Here and There: Reading Pennsylvania's Working Landscapes
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The global economy threatens the uniqueness of places, people, and experiences. In Here and There, Bill Conlogue tests the assumption that literature and local places matter less and less in a world that economists describe as “flat,” politicians believe has “globalized,” and social scientists imagine as a “global village.” Each chapter begins at home, journeys elsewhere, and returns to the author’s native and chosen region, northeastern Pennsylvania. Through the prisms of literature and history, the book explores tensions and conflicts within the region created by national and global demand for its resources: fertile farmland, forest products, anthracite coal, and college-educated young people. Making connections between local and global environmental issues, Here and There uses the Pennsylvania watersheds of urban Lackawanna and rural Lackawaxen to highlight the importance of understanding and protecting the places we call home.
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Here and There - Bill Conlogue
HERE
and
THERE
HERE
and
THERE
Reading Pennsylvania’s Working Landscapes
BILL CONLOGUE
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS
UNIVERSITY PARK, PENNSYLVANIA
Chapter 2 was first published as Merwin and Mining,
in Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 18.3 (Summer 2011): 594–614. Reprinted by permission of Oxford University Press. Part of chapter 5 first appeared as Other Places,
in Black Earth and the Ivory Tower, editedby Z. M. Jack (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005), 282–88. Reprinted by permission of University of South Carolina Press.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Conlogue, William, author.
Here and there : reading Pennsylvania’s working landscapes / Bill Conlogue.
p. cm
Summary: A collection of essays exploring the social, economic, and environmental elements of the anthracite coal region of northeastern Pennsylvania
—Provided by publisher.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-271-06080-4 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Pennsylvania—Social conditions—History.
2. Anthracite coal mines and mining—Environmental aspects—Pennsylvania—History.
3. Anthracite coal mines and mining—Social aspects—Pennsylvania—History.
4. Pennsylvania—Economic conditions—History.
5. Land use—Pennsylvania—History.
6. Coal mines and mining in literature.
7. Conlogue, William.
I. Title.
F149.C765 2013
974.8—dc23
2013018986
Copyright © 2013 The Pennsylvania State University
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003
The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of American University Presses.
It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ANSI Z39.48–1992.
This book is printed on paper that contains 30% post-consumer waste.
Frontispiece:
Marvine colliery, 1922. Courtesy of the Lackawanna Historical Society.
For Bridget, who knows
here and there adv (14c)
1 : in one place and another
2 : from time to time
... our season: Memorial Day, Fourth of July, Labor Day.
As far as we knew them, we followed the formal rules of softball, but in a casual way, given our amateur status and the topography of the field, which was a side hill cut by a stony driveway, two ditches, a barbed wire fence, the house, and three barns. Each game surprised us with lessons in chance, improvisation, and judgment.
Sure of snagging a grounder, you could get a rude awakening when the ball popped up and smacked your chin. Catching a fly meant accounting for the ball’s trajectory and the height of its arc, but also the slope of the ground and the location of holes, pipes, and posts. Aunts and uncles, cousins and kids watched from the porch along third-base line, ribbing batters and pitchers, laughing at infield errors, and applauding spectacular plays, which often enough meant someone snaring a fly ball against the gas tanks in left field, stopping a pinball up the driveway, or beelining a strike from barn to home.
All the littlest kids batted at least once, each hitting a home run, of course, though it required repeated directions and dramatically dropped balls to get them around the bases. For the rest of us, making it home meant remembering that reaching second, uphill and from grass to gravel, required an instinctive understanding of different types of ground; that balls knocked into the pasture sometimes disappeared into wet spots, which required both teams to double as a search team; and that behind home plate stood a stone wall.
So that the cows could be milked, the first innings ended just before five; some of us tossed aside mitts and bats to pick up shovels and pails. Others ate, drank, talked.
The rest of the game ended in twilight, the ball a moth...
Contents
List of Figures and Maps
Preface: Homework
Acknowledgments
Introduction: Orientation
1
Working Watersheds
2
Merwin and Mining
3
Fixing Fence
4
Barn Razing
5
Other Places
6
Rendering the Mounds of Home
Coda: Watersheds in Play
Notes
Bibliography
Figures and Maps
Index
List of Figures and Maps
Figures
1 Miners propping workspace
2 Delaware and Hudson Canal
3 Scranton Iron Furnaces
4 Miners working on tracks in gangway
5 Con-Acres
6 Jason Torrey historical map of Wayne County
7 Painting of lower barn (Jim Kilker)
8 The author’s father, Bill Conlogue
9 ICS Railway School instructors at work
10 Marvine culm banks burning
11 Mine subsidence
12 Natural gas drilling site in northeastern Pennsylvania
Maps
1 Northeastern Pennsylvania
2 Scranton
Preface: Homework
Not far from where I now live, beyond the Scranton grid, along Boulevard Avenue, on the other side of Green Ridge Assisted Living and Mike’s Scrap Yard, stands the Lackawanna Recycling Center, which occupies ground of the former Marvine colliery, on whose culm dump, once site of a fire that burned blue and red for years, sprawls a U.S. Armed Forces Reserve complex.
During the 1950s, my grandfather, a resident of West Side in Carbondale, worked as a conductor for the Delaware and Hudson Railroad, which hauled Marvine colliery coal. Although he had to start work in Wilkes-Barre, he refused to drive a car or to take a train, so every time he had to report to the rail yards, my widowed mother drove him, which meant managing two toddlers for the hour trip, one way, through a nest of narrow streets. Traveling a straight line to Oneonta, New York, and coming back the next day, the D & H train rumbled through Carbondale, passing a few blocks from their house. On the day of his return, he told my mother, she was to listen for the train’s whistle at the Seventh Avenue crossing, pile everyone into the car, and time her arrival in Wilkes-Barre with the train’s easing into the station. They practiced this commute while a mine fire burned beneath their home, threatening their displacement.
Over the Moosic Mountains, in Wayne County, we heated the farmhouse with anthracite, which came, like as not, from a Hudson Coal Company mine. A kid keeping the furnace alive, I nightly fed its fire with baskets of rice,
which I dumped over the lip of a fifty-five-gallon drum attached to the stoker. The ashes I piled against the cellar’s fieldstone foundation, banking them for use on snow-filled mornings when the milk truck couldn’t make the hill.
I write about land use. The first example above suggests the ironies of spatial and temporal orientation, the second nods to how our patterns—in this case, fuel and travel—wear on others, and the third acknowledges the interconnections—for good and ill—between very different lands. To write about land use is to write about how different types of work create these ironies, patterns, and interconnections. Evidence of land-shaping work surfaces repeatedly in my home region’s literature and history, in my own interactions with these lands, and in my native places’ cultural and economic forms—the organization of farms and mines, for example.
I offer here my homework, a record both physical and textual. Whatever I do or read becomes, no matter how briefly, a part of my ordering of the world. Even when I read or labor alone, I’m in the company of another mind; I participate in conversations about the world that extend before and after me. With reading and lived experience so interdependent, I overlay in this book texts and contexts, near and far. I keep returning to the local, though, because good work dwells in the details, always.
Here and There refuses to back away from any kind of knowing, especially narrative. A lived experience, land use unfolds in place, over time. In revealing familiar tensions within this unfolding, I trespass freely across genres, chronologies, and disciplines. Anecdotes and footnotes may compete for your consideration in Here and There, but each asks only that you pay attention.
Acknowledgments
Many people and organizations helped me to complete this book: my debts exceed my capacity to repay them. Any errors in the book are mine.
Several people read and responded to early drafts. My Marywood colleagues Laurie McMillan and Mike Foley offered me detailed feedback that improved my arguments. I am grateful to Ian Marshall and Christine Cusick, who reviewed the manuscript for Penn State University Press; their responses sharpened the manuscript into a book. My coffee conversations with Virginia Kennedy, who read parts of the manuscript, renewed my faith in the project at key moments.
Mary Ann Moran-Savakinus, Director of the Lackawanna Historical Society, was always there with her tremendous knowledge of the history, people, and places of Lackawanna County. She often dropped what she was doing to help me find sources of information. Behind this book also stands the work and expertise of Gloria McCullough, research librarian at the Wayne County Historical Society, who guided me to important sources for Wayne County history; archivists Jim Sullivan, at Marywood, Sr. Anitra Nemotko, at the Scranton IHM Center, and Michael Knies, at the University of Scranton, who led me to key texts; and interlibrary loan specialist Becky Kohinsky, who aided me tremendously in accessing books and articles that I otherwise would not have been able to use. The staff at the Luzerne County Historical Society was very helpful to me in my research of the Jason Torrey Papers. All of these folks were very generous with their time and talents.
For all I learned in interviews with them, I am grateful to John Hambrose, Alliance Landfill; Dave Messersmith, Wayne County Extension Service; and Norma Reese, Forest Hill Cemetery. In our several conversations, Bernie McGurl, Director of the Lackawanna River Corridor Association, taught me much about many aspects of the Lackawanna Valley and the Lackawanna River. For their assistance, I thank art historian Darlene Miller-Lanning, University of Scranton; S. Robert Powell, Director of the Carbondale Historical Society; Paul Reining, Forestry Specialist, Wayne County Conservation Office; John Kameen and Patricia Striefsky, publishers of the Forest City News; and Brian Fulton, librarian at the Scranton Times-Tribune.
Several experiences inspired me in my research and writing. The 2002 National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Institute Regional Studies for Liberal Arts Learning: An Appalachian Exemplar
bolstered my confidence about the importance of writing about northeastern Pennsylvania. I thank NEH, Peter Crow, my institute colleagues, and Ferrum College for a great experience. A 2003 Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission summer grant to conduct research at the Anthracite Museum expanded my understanding of the richness of the region’s history. During my subsequent trips to the museum, Chester Kulesa and John Fielding, who always made me feel welcome, went out of their way to give me access to the Anthracite’s collections. Marywood University granted me a sabbatical that allowed me extended time to work on the book.
At Penn State University Press, I am in debt to acquisitions editor Kathryn Yahner and editorial assistant Charlee Redman, who made the submission and production process run smoothly, and to Nicholas Taylor, who copyedited the manuscript. I thank Erin Greb, of Erin Greb Cartography, for making the maps of Scranton and northeastern Pennsylvania.
I am grateful to Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment for permission to reprint Merwin and Mining,
which appears here as chapter 2, and to the University of South Carolina Press for permission to reprint my essay Other Places,
which is now part of chapter 5.
My extended family deserves credit for hearing about this project for several years. My greatest debt, however, is to my wife, Bridget, who made this book possible in more ways than she’ll ever know.
Introduction: Orientation
Perception is inference.
—Atul Gawande, The Itch
In Here and There I challenge the assumption that literature and local places matter less and less in a world that economists describe as flat,
politicians insist has globalized,
and social scientists imagine as a village.
Through the prisms of literature and history, I explore tensions and conflicts within northeastern Pennsylvania, tensions and conflicts created by national and global demand for the region’s resources: farmland, forest products, anthracite coal, and college-educated young people. Powerful ways of knowing, history and literature tell stories of people in time and place; they are not simply dates or fictions. The project pivots on the interplay between other places and my native ones: Scranton, where I now live and work, and the family dairy farm, where I grew up and to which I often return. Sharing the Moosic Mountains, each ground is a place of beginning, becoming, and homecoming. My experiences in this rough terrain
may be unique to me, but I know they are common, ordinary, shared.¹
The local and the global intersect most visibly in how people treat the land where they live. Because we must use land to survive, we need to think carefully about the ethics of land use. Responsible not only to themselves, but also to the community, landowners touch the lives of next-door neighbors, others living in a watershed, and those residing a world away. These responsibilities encompass, literally, everyone, everywhere, living and to come. It cannot be otherwise, because our lives are profoundly connected to and shaped by the world beyond our home ground. We inhabit, as they say at Marywood University, a diverse and interdependent world.
The interplay among places that I invoke has become increasingly important to scholars of environmental literature and history. For example, in Writing for an Endangered World (2001), literary scholar Lawrence Buell offers a critical framework for understanding the sort of rural/urban interchange that I describe.² Buell juxtaposes depictions of ‘green’ and ‘brown’ landscapes
to argue that environmental writers and critics must attend to a single, complex environment that interweaves the found and the human-made. Adding to Buell’s argument another layer of complexity, I study the altered landscapes of the mine-scarred Lackawanna Valley, home to what I describe as dark fields.
Somewhere between a green field and a brown field, a dark field has been industrially developed and polluted, but people live there, often unaware of the site’s history and danger. The natural and the constructed may intersect most obviously in the green fields of a farm, but the dark fields of mined land testify to the thoughtless, forgotten abuse of the natural and the human-made. In traversing meadows and woods, culm banks and mineshafts, towns and cities, I uncover a past that remains all too present. This past is like dark matter in the universe: it’s everywhere but nowhere visible.
Any discussion of literature, history, and the environment is insufficient if it does not address the human need for food and fuel. Anthracite coal mining, the foundation of nineteenth-century U.S. industrialization and urbanization, erased in no time the northern hardwood forest of a very local geography, planting in its place an unstable, boom-and-bust economy. Agriculture, the work that I knew growing up, turned the adjoining beech and hemlock forest into a patchwork of fields and woods that another forest may now be reclaiming. Although our family farm survives, barely, farmers as a group have statistically disappeared from the American landscape;³ our shrinking farm, once a member of a thriving neighborhood, limps along as a remainder and a reminder of another time. With food and fuel basic to people’s lives, environmental writers and historians need more than ever to re-envision rural and urban places as parts of a single tapestry, one that is rapidly fraying. Mending the damage starts with remembering what damage has been done.
Acutely aware of their proximity to this damage, several scholars of environmental history and literature have recently called for more attention to a literature of everyday nature.
⁴ These writers place landscapes within their historical and cultural contexts, and they encourage examination of the working landscapes where most people live. For example, in reminding us that wilderness
is a socially constructed concept, one that did not take on its current resonance as a place of escape until the late nineteenth century, William Cronon asserts that "most of our most serious environmental problems start right here, at home, and if we are to solve those problems, we need an environmental ethic that will tell us as much about using nature as about not using it. To show us how our attention to home can be diverted, Bart Welling analyzes ecopornography, a
type of contemporary visual discourse made up of highly idealized, anthropomorphized views of landscapes and nonhuman animals, a discourse that hides
damage inflicted on the nonrepresented, nonphotogenic landscapes that are logged, mined, dammed, polluted, or otherwise exploited to provide the materials and energy required for producing and distributing images of more visually appealing places. Although Scott Hess wants us to imagine nature as the everyday world of the
unspectacular, developed, aesthetically ordinary environments where most of us live and work, he points out that everyday nature is
not just a location, but rather a kind of attention, or better yet, a way of defining our identities and values through local relationship rather than through imaginative escape."⁵
Here and There explores working landscapes. I understand work to include duty, craft, and creativity. As an expression of ideas, our work reveals how we answer moral questions that arise in our use of land. When one adds the present participle, the word places us in time: working means used as a guide
and capable of being used as the basis of further work.
⁶ I define the word landscape
to refer not to land so much as to human perceptions of land; landscape is about point of view. Examining working landscapes, which are both places and depictions of places, demands then that I judge what I have been seeing and doing in the world.
Regions Within Regions
Regions are culturally constructed
landscapes. The American West, for example, is much more a product of human imagination than it is a fact of nature.⁷ As human constructs, language and literature necessarily shape our definitions of region. However, as modes of representation, each can, at best, only point to what it seeks to express. In the gap between thing and word stretches not only a world of error and deception, but also the possibility of powerful insight. In this gap, we imagine our lives and communities. Because such gaps pockmark my understanding of northeastern Pennsylvania, I can make sense of the region only by tracing its interdependent relationships with other people and places, across time.
Named for an industry that all but disappeared sixty years ago, the Anthracite Region, a series of distinct coalfields, has a rich ethnic and labor history, a long record of social and environmental upheaval, and a reputation as the first major example of U.S. deindustrialization. A collection of fragments defined by the geology of its coal, the Anthracite Region consists of four geographies—northern, eastern middle, western middle, and southern fields—and three commercial zones: Wyoming, Lehigh, and Schuylkill.⁸ Found in patches within the folds of the Appalachian Mountains, from Schuylkill County north to Susquehanna County, each field is distinct from the others because of its type and quantity of anthracite, its settlement patterns, and its links with New York and Philadelphia. For example, the northern field, which includes the Lackawanna Valley, has the deepest deposits and its coal has the highest carbon content, but it was the costliest to mine and the last to develop.⁹ While the southern field looks to Philadelphia, the northern field faces New York.
A region within a region, the northern anthracite field exerted a gravitational pull on places and people far beyond the mines. For example, the Pennsylvania Coal Company purchased props from farms in neighboring Wayne County to shore up its mines in Forest City, at the extreme northern tip of the northern field. Miners latticed their workspaces there with white and red oak, chestnut, beech, maple, birch, and locust—until, that is, they exhausted the local supply. After nearby forests all but disappeared, companies imported loblolly pine from the South and, later, Douglas fir from Oregon via the Panama Canal. Companies preferred wooden props, by the way, because they failed over time, thus warning of a working mine, rather than crumpling all of a sudden, as steel often did.¹⁰ Beneath towns and cities up and down the Lackawanna Valley a mixed phantom forest still stands, a forest cut from faraway farms.
My mother heated our Wayne County farmhouse with anthracite until January 2004, when her old Van Wert stoker gave out and she switched to oil. Until then, she had long been in the minority, hanging on to the fuel she grew up knowing. Today, her heating oil is trucked from where she grocery-shops, Forest City, about ten miles away, just below the headwaters of the Lackawanna. In June 2008, my mother, a native of Carbondale, taught me a lesson about the power of place: I’ve been here [on the farm] forty-five years, and I have no interest in Wayne County; only Lackawanna County. That’s why I get the Scranton paper.
To write about the farm I must write about mining, which is to write about U.S. industrialization, which is to write about the end of farming.
I grew up on a Wayne County dairy farm, lived in Scranton for a time as an undergraduate, and spent four years living as a graduate student near Washington, D.C. My experiences in these different places gave me different contexts for understanding the relationships between human work and the land. Farm life engrained in me an awareness of nature’s rhythms and whims, my familiarity with Scranton taught me that some work can irreparably damage a place, and my time within the Beltway showed me that distant decision makers can thoughtlessly alter local lives and lands.
A renewed sense of home will be increasingly important to us all as more and more local cultures—family farm networks, urban neighborhoods, and native peoples—disappear into the global industrial economy’s regimentation and homogenization. If we do not remember the remnants, our connections with one another will wither. If we do not keep varied communities and healthy places, how can we be decent to one another in a world that is ever more uncertain, claustrophobic, and hostile? And if we cannot be decent to one another as human beings, what hope is there that we can be decent to the rest of life?
At work, I’m a generalist, a professor who teaches in a small English department at a comprehensive Catholic university. I still wonder that I have a job doing what I enjoy: studying language and literature, explaining poems and plays, interpreting novels and films. Sometimes I think that the world around me values these activities less and less. Teaching undergraduates, writing essays, and thinking about where I am and the work that I do here and there are the main threads that make up my life; they’re not separate parts of a career.
The literature and history I profess tell stories about what it means to be human; each explores the narrative of our connection, alienation, combativeness, and generosity. In asking questions about good and evil and right and wrong, they matter—and the humanities in general matter—because our lived experience demands that we each think carefully about our answers to this question: How am I at work in the world?
The best literature teaches us that other people are people. Inviting us to see with others’ eyes, it increases our capacity for empathy and mercy, and reminds us that human lives are bound up with and dependent on a living earth that predates us and will outlast us. Within this context, we realize that we are keepers of a shared gift that we hold for only a little while. In Here and There, I practice what Wendell Berry calls practical reading,
a phrase he uses to remind us that literature teaches us something about the world; it’s not simply a display of verbal virtuosity.¹¹ Is it really possible to read The Grapes of Wrath, for example, and not think through the social and economic dilemmas its characters confront?
Practical reading empowers us to think critically and carefully about ourselves, our relationships with others, and our connections to the world beyond us. Reading fine writing gives us the courage to confront the paradox at the heart of a liberal arts education: to be free is to understand—never fully, never completely—one’s dependence on others, living and dead, human and nonhuman.
Each chapter here begins at home, journeys elsewhere, and returns to northeastern Pennsylvania. A thoughtful coming and going is, I believe, the essence of knowing where one stands. For example, what has my teaching to do with what happens in the world around me? How do everyday issues within these places help me to understand what’s at stake in larger debates about land use, the value of the humanities, and the role of the teacher/scholar? How does the story of my home ground contribute to the human story? If we don’t look around us, I keep telling myself, we won’t see what’s beyond us.
At Home
In the Anthracite Museum hangs a map of the Lackawanna Valley, dated 1886. Depicting land from Scranton to Forest City, the map traces in red the valley’s underground mines. Particularly striking is the sinuous circulatory system that overlays Scranton’s street grid, which is almost invisible. Although many maps divide land into counties, states, and nations, this map marks company property; the usual political divisions compete with blocks of corporate control. The map reminds me that the region’s geology holds hostage its geography, even its urban geography. The city of Scranton, like most cities and towns in the Anthracite Region, has its doppelganger in a city below, a dark Atlantis peopled by the ghosts of the men and mules who worked both into existence. Today’s visible city rests on the crumbling pillars of the buried one, a fact expressed in every mine subsidence.
Bridget and I live within that tangle of red, in an old Scranton suburb, on a quiet street, in a shingle-style, balloon-frame house nestled between a home owned by a banker and one owned by a casket salesman. In the three houses across the street live a social studies teacher, a widow, and a retired couple, the man a former composing room worker at the Scranton Times. Educators, lawyers, and businessmen live up and down the block. Shaded by two silver maples, our house has a wide front porch, a white picket fence around the back yard, and uneven bluestone sidewalks. Like much of the valley, though, our home sits on hollowed ground.
Developers added Richmont Park to the more exclusive Green Ridge section in the early 1900s. Hoping to take advantage of the valley’s increasing wealth, the cachet of Green Ridge, and middle-class people’s desire to leave the industrial city center, investors Jordan, Hannah, and Jordan purchased the ground in 1893 from the Pennsylvania Coal Company. As a condition of sale, Pennsylvania Coal stipulated that subsequent land purchasers could not stop the company or its heirs from mining under the development. Homeowners here, Bridget and I included, own no mineral rights. Deeds also note that Pennsylvania Coal has already mined beneath Richmont Park, and that neither the company nor its heirs are to be held liable for later injuries or damages as a result of this prior work. This would include, I imagine, mine water flooding one’s basement, one’s house disappearing into a mine subsidence, or coal gas killing a family member. These things have happened.
The house has had eight owners in its hundred-plus year history. Carpenter William Erhardt and builder Ernest Latham purchased the lot in 1906; they constructed the house the