Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World: Canada and Research Development
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Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World demonstrates the complexity of the challenges that poor countries face and introduces the readers to the concept and impact of participatory research for development. Participatory research requires researchers to work with communities, governments, and other relevant actors to deal with common problems. Finding solutions requires participants to reflect critically on the cultural, economic, historical, political, and social contexts within which the issue under investigation exists.
The book contains a collection of essays from development researchers and professionals, each of whom is an activist who has made significant contributions to the struggles of the poor in their own societies. Essays are presented as case studies and, in each, the contributor explains the specific development problem, the paths followed to solve the problem, lessons learned as a result of the research, and the development challenges on the horizon in his field of research. Together, these essays present a fascinating picture of how some of today’s most pressing development issues are being dealt with through research, demonstrating how interdisciplinary and alternative approaches can be implemented in new and innovative ways.
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Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World - Wilfrid Laurier University Press
Project.
INTRODUCTION
The International Development Research Centre and Research for Development
One of the most fascinating and inspiring aspects of international development is the dedication of individuals who are engaged finding solutions to the problems faced by the world’s poor. In this age of globalization, we are never far from those that plague developing countries. From the extremes of poverty experienced by the majority of the world’s population to the wealthiest of the wealthy, the problem of development affects us all because it is the single most important factor in the future of our world. Every other pressing global issue, from climate change to the civil unrest that engulfs much of the planet, can be said to centre on the problems of development. Although government agencies and celebrities are often seen as being at the forefront of the fight to assist the world’s poor, there are thousands of people engaged in finding solutions.
An important group is the scientists who conduct research for development. They provide the foundation for the solutions proposed by the World Bank, Bob Geldof, Bill Gates, and others. Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World introduces some of the individuals whose dedication to research lights the elusive pathways to development. The book examines two important and understudied issues: the importance of research in international development and the work of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC).
In early 2006, Bruce Muirhead and Ron Harpelle were commissioned to write a history of IDRC, a small Canadian Crown corporation that is far better known among researchers in the developing world than it is at home. IDRC: 40 Years of Ideas, Innovation, and Impact (Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2010) focuses on the political and administrative side of the story. Like all research projects, outcomes develop over time, and one of the supplements to our work is this collection of essays on the practitioners of research for development. The essays that follow tend to be descriptive, because our enquiries into the history of IDRC required an understanding of the evolutionary process of specific research projects with clear examples of how various kinds of research is conducted in the field.
As part of our research for the project we were tasked with travelling to IDRC’s six regional offices, where we conducted interviews with, among others, dozens of past and present recipients of Canadian support for social science and scientific research for development. This kind of research is directed at immediate problems faced by societies in poor countries. Some is at the macro level, focused on regional, continental, and even global challenges, but most of the research we were exposed to had as its primary focus the amelioration of general living conditions or, in its more ambitious or farsighted characterization, the alleviation of poverty among the world’s poor. Research for development is the search for long-term solutions to problems that persist despite the rapid changes taking place as the world accelerates into the twenty-first century.
Our interviews for the IDRC history focused on past support from this uniquely Canadian institution and its often overlooked, but highly successful, track record of building capacity among researchers in the developing world. However, we also took on the task of determining what kinds of research were being conducted at the present time; we visited laboratories and offices of individuals addressing long-term solutions to the ongoing challenges to development. Knowledge is the single most important means for a country to achieve development goals, and the monopoly on scientific knowledge enjoyed by advanced industrial countries such as Canada does not lend itself easily to solving the perplexing problems associated with poverty in the developing world.
Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World results from a conference held in September 2008 at the Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) in Waterloo, Ontario. It was held over two days with an invited audience of researchers, students, and representatives from funding agencies and NGOs. The objective of the conference was to bring together a representative group of researchers to speak about their individual work as a means of conducting a cross-disciplinary and multinational dialogue on development. The presenters were invited because each had received critical acclaim for their work and because each represented one of six areas of research that provided the conference with a broad spectrum of issues and approaches to discuss. Our focus was on water, women, politics, health, information and communication technologies, and the BRIC’s emerging economies. These themes coincided with a six-part documentary film series called Citizens of the World (directed by Kelly Saxberg) that grew out of meetings with some of the most dynamic development researchers of our time. In a sense, this book is a companion to the film series, but it’s different, too, because we have allowed the researchers to present their own accounts of meeting development challenges head-on.
While international development is often dominated by policy-makers who create models that provide answers to the problem of poverty, the individuals highlighted in this book are the people who shape fields of research. As such, this book is not written as a challenge to current orthodoxies on development, nor does it claim to provide a clear path forward. We leave the debates about the literature on development and the grand solutions to those who wish to situate themselves within a broader and more critical context. Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World is about research from the perspective of the researchers themselves. None of the participants in the conference or the contributors to this book would ever claim a monopoly on knowledge about specific challenges to development, because their commitment is to research and making the small advances that build toward lasting change.
Our book is, therefore, inspired by the stories of people who have dedicated their lives to finding solutions to some of the challenges that confront the world’s poor. Approaching various problems with what were often considered unorthodox approaches, each of the authors in this volume displays a dedication to research for development combined with self-sacrifice that merits our admiration. The authors of the following essays are not only accomplished leaders in their respective fields but people who have chosen paths that often bring them into conflict with authorities and systems that exist as obstacles to development. These are people who have taken risks (sometimes dangerous ones) to secure a better future for citizens of the Global South. They enjoy international stature for their work, but they toil in relative obscurity because theirs is research to benefit marginalized people. Some of these researchers focus on issues that are global or that have global implications, while others focus on issues that are local and immediate. Together their stories offer a cross-section of the kinds of research for development that is taking place across the Global South.
The researchers featured in the pages that follow have chosen to remain in their country of origin. These are individuals with qualifications from some of the best universities in the world who work for the benefit of their countries. They cannot be criticized for the sacrifices they have made or for not having read the latest literature that is generally published in English in journals that are increasingly controlled by large commercial publishing companies that are not in the business of providing universal access to information. These researchers also cannot afford to pay to have their work published with these same publishers, and this puts limits on their ability to stand out in the academic world or research. They are citizens of the world who are working in the field on problems that face humanity.
IDRC has made a reputation for itself by funding researchers with potential. Recipients of IDRC support are often younger scientists whose first big break comes from this little known Crown corporation. IDRC has led the way in supporting research in non-industrialized countries in order to increase the competitiveness of researchers in poor countries and help pave the way for a more sustainable scientific foundation among national institutions. Capacity-building is a slow process and, like science, the results often raise more questions than they answer. The researchers in this volume exemplify the success of IDRC; they have been given the tools to devote their attention to problems that plague the world.
This book serves to present a Canadian alternative to the global challenge of assisting developing countries in their search for solutions to the problems they face in the twenty-first century. The model for this approach is the International Development Research Centre. As Rohinton Medhora, one of its vice-presidents, has often pointed out, IDRC is in some ways like a university, an NGO, and a government department. Like a university it is intellectually curious and committed to scientific excellence; like an NGO it strongly believes in its mission and in the autonomy needed to carry it out; and like a government department it uses public funds and is publicly accountable for its actions and enjoys the confidence and protection of that official status. Without this hybridization the IDRC would not be what it is and would probably not have enjoyed the success it has.
Participants at the CIGI conference were invited to make personalized presentations that would provide the audience with insight into the experiences of researchers who have focused on some of the most important development questions of our time. The chapters in this book are written by people who have intimate knowledge of the challenges faced by individuals and communities in some of the poorest countries in the world. Their work does not always grab headlines or command the attention of governments, but it makes a vital contribution to our understanding of the many pathways to development and the improvement of the general conditions for people in the Global South. The authors are from several different regions of the world and they specialize in different fields of study, but they have one important thing in common —— each of the research experiences described in this book was funded, in whole or in part, by Canada’s International Development Research Centre.
The first chapter is written by Ron Harpelle, a specialist in Latin American history with a background in international development. His association with IDRC dates from 1998, when he was awarded a Canada and the World Grant to undertake a study of the West Indian community of Central America. Since then he has taught the history of international development and created course materials that help students understand the constraints placed on non-industrial societies around the world. Chapter One offers an overview of international development, looking at how it evolved in the aftermath of the collapse of European colonialism and within the context of the post-1945 world. Harpelle places a special emphasis on the history of Canada’s role in development assistance and why the Canadian approach is in many ways different from that of other countries.
In Chapter Two, Bruce Muirhead offers a summary of the history of the International Development Research Centre from its inception in 1970 to the present. Bruce Muirhead is a professor of history and the Associate Dean of Graduate Studies and Research in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Waterloo. His current research is on the history of the International Development Research Centre, and he has undertaken the writing of a history of Canadian official development assistance policy from 1945 to 1984 with a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. He continues to work on the topic of the development of Canadian foreign economic policy in the 1960s and ’70s. The story of IDRC is important because it is a uniquely Canadian approach to development problems, which reflects Muirhead’s work.
Dipak Gyawali is an activist academic who is a member of the Royal Nepal Academy of Science and Technology as well as the research director of the Nepal Water Conservation Foundation and the editor of its interdisciplinary journal, Water Nepal. His research interests centre on the society— technology interface and deals primarily with water and energy issues. He was Nepal’s Minister for Water Resources in 2002—3 and is currently vice-chair of the technical committee of UN’s Third World Water Assessment. In Chapter Three, Gyawali offers an analysis of the difference between development research and development consultancy and raises critical questions about the difference between the two. He focuses on the problem of imported solutions that do not address the home-grown needs of the countries being developed.
Chapter Four, by Zoubida Charrouf, who is a professor at the Mohammed V University in Rabat, and Dominique Guillaume, a professor of medicinal chemistry at the University of Reims Champagne—Ardenne, is about a fascinating research journey that saw the creation of a network of Argan oil-producing co-operatives run by women in Morocco. The efforts of these scientists to study the oil’s properties has fed into the fight against desertification, resulting from the empowerment of poor women in the countryside through the valorization of a traditional commodity.
Chapter Five is by Rita Giacaman, a professor of public health at the Institute of Community and Public Health, Birzeit University, Viet Nguyen-Gillham, who has a background in social work and psychotherapy, and Yoke Rabaia, who conducts research with the mental health unit of the Institute of Community and Public Health, Birzeit University. Their chapter is about the study of trauma among Palestinian youth. Their work highlights an aspect of life under military occupation that is overlooked in other efforts to find a path toward state creation in Palestine.
Dr. Oumar Cissé is a civil engineer who holds an M. A. in environmental studies and a PhD in management from the University of Montreal. Since 1997, he has served as executive secretary of the African Institute for Urban Management (IAGU), where he has led a group of researchers in a study of the Mbeubeuss garbage dump and landfill in Dakar. In Chapter Six Cissé explains how his work has served to bring the daily challenges of some of the world’s poorest people to national discussions of waste management in Senegal.
Chapter Seven, by Clotilde Fonseca, the Costa Rican Minister of Science and Technology and the former director and founder of the Programa de Informática Educativa de Costa Rica, tells an important story of bringing e-learning to remote regions of Central America. While Costa Rica was spared much of the turmoil of war and dislocation that characterized the region in the last decades of the twentieth century, the challenges of introducing digital technology and delivering education are daunting. Nevertheless, through Fonseca’s efforts, individuals who would otherwise have been unable to obtain certain kinds of education and skills are now enjoying the prospect of a brighter future.
Palmira Ventosilla is an expert on tropical disease vectors from the Alexander von Humboldt Tropical Medicine Institute in Lima. In Chapter Eight she tells how a simple means of combating the spread of malaria was developed and how she was able to raise the awareness of an entire community, through its youth, about health issues. The means to this end was an educational program that has seen dozens of young people participate in making their community a healthier place in which to live. Their efforts to combat malaria have also led the community to a better understanding of other diseases and the negative effects of pesticide use.
Chapter Nine is by Heloise Emdon. She leads Acacia, an International Development Research Centre program that works with African partners to apply information and communication technologies to Africa’s social and economic development. Emdon brings many years of experience in journalism and development in Southern Africa. Her chapter tells the story of connecting Africans to the world and how recent technological changes have served to bring millions of people into the global mainstream.
The last chapter is a story of how support for research for development has long-lasting political implications. Diego Piñeiro is a rural sociologist who is the former dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de la Republica, in Uruguay. In Chapter Ten he writes about his experiences and those of his colleagues under the military dictatorship in Uruguay from 1973 to 1985. Piñeiro discusses the role played by IDRC in maintaining research capacity in Uruguay and elsewhere in the Southern Cone region by supporting scientists who otherwise would have fled into exile or been prevented from continuing their investigations due to their pariah status as left-wing intellectuals living under right-wing dictatorships.
Long-Term Solutions for a Short-Term World was designed to engage international development specialists as well as students and the general public. Further information about the studies contained in this collection can be found online or in print. These chapters represent a small sample of the dynamic research currently being conducted in the developing world. The authors provide inspiration to those who are looking for examples of research that matters, and they provide insight into how scientists from different fields engage with problems that are common to poor people everywhere. Each of the following stories helps put a human face on research for development while at the same time explaining different facets of scientific investigation for the benefit of humanity.
—— Ron Harpelle and Bruce Muirhead
CHAPTER ONE
The Underpinnings of Canadian Development Assistance
Ronald Harpelle
Defence, diplomacy, and development are the three pillars of Canadian foreign policy, and their use is in direct response to the needs or objectives of the Canadian government in a given country or region. Diplomacy and development work hand in hand to assist poor countries in strengthening their capacity to engage in democratization, human rights, rule of law, and public sector performance and accountability. Assistance in these key areas comes in many different forms, but support through Canada’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) for research by scientists in poor countries to assist them in finding solutions to problems that confront their societies is an idea that was pioneered in Canada by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). Capacity-building through research funding serves to strengthen and protect democratic institutions and civil society groups while at the same time providing tangible benefits to society as a whole. This investment in research has produced dividends throughout the non-industrialized world and has helped ensure that Canada is at the forefront of supporting research for development. A review of Canada’s evolution as a donor country reveals ways in which the Canadian role in international development has been shaped by a history of accommodation.
Concern over the plight of the world’s poor is enshrined in the Charter of United Nations, and it has been on the agenda of many bilateral and multilateral agencies for more than sixty years. In wealthy countries like Canada, many individuals and organizations have recognized that the struggle for development is one that we must participate in even though these challenges are mainly abroad. For example, Brock Chisholm, a Canadian who served as the first Director General of the World Health Organization, told an audience at the Empire Club in Toronto in 1952 that it was essential that the peoples of the fortunate countries carry a greater load for the less fortunate who cannot carry loads for themselves.
While this attitude resonates with the notion of the white man’s burden,
¹ development, along with defence and diplomacy, has evolved into one of the three pillars of Canadian foreign policy. Canada was not alone in following this trajectory toward a modern understanding of the global challenge of development and the place of international development in world affairs, but the Canadian experience was in many ways different. As part of the evolution of the thinking on the subject and with hindsight as a guide, international development practitioners in Canada and abroad have come to understand that the future is not only in the hands of those who carry a greater load, it is in the hands of us all. However, Canadians have stood out by creating the International Development Research Centre, a small Crown corporation whose mandate is to focus on research for development in poor countries.
IDRC’s approach to international development is unique in that it funds research by researchers from and in developing countries and is guided by the straightforward idea that qualified researchers who live with the challenges of development are in the best position to explore solutions to the problems that confront the societies of which they are a part. A straightforward idea, but one that governments are reluctant to take up because it means spending money on research that will have no obvious or apparent benefit to the taxpayers of the donor country. Much of the development assistance offered to poor countries comes with strings attached; this is known as tied aid.
The ties may be minimal or they may benefit the donor country more than the recipient country, but international assistance almost always comes at a price. IDRC, however, is unique because it operates like a non-governmental foundation more than an extension of the Department of Foreign Affairs. Whereas the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) is known to Canadians because of its high profile and is seen to be working as an extension of the Canadian government abroad, IDRC has a much lower profile across Canada and in Ottawa. Chapter Two offers a detailed history of IDRC, but to better appreciate the milieu in which development research is conducted and the role Canada has played in assisting researchers in their quest for solutions, it is instructive to begin with a brief overview of the history of international development.
In Canada and other wealthy countries, development assistance has become a significant dimension of international relations, but this means of providing relief to the world’s poor while at the same time projecting the ideology, technology, and values of industrial society on pre-industrial societies has been around for only about sixty years. Prior to the advent of the aid industry, the world was dominated by colonial powers whose aim was to maintain access to resources and markets through the more traditional means of building on existing power structures and who would use force when necessary. In almost every part of the world, European capital and colonial regimes dominated local economic and political systems. Latin America was an exception only in that Spanish power had all but ended by the 1820s and the United States came to dominate the region, playing a neo-colonial role. By 1900, virtually all of what came to be known in the 1960s as the Third World
or underdeveloped
was tied very directly to one or another of the European empires or to the nascent American empire. Then, in the first part of the twentieth century, global economic, political, and social changes began to take place at a rate that was unheard of in earlier centuries. The colonial world began to fall apart, the Russian Revolution created new challenges for societies everywhere, and new economic and political configurations confronted the dominance of the existing power brokers.
Through the first half of the twentieth century Europe was engulfed in the two bloodiest wars in history, the global economy endured a decade of depression, and approximately two-thirds of the world’s population freed themselves from the yoke of European imperialism. Moreover, the Soviet Union was created and extended its power across Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world, China underwent its own radical revolution and then excluded itself completely from Western influence, and a group of other countries, led in large part by India after its independence from Britain, formed the Non-Aligned Movement that came formally into existence in 1961. These events and thousands of other less spectacular changes took place around the world, causing significant disruption to the status quo of European and Euro-American capital and political domination. The international aid industry grew out of the turmoil caused by the changes brought on by the decline of Western Europe and shifting global power. International development assistance became the third pillar, along with diplomacy and defence, of Canada’s and other industrial nations’ foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century.
This is not to say that the idea of assisting poor countries in developing their economic, political, and social foundations was a new idea. Throughout the nineteenth century, as Europeans expanded their colonial domination of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, the plight of the world’s poor was discussed among politicians and intellectuals, missionaries fanned out across the globe, and people with vision, like Simon Bolivar, dreamed of a more egalitarian world. However, the challenges of finding long-term solutions to poverty in a short-term world have been with us only since the end of the Second World War, when international development became a global concern. During this period, development specialists came slowly to appreciate the complexity of the problems faced by the world’s poor. The early focus on infrastructure as a quick fix for development, which emphasized capital-intensive projects such as hydroelectric dams, roads, and the industrialization of agriculture, has given way to an appreciation of the social, ethnic, religious, and political complexities of poor countries. This, in turn, has given rise to the notion of helping others to help themselves. While education and training are obvious elements of such an approach, the facilitation of research on everyday problems is essential to capacity-building in less developed countries.²
IDRC was created in 1970 by the government of Canada as an arm’s-length agency with a focus on research for development. Its mandate is to provide opportunities for researchers in poor countries to enable them to find solutions to the problems they see every day. By facilitating advances in research by researchers who are closest to the problem, IDRC aims to empower those who are best positioned to lead their communities and countries toward a better future. Since 1970 IDRC has supported research abroad through funding and various other forms of organizational support. The result is that legions of researchers from across the non-industrialized South, or what is more commonly known as the Global South, have benefited from its support over the past forty years. In addition to the advances that have been made through this kind of development assistance, there has been a significant