Trigger Happy
By Steven Poole
3.5/5
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About this ebook
Steven Poole
Steven Poole is the award-winning author of Rethink, Unspeak, Trigger Happy, You Aren’t What You Eat, and Who Touched Base In My Thought Shower?. He writes a column on language for The Guardian, and his work on ideas and culture also appears in The Wall Street Journal, The New Statesman, The Atlantic, The Baffler, The Point, The Times Literary Supplement, Edge, and many other publications. He was educated at Cambridge, lived for many years in Paris, and is now based in East London.
Read more from Steven Poole
Unspeak: How Words Become Weapons, How Weapons Become a Message, and How That Message Becomes Reality Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5Rethink: The Surprising History of New Ideas Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5
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Reviews for Trigger Happy
37 ratings2 reviews
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5I enjoy videogames, but I much prefer reading about them to playing them myself - I'm just not much good at them. Steven Poole, a regular contributor to Edge magazine in the UK, treats videogame culture seriously - as it deserves to be treated - and looks at the ways in which it affects and is affected by popular culture. A very interesting collection of essays on the subject.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Trigger Happy's Limit mechanic makes for an interesting conceit in providing a unified core. Whether fighting with guns, pulling political strings, or intimidating with cutting words, zero Limit will leave you in a dark and very bad place. Solid writing with an excellent extended back section of sample tasks, archetypes, play example, plus three adventures. Worth trying for bad ass action gaming.
Book preview
Trigger Happy - Steven Poole
1
RESISTANCE IS FUTILE
Our virtual history
In the beginning, the planet was dead.
Suddenly, millions of years ago, arcane spontaneous chemical reactions in the primeval ooze resulted, by a freak cosmic chance, in the first appearance of what we now call the code of life.
Formed in knotty binary strings, each node representing information by its state of on
or off
and its place in the series, the code grew adept at replicating in ever more complex structures. Eventually, the organizations of code became so dense that an overarching property emerged that could not be explained by reference to any of the constituent parts. This was life
itself.
The first videogame formed in the sludge. It was a simple organism, but a father to us all. Soon enough (in geological terms) videogames crawled out on to the shore, developed rudimentary eyes and legs, and gradually began to conquer Earth.
Biologically speaking, early videogames were, as they are today, radically exogamous — that is to say, they did not replicate by breeding with each other, but with humans,
a preexisting carbon-based life form whose purpose was, and still is, unknown but seemingly providential. If the videogame managed to impart particularly intense pleasure to a parasitic human during the reproductive act, the chances of its offspring surviving were enhanced. Obviously, videogames were programmed by Nature to be as promiscuous as possible: the more humans impregnated with code, the more likely that some of the next generation would survive to breed in their turn. The work of such genetic programming persists in the primeval substratum even of modern, sophisticated videogame civilization.
Over this vast meander of time, the pressures of adapting to varied conditions prompted the formation of different genera and species of organism with different habitats, social structures and breeding strategies. The fittest survived.
But nothing could be certain in the great evolutionary game. Some seemingly successful species found it impossible to adapt swiftly enough to catastrophic changes in the environment, and died out. They were the dinosaurs. (By copying their code
and letting it gestate under laboratory conditions, however, we can actually bring these fossils to life again, and let them roam happy, if confused, in virtual amusement parks.)
Nor was this evolution a gradual and inexorable expansion of possibilities and types. There seems to be no final goal to the random machinations of Nature. Some species of game, for example, turned at certain points down evolutionary blind alleys and failed to develop, concentrating instead, like the peacock, on attracting partners with ever more lurid visual displays. Other species merged, pooling resources and erasing previous distinctions to become the great games that we know and love.
The narrative of these manifold splittings and fusings, this world-historical struggle of the will encoded in our deepest selves, is not a mere just-so story for the young. For through the noble history of videogame species, with due homage made to the great examples that have paved the way for us, the heroic story unfolds of how we came to be the planet’s masters. Remember, humans, it’s not how you play the game that counts, it’s whether you win or lose.
Pixel generation
Like millions of people, I love videogames. I also love books, music and chess. That’s not unusual. For most of my generation, videogames are just part of the cultural furniture. In particular, videogames, among people all over the world, are a social pleasure. The after-hours PlayStation session is one of the joys of modern life.
Videogames are in one sense just another entertainment choice — but compared to many, a much more interesting one. And yet there seems to be a fear that videogames are somehow nudging out other art forms, and that we’re encouraging a generation of screen-glazed androids with no social skills, poetical sensitivity or entrepreneurial ambition. But new forms don’t replace the old. Film did not replace theater. The Internet did not replace the book. Videogames have been around for thirty years, and they’re not going away.
When I was ten years old, my parents bought me a home computer. It was a ZX Spectrum, brainchild of the celebrated British inventor Sir Clive Sinclair (this was before he went on to create the savagely unsuccessful electric tricycle called the C5). The entire computer, which was a contemporary of the American Commodore Vic-20, was about half the size of a modern PC keyboard, and it plugged into a normal television. It was black, with little gray squidgy keys and a rainbow stripe over one corner. Tiny blocky characters would move around blocky landscapes lavishly painted in eight colors, while the black box beeped and burped. It was pure witchcraft. But the magic wasn’t simply done to me; it was a spell I could dive into. I could swim happily in this world, at once mysterious and utterly logical, of insubstantial light.
Doubtless my parents imagined the Spectrum would be educational. In a way it was, for very soon I was an expert at setting exactly the right recording levels on hi-fi equipment to ensure a perfect copy of a hot new game. (In those days, videogames came on cassette, and I would swap copies and hints with my schoolfriends.) For many years, the myriad delights that videogames offered were a reliable evening escape, their names now a peculiarly evocative roll call of sepia-tinged pleasures: Jet Pac, Ant Attack, Manic Miner, Knight Lore, Way of the Exploding Fist, Dark Star … Then I decided, at the age of sixteen, to put away childish things. So I bought a guitar and formed a skate-punk heavy-metal band.
While I was away practicing my ax heroics, home computers — the ZX Spectrum and Commodore 64, as well as a later, more powerful generation comprising the Atari ST and Commodore Amiga — were gradually being supplanted by home videogame consoles. These little plastic boxes could not be programmed by the user, and the games came on cartridge rather than on cassette tape. The big players in the late 1980s and early 1990s were two Japanese giants: Nintendo, with its Nintendo Entertainment System (or Famicom) and the more powerful Super NES; and Sega, with its Megadrive. Each company was represented by its own digital mascot: Nintendo had Mario, the world-famous mustachioed plumber, and Sega had Sonic, a cheeky blue hedgehog.
Already by this stage a great number of teenagers were more interested in videogames than in pop music. And Nintendo and Sega inspired fanatical loyalty. They were the Beatles and Stones of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Nintendo was the Beatles: wholesome fun for all the family, with superior artistry but a slightly safe
image; Sega, on the other hand, were the snarling, street-smart gang, roughing it up for the hardcore videogame fans.
As videogaming culture grew and the games became ever more complex and adventurous (with ever larger profits to be made), the hardware companies realized that technology had to keep pace with the designers’ ambitions. The seemingly unassailable Nintendo, having seen enormous success with the 1989 launch of the handheld Game Boy, decided to soup up the SNES by adding a CD-ROM drive. CD-ROMs hold a lot more information than cartridges, so the games could be even bigger in scope. But Nintendo had no expertise in that area of hardware, so they hooked up with the Japanese audio giant Sony, manufacturer of hi-fi and inventors of the Walkman. It seemed like a marriage made in heaven.
But after various behind-the-scenes shenanigans, Nintendo pulled out of the deal. It was to lose them their market preeminence, because Sony wasn’t happy about being messed around with by the arrogant Mario machine, and decided to go it alone and muscle in on the videogames business themselves. Thus the Sony PlayStation was born. On its launch in 1995 it blew Sega’s new machine, the Saturn, out of the water. Nintendo, meanwhile, didn’t have a competitive console out until two years later: the Nintendo 64, which had a handful ofbrilliant games but was woefully under-supported by most software developers. The landscape of power had irrevocably shifted while my back was turned.
Apart from the odd blast in an arcade, I hadn’t thought about videogames again. Then, one summer, I was staying in a friend’s Edinburgh flat while watching more or less disastrous pieces of fringe theater at the rate of three or four a day. The odorous broom closet I was sleeping in had only one particularly interesting piece of furniture: a PlayStation. My friend introduced me to something called WipEout 2097, a fast, futuristic hover-racing game. My jaw dropped.
Over the previous decade, it seemed, videogames had really grown up. This was an amazing, sense-battering, physically thrilling trip. Artistically, it felt superior to anything I had seen on the Fringe. And so, after sacrificing most of my sleep during that Edinburgh stay to improving my lap times, I decided I needed to buy a PlayStation of my own. Perhaps one day, I thought, I might even write something about videogames.
So I bought the console. And then I had to buy a few games. Soul Blade (fighting), WipEout 2097 (racing), Tomb Raider (Lara Croft) — that would do for starters. On second thought, better add V-Rally (more racing) and Crash Bandicoot (marsupial wrangling). My research had to be dutifully wide-ranging, didn’t it? Soon, I also bought the Nintendo 64, which slotted neatly on to my shelves with Super Mario 64 and 1080° Snowboarding. Now they’re joined by a Sega Dreamcast, Sony’s PlayStation2, a Nintendo GameCube, and Microsoft’s Xbox.
It hasn’t been cheap. But my experience is one that’s shared by millions of people all over the planet. Indeed, this acceleration in videogame evolution would not have been possible otherwise.
Meme machines
Videogames today are monstrously big business. Their present status has largely to do with the shift in demographics, of which I was a part. In the 1980s, videogames were indeed mainly a children’s pursuit, but now games cost between twenty and fifty dollars and are targeted at the disposable income of adults. The average age of videogame players is now estimated to be twenty-eight in the United States; one 2000 survey reported that 61 percent of all U.S. video-gamers are eighteen and over, with a full 42 percent of computer gameplayers and 21 percent of console gameplayers thirty-six years of age or older.* More and more grownups choose to play videogames rather than watch TV or go to the movies. According to the European Leisure Software Publishers’ Association, the British videogame market already grosses 60 percent more than total movie box-office receipts, and 80 percent more than video rentals. On the other side of the Atlantic, Americans named videogames as their favorite form of home entertainment for the third year in a row in 1999. Twice as many people nominated videogames as chose watching TV, three times as many preferred videogames to going out to the movies or reading books, and six times as many preferred videogames to renting movies. Total videogame software and hardware sales in the United States reached $8.9 billion, versus $7.3 billion for movie box-office receipts;† $6.6 billion of the videogame receipts were from software sales, retail and online. How did this strange invasion happen? How did this stealthy virus insinuate itself into so many homes?
Well, one company has done more than any other over the last six years to stake out videogames’ huge place in adult popular culture: Sony, manufacturers of the PlayStation, the unassuming gray box that reinvigorated my own interest and that of so many others. The last time they counted, Sony had sold five million PlayStations in the UK alone. The focus for the brand,
explains Guy Pearce, Sony’s UK PR manager, is eighteen to twenty-five. That’s the age group we aim at, and always have done.
One in every four U.S. households owns a PlayStation.
Sony’s initial stroke of marketing brilliance was to release an early game, 1995’s WipEout, with a thumping techno soundtrack featuring well-known electronic acts of the caliber of Orbital, Leftfield and the Chemical Brothers. The success of this product had the Prodigy and Underworld clamoring to provide tracks for the sequel. Sony had a PlayStation room built in London superclub the Ministry of Sound, and got its logo onto club flyers all over the country. Soon PlayStation was happily associated with dance culture, with enthusiastic support from early adopters such as the band Massive Attack, who had bought theirs while on tour in Japan. Control of the soundtrack to the third game in the series, 1999’s Wip3out, was handed over to superstar DJ Sasha, thus ensuring another soundtrack cleverly poised between cutting-edge and mass-appeal dance music.
Sony targeted the youth market with intelligent aggression. During the 1995 Glastonbury Festival, they distributed thousands of perforated cards adorned with PlayStation logos, which could be torn up to make convenient roaches for marijuana joints — or, as Sony claimed, to dispose of chewing gum.
And then God created woman. Enter Lara Croft, the pistol-toting, ponytailed, hotpants-and-shades-wearing digital star of a revolutionary 1996 game, Tomb Raider. Much has been written about her. She has been on the cover of The Face and the subject of countless Sunday-supplement articles. The publisher of Tomb Raider, Eidos, was named Britain’s most successful company in any industry in 1999. It has sold more than sixteen million copies worldwide of the first three games in the series. Add a conservative estimate for sales of the fourth installment, Tomb Raider: The Last Revelation, and Lara’s getting close to becoming a billion-dollar babe.
Lara is such a recognizable icon that she now advertises other products, appearing, for example, in computer-generated television commercials for Lucozade and Nike. Generation X author Douglas Coupland contributed to the devotional tome Lara’s Book; the Germans have a monthly magazine dedicated to her. In the summer of 1999, Lara could be seen hanging from the back of buses all over London, and six months later a bus and billboard campaign giving Lara the movie-star treatment was undertaken in several cities in the United States. Jeremy Smith, managing director of Lara’s birthplace, Core Design, points out what a gift her exploding profile was to the company: "Who knows how many millions and millions of pounds’ worth of free marketing we got from the press, by them putting it in front of people who’d then think, ‘Well, wow, that looks like a great game.’ We could never have spent that sort of money on the marketing that we got from the media." And of course, Lara’s contribution to the PlayStation brand itself cannot be overestimated. An exclusivity deal with Sony ensured that the next three games appeared only on PlayStation, and the next-generation Tomb Raider game finally appeared on PlayStation2 in 2003.
These days, videogames generate a large spin-off industry of playing cards, posters, strategy guides, clothes and plastic figurines. In the summer of 1999, sales of Bandai’s Duke Nukem action figures soared, with the majority of purchasers being women. (Duke is the testosterone-dripping digital hero of humorous shoot-the-aliens games. He sports a blond crop and mirrored shades and uses arch catchphrases such as, It’s time to chew gum and kick ass!
) Bandai claimed to have received an anxious
call from a woman after her local store ran out of Nukem figures. According to their press release, she claimed that 1990s women were turning away from Victoria’s Secret and Tupperware parties in favor of Duke Nukem evenings. Even if this is just a tease, it is illuminating that Bandai feels the potential female audience is large enough for them to make such a claim.
Game companies have also cultivated strong commercial links with the UK’s biggest game, soccer. Videogame companies pay stars like Michael Owen and Alan Shearer to endorse their soccer games. In the United States, Sega has hired spokesmen of the likes of Boston Red Sox pitcher Pedro Martinez and Philadelphia 76er Allen Iver-son, and has sponsored the San Francisco Giants in baseball and the Tennessee Titans and Oakland Raiders in football. Meanwhile, Sony sponsors the Vans Triple Crown series of sports such as snowboarding and freestyle motocross.
And videogames have gradually become a marketing medium in their own right. My first experience of the PlayStation, WipEout 2097, featured neon advertisements for Diesel jeans and Red Bull caffeine drinks that flashed by as you sped around its virtual racecourses. Stockholm company Addgames released Mall Maniacs in 1999, a bizarre virtual supermarket
game whose entire development costs were covered by retail companies paying to have reconstructed presences in the digital world. Meanwhile Sega’s Dreamcast game, Crazy Taxi, in which the player drives passengers around an imaginary American town center, sports a suspicious number of people asking to go to the Pizza Hut or Kentucky Fried Chicken, restaurant franchises given their own near-photorealistic presences in the shopping area.
The music industry, too, is slowly waking up to the commercial possibilities of placing an artist’s song in a videogame. British rock band Ash is rumored to have earned nearly $1,000,000 in royalties by licensing just one song to the hit driving game Gran Turismo. Gremlin’s Actua Ice Hockey 2 has a soundtrack entirely by cult postrockers Mogwai, whose faces have also been digitized and slapped onto the team members’ heads. Trent Reznor, the man behind industrial-techno outfit Nine Inch Nails, composed the soundtrack for Quake. CDs of specially written videogame music now regularly enter the pop charts in Japan, and videogame scores are now eligible for three categories of soundtrack music in the annual Grammy Awards.
Videogames now have such a potent influence on other forms of entertainment that they raise a clutch of questions about what they really have in common with the older forms. For example, David Bowie, well known as a man with an eye for the next big thing, wrote and performed (with guitarist Reeves Gabrels) an entire concept album for the soundtrack to the 1999 videogame Omikron: The Nomad Soul. At the Los Angeles press conference to announce this collaboration, Bowie said he approached the project as he would a film, to provide an emotional heart to the game.
And it doesn’t stop there: the rock star’s involvement extends to being a digitized character in the game itself.
Videogames also extend their silvery tentacles into the worlds of film and books. Star Wars director George Lucas has had his own videogames division, the widely respected LucasArts, for many years; Sega put up a chunk of the budget for David Cronenberg’s movie eXistenZ; and in summer 2001, Japanese software giant Square released Final Fantasy: The Spirits Within, an $80 million computer-generated feature film based on its enormously successful Final Fantasy games, with voices provided by Hollywood stars Steve Buscemi, James Woods and Donald Sutherland. Amazingly, videogames now compete directly with movies in terms of financial returns. Over the six-week Christmas 1998 period in the United States, one videogame, Nintendo’s Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time, grossed $160 million, well outpacing the most popular film, Disney’s A Bug’s Life.
Meanwhile, thriller novelist Tom Clancy now writes scenarios for videogames produced by his own company, Red Storm, so that eventually his paper-based products may be demoted to the status of videogame tie-ins. Michael Crichton is also setting up his own videogame development studio. And in 1998 Douglas Adams — who had a hand in the first videogame based on his sci-fi comedy The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy, a text adventure game published by Infocom in 1985 —scripted the adventure videogame Starship Titanic before the appearance of the tie-in novel, which he didn’t even write himself. These guys aren’t stupid; they know which way the wind is blowing.
The major videogame console manufacturers, meanwhile, have epic ambitions for their little lumps of extruded plastic. Consoles aim to be not just gaming machines but the one-stop entertainment center in the homes of millions. One Sony insider has been overheard saying that the company’s aim with PlayStation2 is to own the living room.
In the late 1990s, you could already play CDs on a PlayStation, but that’s small beer. Sony’s PlayStation2 plays DVD movies through your TV, and various interface ports allow the connection of digital video cameras for editing home movies, printers, scanners, storage devices, and much else. PlayStation2 sold 980,000 units on its first launch weekend in Japan in March 2000, and by mid-2001 Sony had shipped 15 million of the consoles worldwide. In 2002, Sony introduced its Network Adapter to allow online play with others, and in 2003 it released a new version of the console, PSX, which not only played games and accessed the Internet but enabled playback of digital photographs, music, and movies. Meanwhile, Microsoft’s Xbox already had a hard drive and broadband connectivity built-in, as well as being a domestic DVD player. Consoles today can offer more different types of entertainment than ever before.
Can anything stop this fun-juggernaut? Research from U.S. analysts Datamonitor suggests that sales of games consoles and software in Europe and the United States will generate over $17 billion worth of business a year by 2003. The conventional media — Hollywood, music, even books — are scared. Who can blame them?
The shock of the new
Videogames are not going to go away. You can’t hide under the stairs. Resistance is futile. Any industry with such a vast amount of money sloshing around in it is by that token alone worthy of investigation.
Videogames are powerful, but they are nothing without humans to play them. So the inner life of videogames — how they work — is bound up with the inner life of the player. And the player’s response to a well-designed videogame is in part the same sort of response he or she has to a film, or to a painting: it is an aesthetic one.
Alain and Frédéric Le Diberder, authors of an excellent French book on videogames called L’Univers des jeux vidéo, welcome this idea with open arms. They already declare that the videogame is the tenth art.
* Most people are not yet so progressive. But videogames clearly have the potential to become an art form, even if they are not there yet.
Here’s why. A videogame is put together by highly talented artists and graphic designers, as well as programmers, virtual architects and sonic engineers. Increasingly, first-class graduates in computer science from such universities as Cambridge and MIT are moving into videogames rather than academic research; there is also a large flow of animation talent from traditional cartoons into videogame development. Musicians who might once have become television or film composers are now writing videogame soundtracks, and there is even such a beast as the professional videogame scriptwriter. There’s a huge amount of thought and creativity encoded on to that little silver disc. And aesthetics, by which I mean in the most general terms the systematic study of why we like one painting or one film more than another, cannot ignore this bizarre digital hybrid.
The original Greek meaning of aesthetics
refers to things that are perceived by the senses. Modern videogames — dynamic and interactive fusions of colorful graphic representation, sound effects, music, speed and movement — are unquestionably a fabulously sensual form; furthermore, the simple fact is that some videogames are better than others, yet so far no serious attempt has been made to understand why. Videogames are an increasingly pervasive part of the modern cultural landscape, but we have no way of speaking critically about them. The noisy lightshows competing for attention in living rooms around the globe appear as some kind of weird, hermetic monolith: mysteriously exciting to the initiated, baffling to the nonplayer. But both kinds of people are affected by videogames in one way or another. Even if you’ve never played Tomb Raider, you can’t escape the clutches of Lara Croft.
People are always loath to admit that something new can approach the status of art. Take this rather aggressive ejaculation: A pastime of illiterate, wretched creatures who are stupefied by their daily jobs, a machine of mindlessness and dissolution.
Such high moral bile is typical of the attacks on videogames today.
But this sentence wasn’t written about videogames; it was written seventy years ago by French novelist Georges Duhamel, about the movies. Yet today, few people would argue that filmmaking is not an art form. An art form that