Governing Academia: Who is in Charge at the Modern University?
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Public concern over sharp increases in undergraduate tuition has led many to question why colleges and universities cannot behave more like businesses and cut their costs to hold tuition down. Ronald G. Ehrenberg and his coauthors assert that understanding how academic institutions are governed provides part of the answer.
Factors that influence the governance of academic institutions include how states regulate higher education and govern their public institutions; the size and method of selection of boards of trustees; the roles of trustees, administrators, and faculty in shared governance at campuses; how universities are organized for fiscal and academic purposes; the presence or absence of collective bargaining for faculty, staff, and graduate student assistants; pressures from government regulations, donors, insurance carriers, athletic conferences, and accreditation agencies; and competition from for-profit providers.
Governing Academia, which covers all these aspects of governance, is enlightening and accessible for anyone interested in higher education. The authors are leading academic administrators and scholars from a wide range of fields including economics, education, law, political science, and public policy.
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Governing Academia - Ronald G. Ehrenberg
Preface
My term as a vice president of Cornell University in the mid-1990s whetted my appetite to study the governance of higher education institutions and ultimately led to this book. As a researcher of the economics of higher education, I am also an avid reader of books by former academic administrators. The one that had the most profound impact on me, in both my administrative and faculty roles, is James O. Freedman’s Idealism and Liberal Education (1996). For in it Jim said, and I paraphrase him here as I did in my book Tuition Rising (2000a), that the best part of being a university administrator was that he was able to raise very fundamental issues with his colleagues on the faculty, the administration, and the board of trustees. Although they did not always respond in the way that he would have preferred, he had the satisfaction of knowing that they were seriously thinking about the issues. His words shaped my career as an academic administrator, and I continue to strive to raise fundamental issues in my research and teaching.
Although I had never met him, as I began to commission the papers that eventually led to Governing Academia, it was natural for me to try to see if I could convince Jim Freedman to write a chapter. One of the themes of the volume was to be the relationship between university presidents and trustees and how it varied between public and private universities. Jim had been the president at a major public university, the University of Iowa, and then at a major private university, Dartmouth College, for fifteen years. He also had the advantage of serving on the board of trustees of Brandeis University and could write from the perspective of someone who had served on both sides of the relationship. He very graciously agreed. Because his writings have so heavily influenced the way I behave and my admiration for all that he has accomplished in his career as a scholar, higher education administrator, and public intellect, I also asked Jim if I could dedicate Governing Academia to him. Much to my joy he agreed.
The other contributors are also prominent scholars and academic administrators. They come from a wide variety of academic disciplines, including economics, education, law, and political science. All of them have written in a nontechnical fashion to make the volume accessible to a broad audience. Preliminary versions of many of the essays were presented at a conference organized by the Cornell Higher Education Research Institute, which I direct, in June 2002, and the authors all benefited from comments by assigned discussants and during the general discussion.
Since 1995, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Atlantic Philanthropies (USA) Inc. have provided generous financial support for the Cornell Higher Education Research Institute. This support has allowed me the freedom to pursue my intellectual interests and has provided me with the resources I need to involve many graduate and undergraduate students in research (including three Cornell undergraduates who coauthored a chapter in this volume with me) and to organize conferences, such as the one that led to Governing Academia. My debt to these two foundations is enormous, and I am most appreciative of their support.
Introduction
Ronald G. Ehrenberg
During recent decades tuition for undergraduate students has risen at rates substantially higher than the rate of inflation at both public and private colleges and universities in the United States.¹ These high rates of tuition increases led Congress to establish the National Commission on the Costs of Higher Education in 1997 to conduct a comprehensive review of college costs and prices and to make recommendations on how to hold tuition increases down. Parents of college students, taxpayers, and government officials all wanted to know why academic institutions can’t behave more like businesses—cut their costs, increase their efficiency, and thus keep their tuition rates under control.
Part of the answer to this question, and the subject of Governing Academia, is how higher education institutions are governed in the United States. In some states, coordinating boards oversee both public and private higher educational institutions and help to rationalize course and degree offerings across institutions. In other states, their focus is solely on how public higher education is organized and administered.
Public higher education is often organized into a system, or several systems, of academic institutions, with governing boards elected or appointed for each system or for individual institutions. For example, in New York State, there are two public systems, the State University of New York (SUNY) and the City University of New York (CUNY). Each of these multicampus systems has a single board of trustees that, among other things, appoints the president of each campus, approves program offerings at each campus, and sets tuition for the entire system. In contrast, in Florida the governor and legislature recently approved a change in how their system of public academic institutions is governed, eliminating the single statewide board of trustees for the whole public university system and establishing boards for the individual campuses.² Private higher educational institutions always have boards of trustees.
The size and composition of boards, along with whether the trustees are appointed or elected, differ across institutions in both the public and the private sector. For example, the governor of Florida appoints all of the board members for that state’s public universities, but all of the board members for the University of Michigan are elected in biennial statewide elections. At Princeton University, a leading private academic institution, alumni elect some of the board members, the board itself elects some members, and the governor of New Jersey appoints a member.
Boards of trustees have fiduciary responsibility for all that goes on at an academic institution. However, typically they delegate most of their authority to the institution’s president and become involved only in major policy decisions. The president in turn appoints a team that includes central administrators, as well as deans of individual colleges within multicollege institutions. These administrators then oversee the institution in conjunction with a system of faculty governance that specifies the sharing of decision-making power between faculty members and administrators. Increasingly, other staff and students are also involved in decision making.
Faculty members play a key role in the governance of academic institutions. They are the creators of new knowledge and, along with students, the key participants in the educational process. Hence, on educational matters the faculty often reigns supreme. Such matters include admission standards, curriculum, graduation requirements, faculty hiring and promotion processes, and the like. While trustees formally retain the final authority on academic matters, in practice they rarely overturn administrative recommendations. Administrative recommendations, in turn, are heavily influenced by faculty decisions.
This system of shared governance between trustees, administrators, and faculty members has often led to the perception that no one is really in charge of academic institutions. An often-repeated phrase is that an administrator trying to lead the faculty faces the same problem as a person trying to herd cats.
Other observers have described academic institutions as organized anarchies
(Cohen and March 1986). As a result, it should not be a surprise that changes in academia come only slowly and that it is difficult to get institutions to focus on economic efficiency and holding down costs.
The governance of academic institutions also relates to how they are organized and how revenues flow and costs are allocated across the institutions. Some universities, for example, place the sciences, social sciences, and humanities within a single college of liberal arts and sciences. Others have separate colleges for each of the three disciplinary groups. The different forms of organization may well influence the decisions that are made within a university. So too may the systems used to allocate revenues and costs. Some institutions treat the whole institution as a single budgetary unit, while others treat each unit as a tub on its own bottom
and hold each unit responsible for balancing its own budget.
Because of the Supreme Court decision in the Yeshiva case, very few private colleges and universities have faculty unions.³ However, many faculty members at many public institutions are covered by collective bargaining agreements, as are many other employees in both public and private universities. The last few years have also seen a dramatic growth in the number of campuses at which graduate teaching assistants have won the right to bargain collectively over their working conditions.
Higher education is subject to a set of governmental regulations and the requirements of what might be called nonlegal legal influences
on academic governance and the decisions at universities. Government regulations include environmental, nondiscrimination, and immigration rules—the most recent of the latter to hit academia is the USA PATRIOT Act, which was enacted as an outgrowth of 9/11 and will increase the costs and decrease the ability of American academic institutions to enroll foreign students. Nonlegal legal influences include intellectual property issues, the role of donors in determining policy, insurance carriers’ requirements, accreditation bodies, higher education academic consortia and athletic conferences, and sole-source service providers. Each can have a substantial effect on the cost structure of an academic institution and on the efficiency of its operations.
Finally, higher education in the United States has traditionally consisted of a nonprofit private sector and a public sector. However, the last decade has seen the growth of accredited for-profit higher education institutions—one notable example is the University of Phoenix, which is now the largest (in terms of enrolled students) private higher education institution in the United States. The growing competition from the for-profit institutions, whose governance structure is often more corporate in nature, is putting pressure on the nonprofit and public higher education institutions to meet the competition, and this in turn may affect how they are governed.
*
The chapters in this volume cover all the aspects of higher education governance just discussed. The focus of each is on what social scientists know about that aspect of governance and on the types of future research that might be undertaken to help us better understand how to improve the performance of these institutions.
The chapters in part I deal with state governance of higher education and boards of trustees. The section begins with an essay, Presidents and Trustees,
by James O. Freedman, a former president of major academic institutions, both public and private, who now serves on the boards of several other institutions and whose experiences uniquely qualify him to write on this topic. His essay addresses the differences in roles that the boards of public and private institutions play and the interactions of an academic institution’s president with the board in each of these types of institutions. His experiences lead him to suggest how boards can improve their functioning and how a president and his or her board can maximize their joint effectiveness in guiding their institution.
Benjamin Hermalin has a long-standing interest in the functioning of boards of directors of corporations and nonprofit institutions and how boards influence the performance of these organizations. In Higher Education Boards of Trustees,
Hermalin points out how an understanding of for-profit corporate boards may provide insights into how academic boards of trustees operate, and indicates crucial differences between corporations and academic institutions that make it unlikely that all of the findings with respect to corporate boards will carry over to academic boards.
Donald Heller’s chapter, State Oversight of Academia,
first discusses the history of state governance of higher education and what the social outcomes of our higher education system are likely to be. He then asks whether how states choose to administer higher education has any impact on the end results.
Part 2 focuses on how the organization of a university and the allocation of revenue and costs across units can affect outcomes at the institution.
In Darwinian Medicine for the University,
Susanne Lohmann treats the university as an institution whose organization has evolved over a long history to help solve problems of information and commitment. She stresses that aspects of the university that may appear to outside observers to be defects, such as the tenure system and impermeable departmental boundaries, are actually subtle design solutions that have evolved to help facilitate the university’s goals. Thus any proposal to reform university governance needs to be crafted very carefully, with a full understanding of the institution’s local history and environment. While institutional governance rules tend to get etched in stone, it is important to judge carefully whether they are defects of the system that need to be changed or defenses of the system that help it to achieve its goals.
Thomas Hammond’s Herding Cats in University Hierarchies
presents a bottom-up
perspective of how the formal structure of universities can affect the outcomes from their decision processes. Using simple illustrations that deal with the way an institution might group four different departments into two colleges, he shows how the method of grouping will bring different types of information, different packages of advice, and different sets of conflict to the attention of top-level administrators. Thus the optimal way to structure a university depends on the types of information, advice, and conflicts that the administrator considers most important.
John D. Wilson’s Tiebout Competition versus Political Competition on a University Campus
compares centralized budgeting models with decentralized budgeting models that treat each unit as a tub on its own bottom.
Under a broad set of circumstances, he shows that the decentralized budgeting models, which often are more formally referred to as responsibility center management,
or RCM models, yield less efficient outcomes than the more centralized ones. In particular, he argues that the centralized budgeting models provide better incentives to increase educational quality. Given the movement of many universities toward RCM models, his essay is an important one.
Part 3 concerns shared governance and collective bargaining in academia. Over thirty years ago, the American Association of University Professors conducted the last major survey of academic institutions that ascertained the extent to which faculty and administrators shared governance in a variety of decision-making areas. In How Academic Ships Actually Navigate,
Gabriel Kaplan reports the results from a new survey of governance at academic institutions that he undertook at the turn of the twenty-first century. Despite concern by faculty nationwide that their role in governance has diminished over time, Kaplan finds that faculty play a significant role in governance at many institutions and that their authority is greatest in their areas of expertise—curriculum, degree requirements, and hiring and promotion. In contrast, administrators and boards have more authority in budget making, long-run strategy, and facility issues.
Collective Bargaining in American Higher Education
is a product of the work of three Cornell undergraduate students, Daniel Klaff, Adam Kezsbom, and Matthew Nagowski, and myself. After reviewing what social scientists know about the effects of faculty unions, we present the results of the first study of the impact of collective bargaining on staff salaries in higher education and discuss the emerging phenomenon of graduate student unions. Using data for a set of public research universities provided to us by a data exchange consortium, we investigate the effects of graduate student unions on graduate assistants’ salaries, hours of work, and other economic outcomes. The competition to attract first-class graduate students to major research universities appears to have more effect on these outcomes than does collective bargaining per se.
The chapters in part 4 deal with the external forces that affect governance and how academic institutions behave. In Nonprofit and For-Profit Governance in Higher Education,
Brian Pusser and Sarah Turner address the growing importance of the for-profit sector in higher education, the differences in governance between the for-profit and nonprofit sectors, and how the growing importance of the for-profit sector will likely influence governance in the nonprofit sectors. They caution that one impact of the growth of the for-profit sector is that nonprofit and public higher education institutions may be forced to behave more like the for-profits, which in turn will reduce the rationale for public subsidies, either directly in the form of state appropriations or indirectly in the form of tax exemptions.
Michael Olivas, in The Rise of Nonlegal Legal Influences on Higher Education,
provides four case studies of nonlegal factors that influence higher education governance in the sense that they dictate policy responses and constitute the complex features of statutory, litigative, or regulatory requirements. The four cases Olivas addresses are the roles of insurance carriers, accreditation, consortia, and sole-source providers. He shows how pervasive the influences of these nonlegal legal influences are on academic institutions’ behavior.
In the conclusion, I summarize the major themes in this volume and look to the future. I discuss the trends in the environment—including growth in enrollments at a time when many state governments are limiting their financial support for public higher education institutions; the increasing use by many academic institutions of part-time faculty, non-tenure-track full-time faculty, and adjunct faculty; and the growth of collective bargaining for graduate assistants and adjunct faculty on higher education campuses—that will likely influence higher education governance in the years ahead.
presidents, trustees, and external governance
chapter one
Presidents and Trustees
James O. Freedman
Boards of trustees, comprised principally of lay representatives, are a distinctly American institution, quite different from the ministries of education and faculty guilds that have often controlled higher education in Europe. For a university president, few relationships are more crucial than that with the board of trustees. A mutually respectful relationship can be a source of support and strength. An uneasy or wary relationship represents a lost opportunity. (I use board of trustees
throughout, even though the official name for public universities in Iowa and some other states is board of regents.
)
Having worked with two boards, one public and one private, I venture to testify to some of the similarities and differences I found between them.
I begin with a truism. Just as presidents differ from institution to institution—in intellect, personality, preparation for the position, professional working style, educational vision, and personal ambition—so do boards. Given the immense variation in the range of possible relationships—there are, after all, more than three thousand colleges and universities in the United States—it is a tribute to the flexibility and tolerance of the protagonists that so many presidents and boards, functioning in such diverse contexts, work together as well as they do.
University governance has existed, historically, in an ebb and flow of accommodation (and acrimony) between presidents and boards of trustees. In Making Harvard Modern (2001), their extended examination of Harvard in the twentieth century, Morton and Phyllis Keller note that the Harvard Corporation, which they characterize as a combine of clerics
in the early nineteenth century, had evolved by the late nineteenth century into representatives of Boston’s socioeconomic elite, out to make Harvard the special preserve of their caste
(18). With the passing decades even more changes came.
By the first half of the twentieth century, the balance of power had shifted from the seven-member corporation to a series of strong presidents (Charles W. Eliot, A. Lawrence Lowell, and James Bryant Conant) who drew their authority to govern from the vigorous exercise of their office. Thereafter, as the Kellers demonstrate, governing Harvard in practice depended as much on its president’s personality and purpose as on its venerable institutional structure (18).
Another student of Harvard history, Henry Rosovsky, the former dean of the faculty of arts and sciences, has written in The University: An Owner’s Manual (1990, 261), Governance concerns power
; it is about who is in charge; who makes decisions; who has a voice; and how loud is that voice.
Presidents and trustees abut at the epicenter of that power. In my experience, there is always an uneasy tension between the commitment of board members to support the president on academic issues and their desire to exercise their statutory authority independent of the president on matters they deem to be of governance. There is a converse tension in the president to act only with the advice and consent of the board on as many matters as possible even as he seeks to protect from encroachment by the board what he deems to be the essential prerogatives of his academic authority. In seeking to exercise their respective reservoirs of power, presidents and trustees can find few hard-and-fast rules as to how to strike the proper balance.
Members of the Board
When I first met the nine members of the University of Iowa board of regents, I was greatly impressed by the diversity of their stations in life and by their midwestern modesty. They were six men and three women: a small-town lawyer; a former lieutenant governor; an African American physician who also served as a county medical examiner; a union official who was a meat-packer by trade; a rural farmer; a professional farm manager; an owner of a family agribusiness; and two housewives, one of whom had chaired a local school board. None had a national reputation.
Appointed by the governor to staggered six-year terms, they were the salt of the earth—not a captain of industry among them. This was a board of commonsense men and women, honest and reliable, devoted and hardworking, in awe of their public service responsibilities; each brought to the task the earnest hope that he or she was up to the job.
By contrast, the Dartmouth board of trustees, only slightly larger at a size of thirteen men and one woman, was more homogeneous. Its members were wealthy; most had achieved high and professional standing, and some were socially prominent: Wall Street CEOs, investment bankers, venture capitalists, and corporate lawyers. One was a university president. All were Dartmouth graduates. They were self-assured, competitive, and socially poised, accustomed to commanding and to being listened to. A number had national reputations. Some felt entitled to be regarded as authoritative voices on particular areas of governance. Most bore their trusteeship as a social credential and a confirmation of their station. Dartmouth was an important part of their personal history, and they cared that the college be true to its traditions. In the manner of many with a lifelong attachment to an institution, they were at pains to ensure that the college was loved by its alumni, even more perhaps than that it was respected by the wider world.
The board members at Iowa, drawn from a wider social spectrum and a more diverse set of occupations, tended to have a more realistic appreciation of the limits on the president’s power to dominate his constituencies. The board members at Dartmouth, most of whom had substantial management experience, albeit in more authoritarian and hierarchical institutions, tended to assume that a chief executive officer could readily impose his will upon faculty and students alike if only he wanted to.
One of the strengths of the Dartmouth board was the fact that the governor of New Hampshire, by prescription of the 1769 charter from King George III, was an ex officio member. Even a governor who rarely attends board meetings—and most attended no more than one a year—can be helpful in many ways, for example, in fending off ill-considered legislative incursions, attracting national figures to the campus, and intervening with federal officials.
Ironically, the governor of Iowa was not an ex officio member of the board. Indeed, the two governors with whom I served adopted, at least publicly, an apolitical stance on most issues before the board. Only after I was appointed as president did the board chairman arrange for me to meet the governor.
There are advantages, of course, to a board composed entirely (or almost entirely) of alumni. As Robert M. Rosenzweig (1998, 124), the former president of the Association of American Universities, has noted, alumni typically have demonstrated their attachment to the institution by long service to it in various volunteer capacities and frequently by their financial contributions.
But alumni can also be indifferent to an institution’s shortcomings and unduly resistant to proposals that threaten to alter its familiar character. By contrast, trustees who are not alumni are more likely to see the institution with less complacency and through clearer lenses, although some observers are dubious that non-alumni trustees can summon the institutional devotion that the task requires.
Should the president be a member of the board? At the University of Iowa I was not; at Dartmouth I was. I cannot say that it made much difference, although I did feel at Dartmouth that I was more than simply a professional executive hired to do a job. I was a colleague of the other board members with a shared responsibility in every aspect of their work.
Peter T. Flawn (1990, 20), the former president of the University of Texas at Austin, has added a different set of considerations: In general, it enhances the position of the president if he or she is also a member of the board. . . . However, in the case where the board is divided, either on political or philosophical grounds, and the president as a member of the board must break the tie in a number of significant votes, board membership can create the extra pressure that leads to early departure from the presidency.
These two boards, then, presented different social and professional profiles, but they were similar in the conscientious performance of their responsibilities.
Board Size and Membership
Boards of the size of those at the University of Iowa (nine) and Dartmouth (fourteen) are unusually small. Many boards, both public and private, are as large as forty to sixty trustees. Princeton’s board, for example, has forty members; the University of Pennsylvania’s, fifty-six. There seems to be no rule as to the relationship of the size of a board and its institution’s status as public or private.
It is possible that boards of, say, less than fifteen members do not allow for sufficient representation of important substantive areas that ought to be represented in the making of informed decisions. Moreover, such boards usually do not have sufficient seats to include many major donors whose continuing generosity may be ensured or encouraged by such recognition.
Every few years, the Dartmouth board studied whether to increase its size, and each time it concluded to make no change, preferring to preserve the sense of collegiality and heightened responsibility that accompanied its small size to risking the dilution of these qualities in becoming larger. Often in boards of forty to sixty members, the executive committee exercises effective authority, seeking formal approval from the entire board for decisions already essentially made. These considerations lead me to believe that boards of no more than about twenty-five are an optimal size.
Selection of Trustees
At a public university, the president rarely participates in the selection of board members. The choices, of course, are those of the governor, made with the advice and consent of the state senate. (In a few states, including Michigan, prospective board members stand for election as candidates of political parties.) I believe that the governor of Iowa would have welcomed suggestions from board members, channeled through the chairman, and he may well have received some, but a president is well advised to be cautious in associating with any candidate in what is still a political process.
At Dartmouth, the board partially perpetuated itself by selecting half (seven) of its members. The alumni chose the other half (seven) in contested three-candidate elections. In comparing these two selection processes, Henry Rosovsky (1990, 280) has written that elections are more likely to reflect populist consensus
while self-perpetuation will, with a considerable degree of certainty, produce a conservative bias.
Some of Dartmouth’s elected trustees were, indeed, well known among alumni, sometimes because of their athletic achievements as students. One had been a Rhodes Scholar and an All-American basketball player who went on to play for the Boston Celtics. Another had been the quarterback of an undefeated football team, pre-Ivy League, that had won the Lambert Trophy and finished the season ranked fourteenth in the country. Both were popular candidates, although one would probably not call them populist
.
The board of trustees must have a sufficient breadth of expertise or interests that its members can effectively meet a number of important responsibilities. In a public institution, the attainment of this versatility depends on the care that the governor takes in making appointments.
It is easier for a private institution, in which the board at least partially perpetuates itself, to respond to the importance of having board members with specific areas of expertise, for example, finance, investments, real estate, communications, higher education, development, science, medicine, technology, and engineering. At some private institutions, the desire for expertise in higher education has led to the appointment of former university presidents from other institutions; for example, Gerhard Casper, the former president of Stanford University, serves as a member of the Yale Corporation, and I serve on the boards of Brandeis University and Hebrew Union College.
Discussions at Dartmouth about selecting new board members were interminable. No subject provoked more vehement opinions or more excited debates. Selecting successor trustees seemed a little bit like what I imagine the process of selecting saints to be: few candidates seemed worthy of annointment.
Should faculty members or students be members of the board? During the 1960s, public pressure grew to appoint faculty members and students as board members (or at least as nonvoting representatives to the board). Advocates of these proposals saw them as an enlightened effort to democratize the governance of academe. Many colleges and universities adopted such proposals, with uneven consequences that persist until today.
Neither the University of Iowa nor Dartmouth had faculty or student members on its board, although a governor of Iowa did use one of his nine official appointments to name an undergraduate student leader—a junior at Iowa State University—to the board.
In my judgment, it is a mistake to provide for faculty or student members on a board. Both face expectations that they act in a representative, rather than a fiduciary, capacity. Responsibility to a constituency is inconsistent with sound management. Moreover, student representatives are rarely qualified by experience or training for the important decisions required of trustees. Finally, the presence of faculty members or students in the boardroom will inevitably inhibit discussion of some issues, for example, evaluation of a dean or an administrative officer. Assessing faculty and student opinion is an important function of a board, but there are better ways for a president or a board to acquire information about campus opinion than allocating places on the board to faculty members or students.
At both public and private institutions, trustees typically serve for approximately a decade, although members of the Harvard Corporation serve for life. There is no statutory limitation on the length of time that University of Iowa trustees may serve, but the practice of successive governors has been to limit them to twelve years (two six-year terms). Ten years is the prescribed limit at Dartmouth (two five-year terms) with minor exceptions.
Because the president is a member of the Dartmouth board, I had an opportunity, although never a decisive one, to influence the selection of the new members whom the board itself appointed. Perhaps it is true, as Robert M. Rosenzweig (1998, 124) has written, that private institutions are especially vulnerable to a situation in which the president comes to dominate the selection of new trustees, ending up with a board that is beholden to the president and not disposed to challenge presidential judgment.
I never enjoyed such a satisfying experience.
In my experience, nominating committees want the president to be comfortable with new board members and therefore seek to accommodate her wishes, particularly if they are strongly felt. But presidents need to be aware that discussions of prospective board members can be fierce—especially when substantive issues such as affirmative action for minorities or women are concerned—and can leave permanent scars.
Trustees at private institutions are more likely to have emerged from a wide-ranging merit-based search conducted by the board, sometimes with the assistance of a professional search firm, than those nominated by a governor at public institutions. Indeed, given that the appointment is, short of a judgeship, the most prestigious that a governor could confer, I was surprised at how few names Iowa governors could sometimes gather from which to select new board members.
Responsibilities of Trustees
What is it that trustees are supposed to do?
In the conventional statement of board responsibilities, variations on five chief duties are usually listed: (1) to select and support the president; (2) to formulate and pursue the institution’s mission and purposes; (3) to oversee the educational program; (4) to nurture the institution’s tangible assets; and (5) to care for the institution’s intangible assets, especially academic freedom, the commitment to excellence and impartiality, and its ethical standards. No wonder that Clark Kerr and Marian Gade (1989) refer to trustees as the guardians.
It is easy to append to this list the unexceptional bromide that in meeting these responsibilities trustees ought to engage in governance, which is precisely their domain, and avoid