Rendezvous with Death: The Americans Who Joined the Foreign Legion in 1914 to Fight for France and for Civilization
By David Hanna
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Rendezvous with Death - David Hanna
Praise for
RENDEZVOUS WITH DEATH
This is the most mesmerizing book about World War I that I have read in a long time. It is the saga of American idealism’s first confrontation with the tragedy of the Great War. Best of all it is a story that has never been told, much less understood. David Hanna has written a book to be read and remembered when we try to understand America’s role in a chaotic world.
—Thomas Fleming, author of The Illusion of Victory: America in World War I
A brilliantly researched book that is a moving tribute to the American citizens of 1914 who fought in the French military for freedom and liberty. David Hanna gives the reader keys to better understand them and who they were. Their deeds, their achievement, and their spirit are living in this book—lest we forget them.
—Yves Fohlen, lecturer and guide at the Musée du Chemin des Dames–Caverne du Dragon in Chemin des Dames, France
"As in his previous book, Knights of the Sea, David Hanna is drawn to men and causes of a chivalrous nature. In Rendezvous with Death he writes of intrepid American men—black and white, rich and poor—who, in the early stages of World War I, are compelled to fight for ideas and values and not be passive spectators at the demise of European civilization.
"Hanna leads the reader on a journey to a pivotal moment in history when great European armies and divergent ideologies clashed, locked in a desperate and drawn out struggle. August 1914 also brought together a mix of idealistic Americans in Paris who decided to make a stand for a cause they also saw as their own. The Americans Hanna introduces are a disparate group, but all are noble in spirit and deed and will make any reader reflect on those harrowing four years—and even on the challenges of our current age.
The research is meticulous, including on-site visits to European battlegrounds, interviews with modern pilots of World War I aircraft, and even a conversation with an American veteran of the French Foreign Legion. Hanna’s World War I book—part gripping world history and part collection of inspiring personal life stories—is a fully engaging read. Indeed, any American will feel proud reading this seldom-told story of his fellow countrymen’s spirit and sacrifice in the bloody fields of France.
—Nicholas Valldejuli, 1er Régiment étranger de cavalerie, 1er Régiment étranger, Légion Etrangère (ret.)
Copyright © 2016 by David Hanna
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who wishes to quote brief passages in connection with a review written for inclusion in a magazine, newspaper, website, or broadcast.
Regnery History™ is a trademark of Salem Communications Holding Corporation; Regnery® is a registered trademark of Salem Communications Holding Corporation
First e-book edition 2016: ISBN 978-1-62157-544-3
Originally published in hardcover, 2016
The Library of Congress has cataloged the hardcover edition as follows:
Names: Hanna, David, 1967- author.
Title: Rendezvous with death : The Americans who joined the Foreign Legion in 1914 to fight for France and for civilization / David Hanna.
Description: Washington, DC : Regnery Publishing, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016004232
Subjects: LCSH: World War, 1914-1918--United States. | World War, 1914-1918--Biography. | Americans--France--History--20th century. | France. Armâee de terre. Lâegion âetrangáere--History--World War, 1914-1918.
Classification: LCC D570.1 .H27 2016 | DDC 940.4/1244092313--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016004232
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For John A. Ware
(1942–2013)
New Yorker, agent, mentor, friend, man about town…
. . . fighting, dying, not only for Christianity, but for civilization. On the result of this clash . . . depends the preservation of the world.
—Jack Bowe, 1918
I do not consider that I am fighting for France alone, but for the cause of humanity, the most noble of all causes.
—Kiffin Rockwell, 1914
And on the tangled wires
The last wild rally staggers, crumbles, stops.
Withered beneath the shrapnel’s iron showers:
Now heaven be thanked, we gave a few brave drops;
Now heaven be thanked, a few brave drops were ours.
—Alan Seeger, 1916
CONTENTS
PROLOGUE
CHAPTER 1
BELLE ÉPOQUE
CHAPTER 2
ERUPTION
CHAPTER 3
LA LÉGION
CHAPTER 4
CHEMIN DES DAMES
CHAPTER 5
SANS PEUR SANS PITIÉ
CHAPTER 6
ESCADRILLE AMERICAINE
CHAPTER 7
CHAMPAGNE
CHAPTER 8
VERDUN
CHAPTER 9
KNIGHTS OF THE AIR
CHAPTER 10
RENDEZVOUS
CHAPTER 11
HAT IN THE RING
EPILOGUE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND SOURCES
INDEX
Map courtesy of...Map courtesy of Midori Tuzuki
PARIS
(with numbered arrondissements)
Map courtesy of...Map courtesy of Midori Tuzuki
Chart courtesy of...Chart courtesy of Midori Tuzuki
PROLOGUE
What would you risk your life for? For most of us, fortunately, this is a purely hypothetical question. One’s family and friends come immediately to mind. For some of us, our hometown or neighborhood might, as well. The patriotism that motivates a relative few to serve in our country’s armed forces fell out of fashion with the great majority of citizens long ago. What about an idea? Would you risk your life to defend something not linked to you by ties of blood or friendship, community or country? As the last days of July 1914 were swept into the past and the first frantic days of August hurried Europe and the world into an uncertain future, a group of Americans volunteered their services to the French government. The Légion étrangère —the Foreign Legion—would be their vehicle. These men were inspired by what they saw as a clear case of democratic values, culture, and civilization itself under attack from the forces of autocracy and a modern barbarism embodied by Kaiser Wilhelm’s Germany. With rare exception absolute amateurs, they chose to risk their lives for an idea. To see it protected, many of them would make the ultimate sacrifice.
These American citizens left behind promising careers and their families to join in combat with a foreign army and defend a country some of them had never even been to. For many of them, though, their previous experiences in France were a deep part of what motivated them to enter the fight. This was a country and a culture they identified with and believed was worth dying to defend. Their service would take them to the battlefields of Artois, Champagne, and Verdun. Their sacrifices preceded by nearly three years the eventual commitment by President Wilson to take America into the fight and finish what these men started.
This is not just the tale of the conventionally glamorous Lafayette Escadrille. Some of the men whose stories appear in this book would indeed go on to found that all-American air squadron. But the experience of fighting the Germans on the ground, both before and after the squadron’s creation, has been largely ignored in other accounts. While the Lafayette Escadrille has an undeniable appeal, the overwhelming majority of the Americans who volunteered in those first few giddy and terrifying months of the war would serve on the ground, in the army, and in the trenches. They asked for no special considerations, only the honor of helping defend France in her hour of greatest need.
Among those Americans were a number of individuals whose motivations and experiences set them apart. Their stories are the richest and the most revealing: men such as poet Alan Seeger; Southern gentleman and knight errant Kiffin Rockwell; blue bloods David King, William Thaw, and Victor Chapman; African-American boxer Bob Scanlon; and Spanish-American War veteran Jack Bowe. They represented a cross-section of American society at that time. What set them apart was either a heightened sense of idealism, a thirst for action, or both. Added to this was smoldering rage against imperial Germany—and everything they perceived it stood for. For the most part they carried it all off with remarkable sangfroid and bonhomie. They knew how to enjoy themselves. And with rare exception, they didn’t regret the decision they had made, even once the realities of war were thrust upon them. They were exceptional men.
It was not simply the bravery and idealism of the original American volunteers that was exceptional, it was the degree to which they stood out from their fellow citizens back home. Most Americans were willing to sit on the sidelines, even after credible reports of German atrocities in Belgium and France reached the public. It was not our fight.
And yet there were those boys over there fighting in the Foreign Legion—a number of them writing columns for newspapers back home. What they had seen with their own eyes couldn’t be so easily dismissed. The risks they were taking could not be trivialized. Barely perceptible at first, the slow and steady shift in American public opinion towards intervention owed much to the efforts of a handful of Americans holding the line in a trench in Champagne. America entered the war in 1917; Americans entered it in 1914. This was a case of the people leading the government to act by the force of their example and their words.
Both on account of the available source material and for the sake of the narrative, I have chosen to focus on some of the American volunteers of 1914 more than others. Some are mentioned only briefly. A number who volunteered in 1914 are not mentioned at all. However, all of them chose to risk all for a country, and an ideal. This demands respect. I would recommend Paul Rockwell’s book, American Fighters in the Foreign Legion, published in 1930, for those who wish to pursue their stories in more detail. To those with a special interest in the aviators, I would recommend Herbert Molloy Mason Jr.’s excellent book, The Lafayette Escadrille, published in 1964. Mason was a pilot himself, as well as a fine writer.
I also recognize that a number of the American volunteers are perhaps deserving of a full-length biographical treatment of their own (Alan Seeger certainly comes to mind). This book, however, is about the group, not any one individual. They were comrades-in-arms in the truest sense. This is also an American story. Those like-minded men from other lands that volunteered in 1914 as well are largely absent. But their story, too, is one worth telling. And finally, the year is important. All the Americans featured here volunteered in 1914—when the world, or at least the world as it existed before August 1914, was turned upside down.
CHAPTER 1
BELLE ÉPOQUE
One winter day when he was about eight years old, Alan Seeger and his older brother Charles were sledding with some neighborhood children. As they sped down the hill, a delivery wagon pulled by two horses appeared in front of them. All of the other boys veered off and piled into nearby snow drifts, but Alan raced on through the horses’ legs, earning a scolding from the frightened driver. Charles hurried down the hill with the others to see if he was all right. Later, Charles recounted Alan explaining his actions as a sort of test: It’s hard to explain, Charlie. But I couldn’t turn away. Don’t you get it? I had to prove to myself that I had the nerve. You know what I mean?
¹ Charlie felt there was something prophetic about the incident: That was Alan. Tilting against windmills. As a boy, he was a leader, always dreaming up games. His favorite one was where he played a knight on a predoomed quest against impossible odds. Alan’s knight always died nobly. . . .
²
Alan Seeger was born on Friday, June 22, 1888, at his family’s home on East 73rd Street in New York.³ He was fortunate—not only were his parents and older brother loving people, their station in life was comfortable. And to have a lifestyle that was comfortable, if not opulent, in that era provided the young boy with a sense of security and possibility that is now largely lost to us. The year 1888 marked not quite the halfway point of an historical period known as the Belle Époque, or beautiful time,
which stretched from the close of the Franco-Prussian War in 1871 through midsummer 1914. It was a confident age full of technological wonders and increasing trade and communication across the globe. For the overwhelming majority of people in Europe and America, the standard of living exceeded anything experienced in previous centuries. The characteristic sentiment of the age was optimism—confidence that science equaled progress, that progress was irresistible, and that mankind itself was constantly improving.
In the two decades just before Alan Seeger’s birth, America had seen the completion of the first transcontinental railroad, the advent of the telephone and the incandescent light bulb, and the electrification of much of the country, beginning with New York. The internal combustion engine, automobiles, recorded sound, motion pictures, X-ray machines, airplanes, and radio would all be introduced in Seeger’s brief lifetime. The Panama Canal would be completed in 1914. Already in his childhood, with refrigerated boxcars and refrigerated compartments in the holds of steamships, Alan Seeger and his family could eat a much wider variety of foods throughout the year than previous generations. The United States was experiencing an unprecedented industrial, technological, and financial revolution. Wealth was unevenly distributed, with robber barons
such as steel magnate Andrew Carnegie, oil tycoon John D. Rockefeller, and above all banker J. P. Morgan dominating the nation’s affairs. Still, the middle class was expanding and living a lifestyle that even European nobility could not have hoped to enjoy just a few generations earlier. In America the Belle Époque was actually two separate but linked historical periods. The first was known as the Gilded Age,
lasting from approximately the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865 until the assassination of William McKinley, the last Civil War veteran to serve as president, in 1901. The age acquired its sobriquet from a book by Mark Twain that insinuated that the era’s glossy exterior hid cheaper substances beneath (corruption, poverty, culture without taste, knowledge without wisdom). The advent of McKinley’s vice president, Theodore Roosevelt, to the White House in 1901 heralded a new age, the Progressive era,
of which this accidental president was a vocal champion. For Alan Seeger, Theodore Roosevelt would come to embody the ideals of American democracy and America’s special role in the world.
The Seeger family lived an interesting as well as a comfortable life. Alan’s father was a partner in an export-import firm with significant business interests in Mexico. Described as tall and handsome
with a ready laugh, a quick wit
and some talent as an artist,
⁴ Charles Seeger Sr. had a passion for music. His wife Elsie was noted for her beauty and her vitality. In 1890 they moved their young family to a stately home atop Tompkins Hill on Staten Island overlooking New York’s Upper and Lower Bays and the Narrows between. Alan’s younger sister Elsie was born there. It was in this idyllic setting that Alan Seeger first manifested the character traits that would bring him to his destiny across the Atlantic.
As much as he was a reckless daredevil, there was also a side to Alan Seeger that was very sensitive to romance and beauty. An early biographer described how from the window of the children’s nursery one could see vessels of various descriptions entering New York’s Upper Bay and the outgoing stream which carried the imagination seaward. . . . The children did not look without curious eyes upon this stirring scene.
⁵ Where were the ships going? What exotic destinations might lie ahead? What perils, hardships, and beautiful sights might they encounter? The children were moved sufficiently to cover the walls of their nursery with drawings of the ships they observed. In addition, from his own room Alan had a fine view of lower Manhattan. He treasured the visits the children made to the great metropolis with their mother. Everything about them excited him: the shops, theaters, restaurants, the bustle and the noise.
⁶
In 1898, the Seegers had to give up their home on Staten Island when the family business began to founder. They moved back to New York. The magic city seen from afar was now home. As Alan Seeger grew he appreciated that New York was not only all he had imagined it to be but also something more: a city with hundreds of thousands of immigrants living in poverty and squalid conditions. He missed the hill back at home on Staten Island. This element of perspective would become one of the defining elements of the poetry he would write as a young man. The family fortunes did not improve, and Alan’s father decided to make a bold move to Mexico City, taking the entire family along with him. This new setting provided Alan Seeger with raw material for his first works of verse. He found himself tremendously moved by the twin smoking volcanoes of Popocatépetl and Ixtaccihuatl looking down at the Valley of Mexico, the whiteness of sunbaked adobe, the vivid greens of the tropics interspersed with occasional reds, blues, and yellows. The antiquity of the valley and the people who lived there also moved him to write:
Here, among trees whose overhanging shade
Strews petals on the little dives below,
Pattering townward in the morning weighed
With greens from many an upland garden-row,
Runs an old wall; long centuries have frayed
Its scalloped edge, and passers to and fro
Heard never from beyond its crumbling height
Sweet laughter ring at noon or plaintive song at night.⁷
In a time of technological wonders, Alan Seeger was trying to capture the essence of a deserted garden in Mexico. It is important to remember that as much as this age was one of science and progress, it also embraced color, emotion, and expression. By the time he was sent off to boarding school in 1902, Alan Seeger was a being transformed. Many awkward moments still lay ahead, but his sensitive nature had borne fruit, and his path was to be that of the poet.
Feelings like those stirring in the youthful Alan Seeger were already being expressed in truly breathtaking scope in France. The composer Claude Debussy had made his reputation in the Paris avant-garde in the 1890s with compositions such as Deux Arabesques and Claire de Lune. These pieces departed from the understood order of things in the musical world of the time in a fashion that mirrored the style of the Impressionist and Post-Impressionist painters, such as Claude Monet, Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Vincent van Gogh, and Paul Cezanne. Monet found a smoky and noisy symbol of the modern age such as the Gare Saint-Lazare railway station worthy of study; rather than painting a realistic picture of a train arriving at a station, he depicted it in a gauzy amorphous manner that captured the essence of the age of steam. By 1900, Monet and his peers in the Impressionist Movement had found a degree of acceptance in French society and officialdom. They had come a long way from being described—in Le Figaro in 1875—as monkeys who had gotten hold of a box of paints. Paris, and France as a whole, had come a long way since the early 1870s, the decade that saw the birth of both the Impressionist Movement and the Third Republic.
Claude Monet,...Claude Monet, La Gare Saint-Lazare, oil on canvas, 1877.
Eighteen years before Alan Seeger was born, France had undergone one of the most difficult episodes in its history. In 1870, provoked by the clever diplomacy of Otto von Bismarck, France declared war on Prussia. Bismarck hoped to use this war to rally the other German states around Prussia’s leadership and form a unified German Reich. France’s leader, the Emperor Napoleon III (Louis Napoleon, the nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte) hoped to use the war to revive the lagging support for his regime inside France. The result, chronicled in Émile Zola’s novel La Débâcle, was a series of devastating French military defeats at Sedan and Metz, followed by a lengthy siege of Paris and finally a humiliating peace. The worst occurred, however, after the Germans stopped firing. Angered by what they perceived to be the capitulation of a conservative government to German demands and resentful of socio-economic inequality, ordinary Parisians rose up in class revolt and established the Paris Commune.
Before it was all over, nothing less than pitched battles had occurred in the streets of Paris between opposing armies of Frenchmen. The Communards’ reign in the city was bloody, but the government’s crackdown was worse still. The hilltop village of Montmartre had been the site of the initial rising, and it was there that the rising’s final defenders were executed. The schisms in French society ran deep, and few believed that the Third Republic, established in the wake of the crisis, would live very long. Yet it did live. Neither France’s conservative elements nor its leftists could agree on a future that was inclusive of the other, and therefore both permitted the Third Republic to survive as a temporary solution; in fact it would last for nearly seven decades—from 1871 to 1940.
View of the Eiffel Tower and the grounds of the Exposition Universelle on the Champs de Mars with the Seine and the Pont d’Iena in the foreground, 1889.
Bismarck’s Reich was proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors in Louis XIV’s palace at Versailles. The Prussian army marched in triumph down the Champs-Élysées, while France was forced to pay an indemnity of 5 billion francs (an enormous sum in 1871). Most of Alsace and a large portion of Lorraine were annexed by the new Germany, with little consideration for the sentiments of their inhabitants. This defeat was a shock to the psyche of France, which had been accustomed to treating the German states as political pawns for centuries. But out of this collective national trauma emerged a society perhaps more central to the cultural and intellectual life of Western Civilization than any that had preceded it. Germany had won on the battlefield, but as would become evident in the decades ahead, France would win in its contributions to the arts, theater, science, literature, fashion, and culture. This rejuvenation of France, and of Paris specifically, was on display for all to see at the 1889 Paris Exposition Universelle—especially in the giant wrought iron tower erected by Gustave Eiffel to commemorate the beginning of the French Revolution one hundred years before. It was the tallest man-made structure in the world, surpassing the Washington Monument in America, a distinction it maintained until the completion of the Chrysler Building in New York in 1930. To be sure, the temporary
structure was derided by many of the Exposition’s critics as a monstrosity, but it quickly gained popular favor and permanence in the city’s vision of itself. Plans to dismantle it after the Exposition ended were quietly dropped.
Beaming a set of powerful searchlights into the night from its spire, the Tower came to represent France’s rebirth from the ashes of 1871. Moreover, there was nothing in Berlin that could match it in daring of conception, audacity of design, or the effect it had on the international consciousness. Soon after its completion, American inventor Thomas Edison met with Eiffel in his personal apartment at the top of the Tower. The Wizard of Menlo Park presented the Magician of Iron with a fresh copy of one of his new phonograph records. It was a moment that encapsulated the dizzying and intoxicating heights of the modern age and all its possibilities.
Something quite different, however, was intoxicating the German people and their leaders. The new Kaiser, Wilhelm II, had come to power the year before the Exposition Universelle, following the untimely death of his father. Germany’s new leader was vain, thrusting, and colossally arrogant. One of his first important decisions was to dismiss the very man who had created the empire he had inherited. Otto von Bismarck understood how crucial France’s diplomatic isolation was to German security. In a few short years, Wilhelm had reversed this situation—isolating Germany diplomatically and driving Russia’s Czar into an alliance with the French republic. But with Germany’s industry and military the envy of Europe, its population the best educated and paid in the world, and its universities the most widely admired, the Kaiser felt he had little to worry about. By the end of the 1890s he had decided to construct a navy as well: one that would rival and alarm his British cousins. And for the most part his people—the most industrious and obedient in Europe—were with him. Even before Wilhelm’s ascension to power, the mood in Germany had changed. Historian Barbara Tuchman remarked how "the banker Edgar Speyer, returning to his birthplace . . . after twenty-seven years in England, found that three victorious wars and the establishment of the Empire had created a changed atmosphere in Germany that was ‘intolerable’ to