Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names presented to Elaine Matthews

ELAINE MATTHEWS AN APPRECIATION

Elaine Matthews read Literae Humaniores at St Hilda’s College, Oxford in 1960–64, where she was tutored, notably, by Barbara Levick, and after a short break returned to complete the B.phil. (now the M.phil.) in Ancient History, with a concentration on the second-century author Lucian. Between 1969 and 1975 she was largely preoccupied with bringing up two small daughters (Helen and Julia) but maintained a foothold in academic life through freelance undergraduate teaching and editorial work. For one of the results of that period, many of us have good cause to be grateful. She compiled the indices to peter Fraser’s Ptolemaic Alexandria, in itself a piece of careful and meticulous scholarship which matches the magnum opus itself and makes consulting it (a frequent necessity for some) both easy and rewarding. Another very fruitful result was the foundation of a long and close friendship and collaboration with its author, of which more below.

In the mid-1970s Elaine began what was to be a long and important association with the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies and the Journal of Roman Studies. She was involved in the complex and demanding editorial work for the Journal and was at the same time Secretary of the Joint committee of the Hellenic and Roman Societies. A principal responsibility of the latter was the organisation of all aspects of the joint Triennial Conference of the Societies which was and continues to be not simply another forum for university academics to talk to each other. It has served as a showcase for teaching and research in the UK in all fields of Classical Studies, encouraging the presentation of lectures on subjects in new and developing areas and attracting participants from universities, schools, museums and the general public. Elaine’s vision of this as part of the Roman Society’s responsibility to the whole of the spectrum of its constituency and its membership has been an important factor in the maintenance of the relationship between the university and the school sectors which has ensured the survival, and even the health, of the subject through some difficult times.

From the late 1980s, her role in the Roman Society became more prominent. Following the much regretted and premature death of its Honorary Secretary, Elizabeth Rawson, Elaine assumed that position in 1989 and still holds it at the time of writing. For almost twenty years the irreducible core of Elaine, the Secretary Helen Cockle and the Treasurer Graham Kentfield, along with a succession of Presidents, ran the affairs of the Society with an efficiency, sensitivity and sense of propriety which (experto credite) made the office and the duties of the President seem like a privilege and an honour, in the good times. That last phrase has a resonance, deliberately so. In the new world of the early twentieth century, the symbiotic relationships of the Hellenic and Roman Societies with the University of London, the School of Advanced Studies and the Institute of Classical Studies became much more difficult than they had earlier been, for institutional and financial reasons which were not of the Societies’own making. Solutions which will enable the Societies to continue their work and respond to the needs and wishes of their members were difficult to find but Elaine played a very significant role in achieving a modus vivendi at least for the immediate future. That Elaine’s role in this process has been crucial is more readily appreciable in the context of the fact that in the 1990s it was on her own initiative that the Advisory committee to the council was established. Elaine chaired this as Honorary Secretary and it meets once a year in order to identify and consider the broader strategic issues facing the Roman Society in the longer term.

Simultaneously, from the mid-1970s Elaine’s academic career was developing in the context of the Lexicon of Greek personal Names which was established by peter Fraser as a British Academy Research project in 1972. Elaine joined this as a member of the research staff in 1975, was Assistant Editor from 1981–92 and Editor from 1992 until her retirement in 2008. If the original vision of what a systematic, region-by-region onomastic lexicon could contribute to the institutional, social, ethnic and linguistic history of hellenism and of the ancient Mediterranean was Fraser’s, Elaine takes a huge amount of credit for its implementation and for seeing the existing volumes through to publication. Much more than that, however. One of the dangers inherent in a long-term research project of this sort (apart from failure to maintain an appropriate level of funding, which Elaine has averted time and again) is that they might simply become static repositories of data from alpha to omega, operating in the originally established, strategic framework. That this is so obviously not the case with LGPN is Elaine’s great achievement, which can be summarised in the move over three decades from an analogue to a digital environment, from index cards to databases and in making sure that it can be sustained and adapted to new technologies developing at a rapid pace. In fact, while most of us in the mid-1980s were struggling to come to terms with simple word-processing, Elaine was already publishing on the potential of database technology.¹ Migrating a major resource of this type into the IT environment not only presented (and still presents) formidable technical challenges which Elaine could appreciate but also raises crucial strategic issues. How to up-date the databank and incorporate new evidence which will complement the existing hard-copy and electronic databanks? How to make the onomastic evidence sustainably accessible and usable for the next generation of scholarly communities beyond the philologists and onomasticians? Without overburdening this account with technical detail, it is evident to those of us who have seen this work at close quarters,² that the strategic planning and implementation of this process over a period of more than two decades is Elaine’s achievement and should serve as a model for those involved in the creation of digital research resources and web-based services.

At the same time, the Lexicon has not only appeared in recognisable guise as a series of literally tangible volumes, but has also generated a minor academic industry of new scholarship on onomastics, to which Elaine’s own contribution has been far from minor. Her brief account of the whole subject in the Third Edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary³ is a model of its kind. She has spoken at many international meetings and colloquia and has published her papers in several volumes of proceedings. Two volumes of collected papers, which she edited or co-edited, resulted from symposia organised in connection with the work of the Lexicon.⁴ The introductions which she wrote for those volumes are instructive in different ways. The earlier one incorporates a succinct yet comprehensive account of the history of onomastic scholarship, the latter looks beyond the world of hellenism and Greek names, to the studies of onomastics in different societies and linguistic contexts. Both exemplify her ability to see the importance of the detailed work for the broader context. The earlier volume explicitly celebrated the work of the Lexicon’s founder peter Fraser, with whom Elaine worked so closely for many years. That relationship communicated to her a deep and abiding appreciation of both ancient and modern Greek culture and a close association with many Greek scholars and non-academics who have supported the work of the Lexicon. It is appropriate to emphasise the importance of that symbiosis with peter Fraser in the last decade of his life. He continued to work in comfort and with pleasure, in congenial surroundings, in the Clarendon Building and then in the Classics Centre in its two locations (the Old Boys’ School and the new Stelios Ioannou Centre) until almost the very last day of his life. He was an enormous reservoir of academic wisdom and accumulated knowledge with which he was able to continue to contribute significantly to the Lexicon until the very end. It was Elaine who enabled that to happen.

These institutional and intellectual contributions to the academic endeavours of the community of classical scholars gave Elaine a respected and valuable role in the Oxford classical landscape. Her contributions to the Faculty of Literae Humaniores (now ‘classics’) were recognised by the conferment of the title of Faculty Fellow in 1995. She served the Faculty as a member of several committees including the Information Technology committee and chaired the working party which drew up an IT Strategy for the classics centre and its research projects. She was particularly active in representing the interests and concerns of the ever-growing group of contract research staff, whose contribution to academic research has been in several ways inadequately recognised. Her expertise and experience in IT matters was recognised more widely in the university when she was co-opted on to its Working party on IT and Legal Issues.

She has also made a significant contribution in her college, St Hilda’s, which elected her to a Supernumerary Fellowship in 1996, which she will hold until 2012. She filled the roles of IT Fellow, until 2008, and Secretary to the Governing Body, was a member of the Personnel Committee and willingly offered occasional advice to graduate students, as well as unstinting and wise support to her Governing Body colleagues and college staff. Beyond the horizons of classical scholarship, the particular St Hilda’s development which gave her much pleasure was the establishment of the Jacqueline Du pré Building which is now a central element in Oxford’s musical scene. She spent a great deal of time helping to deal with the legal and administrative complexities of the college’s role in managing the building, as well as supporting the organisers of the concerts and the education and community programmes.

The existence and the content of the present volume reflect very widespread affection and appreciation for Elaine and for her many and diverse contributions to the local, the national and the international academic communities.

Alan Bowman

¹ ‘Designing and using a database of Greek personal names’, Computers in literary and linguistic research. Proceedings of the 8th International Symposium of the Association for Literary and Linguistic Computing (1985).

² Specifically in the synergy created by the shared premises of the LGPN and the centre for the Study of Ancient Documents in the Stelios Ioannou Centre in Oxford.

³ OCD³ 1022–4 ‘names, personal, Greek’. See also her article in the Encyclopedia of Greece and the Hellenic Tradition (London and chicago 2000).

⁴ Greek Personal Names: their Value as Evidence (Proceedings of the British Academy, 104. Oxford 2000, ed. With S. Hornblower) and Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics (Proceedings of the British Academy, 148. Oxford, 2007).

AEGEAN ISLANDS

SIMONIDES OF ERETRIA (REDIVIVUS?)

Ewen Bowie

This paper suggests that the poet and prose-writer Simonides of Karystos or Eretria (known from Suda Σ 444) is the Simonides addressed by the three poems of Euenos of Paros preserved in the Theognidea, and proposes tentatively that Theognidea 11–14, 511–522 and 903–930 might be elegies by Simonides, the latter perhaps composed when he had lost his property in Eretria and was with his xenos Euenos on Paros.

Two quite long elegies in ‘Book 1’ of the Theognidea are addressed to a Simonides, as is one in ‘Book 2’, a poem that is shorter, but by comparison with other pieces in ‘Book 2’ also relatively long.¹ Modern students of classical Greek poetry have of course been tempted to suppose that this Simonides must have been the late sixth-and early fifth-century poet Simonides of Keos.² But the author of these three poems seems almost certainly to be Euenos of Paros, a poet and sophist whose activity is firmly pegged to the last decades of the fifth century.³ Several men named Simonides from the later fifth century could be Euenos’ addressee. One is the Athenian στρατηγός mentioned by Thucydides (iv 7), militarily active in the spring of 425 BC, and presumably active in Athenian symposia for some years on either side of that date: he cannot be ruled out. But a more appropriate literary profile seems to be that of a Simonides from Eretria or Karystos, known only from the Suda: for some reason his disappearance from modern literary histories has been compounded with omission from LGPN, but he deserves at least some attention.

The Suda entry is as follows (Σ 444):

Σιμωνίδης, Καρύστιος ἢ Ἐρετριεύς, ἐποποιός. τὴν εἰς Αὐλίδα σύνοδον τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, τριμέτρων βιβλία βʹ, περὶ Ἰφιγενείας.

Simonides, of Karystos or Eretria, an epopoios: ‘The Gathering of the Achaians at Aulis’; ‘Trimeters’ in two books; ‘On Iphigeneia’.

This Simonides’ date is regarded as indeterminable by the ‘Suda on line’,⁴ but the ascription of two books of Trimeters seems to me to point to a time when the composition of iamboi was still a living art: the late fifth-century Athenian Hermippos, cited by Aristophanic scholia with the specification ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ ἰάμβῳ τῶν τριμέτρων⁵ and ἐν τοῖς τριμέτροις,⁶ would plausibly be a contemporary of our Simonides. We have no idea of the content or tone of Simonides’ iamboi. But the title of his work ‘On Iphigeneia’ classifies it as prose mythography. Such a work might be composed at almost any date after the early fifth century, but would be especially attuned to the strong interest in Iphigeneia evident in Attica in the last decades of the fifth century. That interest has long been apparent from Euripides’ choice of the Iphigeneia myth for two plays produced within a few years of each other in the period c. 413–410 BC, Iphigeneia among the Tauri (c. 413 BC?) and at Aulis (410 BC?) and it now seems on architectural grounds that Athenian reconstruction of the temple of Artemis at Brauron belongs later in the fifth century than previously supposed.⁷

There was presumably some link between this prose work περὶ Ἰφιγενείας and the third of Simonides’ works registered by the Suda, τὴν εἰς Αὐλίδα σύνοδον τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. I take this work to have been a poem in hexameters, since some such poem is needed to explain Simonides’ description in the Suda as an ‘epic poet’, ἐποποιός. One might guess this to have been a work of easily performable and digestible length like the earlier Hesiodic Shield. Interest in the mythology of Aulis that lies just across the narrow stretch of sea separating Attica from Eretria is not surprising in an Eretrian poet, a man who, like his friend Euenos, was engaged with prose as well as poetic production. The attribution of this work to Simonides suggests to me that Eretria is much more likely than Karystos to be his polis of origin.

This range of works – iambic trimeters, a prose work and a (short?) hexameter poem (there is no hint in the Suda that it extended to more than one book) – is valuable in pinning down Simonides to no earlier than the beginning of the fifth century (the prose work) and no later than its end (the trimeters); and if his interest in Iphigeneia and his role as addressee of Euenos combine to put him in its last quarter, it is not only in Euenos that a parallel for composing both prose and poetry can be found – Ion of Chios, Hippias of Elis and Kritias of Athens are likewise credited with both.

It is worth asking whether this Simonides also composed any elegiac poetry. That none survived to be catalogued by Alexandrian scholars and to pass through Hesychius to his biographical notice in the Suda does not show that he did not, and in composing both iambic trimeters and elegiacs he would have had several distinguished precedents – Archilochos, Solon and Xenophanes, and perhaps Semonides of Amorgos and Mimnermos. It is tempting, therefore, to think both that our Simonides might have composed elegiac poems and that Euenos might have included some poetry by his friend and addressee Simonides in his elegiac collection. Has any of Simonides’ elegiac poetry survived via Theognis ‘Book 1’?

I start near the beginning of the Theognidea. The brief hymnic invocation at 11–14 seems to be addresssed to the Artemis whose cult at Euboian Amarynthos, in the territory of Eretria, we know from Kallimachos:⁸

Ἄρτεμι θηροφόνη, θύγατερ Διός, ἣν Ἀγαμέμνων

εἵσαθ’, ὅτ’ ἐς Τροίην ἔπλεε νηυσὶ θοῇς,

εὐχομένῳ μοι κλῦθι, κακὰς δ’ ἀπὸ κῆρας ἄλαλκε·

σοὶ μὲν τοῦτο θεὰ σμικρόν, ἐμοὶ δὲ μέγα.

Artemis, beast-slayer, daughter of Zeus, whom Agamemnon

established when he sailed to Troy with his swift ships,

hearken to me as I pray, and drive off evil fates:

for you, goddess, this is a small thing, but for me a great thing.

In a recently published piece⁹ I suggested that this poem’s composition by a traveller seemed more likely than by a resident of Amarynthos. If that guess was correct the traveller could plausibly be Euenοs, visiting Simonides and choosing a theme and divine addressee that would pay a compliment to his friend’s works, both verse and prose. But if a local singer is to be credited Euenos’ friend Simonides might himself be thought a good candidate: his work on the Gathering of the Achaians at Aulis will have presumably encouraged him to contemplate the aition of the Amarynthian cult.

The other piece with a specific reference to Eretrian territory is the quatrain lamenting the destruction of the vineyards around the river Lelantos (Theognidea 891–4):

ὤ μοι ἀναλκίης· ἀπὸ μὲν Κήρινθος ὄλωλεν,

Ληλάντου δ’ ἀγαθὸν κείρεται οἰνόπεδον·

οἱ δ’ ἀγαθοὶ φεύγουσι, πόλιν δὲ κακοὶ διέπουσιν.

ὡς δὴ Κυψελιδῶν Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος.

O what cowardice! Kerinthos has been destroyed,

and the fine vineyards of the Lelantos are being cut down:

the good men are in exile, and bad men run the city:

may Zeus destroy the family of the Kypselids!

Most who have tried to contextualise this poem have put it earlier, e.g. Around 510 BC: the key lies in line 4, where κυψελλίζων is usually emended to Κυψελιδῶν. If these lines are as early as this, our Simonides cannot be their poet. On the other hand the quatrain’s inclusion in a song-anthology of the late fifth-century may be due to Euenos’ friendship with Simonides, and it is not entirely impossible that the lines are actually a composition of Simonides reacting to one of Athens’ interventions in Eretria in the second half of the fifth century (on which see further below).¹⁰

A stronger candidate for Simonidean composition may be 903–930 – stronger because, like Euenos’ own poems in the Theognidea, it is quite long (28 lines) though perhaps not complete:¹¹

ὅστις ἀνάλωσιν τηρεῖ κατὰ χρήματα θνητῶν¹²

κυδίστην ἀρετὴν τοῖς συνιεῖσιν ἔχει.

905    εἰ μὲν γὰρ κατιδεῖν βιότου τέλος ἦν, ὁπόσον τις

ἤμελλ’ ἐκτελέσας εἰς Ἀΐδαο περᾶν,

εἰκὸς ἂν ἦν, ὃς μὲν πλείω χρόνον αἶσαν ἔμιμνεν,

φείδεσθαι μᾶλλον τοῦτον, ἵν’ εἶχε βίον·

νῦν δ’ οὐκ ἔστιν, ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ μέγα πένθος ὄρωρεν

910          καὶ δάκνομαι ψυχήν, καὶ δίχα θυμὸν ἔχω.

ἐν τριόδῳ δ’ ἕστηκα· δύ’ εἰσὶ τὸ πρόσθεν ὁδοί μοι·

φροντίζω τούτων ἥντιν’ ἴω πρότερον·

ἢ μηδὲν δαπανῶν τρύχω βίον ἐν κακότητι

ἢ ζώων τερπνῶς ἔργα τελῶν ὀλίγα.

915    εἶδον μὲν γὰρ ἔγωγ’ ὃς φείδετο, κοὔποτε γαστρὶ

σῖτον ἐλευθέριον πλούσιος ὢν ἐδίδου·

ἀλλὰ πρὶν ἐκτελέσαι κατέβη δόμον Ἄϊδος εἴσω,

χρήματα δ’ ἀνθρώπων οὑπιτυχὼν ἔλαβεν·

ὥστ’ ἐς ἄκαιρα πονεῖν καὶ μὴ δόμεν ᾧ κ’ ἐθέλῃ τις·

920         εἶδον δ’ ἄλλον ὃς ᾗ γαστρὶ χαριζόμενος

χρήματα μὲν διέτριψεν, ἔφη δ’ ὑπάγω φρένα τέρψας·

πτωχεύει δὲ φίλους πάντας, ὅπου τιν’ ἴδῃ.

οὕτω, Δημόκλεις, κατὰ χρήματ’ ἄριστον ἁπάντων

τὴν δαπάνην θέσθαι καὶ μελέτην ἔχεμεν·

925    οὔτε γὰρ ἂν προκαμὼν ἄλλῳ καμάτου μεταδοίης,

οὔτ’ ἂν πτωχεύων δουλοσύνην τελέοις.

οὐδ’ εἰ γῆρας ἵκοιο τὰ χρήματα πάντ’ ἀποδραίη·

ἐν δὲ τοιῷδε γένει χρήματ’ ἄριστον ἔχειν.

ἢν μὲν γὰρ πλουτῇς, πολλοὶ φίλοι, ἢν δὲ πένηαι,

930         παῦροι, κοὐκέθ’ ὁμῶς αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός.

Whoever of mortals watches his expenditure in the light of his resources

has the most renowned excellence for those who have understanding.

905    For if it were possible to discern the end of one’s life, and how much

one was going to complete before crossing over into Hades,

it would have been reasonable that the man who expected his portion for a longer time

to be more sparing, so as to have a livelihood:

but as it is that is not so, which indeed has aroused great sorrow in me too,

910         my heart is bitten, and my mind is divided,

and I stand at a crossroads: there are two roads ahead of me;

I ponder which of these I shall go along first,

either to spend nothing and drag out my life in wretchedness,

or to live a life of pleasure, bringing few things to accomplishment.

915    For I have seen a man who was sparing, and never to his belly

would he give the corn that free men eat, though he was wealthy;

But before he used up his wealth he went down into the house of Hades

and somebody drawn randomly from mankind got his resources:

this brings about living in poverty to no purpose, and not giving to the person of one’s choice.

920         And I have seen another man who indulged his belly

And exhausted his resources, but said I am on my way once I have pleasured my heart:

and he begs from all his friends, whenever he sees one.

So, Demokles, according to one’s resources is it best of all

to arrange one’s expenditure, and to exercise care:

925    for neither will you give a share of your labours to another by dying first

nor will you live through slavery, going round begging.

Not even were you to reach old age would all your resources be exhausted –

and in this generation it is best to have resources.

For if you are wealthy, you have many friends, but if you are poor,

930         few, and you are no longer the fine man that you were.

This elegy is addressed to a Demokles (line 923) and was attributed by Cataudella to Euenos himself.¹³ Some features were judged late by Harrison (1902) and Carrière (1948), but van Groningen thought its date uncertain, and noted Le poète connaît fort bien la langue épique et élégiaque.¹⁴ The name of the addressee, Demokles, does not help much: if it were not attested in Euboia this might be seen as an argument against the authorship of our Simonides, but it is indeed documented for Eretria in IG XII (9) 246 B, 92, a catalogue of ephebes of the late fourth or early third century. However, it is so very common a name in Athens that its appearance at Eretria cannot count for a lot. The poem’s reflections on the importance of drawing upon apparently fixed resources at a pace calculated not to exhaust them before one’s death but equally not to leave too much for random heirs would suit an exile with limited or no access to his erstwhile property, as Simonides may have been (see below), but it would fit many other personae too. The image of standing at a cross-roads and making a choice was also used c. 425 BC by Simonides’ fellow-islander Prodikos of Keos in his Choice of Herakles, but whether Simonides or Prodikos got there first cannot be determined.¹⁵

An apparently complete 12-line poem addressed to Klearistos, however, 511–522, has perhaps stronger claims. It is an exuberant greeting to a recently arrived ξένος (Theognidea 511–522¹⁶):

ἦλθες δή, Κλεάριστε, βαθὺν διὰ πόντον ἀνύσσας

512         ἐνθάδ’ ἐπ’ οὐδ̀ὲν ἔχοντ’, ὦ τάλαν, οὐδὲν ἔχων·

515    τῶν δ’ ὄντων τἄριστα παρέξομεν· ἦν δέ τις ἔλθῃ

σεῦ φίλος ὤν, κατάκεισ’ ὡς φιλότητος ἔχεις.

οὔτέ τι τῶν ὄντων ἀποθήσομαι, οὔτε τι μείζω

σῆς ἕνεκα ξενίης ἄλλοθεν οἰσόμεθα.

ἢν δέ τις εἰρωτᾷ τὸν ἐμὸν βίον, ὧδέ οἱ εἰπεῖν·

"ὡς εὖ μὲν χαλεπῶς, ὡς χαλεπῶς δὲ μάλ’ εὖ.

ὥσθ’ ἕνα μὲν ξεῖνον πατρώιον οὐκ ἀπολείπειν,

ξείνια δὲ πλεόνεσσ’ οὐ δυνατὸς παρέχειν."

513    νηός τοι πλευρῇσιν ὑπὸ ζυγὰ θήσομεν ἡμεῖς

514         Κλεάρισθ’ οἷ’ ἔχομεν χοἶα διδοῦσι θεοί.

So you have come, Klearistos, completing your voyage across the deep sea

512           here to one who has nothing, as you too have nothing, poor man:

515     but we shall provide the best of what we have: and if somebody comes

who is your friend, recline as our friendship bids.

I shall not garner away any of what I have, nor shall I get in from elsewhere

more substantial provision because of my guest-friendship with you.

And if anyone asks about my condition, reply to him as follows:

"Hard, by comparison by what is good, but very good by comparison with what is hard:

so that a single guest-friend of my family will not go short,

but I am not able to provide hospitality for more."

513    So for your ship’s cargo I shall provide,

514          Klearistos, such as I have and such as the gods give.

The singer is concerned to insist on how comprehensively he will fulfil the obligations of φιλία or ξενία despite his own very modest means, hinting that this moderation is emblematic of the middle-ness that marks out the ideal symposion. The poem has some prima facie claim to be considered as by Simonides partly, again, because it is substantial and, this time, complete; but partly due to the name Klearistos. This name is not common, and its attestation in Boiotia led Harrison (1902) to suggest that this Klearistos was Boiotian: the name is found at Orchomenos in IG VII 3179, 26 of around 223 BC; at Tanagra in IG VII 1145 of the third or second centuries BC; and at Thebes and Thespiai in the Imperial period. But the name Klearistos is also attested for Euboia: for Karystos in 362/1 BC (BCH 66–67 (1942–3) 85 no. 1 II, 26–7) and in the second century BC (IG XII (9) 8, 6); Klearistides for Eretria in the fourth or third century BC in IG XII (9) 245 A, 264 and – a different Klearistides – 245 B, 117. There are also, it must be admitted, two Klearistoi from Athens, one from the Argolis and one from Sicily, two from Klazomenai and two from Ilion.¹⁷

However, the notion that the poem might be addressed by a Simonides hosting a symposium in Eretria or Karystos to a Klearistos who was also a citizen and resident of Eretria is incompatible with the designation of their relationship as ξενίη and with the description of Klearistos’ journey as completed βαθὺν διὰ πόντον – indeed this phrase also excludes a Klearistos visiting Eretria from Boiotia or Attica. If we are dealing with a Simonidean poem (which can be no more than a guess) either Klearistos or Simonides (or indeed both) must currently be resident in some other place than Eretria. That of course can be reconciled with their both being Eretrian citizens. The Athenian democracy’s attempts to control Eretria in the second half of the fifth century will have caused especial disruption to the lives of the Eretrian elite. Many must have lost land when Tolmides planted a cleruchy of 1000 or 500 Athenians at Eretria around 450 BC,¹⁸ and when Euboia’s revolt of the early summer of 446 BC was put down by Athens still more will have been dispossessed with the arrival of more settlers.¹⁹ Simonides may well be living, hosting and singing somewhere other than his native Eretria. That the Suda assigns him either to Eretria or Karystos may derive from evidence that some of his life outside Eretria was lived in Karystos. But the phrase βαθὺν διὰ πόντον ἀνύσσας again points us further away. One of Euenos’ poems addressed to Simonides also refers to a journey from ‘the Melian sea’, but a metaphorical one (Theognidea 667–682 = Euenos? fr. 8b West):

εἰ μὲν χρήματ’ ἔχοιμι, Σιμωνίδη, οἷα περ ἤδη,

οὐκ ἂν ἀνιῴμην τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσι συνών.

νῦν δέ με γινώσκοντα παρέρχεται, εἰμὶ δ’ ἄφωνος

670         χρημοσύνῃ, πολλῶν γνοὺς ἂν ἄμεινον ἔτι,

οὕνεκα νῦν φερόμεσθα καθ’ ἵστια λευκὰ βαλόντες

Μηλίου ἐκ πόντου νύκτα διὰ δνοφερήν·

ἀντλεῖν δ’ οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν, ὑπερβάλλει δὲ θάλασσα

ἀμφοτέρων τοίχων. ἦ μάλα δὴ χαλεπῶς

675    σώζεται, οἷ’ ἔρδουσι· κυβερνήτην μὲν ἔπαυσαν

ἐσθλόν, ὅτις φυλακὴν εἶχεν ἐπισταμένως·

χρήματα δ’ ἁρπάζουσι βίῃ, κόσμος δ’ ἀπόλωλεν,

δασμὸς δ’ οὐκέτ’ ἴσος γίνεται ἐς τὸ μέσον·

φορτηγοὶ δ’ ἄρχουσι, κακοὶ δ’ ἀγαθῶν καθύπερθεν.

680         δειμαίνω, μή πως ναῦν κατὰ κῦμα πίῃ.

ταῦτά τοι ἠνίχθω κεκρυμμένα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσιν·

γινώσκοι δ’ ἄν τις καὶ κακός, ἂν σόφος ῇ.

If I were to have the wealth, Simonides, such as I had until recently,

I would not be distressed in the company of men of quality.

But as things are it passes me by, though I recognise it, and I am voiceless

670         through destitution, though I would still be able to recognise better than many

why we are now being carried along with our white sails lowered

from the Melian sea through the dark night:

and they are unwilling to bale, and the sea sweeps over

both gunwales. Indeed it is with difficulty

675    that it is safe, such are the things they do: they have removed a helmsman

who was good, who kept a skilled watch;

and they plunder wealth by force, and good order has perished,

and no longer is there an equal division in the public interest;

the carriers of merchandise are in charge, and bad men are set above men of quality.

680         I am afraid that perhaps a wave will swallow down the ship:

let these concealed messages be spoken by me in riddles for the men of quality;

but they will be understood even by a bad man, if he is clever.

The poem seems to refer to the shift of the poet’s polis from what he regards as a beneficial monarchy to rule by an ignorant and rapacious demos under which he has lost the wealth and influence he once had. If the poet is indeed Euenos, the polis is Paros, of whose internal history we know far too little for this period. At the time of the elegy’s composition and first performance it seems that Euenos was still in Paros, grimly hanging on in a democracy presumably encouraged or imposed by Athens.²⁰ That he addresses this poem to Simonides prima facie requires that Simonides too is in Paros²¹ – perhaps an exile or refugee from Eretria. This in turns offers a scenario for the Klearistos poem: Simonides now welcomes to his own destitute relocation on Paros his long-time φίλος and now ξένος Klearistos, who is on his way elsewhere, perhaps to start a new life.

When this speculative scenario might be dated can only be the subject of further speculation. We are told by Diodoros that in 410 BC Theramenes found an oligarchy governing Paros and imposed a democracy.²² That does not quite fit Euenos’ complaint that the κακοί have removed a good helmsman, but both texts might refer to an oligarchy in which one individual was dominant, and the evidence of Plato for the presence of Euenos in Athens also points to the period after 410 BC.²³ But similar Athenian-encouraged shifts to democracy could well have happened earlier on Paros in the second half of the fifth century.

Little that is secure has emerged from the above speculations. Theognidea 667–682 can well be read as a song of Euenos, déclassé but still inhabiting his native though now democratic Paros, addressed to his ξένος Simonides who has had to leave Eretria for similar political reasons. The same down-and-outness is exuded by the poem to Klearistos, but that cannot prove it to belong to either of these poets. More information will have to emerge before Simonides acquires flesh and bones.

References

BAKHUIZEN, S. C. (1985) Studies in the Topography of Chalcis on Euboea. A Discussion of the Sources. Leiden.

BOWIE, E. L. (2009) ‘Wandering poets, archaic style’, in R. L. Hunter and I. Rutherford (eds), Wandering poets in Ancient Greek Culture. Travel, Locality and Panhellenism. Cambridge, 105–136.

BOWRA, C. M. (1934) ‘Simonides in the Theognidea’, Classical Review 48, 2–4.

CAMPBELL, D. A. (1967) Greek Lyric Poetry. A selection of early Greek Lyric, Elegiac and Iambic Poetry. London.

CARRIÈRE, J. (1948) Théognis: poèmes élégiaques. Texte établi et traduit, accompagné d’un commentaire. Paris.

CATAUDELLA, Q. (1956) ‘Theognidea, 903–930’, Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 99, 40–46.

GREEN, J. R. And SINCLAIR, R. K. (1970) ‘Athenians in Eretria’, Historia 19, 515–527.

GRONINGEN, B. VAN (1966) Théognis. Le premier livre. Amsterdam.

HARRISON, E. (1902) Studies in Theognis, together with a text of the poems. Cambridge.

VIKELA, E. (2009) ‘The Worship of Artemis in Attica: Cult Places, Rites, Iconography’, in N. Kaltsas and A. Shapiro (eds), Worshipping Women. Ritual and Reality in Classical Athens. New York / Athens, 78–87.

¹ Frr. 8a, 8b and 8c West. For brief statements of the reasons for thinking these poems to be by Euenos see BOWRA 1934, 2 and my article s.v. Euenos [1] von Paros in Neue Pauly 4, 226–7.

² E.g. BOWRA 1934; CAMPBELL 1967, 368.

³ Cf. e.g. Pl., Ap. 20a–b. I argue elsewhere that Eratosthenes’ proposal that there were two Euenoi may stem from such indications of an early as well as a late fifth-century date as the address of these three poems in the Theognidea to a Simonides, and that Euenos was the first identifiable collector of the gnomic/sympotic elegiac song-book that became our Theognidea.

⁴ Their reference to FGrHist 55 C casts no light.

⁵ Schol. Ar., Pl. 701 = Hermippos fr. 1 West.

⁶ Schol. Ar., Av. 1150 = Hermippos fr. 3 West. For ascriptions of fragments to trimeters of other poets cf. Archilochos fr. 18 West ἐν τοῖς τριμέτροις (= Eust., in Hom. P. 518.27) and fr. 36 West Ἀρχίλοχος δὲ τριμέτροις (Harpocr. S.v. παλίνσκιον).

⁷ The stoa is generally agreed to have been constructed around 420 BC, cf. VIKELA 2009: but the temple, replacing one destroyed by the Persians in 480 BC, has usually been dated c. 450 BC. A later date was suggested by J. Camp in a lecture delivered in an Oxford seminar on 19 February 2007.

⁸ Cf. VAN GRONINGEN 1966, ad loc.

⁹ BOWIE 2009.

¹⁰ Kerinthos, however, seems more likely to have been incorporated in the territory of Chalkis, though this is not supported by Theognidea 891–4 as suggested by BAKHUIZEN 1985, 127.

¹¹ My reasoning (set out more fully in the discussion referred to in n. 3) is as follows: one indication that Euenos may have been responsible for collecting a proto-Theognidea is that he has two long and seemingly complete elegies in ‘Book 1’ (and another in ‘Book 2’). Poems both long and complete are scarce in the Theognidea: thus at 30 lines 467–496 (= Euenos fr. 8a West) is our longest apparently complete poem; both the poem under discussion, 903–930, and 373–400 come next at 28 lines, but seem incomplete; 697–718 and 731–752 are the only others over 18 lines. But Euenos himself would of course have both motive and opportunity to include complete texts of his own poems. Similarly he would find it easier to lay hands on long and complete elegies by his friends than either by contemporaries who moved in different circles or by elegists of earlier generations.

¹² The MSS have θηρῶν, ‘hunting’, which is universally rejected: of the emendations proposed I print θνητῶν (West) but exempli gratia rather than because I believe it to be what was sung.

¹³ CATAUDELLA 1956, 45–6.

¹⁴ VAN GRONINGEN 1966, 352.

¹⁵ I take it that both Aristophanes in the agon of Clouds and Kratinos in the plot of Wine-flask are humorously reworking Prodikos’ designer-myth, and that accordingly this became familiar to the Athenian theatre-going public not long before 423.

¹⁶ Like West, I move 513–514 from where it is located in the MSS, but put it not after 518 but at the end of the poem (plausibly held by West to be complete) where the vocative address Κλεάρισθ’ rounds it off and the last line ends with the key term θεοί.

¹⁷ Those from Klazomenai are dated to c. 370–360 BC by coins (e.g. Coll. Waddington 1448) and to the (?)Hellenistic period (IEK 508); those from Ilion to the late 3rd/early 2nd cent. BC (IIlion 64, 55) and to the later 1st cent. AD (IIlion 104, 4). I am very grateful to the editors for supplying this information from LGPN VA.

¹⁸ D.S. xi 88. 3 cf. Paus. I 27. 5: for a persuasive case, based on Athenian pottery at Eretria, that the cleruchs settled there and were not simply absentee landlords see GREEN–SINCLAIR 1970.

¹⁹ There is also a tradition, found in Hesychius and Photius, that either some of the richest (ἐκ πλουσιωτάτων, Photios) or τοὺς τῶν πλουσιωτάτων υἱούς (Hesychius) were taken as hostages: where were they kept?

²⁰ BOWRA 1934 observed that the ‘Melian sea’ suits a Parian location, but places Euenos and his troubles in the 470s, identifying Simonides with the poet from Keos and associating the imposition of a democracy with Themistokles, cf. Hdt. Viii 112.

²¹ Prima facie – but of course many songs of this period, including elegies (e.g. Solon fr. 20 West) have addressees who were almost certainly not present at their first performance. In choosing to address at least three poems to his friend Simonides, however, I take it that Euenos reckoned to have him present for at least some of these first performances. But it remains true that we cannot be certain Simonides was in Paros for this poem’s debut. I am grateful to Liz Irwin for reminding me of this point.

²² D.S. xiii 47.

²³ Pl., Ap. 20a–b cf. Phd. 60d.

PHAISTOS SYBRITAS AN UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTION FROM THE IDAEAN CAVE AND PERSONAL NAMES DERIVING FROM ETHNICS

Angelos Chaniotis

A dedicatory inscription on a bronze cauldron from the Idaean Cave (c. 550–500 BC) reports that this object was dedicated by Phaistos, son of Sybrita, as a tithe (possibly war booty). Besides the presence of a metronymic, often used in Crete by illegitimate children, the most interesting feature of this inscription is the use of two personal names deriving from homonymous cities: Phaistos and Sybrita (or Sybritos). Personal names deriving from place names or ethnics make up a quite distinctive group in Cretan onomastics. Most of them have exactly the same form as an ethnic name (Apteraios, Knosios, Lappaios, Mallaios, Petraios, Praisios, Rhaukios/Rhaukia, Phaistios, perhaps Hyrtaios); others reproduce the name of a city (Elyros, Malla, Matale/Matala, Sybrita, Phaistos); the names of a third small group are constructed by adding the ending ς to the female name of a city (Latos, Hyrtkinas, perhaps Thennas; cf. Phaistionnas). These names are connected with internal mobility in the island and with the relations between citizens of Cretan poleis. In the case of Phaistos, the son of Sybrita, both his name and the name of his mother reflect connections with cities around Mt. Ida.

During the first Archaeological exploration of the Idaean Cave in 1884, Federico Halbherr found an intact bronze cauldron, which he subsequently published together with Paolo Orsi.¹ However, a text, engraved along the vessel’s rim, escaped the notice of the Italian scholars. It was first spotted by Hartmuth Matthäus in November 1991, during his study of the bronze vessels from the Idaean Cave. The publication of the epigraphic finds from the Idaean Cave, including this inscription, has been entrusted to me by Professor Yannis Sakellarakis, whom I warmly thank for this permission as well as for his continuous support. I have briefly mentioned this text in earlier articles and briefly presented it in SEG.² It is my great pleasure to present its full publication in a volume which pays a tribute to Elaine Matthew’s contribution to the study of personal names and, more generally, to the study of a neglected but extremely important aspect of Greek culture.

Figure 1: Drawing of dedicatory inscription on the rim of a bronze cauldron from the Idaean Cave. Drawing: author.

Description

Bronze cauldron, intact but squashed and perforated at several spots. Height c. 0.33, diameter c. 0.60–0.62, width of the rim 0.017, thickness 0.001, weight 11.52 kg. Only one of the two square handles is preserved; it is placed within an attachment decorated with two lion heads and a reversed anthemion. An inscription was engraved to the left of the preserved handle; the text is read sinistrorsum from the outside (Fig. 1). The words are divided with vertical lines. Length c. 0.40, height of letters 0.051. The inscription was damaged through the squashing of the vessel; a photographic capture is not possible. The letter-forms (especially Β, Π and Y) as well as the use of vertical lines between the words suggest a date in the second half of the sixth century BC.³ The typolοgical features of the cauldron point to the same date.⁴

Inventory no. (Herakleion Museum) Χ73.

c. 550–500 BC

Παῖστος | ἀνέθηκε | Συβρίτας | τὰν [δ]ε[κ]άτ̣α̣ν

P(h)aistos, son of Sybrita, dedicated this tithe

Discussion

Following a common pattern of Archaic dedicatory inscriptions,⁵ the brief dedication begins with the name of the dedicant (Παῖστος = Φαῖστος), followed by a metronymic (Συβρίτας; see below). Phaistos and Sybrita (or Sybritos) are the names of Cretan poleis used as personal names. The name of the dedicant is separated from the patronymic (here, the metronymic) through a verb.⁶ The possibility of a dedication by the city of Phaistos of the tithe of war booty taken from Sybrita can be excluded with certainty. In such a dedication one would expect the formula – ethnic + ἀπὸ + ethnic (Παίστιοι ἀνέθηκαν ἀπὸ Συβριτίων τὰν δεκάταν)⁷ or (rarely) ethnic + ethnic in the genitive.⁸ In exceptional cases, in which the ethnic of the defeated party is replaced by the name of the polis, a preposition is always used (ἀπό, ἐκ).⁹

The dedicant uses the verb ἀνατίθημι to express the act of dedication, and designates the dedicatory object as a ‘tithe’ (δεκάταν). Unfortunately, there is no way to determine whether this tithe originated in war booty or other revenues (agriculture, trade, etc.).¹⁰ Cauldrons (λέβητες) were used as units of value and ‘currency’ in Gortyn and Lyttos in the seventh and sixth centuries, in some cases even after the introduction of coinage.¹¹ This is the third inscribed cauldron found in Crete; a cauldron from the sanctuary of Hermes and Aphrodite at Symi Viannou is inscribed on the handle with the signature of a bronze-smith (SEG LII 864, vi BC). Another cauldron with a dedicatory inscription was found at Agia Pelagia (ancient Apollonia) and dates to the fifth century BC (SEG XXXIV 913).

In this dedication from the Idaean Cave, the name of the divinity is not given, but it is certain that the dedication was addressed to Zeus Idatas. The dedicant’s origin is not given and cannot be determined, since the cult cave of Zeus on Mt. Ida, as an extra-urban sanctuary, attracted worshippers from different Cretan communities.¹² Determining the location of the workshop, which produced the cauldron, would not help. The dedicant may well have been of a different origin than the dedicated object, especially if the cauldron was war booty.

Besides the fact that this text increases the number of Archaic Cretan inscriptions of a private character,¹³ the interest of this inscription rests primarily in the personal names Φαῖστος and Συβρίτα. The dedicant’s name, Παῖστος = Φαῖστος,¹⁴ was already attested in Greek onomastics but only in the context of myth and legend. Besides the eponymous hero of Phaistos, Phaistos was allegedly the father of the legendary itinerant priest Epimenides (Suda Ε 2471). Diogenes Laertius (i 109) gives the variant Φαίστιος. The name Φαιστιόννας, attested in Lyttos and Eltynia, seems to be related (see below).

At first sight, Συβρίτας seems to be Phaistos’ ethnic. Sybrita was a city west of Mt. Ida. However, the ethnic of Sybrita is attested only in the form Συβρίτιος, which is in fact the form we would expect.¹⁵ Consequently, we have to interpret Συβρίτας as the genitive of the female name Συβρίτα, in other words as a metronymic. Metronymics are well attested in Cretan inscriptions from the Archaic to the Imperial period.¹⁶ They were used by illegitimate children, i.e., children whose father was not known or lacked citizen status. In Crete, the marriages between members of different civic communities were not legitimate unless a treaty of ἐπιγαμία between their poleis explicitly allowed them.¹⁷ We have no information concerning the status of the children of a foreigner and a local woman with citizen status, when epigamia did not exist, but it is quite possible that they received their mother’s status. We may infer this from the ‘law code’ of Gortyn (IC IV 72 col. VI, 55–VII, 10), which stipulates that the children of free women and unfree men received the legal status of their mother.¹⁸ The Cretan men and women who identified themselves by giving their mother’s name must have been persons who owed their legal status to their mothers. They were children born outside a legitimate marriage, the sons of women of citizen status and men who lacked this status.

But besides the use of the metronymic, an interesting feature is the fact that both the name of the dedicant and that of his mother derive from place-names: Phaistos and Sybrita, two poleis at the fringes of Mt. Ida. Phaistos is located to the south, Sybrita to the west of the Idaean Cave, where the dedication was made. The practice of giving a child a name, which is etymologically or semantically related to that of a parent, is not at all unusual in Greece and very common in Rome.¹⁹ Also personal names deriving from place-names or ethnics are well attested in Greek onomastics. In Crete, they make up a quite distinctive group (see Table 1).²⁰

In Crete, personal names deriving from geographical names were constructed in several different ways. Most of them have exactly the same form as the ethnic name: Ἀπταραῖος (from the city of Aptera or Aptara), Κνώσιος (from Knossos), Λαππα(ῖ)ος (from Lappa),²¹ Μαλλαῖος (from Malla), Ματάλα/Ματάλη (from Matalon/Matala),²² Πετραῖος (from Petrai), Πραίσιος (from Praisos), Ῥαυκία/Ῥαύκιος (from Rhaukos), and Φαίστιος (from Phaistos). The name Ὑρταῖος, which has the form of an ethnic, may indeed derive from a place name (Ὕρτα?, a variant of Ὑρτακίνα?). A second group consists of personal names which simply reproduce the name of a city: Ἔλυρος, Μάλλα (female), Συβρίτα (female), and Φαῖστος.²³ The names of a third small group are constructed by adding the ending -ς to the female name of a city: Λάτως (from Λατώ) and Ὑρτακίνας (from Ὑρτακίνα). Θέννας may also belong to this group, if it derives from Θέναι, a place near Knossos (Amnisos) with an important sanctuary of Zeus Thenatas.²⁴ It seems that Φαιστιόννας ultimately derives from Phaistos.²⁵

The popularity of names deriving from geographical designations is also demonstrated by names which are not related to Cretan poleis and sites, but with Crete as a whole. Ἐρταῖος, a very popular Cretan name (ten attestations),²⁶ is a mythological ethnic of the Cretans. It is only attested for Cretans, and it may reflect local ‘Cretan’ pride.

Table 1. Cretan names deriving from geographical names.

Notes to Table

¹ In CHANIOTIS 1989, 75, I suggested restoring a form of Κνωσί[ων], which is attested in Athens (LGPN II). However, in view of the names which derive from ethnics, Κνώσιος seems more probable. A certain Knosos, a citizen of Ephesos serving as a mercenary in Athens (IG II³ 1956, 105 + SEG XXX 116; c. 300 BC), may have been of Cretan origin. For the Latin form (Cnosos, Knosos) see note 20.

² Matala was kanephoros of Arsinoe in Alexandria; as MASSON 1985, 198, has pointed out, her father’s name (Androkades) shows that she was of Cretan origin. The name appears in the relevant papyri in the forms Μητάλα (BGU VI 1227) and Ματέλα (PPetrie III 56b), but MASSON 1985, 198, has plausiby suggested that the correct form is Ματάλα, deriving from the homonymous place name in south Crete.

³ This name is also attested for an Athenian in the 4th cent. BC (LGPN II).

⁴ Cf. Φαίσστιος in a graffito from Athens: SEG XXXVII 208.

A quite different group consists of names deriving from Κρήτη or Κρής (Κρής, Κρῆσσα, Κρῆττα, Κρήτη, Κρητοξένη),²⁷ but never used in Crete. These names were presumably given to Cretan immigrants to other areas (or their descendants). If such names reflect the mobility from Crete to other areas, the names, which derive from Cretan poleis and were used in Crete, are connected with a different phenomenon: with internal mobility in the island and with the relations between citizens of Cretan poleis.²⁸ The mobility between Cretan cities was very significant in the Hellenistic period,²⁹ but, as the term ἀλλοπολιάτας (citizen of another polis) implies, it existed in earlier periods as well.³⁰ A citizen (or free resident) of a Cretan polis could be given a name deriving from another Cretan polis for a variety of reasons: because of the origin of one of his parents (through intermarriage), because of migration, or because of relations of xenia. In the case of Phaistos, the son of Sybrita, both his name and the name of his mother reflect connections with cities around Mt. Ida, not far from the sanctuary, where he brought his dedication. Which city he called his home, we will never know.

References

BALDWIN BOWSKY, M. W. (1999) ‘The Business of Being Roman: the Prosopographical Evidence’, in CHANIOTIS 1999, 305–347.

BILE, M. (1988) Le dialecte crétois ancien. Étude de la langue des inscriptions, recueil des inscriptions postérieures aux IC. Paris.

BILE, M. (2002) ‘Quelques épigrammes crétoises (2e s. av.–5e s. ap. J.-C.)’, in J. DION (ed.), L’épigramme de l’Antiquité au XVIIe siècle, ou Du ciseau à la pointe. Nancy, 123–141.

CAPDEVILLE, G. (1994) ‘Le migrazioni interne nell’isola di Creta. Aspetti giuridici, economici e demografici’, in M. SORDI (ed.), Emigrazione e immigrazione nel mondo antico. Milan, 187–222.

CHANIOTIS, A. (1988) ‘Habgierige Götter – habgierige Städte. Heiligtumsbesitz und Gebietsanspruch in den kretischen Staatsverträgen’, Ktema 13, 21–39.

CHANIOTIS, A. (1992) ‘Amnisos in den schriftlichen Quellen’, in J. SCHÄFER (ed.), Amnisos nach den archäologischen, topographischen, historischen und epigraphischen Zeugnissen des Altertums und der Neuzeit. Berlin, 51–127.

CHANIOTIS, A. (1996) Die Verträge zwischen kretischen Städten in der hellenistischen Zeit. Stuttgart.

CHANIOTIS, A. (ed.) (1999) From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders: Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete. Stuttgart.

CHANIOTIS, A. (2002) ‘Some Cretan Bastards’, Cretan Studies 7, 51–57.

CHANIOTIS, A. (2005) ‘The Great Inscription, its Political and Social Institutions, and the Common Institutions of the Cretans’, in E. GRECO and M. LOMBARDO (eds), La Grande Iscrizione di Gortyna. Centoventi anni dopo la scoperta. Atti del I Convegno Internazionale di Studi sulla Messarà. Athens, 175–194.

CHANIOTIS, A. (2006) ‘Heiligtümer überregionaler Bedeutung auf Kreta’, in K. FREITAG, P. FUNKE and M. HAAKE (eds), Kult – Politik – Ethnos. Überregionale Heiligtümer im Spannungsfeld von Kult und Politik. Stuttgart, 196–209.

CHANIOTIS, A. (2009) ‘Functions of Extra-urban Sanctuaries in Ancient Crete’, in G. DELIGIANNAKIS and Y. GALANAKIS (eds), The Aegean and its Cultures. Proceedings of the first Oxford-Athens graduate student workshop organized by the Greek Society and the University of Oxford, Taylor Institution, 22–23 April, 2005. Oxford.

GHINATTI, F. (2001) ‘Problemi di epigrafia cretese. La diffusione della koine’, Minima Epigraphica et Papyrologica 6, 35–142.

HALBHERR, F. And ORSI, P. (1888) Antichità dell’antro di Zeus ideo e di altre località in Creta. Florence / Turin / Rome.

KOERNER, R. (1994) Inschriftliche Gesetzestexte der frühen griechischen Polis: aus dem Nachlass von Reinhard Koerner. Cologne / Weimar / Vienna.

LAZZARINI, M.-L. (1976) Le formule delle dediche votive nella Grecia arcaica. Rome, 45–354.

LINK, S. (1994) Das griechische Kreta. Untersuchungen zu seiner staatlichen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung vom 6. Bis zum 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. Stuttgart.

MASSON, O. (1985) ‘Cretica VI–IX’, Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 109, 189–200 (= OGS II 455–465).

PAPAKONSTANTINOU, Z. (2002) ‘Written Law, Literacy and Social Conflict in Archaic and Classical Crete’, The Ancient History Bulletin 16. 3/4, 135–150.

PERLMAN, P. (2002), ‘Gortyn. The First Seven Hundred Years. Part II, The Laws from the Temple of Apollo Pythios’, in T. H. NIELSEN (ed.), Even More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis. Stuttgart, 189–227.

PERLMAN, P. ‘Tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor: the economies of Archaic Eleutherna, Crete’, Classical Antiquity 23, 95–137.

PRIVITERA, S. (2003) ‘I tripodi dei Dinomenidi e la decima dei Siracusani’, Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene 81, 391–423.

SOLIN, H. (1990) Namenpaare. Eine Studie zur römischen Namengebung. Helsinki.

STEFANAKIS, M. I. (1999) ‘The Introduction of Coinage in Crete and the Beginning of Local Minting’, in CHANIOTIS 1999, 247–268.

VAN EFFENTERRE, H. And RUZÉ, f. (1995) Nomima. Recueil d’inscriptions politiques et juridiques de l’archaïsme grec II. Paris.

WILLETTS, R. F. (1955) Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete. London.

¹ HALBHERR–ORSI 1888, 38 no. 1.

² CHANIOTIS 1992, 78 n.181 (cf. SEG XLV 714); CHANIOTIS 2002, 55 (SEG LII 862).

³ Cf. LSAG³ 308–9; cf. IC IV pp. 40–1.

⁴ Information provided by Prof. H. Matthäus.

⁵ See, in general, LAZZARINI 1976. On dedicatory formulas in Cretan inscriptions see GHINATTI 2001, 102–8.

⁶ See, e.g., LAZZARINI 1976, 185 no. 37 ([Λ]έαγρος ἀνέθεκε Γλαύκονος) and 211 no. 236 (Χσενοκλέες ἀνέθεκεν Σοσίνεο). Very often the article ὁ precedes the father’s name; e.g. 190 no. 76, 210 nos. 230–1, 211 no. 242, 212 no. 248.

⁷ See, e.g., LAZZARINI 1976. The name of the polis, instead of the ethnic, is, however, used in the legend of the earliest Gortynian coinage (Γόρτυνος τὸ παῖμα and Γορτυνίον τὸ παῖμα); STEFANAKIS 1999, 258.

⁸ E.g., LAZZARINI 1976, 317 no. 963: Μεσσένιοι Μυλαίον.

⁹ See, e.g., LAZZARINI 1976, 317 no. 964: ἀπὸ Κύμας; 321 no. 992: ἐξ Ἑρακλείας; cf. 322 no. 995: ΦλειϜόνταθεν.

¹⁰ For the public dedication of war booty in Crete see Staatsverträge II 148 A, 9–11. The inscribed pieces of weaponry known from Aphrati were war booty (SEG LII 829–842). For δεκάτη see LAZZARINI 1976, 90–3 and PRIVITERA 2003.

¹¹ STEFANAKIS 1999, 250.

¹² CHANIOTIS 1988, 34–5; CHANIOTIS 2006 and 2009.

¹³ For a collection of this material and discussion of its significance for literacy in early Crete, see PERLMAN 2002, 194–8, 218–23; cf. PAPAKONSTANTINOU 2002.

¹⁴ In early Cretan inscriptions, the same character is used for both pi and phi; BILE 1988, 74. Cf., e.g., SEG XXVI 1050: Παιδοπίλας = Παιδοϕίλας; IC IV 72: πυλά = ϕυλά.

¹⁵ See the testimonia in IC I pp. 289–90.

¹⁶ Collection of the evidence and discussion: CHANIOTIS 2002.

¹⁷ On epigamia in Crete, see CAPDEVILLE 1994, 217; CHANIOTIS 1996, 103–4 and 110; all the evidence dates to the Hellenistic period.

¹⁸ WILLETTS 1955, 34–5; KOERNER 1993, 516–17; LINK 1994, 45–6; VAN EFFENTERRE–RUZÉ 1995, 132.

¹⁹ E.g. Aristo-krates, father of Demo-krates (LGPN II s.v. Ἀριστοκράτης 79); Hippo-machos, father of Ischo-machos (LGPN II s.v. Ἱππόμαχος 5); Bakchios, son of Dionysios (LGPN II s.v. Βάκχιος 23); Areskon, son of Areskousa (LGPN IV s.v. Ἀρέσκων 2), Zo-genes, son of Zo-pyros (LGPN IV s.v. Ζωγένης), etc. For Rome see SOLIN 1990.

²⁰ Except for Κνώσιος, these names have been included in LGPN I s.vv. The existence of this group has been observed by CHANIOTIS 1992, 78 with n. 181 (with reference to Κνώσιος, Πραίσιος, Συβρίτας, Φαιστιόννας, Φαίστιος, and Φαῖστος) and CAPDEVILLE 1994 (with reference to Ἔλυρος, Λαππᾶος, Πετραῖος, and Ὑρτακίνας). Names deriving from Crete or Cretan place names (Creticus, Cnosos/Knosos, Cydon, Creta), which are only attested in Rome, present a different historical phenomenon. On these names see BALDWIN BOWSKY 1999, 327–8. Κρητικός is well attested in the Imperial period, e.g. in Athens (LGPN II), Thessalonike (LGPN IV), Egyptian Thebes (BAILLET, Syringes 1914), Herculaneum (LGPN IIIA), and on a Cretan wine amphora (SEG XLIV 1244).

²¹ On this name see MASSON 1985, 196.

²² On this name see MASSON 1985, 198–9.

²³ Cf. MASSON 1985, 199 with n. 77.

²⁴ On Thenai and Zeus Thenatas see CHANIOTIS 1992, 88–103. BILE 2002, 133, associates Thennas with other names in -nnas (see the next note).

²⁵ For the ending of Phaistionnas cf. the Cretan names Ὀρθόννας and Τασκαιννάδας (from *Τασκαίννας). For these names see MASSON 1985, 196 (*Τασκάννας) and BILE 2002, 133, who assigns also Thennas to this group. But in these names (Phaistionnas, Orthonnas, *Taskainnas) the suffix -nnas (with gemination of -n) is added to an easily recognizable root (Phaistios, Orthos, Taskos).

²⁶ LGPN I: men from Arkades, Gortyn (including Lebena), and unknown cities of Crete.

²⁷ See LGPN I–IIIA s.vv.; IEph 3325.

²⁸ Cf. CAPDEVILLE 1994, 221.

²⁹ CAPDEVILLE 1994; CHANIOTIS 1996, 101–52.

³⁰ IC II xii 3; SEG XXXV 991 A; cf. IC IV 72 col. VI, 46–55: ἐκς ἀλλοπολίας. Discussion of the term: PERLMAN 2004, 124–7; CHANIOTIS 2005, 184.

L’APPORT DES MÉMORIAUX DE CLAROS À L’ONOMASTIQUE DE CHIOS

Jean-Louis Ferrary

Parmi les mémoriaux de délégations retrouvés à Claros, ceux de Chios fournissent le dossier le plus important compte tenu du nombre des mémoriaux (36 certains, 7 probables) et de l’effectif des délégations (chœurs de nombre variable mais avec une moyenne de 20 garçons et filles, conduits un chorège et fréquemment accompagnés par un épistate, un ou plusieurs hérauts sacrés, un pédagogue). Ces mémoriaux n’ont pas été publiés par L. et J. Robert, et paraîtront dans le corpus que j’achève de préparer. Le tome premier du LGPN n’avait pratiquement rien pu utiliser de cette documentation, qui fut en revanche mise par J. Robert à disposition de Th. Sarikakis pour sa Chiakè prosôpographia (Athènes, 1989). Mais la préparation du corpus a permis un certain nombre de corrections et de compléments, et surtout la prise en compte dans plusieurs mémoriaux chiotes d’abréviations indiquant une homonymie de l’idionyme et du patronyme, qui n’avait jamais été jusque-là remarquées et identifiées. L’étude onomastique et prosopographique des mémoriaux de Chios méritait donc une étude nouvelle, proposée dans cette contribution avec deux listes, selon que ces noms avaient ou non été déjà signalés dans le LGPN comme attestés à Chios.

Among the memorials of delegations found at Claros, the most important dossier emanates from Chios, both in the number of memorials (36, and perhaps an additional 7) and the size of the delegation (choirs of an average of 20 boys and girls, led by a choregos and often accompanied by an epistates, one or more sacred heralds, and one paidagogos). These memorials were not published by L. and J. Robert, and will appear in a forthcoming corpus prepared by the author. Volume I of LGPN included almost none of this documentation, which was made available by J. Robert to Th. Sarikakis for his Chiake prosopographia (Athens, 1989). The preparation of the corpus led to several corrections and addenda, and to the identification in the Chian monuments of abbreviations indicating homonymous names and patronyms. The onomastics and prosopography of the Chian memorials deserved a new study, offered here with two lists of names, one of which gathers names newly attested for Chios.

Les mémoriaux de délégations du sanctuaire de Claros conservent le souvenir des délégations venues des cités pour consulter l’oracle ou chanter un hymne en l’honneur du dieu: théopropes, mais aussi, souvent, chœurs de jeunes garçons et de jeunes filles encadrés par un certain nombre d’adultes¹. Ils nous ont fourni,