of Australia, getting wrecked on the Barrier Reef in the process. His Canadian explorations, however disastrous, had earned him a knighthood and made him eligible to marry the liberal-minded, tenacious Jane Griffin. The following decades saw a lacklustre career for Franklin, the high point of which was governing the brutal penal colony of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). Now at 58 years of age and, by contemporary accounts, a bumbling, genial old man, he was given one last grab at the glittering prize: to find the Northwest Passage.
A 13-year-old midshipman in the War of 1812, Sir Edward Belcher was given command of five ships to search for Franklin in 1852. Unpopular with his officers, he had been chosen because Sir Francis Beaufort had been his patron.[2] Refusing to heed the advice of experienced Arctic navigators, which resulted in his ships becoming enmeshed in ice, Belcher abandoned them all and scurried back to England. Amazingly, although court-martialed, Belcher would end his career as an admiral (the first Canadian-born to do so) and be made a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath. Dr. Richard King, who would accompany the expeditions, observed in his narrative
that Belcher was … an officer advanced in years, who had spent a whole life proving himself to be the very last man fitted for so honorable a service.
[3]
For Sir John Barrow, the second secretary of the Admiralty, sending Franklin to discover the Northwest Passage was the climax of a brilliant career that ranged from diplomatic service in China and South Africa to the Admiralty. During his naval tenure, he had overseen operations that included sinking the entire Ottoman fleet at Navarino to burning down Washington in the War of 1812. With the war’s end, Barrow could turn his attention to the reports he had been receiving from whalers, which described an unprecedented breaking up of ice east of Greenland and vast ice packs and numerous icebergs as far south as 40° N. He concluded that the ice barrier that had prevented the successful crossing of the Northwest Passage was less formidable. Barrow had sent so many naval expeditions out to the Arctic that there are three bodies of water named after him there: Barrow Strait, Barrow Cape, and Barrow River. Now at the advanced age of eighty-one, with this the ultimate victory as his legacy, he could die contentedly.
Besides the navy, there were other interested parties in the quest to map the last blank spaces left on the North American continent — the royal family (especially the progressive-thinking Prince Albert); the Colonial Office; the Geographical Society; the Ethnological Society; the Hydrographic Office; and Number 10, Downing Street — each lobbying for their own agendas and or protégés to be paramount in any polar expedition.
For the British public, here was an adventure they could empathize with and enjoy over their breakfasts — Arctic exploration coincided with the rise in the popularity of newspapers and especially the weekly Illustrated London News, whose artists (before the advent of photography) drew fanciful images of what their naval explorers encountered — icebergs the size of cathedrals, ferocious giant polar bears, ships locked fast into the ice, and the elusive Eskimaux. As the only media of the day, newspapers and magazines shaped public opinion with their articles on Arctic exploration. In the absence of a war, Franklin’s disappearance and the search for him must have been a godsend to the press, both in the amount of lines written — and in their bottom line.
Venturing into the frozen regions
was also far more enlightened than in previous centuries of exploration. The institution of slavery had just been abolished throughout the British Empire in 1834 and the national conscience could be salved as this time there were no black or brown races to exploit or enslave. Nor were there any locals to kidnap and Christianize.
The Spanish had tainted their exploration of the New World with greed for precious metals, the destruction of native civilizations, and religious intolerance. Entering the last pristine place left in the world, the British polar explorer — devoid of imperial agenda — felt ennobled. Here he was pitted against nature itself, with a backdrop under Arctic skies where the spectral aurora borealis haunted him. Finally, Arctic exploration was in the pursuit of science. Having (it seemed) charted the remainder of the world and categorized its species — animal, vegetable, and mineral — the British scientific establishment looked to complete the puzzle. There was still coastline to be mapped, soundings to be taken, skeletons of indigenous species — man or animal — to be brought home. Portable astronomical observatories were fitted on two ships and all expeditions looked to study terrestrial magnetism and pinpoint the magnetic pole.
Englishmen had been searching for the fabled Northwest Passage since the late 16th century. Barely four years after Columbus had discovered the New World, King Henry VII gave the Venetian sailor Giovanni Caboto letters patent to exploit whatever he came across in the new found land.
The English so envied the Spanish, who had the good fortune to have colonized those parts of the world that had an abundance of gold, silver, and spices, that men like Frobisher and Drake braved the frigid temperatures for profit rather than prestige. In 1576, Martin Frobisher sailed as far as southern Baffin Island near present-day Iqaluit and into what he named Frobisher Bay. Here he mined iron pyrite ore that he brought back to London as gold. More iniquitous was his kidnapping of locals to show off at court. Queen Elizabeth I presciently named the area he had mapped Meta Incognita
(of limits unknown
) Peninsula.[4] Seven years later, John Davis charted the eastern coast of the island, and in 1610, Henry Hudson sailed through the strait that would be named for him off the island’s southern coast.
At a time when the Pacific Ocean was effectively a Spanish lake and the Portuguese and Dutch controlled the African route to India; Hudson, Frobisher, Drake, Weymouth, and Foxe all sought to reach the Orient through the Arctic. William Baffin, who incredibly ranged as far north as Ellesmere Island, charted the island he gave his name to in 1616, disappointed that the Northwest Passage did not lead through it. For a while there was the hope that the Foxe Channel might be the entrance to a southern, more ice-free route through the North American continent or that there was a shortcut to the Pacific Ocean through Hudson Bay.
But the most revered commercial adventurers of them all was the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). Two hundred years before British North America would be governed from Ottawa, the HBC (sometimes called Here Before Christ
) was the real power in much of Canada. Canada’s claim to its North rests fundamentally on the Royal Charter granted to the HBC by Charles II on May 2, 1670:
… all the Landes and Territoryes upon the Countryes Coastes and confynes of the Seas Bayes Lakes Rivers Creekes and Soundes aforesaid [that is, that lye within the entrance of the Streights commonly called Hudsons Streights
] that are not already actually possessed by or granted to any of our Subjectes or possessed by the Subjectes of any other Christian Prince or State …
It gave the company sovereignty to Rupert’s Land (Prince Rupert was the king’s cousin and the company’s first governor), the watershed of rivers draining into Hudson Bay, so that they could to trade, fish, and export whatever made it a profit without having to obtain licences. Centered at Lachine, Quebec, and at York Factory on the bay itself, the HBC’s governors ruled over a kingdom that encompassed all of present-day Manitoba, Saskatchewan, southern Alberta, northern Ontario, Quebec, parts of Minnesota, North Dakota, and Montana.
With an early interest in trading with China, the HBC sent out two ships in 1719 under Governor John Knight, instructing him to: find the Straits of Anian and make what Discoveries you possibly can and to obtain all sorts of Trade and Commerce.
Knight and the fleet disappeared into the polar vastness, never to be seen again.[5] It was a salutatory lesson to the HBC and its rival North West Company, and after that disaster they relied on overland exploration only, using no vessels larger than freight canoes and York boats. In their search for a river that would flow into the Pacific, employees from both companies traversed much of the North American continent. In 1771, the HBC’s Samuel Hearne followed the Coppermine River to its mouth, becoming the first European to reach the Arctic coast by land. Alexander Mackenzie of the North West Company made the same error in 1789 when he went down the river that bears his name to the wrong ocean — the Arctic. His second attempt proved more successful and in an epic journey from Montreal, Mackenzie reached the Pacific Ocean on July 22, 1793.
In contrast to the commercial traders and Elizabethan privateers, the British who followed in the 18th century were disciplined, educated, Royal Naval officers. Well-travelled, many had seen action in the South China Sea, Africa, or surveyed the South Pacific. As salaried men they were motivated not by commerce, but by what this would do for their careers. There was also the celebrity circuit. In the four decades between the Napoleonic and Crimean wars, the market for books by Arctic explorers was insatiable and on return, Rae, Back, McClure, Parry, and Ross published narratives,
reflections,
and dispatches
of their polar adventures.
In the conflicts taking place in present-day Afghanistan, Sudan, or Somalia, the humanitarian professionals in Médecins sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) and the United Nations World Food Programme deplored those of the media who dropped in
for a sound bite and flew home to the New York studio. Comparatively, the men of the Hudson’s Bay and the North West Companies who had chosen to make their lives in the North must have regarded the naval officers who visited to make their names and be rotated
home within a year or two in a similar light.
The need for a route to the British possessions in India that could circumvent the Spanish and French was crucial. In 1745, British Parliament offered a reward of £20,000 to the first Englishman who could find it. Three decades later, a shortcut to the Orient’s riches was becoming less important than the scientific discoveries that polar exploration would allow and the Admiralty offered £5,000 to the first Englishman who could locate the North Pole. As a result, naval expeditions were no longer only for commerce or sovereignty, but science, as well. This had its benefits as when in 1772, Captain Constantine Phipps took two vessels to find the geographic North Pole (Horatio Nelson was one of his midshipmen), the naturalist on board described and drew polar bears and Arctic birds, the first European to do so. It became customary for the British parliament to offer cash rewards to encourage expeditions to discover longitude at sea, the Northwest Passage, and the North Pole.[6]
The voyages of Captain James Cook were a precursor to the polar ones half a century later — among his officers were botanists, hydrographers, artists, and astronomers. The first to map Newfoundland and much of the St. Lawrence, in 1778, Cook (George Vancouver was one of his officers) probed for the Northwest Passage from the Pacific side of the North American continent, turning back when the ice on the Bering Strait proved impassable. His final voyage and death in 1779, would be the last such expedition before the Royal Navy needed its ships for the War of American Independence and after that the French and Napoleonic Wars.
An indication of how little was known of the North American Arctic in the postwar era is an Admiralty chart circa 1818. Between the Melville Peninsula at the entrance of Hudson Bay and the Bering Strait is a blank space marked terra incognita. On the Atlantic side is the vague outline of Greenland’s west coast with the Davis Strait and Baffin Bay; to the south is Hudson Strait and its bay, well-mapped thanks to its use by the Hudson’s Bay Company. Only the Mackenzie River, clearly drawn from Great Slave Lake to its mouth (through the overland efforts of Alexander Mackenzie) and the Coppermine River (because of Samuel Hearne) are drawn. No one navigator or mapmaker could guess that in the blank space lay one of the world’s greatest archipelagos with ten large islands, including Baffin, Victoria, and Ellesmere. It was, wrote Hugh N. Wallace, … like seeking a light switch in a darkened room.
The man who made it his life’s work to change that was Sir John Barrow, the puppet master in the drama. When they collaborated for their operetta HMS Pinafore, Gilbert and Sullivan might have been thinking of Barrow for the song: When I Was a Lad.
The son of a common tanner who through his mathematical skills rose to becoming a clerk, Barrow came to the attention of Lord McCartney the first British envoy to China. An eminent negotiator, Chinese scholar, and comptroller, Barrow rose to be second secretary to the Admiralty. In this capacity he was able to indulge his obsession for Arctic exploration, sending Ross, Parry, James Clark Ross, and Franklin to search for the Northwest Passage.
Today, with satellite imagery, we can see the mistakes those Royal Naval officers made — they were unable to distinguish frozen sea from frozen land. Besides scurvy, what defeated and killed so many of the British sailors was the Boothia Peninsula, that Gibraltar of the North American mainland, the most northern tip of the Precambrian Shield that demarcates the eastern and western Arctic. Even today it is hard to imagine that the Boothia-Somerset barrier is not a series of islands, but part of the Laurentian Shield. Save the narrow 32-kilometre Bellot Strait where the Hudson’s Bay Company would build Fort Ross, there was no way through it. With the polar ice and short season, Boothia was the death trap for the navy. A wrong turning, choice of one rather than another river,
wrote Hugh Wallace, or misreading an ocean current, could stunt a career, endanger a vessel, or lose lives.
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At first, the Royal Navy was fortunate. In 1818, the Scottish explorer John Ross, accompanied by his young nephew James Clark Ross, entered Baffin Bay, sailing past Bylot Island down Lancaster Sound. Influenced by the mountainous terrain of Devon Island, he concluded that the sound was a dead end. His second-in-command, Edward Parry, persevered, arriving at Melville Island where he wrote he could see Banks Island to the south. Ahead of him, the McClure Strait (the entrance to the Beaufort Sea), was blocked with ice and under Ross’s orders, Parry had to turn back. Astute and young enough to realize that he had more chance of finding the Northwest Passage if he hugged the