The Last President Anthology
By Ingersoll Lockwood and R. L. Saunders
()
About this ebook
These century-old predictions are uncanny.
Too much like our present day, say some. Proof that time travel exists, say others.
Ingersoll Lockwood, himself a lawyer, wrote a pamphlet which predicted the rise of an outsider presidential candidate who took the presidency of our nation and ended it. Set in the lat 1800's it tells of a populist candidate who is elected with the platform to "undo the bad business of years of unholy union between barters and sellers of human toil and the law makers of the land."
Newsweek, among others, repeated the parallels they found with this short work and our present day:
- Mobs forming and riots erupting immediately after the election results were announced.
- Those mobs pressed forward to the site where the current Trump Towers stand, but were stopped by armed forces. (The "Women's March" started on the east side and was prevented from reaching Trump International by police barricades.)
- The new President having the full support of Congress and "nothing to stand between him and the realisation of those schemes..."
- The majority of the votes came from the South, which made the North worried. (ie. Red States vs. Blue.)
- The Supreme Court, having many in advanced age, and possible vacancies upcoming.
- Inauguration day was heavily overcast.
- A "Pence" was in his cabinet.
- The Senate "now took on a spirit of extreme acrimony..." and quit adjourning for the holidays.
- The President announced that he was going to undo the "grievous and unlawful burdens" by preceding Congresses (and Administrations).
These similarities between fiction and current events were so great, Snopes elected to "fact check" them and gave them a "mostly true" rating.
The other book Lockwood was known for had a Baron (Barron?) Trump as the hero. In this included story, he again tired of his excessive wealth and set about going to Russia (Russiagate?) to meet a powerful "Don" who was to instruct him about his new adventure.
Also included in this anthology are several additional modern satires that poke barbed fun at certain "alluded" characters in our current political sphere.
For all we know, these may be just another coincidental set of entertaining fiction...
Anthology containing:
- 1900: Or; The Last President
- Baron Trump's Marvellous Underground Journey
- Doppel
- The "Panic of 2020"
- The Chardonney Conspiracy
- The Integrity Implosions
- The Longly Witness
- Beltway Gremiln
- The Mystery of Meri
- Mind Timing
- Our Second Civil War
- Riot Wall
- A Very Thin Line
- The Case of the Walkaway Blues
- For the Love of 'Cagga
- Synco
- The Tunnel People
- When the Cities Died, I Danced
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The Last President Anthology - Ingersoll Lockwood
The Last President
An Anthology of Prescient Political Satire
Compiled by R. L. Saunders from the stories of Ingersoll Lockwood and Various
This is a work of fiction. Similarities to real people, places, or events are entirely coincidental.
THE LAST PRESIDENT ANTHOLOGY
First edition. December 14, 2020.
Copyright © 2020 Ingersoll Lockwood et al..
Written by Ingersoll Lockwood et al..
Table of Contents
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Introduction
The Last President
Baron Trump’s Marvellous Underground Journey
Doppel
The Panic of 2020
The Chardonnay Conspiracy
The Integrity Implosions
The Lonely Witness
Beltway Gremlin
The Mystery of Meri
Mind Timing
Our Second Civil War
Riot Wall
A Very Thin Line
The Case of the Walkaway Blues
For the Love of ‘Cagga
Synco™
The Tunnel People
When The Cities Died, I Danced
Did You Find the Strange Secret in This Story?
Related Books You May Like
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Further Reading: A Humor Reader: Short Stories From New Voices
Also By R. L. Saunders
Also By C. C. Brower
Also By S. H. Marpel
Also By J. R. Kruze
About the Publisher
To all our many devoted and loyal fans:
We produce these stories only for you.
(Be sure to get your bonuses at the end of the book...)
Introduction
ELECTIONS HAVE CONSEQUENCES.
That saying is repeated often, and seldom fully understood.
So this collection of pure fiction came into being, which explores the choices that politicians and those who manage them, and follow them. We can see the results of those choices in these fantastical worlds. Told through the lives of those affected, often as unintended effects on those lives.
Because that is the best way to tell stories, to let them explore their own themes, by telling those stories through the fictional characters who lived
them.
These seems too much harshness, too much insensitiveness to others in our current culture. Even the word intolerance
has been twisted to mean you don’t agree with me or my ideas, so...
In these stories, good wins out. There are no true tragedies here, other than what lies beyond the main character’s own stories.
There are bad consequences to treating people badly. Because the Golden Rule is one natural phenomenon that is inexorable – as you treat others is how you wind up treated.
But we’ll leave it at that.
Because this thick anthology of stories was pulled from three years of short-fiction output. And stories are meant to be entertaining, not preachy.
Each of these authors has grown in style and ability during that time. And the stories are not accumulated by their finesse, but by relevance.
Here you’ll find satire, romance, adventure, and mystery – even redemption at times. All a quiet way to distract yourself from the too-serious world of elections, politicians, and governments run amuck.
Each is short, but easy to get through in small snippets of time. This is no over-arcing set of tales set in any epic world. Instead, these worlds are not too different from our own – or what that world could wind up being.
In any world, while you don’t always get the candidate you vote for, you always get the government you put up with.
Because elections do have consequences. Even in fiction.
Please enjoy.
Robert C. Worstell
Chief Editor, Living Sensical Press
December 14, 2020
Note: The original compilation of these books contained helpful Book Universes Notes
for each story after the two Lockwood pieces. All to give links to earlier books that might be useful in resolving the various character's abilities and other obscure references. You can find these in a copy of Elections Inc.
by R. L. Saunders and Various. All because we are rushing this anthology out to take advantage of the current interest in U. S. Presidential elections. Just saying...
The Last President
A WORK OF MEMETIC OCCULTISM
The Chicago Platform assumes, in fact, the form of a revolutionary propaganda. It embodies a menace of national disintegration and destruction. GARRET A. HOBART
CHAPTER I
THAT WAS A TERRIBLE night for the great City of New Yorkthe night of Tuesday, November 3rd, 1896. The city staggered under the blow like a huge ocean liner which plunges, full speed, with terrific crash into a mighty iceberg, and recoils shattered and trembling like an aspen.
The people were gathered, light-hearted and confident, at the evening meal, when the news burst upon them. It was like a thunder bolt out of an azure sky: Altgeld holds Illinois hard and fast in the Democratic line. This elects Bryan President of the United States !
Strange to say, the people in the upper portion of the city made no movement to rush out of their houses and collect in the public squares, although the night was clear and beautiful. They sat as if paralyzed with a nameless dread, and when they conversed it was with bated breath and throbbing hearts. In less than half an hour, mounted policemen dashed through the streets calling out: Keep within your houses; close your doors and barricade them. The entire East side is in a state of uproar. Mobs of vast size are organizing under the lead of Anarchists and Socialists, and threaten to plunder and despoil the houses of the rich who have wronged and oppressed them for so many years. Keep within doors. Extinguish all lights.
Happily, Governor Morton was in town, and although a deeper pallor overcame the ashen hue of age as he spoke, yet there was no tremor in his voice:
Let the Seventh, Twenty-second and Seventy-first regiments be ordered under arms.
In a few moments hundreds of messengers could be heard racing through the silent streets, summoning the members of these regiments to their Armories.
Slowly, but with astonishing nerve and steadiness, the mobs pushed the police northward, and although the force stood the onslaught with magnificent courage, yet beaten back, the dark masses of infuriated beings surged up again with renewed fury and strength. Will the troops be in time to save the city? was the whispered inquiry among the knots of police officials who were directing the movements of their men. About nine o’clock, with deafening outcries, the mob, like a four-headed monster breathing fire and flame, raced, tore, burst, raged into Union Square.
The police force was exhausted, but their front was still like a wall of stone, save that it was movable. The mob crowded it steadily to the north, while the air quivered and was rent with mad shouts of the victors: Bryan is elected! Bryan is elected! Our day has come at last. Down with our oppressors! Death to the rich man! Death to the gold bugs! Death to the capitalists! Give us back the money you have ground out of us. Give us back the marrow of our bones which you have used to grease the wheels of your chariots.
The police force was now almost helpless. The men still used their sticks, but the blows were ineffectual, and only served to increase the rage of the vast hordes now advancing upon Madison Square. The Fifth Avenue Hotel will be the first to feel the fury of the mob. Would the troops be in time to save it?
A half cheer, a half cry of joy goes up. It is inarticulate. Men draw a long breath; women drop upon their knees and strain their eyes; they can hear something, but they cannot see as yet, for the gas houses and electric plants had been destroyed by the mob early in the evening. They preferred to fight in the dark, or by the flames of rich men’s abodes. Again a cheer goes up, louder and clearer this time, followed by cries of They’re coming, they’re coming.
Yes, they were coming- the Twenty-second down Broadway, the Seventh down Madison avenue, both on the double quick. In a moment or so there were a few bugle calls, and a few spoken commands rang out clear and sharp; and then the two regiments stretched across the entire square, literally from wall to wall, in line of battle. The mob was upon them. Would this slender line of troops, could it hold such a mighty mass of men in check? The answer was a deafening discharge of firearms, a terrific crack, such as some thunder bolts make when they explode. A wall of fire blazed across the Square. Again and again it blazed forth. The mob halted, stood fast, wavered, fell back, advanced again.
At that moment there came a rattle as of huge knives in the distance. It was the gallant Seventy first charging up Twenty third street, and taking the mob on the flank. They came on like a wall of iron, bristling with blades of steel. There were no outcries, no cheers from the regiment. It dealt out death in silence, save when two bayonets crossed and clashed in bearing down some doubly-vigorous foe.
As the bells rang out midnight, the last remnants of the mob were driven to cover, but the wheels of the dead wagons rattled till daybreak. And then the aged Governor, in response to the Mayor’s Thank God, we’ve saved the city!
made answer: Aye, but the Republic...
CHAPTER II
GREAT AS HAS BEEN THE world’s wonder at the uprising of Mr. Bryan’s struggling masses
in the city by the sea, and the narrow escape of its magnificent homes from fire and brand, yet greater still was the wonderment when the news was flashed across the land that Chicago did not stand in need of a single Federal soldier.
Chicago is mad, but it is the madness of joy. Chicago is in the hands of a mob, but it is a mob made up of her own people- noisy, rude and boisterous, the natural exultation of a suddenly enfranchised class; but bent on no other mischief than glorying over the villainous and self-seeking souls who have ground the faces of the poor and turned the pitiless screw of social and political power into the hearts of the ‘common people’ until its last thread had been reached, and despair pressed its lupine visage hard against the door of the laboring man.
And yet, at this moment when the night air quivered with the mad shouts of the common people,
that the Lord had been good to them; that the wicked money-changers had been driven from the temple, that the stony-hearted usurers were beaten at last, that the People’s William
was at the helm now, that peace and plenty would in a few moons come back to the poor man’s cottage, that Silver was King, aye. King at last, the world still went wondering why red-eyed anarchy, as she stood in Haymarket Square, with thin arms aloft, with wild mien and wilder gesticulation, drew no bomb of dynamite from her bosom, to hurl at the hated minions of the law who were silent spectators of this delirium of popular joy.
Why was it thus? Look and you shall know why white robed peace kept step with this turbulent band and turned its thought from red handed pillage. He was there. The master spirit to hold them in leash. He, and he alone, had lifted Bryan to his great eminence. Without these twenty-four electoral votes, Bryan had been doomed, hopelessly doomed. He, and he alone, held the great Commonwealth of the West hard and fast in the Democratic line; hence he came as conqueror, as King-maker, and the very walls of the sky-touching edifices trembled as he was dragged through the crowded streets by this orderly mob, and ten times ten thousand of his creatures bellowed his name and shook their hats aloft in mad exultation:
You’re our Savior, you’ve cleaned the Temple of Liberty of its foul horde of usurers. We salute you. We call you King-maker. Bryan shall call you Master too. You shall have your reward. You shall stand behind the throne. Your wisdom shall make us whole. You shall purge the land of this unlawful crowd of money lenders. You shall save the Republic. You are greater than Washington. You’re a better friend of ours than Lincoln. You’ll do more for us than Grant. We’re your slaves. We salute you. We thank you. We bless you. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
But yet this vast throng of tamed monsters, this mighty mob of momentarily good-natured haters of established order, broke away from the master’s control for a few brief moments, and dipped their hands in the enemy’s blood. The deed was swift as it was terrible. There were but four of them, unarmed, on pleasure bent. At sight of these men, a thousand throats belched out a deep and awful growl of hatred. They were brave men, and backed against the wall to die like brave men, stricken down, beaten, torn, trampled, dragged, it was quick work. They had faced howling savages in the far West, painted monsters in human form, but never had they heard such yells leave the throats of men; and so they died, four brave men, clad in the blue livery of the Republic, whose only crime was that some months back, against the solemn protest of the Master, their comrades had set foot on the soil of the commonwealth, and saved the Metropolis of the West from the hands of this same mob.
And so Chicago celebrated the election of the new President who was to free the land from the grasp of the moneylenders, and undo the bad business of years of unholy union between barterers and sellers of human toil and the law makers of the land. Throughout the length and breadth of the South, and beyond the Great Divide, the news struck hamlet and village like the glad tidings of a new Evangel, almost as potent for human happiness as the heavenly message of two thousand years ago. Bells rang out in joyful acclaim, and the very stars trembled at the telling, and the telling over and over of what had been done for the poor man by his brethren of the North, and around the blazing pine knots of the Southern cabin and in front of the mining camp fires of the Far West, the cry went up: Silver is King! Silver is King!" Black palms and white were clasped in this strange love-feast, and the dark skinned grand child no longer felt the sting of the lash on his sire’s shoulder. All was peace and good will, for the people were at last victorious over their enemies who had taxed and tithed them into a very living death. Now the laborer would not only be worthy of his hire, but it would be paid to him in a people’s dollar, for the people’s good, and now the rich man’s coffers would be made to yield up their ill-gotten gain, and the sun would look upon this broad and fair land, and find no man without a market for the product of his labors. Henceforth, the rich man should, as was right and proper, pay a royal sum for the privilege of his happiness, and take the nation’s taxes on his broad shoulders, where they belong.
CHAPTER III
THE PENS OF MANY WRITERS would not suffice to describe with anything like historical fullness and precision, the wild scenes of excitement which, on the morning after election day, burst forth on the floors of the various exchanges throughout the Union. The larger and more important the money center, the deeper, blacker and heavier the despair which sank upon them after the violent outbursts of protest, defiance and execration had subsided. With some, it seemed that visions of their swift but sure impoverishment only served to transform the dark and dismal drama of revolution and disintegration into a sidesplitting farce, and they greeted the prospective loss of their millions with loud guffaws and indescribable antics of horseplay and unseemly mirth.
As the day wore on, the news became worse and worse. It was only too apparent that the House of Representatives of the Fifty-fifth Congress would be controlled by the combined vote of the Populists and Free Silver men, while the wild joy with which the entire South welcomed the election of Bryan and Sewall left little doubt in the minds of the Northern people that the Southern Senators would, to a man, range themselves on the Administration side of the great conflict into which the Republic was soon to be precipitated. Add to these the twenty Senators of the Free Silver States of the North, and the new President would have the Congress of the Republic at his back. There would be nothing to stand between him and the realization of those schemes which an exuberant fancy, untamed by the hand of experience, and scornful of the leading strings of wisdom, can conjure up.
Did we say nothing? Nay, not so; for the Supreme Court was still there. And yet Justice Field had come fully up to the eightieth milestone in the journey of life and Justice Gray was nearly seventy, while one or two other members of this High Court of Judicature held to their lives with feeble grasp. Even in due and orderly course of events, why might there not come vacancies and then?...
In spite of the nameless dread that rested upon so many of our people, and chilled the very blood of the country’s industries, the new year ’97 came hopefully, serenely, almost defiantly in. There was an indescribable something in the air, a spirit of political devil-may-care, a feeling that the old order had passed away and that the Republic had entered into the womb of time and been born again. This sentiment began to give outward and visible signs of its existence and growth in the remote agricultural districts of the South and Far West. They threw aside their working implements, loitered about, gathered in groups and the words Washington, White House, Silver, Bryan, Offices, Two for One, the South’s Day, Reign of the Common People, Taxes, Incomes, Year of Jubilee, Free Coinage, Wall Street, Altgeld, Tillman, Peffer, Coxey, were whispered in a mysterious way with head noddings and pursing up of mouths.
As January wore away and February, slipping by, brought Bryan’s Inauguration nearer and nearer, the groups melted into groups, and it was only too apparent that from a dozen different points in the South and North West Coxey Armies were forming for an advance on Washington. In some instances they were well clad and well provisioned; in others, they were little better than great bands of hungry and restless men, demoralized by idleness and wrought up to a strange degree of mental excitement by the extravagant harangues of their leaders, who were animated with but one thought, namely, to make use of these vast crowds of Silver Pilgrims, as they called themselves, to back up their claims for public office.
These crowds of deluded people were well named Silver Pilgrims,
for hundreds of them carried in hempen bags, pieces of silverware, in ninety-nine cases of a hundred, plated stuff of little value, which unscrupulous dealers and peddlers had palmed off upon them as sterling, with the promises that once in Washington, the United States Mint would coin their metal into Bryan Dollars
giving two for one
in payment for it.
While these motley armies
marched upon the capitol of the Republic, the railway trains night and day brought vast crowds of ‘‘new men, politicians of low degree, men out of employment, drunken and disgruntled mechanics, farmer’s sons, to seek their fortunes under the Reign of the People, heelers and hangers-on of ward bosses, old men who had not tasted office for thirty years and more, all inspired by Mr. Bryan’s declaration that
The American people are not in favor of life tenure in the Civil Service, that a permanent office holding class is not in harmony with our institutions, that a fixed term in appointive offices would open the public service to a larger number of citizens, without impairing its efficiency, all bearing new brooms in their hands or across their shoulders, each and every one of them supremely confident that in the distribution of the spoils something would surely fall to his share, since they were the
Common People who were so dear to Mr. Bryan, and who had made him President in the very face of the prodigious opposition of the rich men, whose coffers had been thrown wide open all to no purpose, and in spite too of the Satanic and truly devilish power of that hell upon earth known as Wall Street, which had sweated gold in vain in its desperate efforts to fasten the chains of trusts and the claws of soulless monsters known as corporations upon these very
Common People," soon to march in triumph before the silver chariot of the young Conqueror from the West.
CHAPTER IV
THERE HAD BEEN A STRANGE prophecy put forth by someone, and it had made its way into the daily journals, and had been laughingly or seriously commented upon, according to the political tone of the paper, or the passing humor of the writer, that the 4th of March, 1897, would never dawn upon the American people. There was something very curious and uncanny about the prediction, and what actually happened was not qualified to loosen the fearful tension of public anxiety, for the day literally and truly never dawned upon the City of Washington, and well deserves its historical name, the Dawnless Day.
At six o’clock, the hour of daybreak, such an impenetrable pall of clouds overhung the city that there came no signs of day. The gathering crowds could plainly hear the plaintive cries and lamentations put up in the negro quarters of the city. Not until nearly nine o’clock did the light cease to shine in darkness
and the darkness begin to comprehend it.
But although it was a cheerless gray day, even at high noon, its heaviness set no weight upon the spirits of the jubilant tens of thousands which completely filled the city and its public parks, and ran over into camps and hastily improvised shelters outside the city limits. Not until the day previous had the President announced the names of those selected for his Cabinet.
The South and Far West were fairly beside themselves with joy, for there had been from their standpoint ugly rumors abroad for several days. It had even been hinted that Bryan had surrendered to the money changers,
and that the selection of his constitutional advisers would prove him recreant to the glorious cause of popular government, and that the Reign of the Common People would remain but a dream of the ‘‘struggling masses."
But these apprehensions were short lived. The young President stood firm and fast on the platform of the parties which had raised him to his proud eminence. And what better proof of his thorough belief in himself and in his mission could he have given than the following:
Secretary of State- William M. Stewart, of Nevada. Secretaty of Treasury- Richard P. Bland, of Missouri. Secretary of War- John P. Altgeld, of Illinois. Attorney General- Roger Q. Mills, of Texas. Postmaster General- Henry George, of New York. Secretary Navy- John Gary Evans, of South Carolina. Secretary Interior- William A. Peffer, of Kansas. Secretary Agriculture- Lafe Pence, of Colorado.
The first thing that flashed across the minds of many upon glancing over this list of names was the omission therefrom of Tillman’s. What did it mean? Could the young President have quarreled with his best friend, his most powerful coadjutor? But the wiser ones only shook their heads and made answer that it was Tillman’s hand that filled the blank for Secretary of the Navy, left there by the new ruler after the people’s own heart. Evans was but a creation of this great Commoner of the South, an image graven with his hands.
The inaugural address was not a disappointment to those who had come to hear it. It was like the man who delivered itbold, outspoken, unmistakable in its terms, promising much, impatient of precedent, reckless of result; a double confirmation that this was to be the Reign of the Common People, that much should be unmade and much made over, and no matter how the rich man might cry out in anger or amazement, the nation must march on to the fulfillment of a higher and nobler mission than the impoverishment and degradation of the millions for the enrichment and elevation of the few.
Scarcely had the young President- his large eyes filled with a strange light, and his smooth, hairless visage radiant as a cloudless sky, his wife’s arm twined around his, and their hands linked in those of their children- passed within the lofty portal of the White House, than he threw himself into a chair, and seizing a sheet of official paper penned the following order, and directed its immediate promulgation:
Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. March 4th, 1897.
Executive Order No. 1: In order that there may be immediate relief in the terrible financial depression now weighing upon our beloved country, consequent upon and resulting from the unlawful combination of capitalists and money-lenders both in this Republic and in England, and that the ruinous and inevitable progress toward a universal gold standard may be stayed, the President orders and directs the immediate abandonment of the so-called ‘‘gold reserve" and that on and after the promulgation of this order, the gold and silver standard of the Constitution be resumed and strictly maintained in all the business transactions of the Government.
It was two o’clock in the afternoon when news of this now world-famous Executive Order was flashed into the great banking centers of the country. Its effect in Wall street beggars description. On the floor of the Stock Exchange men yelled and shrieked like painted savages, and, in their mad struggles, tore and trampled each other.
Many dropped in fainting fits, or fell exhausted from their wild and senseless efforts to say what none would listen to. Ashen pallor crept over the faces of some, while the blood threatened to burst the swollen arteries that spread in purple network over the brows of others.
When silence came at last, it was a silence broken by sobs and groans. Some wept, while others stood dumbstruck as if it was all a bad dream, and they were awaiting the return of their poor distraught senses to set them right again. Ambulances were hastily summoned and fainting and exhausted forms were borne through hushed and whispering masses wedged into Wall street, to be whirled away uptown to their residences, there to come into full possession of their senses only to cry out in their anguish that ruin, black ruin, stared them in the face if this news from Washington should prove true.
CHAPTER V
BY PROCLAMATION BEARING date the 5th day of March 1897, the President summoned both houses of Congress to convene in extraordinary session for the consideration of the general welfare of the United States, and to take such action as might seem necessary and expedient to them on certain measures which he should recommend to their consideration, measures of vital import to the welfare and happiness of the people, if not to the very existence of the Union and the continuance of their enjoyment of the liberties achieved by the fathers of the Republic.
While awaiting the day set for the coming together of the Congress, the Great Friend of the Common People
came suddenly face to face with the first serious business of his Administration. Fifty thousand people tramped the streets of Washington without bread or shelter. Many had come in quest of office, lured on by the solemn pronouncement of their candidate that there should be at once a clean sweep of these barnacles of the ship of State and so complete had been their confidence in their glorious young captain, that they had literally failed to provide themselves with either ‘‘purse or script or shoes, and now stood hungry and footsore at his gate, begging for a crust of bread. But most of those making up this vast multitude were
the unarmed warriors of peaceful armies" like the one once led by the redoubtable Coxey, decoyed from farm and hamlet and plantation by some nameless longing to go forth to stand in the presence of this new Savior of Society, whose advent to power was to bring them double pay for all their toil.
While on the march all had gone well, for their brethren had opened their hearts and their houses as these unarmed warriors
had marched with flying banners and loud huzzahs through the various towns on the route. But now the holiday was over, they were far from their homes, they were in danger of perishing from hunger. What was to be done? They are our people,
said the President, their love of country has undone them; the nation must not let them suffer, for they are its hope and its shield in the hour of war, and its glory and its refuge in times of peace. They are the common people for whose benefit this Republic was established. The Kings of the earth may desert them; I never shall.
The Secretary of War was directed to establish camps in the parks and suburbs of the city and to issue rations and blankets to these luckless wanderers until the Government could provide for their transportation back to their homes.
On Monday, March 15th, the President received the usual notification from both houses of Congress, that they had organized and were ready for the consideration of such measures as he might choose to recommend for their action.
The first act to pass both houses and receive the signature of the President, was an Act repealing the Act of 1873, and opening the mints of the United States to the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one, with gold, and establishing branch mints in the cities of Denver, Omaha, Chicago, Kansas City, Spokane, Los Angeles, Charleston and Mobile. The announcement that reparation had thus been made to the people for the Crime of 1873
was received with loud cheering on the floors and in the galleries of both houses. And the Great North heard these cheers and trembled.
The next measure of great public import brought before the House was an act to provide additional revenue by levying a tax upon the incomes, substantially on the lines laid down by the legislation of 1894. The Republican Senators strove to make some show of resistance to this measure, but so solid were the administration ranks, that they only succeeded in delaying it for a few weeks. This first skirmish with the enemy, however, brought the President and his followers to a realizing sense that not only must the Senate be shorn of its power to block the ‘‘new movement of regeneration and reform by the adoption of rules cutting off prolonged debate, but that the
new dispensation must at once proceed to increase its senatorial representation, for who could tell what moment some one of the Northern Silver States might not slip away from its allegiance to the
Friend of the Common People."
The introduction of a bill repealing the various Civil Service acts passed for the alleged purpose of regulating and improving the Civil Service of the United States,
and of another repealing the various acts establishing National Banks, and substituting United States notes for all national bank notes based upon interest bearing bonds, opened the eyes of the Republican opposition to the fact that the President and his party were possessed of the courage of their convictions, and were determined, come good report or evil report, to wipe all conflicting legislation from the statute books. The battle in the Senate now took on a spirit of extreme acrimony; scenes not witnessed since the days of Slavery, were of daily occurrence on the floors of both the House and the Senate. Threats of secession came openly from the North only to be met with the jeers and laughter of the silver and populist members. We’re in the saddle at last,
exclaimed a Southern member, and we intend to ride on to victory!
The introduction of bills for the admission of New Mexico and Arizona, and for the division of Texas into two States to be called East Texas and West Texas, although each of these measures was strictly within the letter of the Constitution, fell among the members of the Republican opposition like a torch in a house of tinder. There was fire at once, and the blaze of party spirit leaped to such dangerous heights that the whole nation looked on in consternation. Was the Union about to go up in a great conflagration and leave behind it but the ashes and charred pedestals of its greatness?
We are the people
wrote the President in lines of dignity and calmness. We are the people and what we do, we do under the holy sanction of law, and there is no one so powerful or so bold as to dare to say we do not do well in lifting off the nation’s shoulders the grievous and unlawful burdens which preceding Congresses have placed upon them.
And so the Long Session
of the fifty-fifth Congress was entered upon, fated to last through summer heat and autumn chill, and until winter came again and the Constitution itself set limits to its lasting.
And when that day came, and its speaker, amid a wild tumult of cheers, arose to declare it ended not by their will, but by the law of the land, he said: "The glorious revolution is in its brightest bud. Since the President called upon us to convene in last March, we have with the strong blade of public indignation, and with a full sense of our responsibility, erased from the statute books the marks of our country’s shame and our people’s subjugation. Liberty cannot die. There remains much to be done in the way of building up. Let us take heart and push on.
On Monday, the regular session of this Congress will begin. We must greet our loved ones from the distance. We have no time to go home and embrace them."
CHAPTER VI
WHEN A REPUBLICAN MEMBER of the House arose to move the usual adjournment for the holidays, there was a storm of hisses and cries of No, no!
Said the leader of the House, amid deafening plaudits: ‘‘We are the servants of the people. Our work is not yet complete. There must be no play for us while coal barons stand with their feet on the ashes of the poor man’s hearthstone, and weeds and thorns cumber the fields of the farmer for lack of money to buy seed and implements. There must be no play for us while railway magnates press from the pockets of the laboring man six and eight percent, return on thrice watered stocks, and rapacious landlords, enriched by inheritance, grind the faces of the poor. There must be no play for us while enemies of the human kind are, by means of trust and combination and ‘corners,’ engaged in drawing their unholy millions from the very life-blood of the nation, paralyzing its best efforts and setting the blight of intemperance and indifference upon it, by making life but one long struggle for existence, without a gleam of rest and comfort in old age. No, Mr. Speaker, we must not adjourn, but by our efforts in these halls of legislation let the nation know that we are at work for its emancipation, and by these means let the monopolists and money-changers be brought to a realizing sense that the Reign of the Common People has really been entered upon, and then the bells will ring out a happier, gladder New Year than has ever dawned upon this Republic."
The opposition fairly quailed before the vigor and earnestness of the new dispensation.
There were soon before the House and pressed well on toward final passage a number of important measures calculated to awaken an intense feeling of enthusiasm among the working classes. Among these was an Act establishing a Loan Commission for the loaning of certain moneys of the United States to Farmers and Planters without interest; an Act for the establishment of a permanent Department of Public Works, its head to be styled Secretary of Public Works, rank as a cabinet officer, and supervise the expenditure of all public moneys for the construction of public buildings and the improvement of rivers and harbors; an Act making it a felony, punishable with imprisonment for life, for any citizen or combination of citizens to enter into any trust or agreement to stifle, suppress or in any way interfere with full, open and fair competition in trade and manufacture among the States, or to make use of any interstate railroads, waterways or canals for the transportation of any food products or goods, wares or merchandise which may have been cornered,
stored or withheld with a view to enhance the value thereof; and, most important of all, a preliminary act having for its object the appointment of Commissioners for the purchase by the Federal Government of all interstate railway and telegraph lines, and in the meantime the strict regulation of all fares and charges by a Government Commission, from whose established schedules there shall be no appeal.
On Washington’s Birthday the President issued an Address of Congratulation to the People of the United States, from which the following is extracted:
"The malicious prognostications of our political opponents have proven themselves to be but empty sound and fury. Although not quite one year has elapsed since I, agreeable to your mandate, restored to you the money of the Constitution, yet from every section of our Union comes the glad tidings of renewed activity and prosperity The working man no longer sits cold and hungry beside a cheerless hearthstone; the farmer has taken heart and resumed work; the wheels of the factory are in motion again; the shops and stores of the legitimate dealer and trader are full of bustle and action. There is content everywhere, save in the counting-room of the money-changer, for which thank God and the common people of this Republic. The free coinage of that metal which the Creator, in His wisdom, stored with so lavish a hand in the subterranean vaults of our glorious mountain ranges, has proven a rich and manifold blessing for our people. It is in every sense of the word the ‘people’s money,’ and already the envious world looks on in amazement that we have shown our ability to do without ‘foreign cooperation.’
The Congress of our Republic has been in almost continuous session since I took my oath of office, and the administration members deserve your deepest and most heartfelt gratitude. They are rearing for themselves a monument more lasting than chiseled bronze or polished monolith. They knew no rest, they asked for no respite from their labors until, at my earnest request, they adjourned over to join their fellow citizens in the observance of this sacred anniversary.
Fellow citizens, remember the bonds which a wicked and selfish class of usurers and speculators fastened upon you, and on this anniversary of the birth of the Father of our Country, let us renew our pledges to undo completely and absolutely their infamous work, and in public assembly and family circle, let us by new vows confirm our love of right and justice, so that the great gain may not slip away from us, but go on increasing so long as the statute books contain a single trace of the record of our enslavement.
As for me, I have but one ambition, and that is to deserve so well of you that when you come to write my epitaph, you set beneath my name the single line:
‘Here lies a Friend of the Common People.’ "
CHAPTER VII
THIS FIRST YEAR OF the Silver Administration was scarcely rounded up, ere there began to be ugly rumors that the Government was no longer able to hold the white metal at a parity with gold. It is the work of Wall Street,
cried the friends of the President, but wiser heads were shaken in contradiction, for they had watched the sowing of the wind of unreason, and knew only too well that the whirlwind of folly must be reaped in due season.
The country had been literally submerged by a silver flood which had poured its argent waves into every nook and cranny of the Republic, stimulating human endeavor to most unnatural and harmful vigor. Mad speculation stalked over the land. People sold what they should have clung to, and bought what they did not need. Manufacturers heaped up goods for which there was no demand, and farmers plowed where they had not drained and drained, where they were never fated to plow. The small dealer enlarged his business with more haste than judgment, and the widow drew her mite from the bank of savings to buy land on which she was destined never to set foot. The spirit of greed and gain lodged in every mind, and the Common People
with a mad eagerness loosened the strings of their leather purses to cast their hard-earned savings into wild schemes of profit. Every scrap and bit of the white metal that they could lay their hands upon, spoons hallowed by the touch of lips long since closed in death, and cups and tankards from which grand sires had drunken were bundled away to the mints to be coined into people’s dollars.
At the very first rumor of the slipping away of this trusted coin from its parity with gold, there was a fearful awakening, like the start and the gasp of the miser who sees his horded treasure melting away from before his eyes, and he not able to reach out and stay its going.
Protest and expostulation first, then came groans and prayers, from which there was an easy road to curses. The working man threw off his cap and apron to rush upon the public square, and demand his rights. Mobs ran together, processions formed, deputations hurried off to Washington, not on foot like the Coxey Army, but on the swift wings of the Limited Express.
The common people
were admitted to the bar of the house, their complaints patiently listened to, and reparation promised. Bills for increased revenue were hurriedly introduced, and new taxes were loaded upon the broad shoulders of the millionaires of the nation- taxes on checks, taxes on certificates of incorporation, taxes on deeds and mortgages, taxes on pleasure yachts, taxes on private parks and plaisances, taxes on wills of all property above $5,000 in value, taxes on all gifts of realty for and in consideration of natural love and affection, taxes on all passage tickets to foreign lands, and double taxes on the estates of all absentees on and after the lapse of six months.
There was a doubling up too of the tariff on all important luxuries, for as was said on the floor of Congress, if the silks and satins of American looms and the wines and tobacco of native growth, are not good enough for ‘my Lord of Wall Street,’ let him pay the difference and thank heaven that he can get them at that price.
To quiet the murmurs of the good people of the land, additional millions were placed to the credit of the Department of Public Works, and harbors were dredged out in one month only to fill up in the next, and new systems of improvement of interstate waterways were entered upon on a scale of magnitude hitherto undreamed of. The Commissioners for the distribution of public moneys to farmers so impoverished as to be unable to work their lands, were kept busy in placing Peffer Loans
where the need of them seemed to be the greatest, and to put a stop to the nefarious doings of money changers and traders in the misfortunes of the people, a statute was enacted making it a felony punishable with imprisonment for life, for any person or corporate body to buy and sell government bonds or public funds, or deal in them with a view to draw gain or profit from their rise and fall in value.
But try never so hard, the Government found itself powerless to check the slow but steady decline in value of the people’s dollar. By midsummer, it had fallen to forty-three cents, and ere the fair Northland had wrapped itself, like a scornful beauty, in its Autumn mantle of gold, the fondly trusted coin had sunk to exactly one-third of the value of a standard gold dollar. People carried baskets in their arms, filled with the now discredited coin, when they went abroad to pay a debt or make purchase of the necessaries of life. Huge sacks of the white metal were flung at the door of the mortgagee when discharge was sought for a few thousand dollars. Men servants accompanied their mistresses upon shopping tours to carry the necessary funds, and leather pockets took the place of the old time muslin ones in male habiliments, least the weight of the fifteen coins required to make up a five dollar gold piece should tear the thin stuff and spill a dollar at every step.
All day long in the large cities, huge trucks loaded with sacks of the coin rolled and rumbled over the pavement in the adjustment of the business balances of the day. The tradesman who called for his bill was met at the door with a coal scuttle or a nail keg filled with the needful amount, and on pay day, the working man took his eldest boy with him to tote the stuff home
while he carried the usual bundle of firewood. And strange to say, this dollar, once so beloved by the common people,
parted with its very nature of riches and lay in heaps unnoticed and unheeded on shelf or table, until occasion arose to pay it out which was done with a careless and contemptuous toss as if it were the iron money of the ancient Spartans, and Holy Writ for once at least, was disproven and discredited for the thief showed not the slightest inclination to break in and steal
where these treasures had been laid up on earth, although the discs of white metal might lie in full view on the table, like so many pewter platters or pieces of tin-ware. Men let debts run, rather than call for them, and barter and exchange came into vogue again, the good housewife calling on her neighbor for a loan of flour or meal, promising to return the same in sugar or dried fruit whenever the need might arise.
And still the once magic discs of silver slipped slowly and silently downward, and ever downward in value and good name, until it almost seemed as if the people hated the very name of silver.
CHAPTER VIII
THE "FATEFUL YEAR OF ‘99’’ upon its coming in, found the Republic of Washington in dire and dangerous straits. The commercial and industrial boom had spent its force, and now the frightful evils of a debased currency, coupled with demoralizing effects of rampant paternalism, were gradually strangling the land to death. Capital, ever timid and distrustful in such times, hid itself in safe deposit vaults, or fled to Europe. Labor, although really hard pressed and lacking the very necessities of life, was loudmouthed and defiant. Socialism and Anarchism found willing ears into which to pour their burning words of hatred and malevolence, and the consequence was that serious rioting broke out in the larger cities of the North, often taxing the capacities of the local authorities to the utmost.
It was spoken of abroad that violent dissensions had arisen in the Cabinet, the young President giving signs of a marked change of mind, and like many a man who has appealed to the darker passions of the human heart, he seemed almost ready to exclaim: I stand alone. The spirits I have called up are no longer obedient to me. My country, oh, my country, how willingly would I give my life for thee, if by such a sacrifice I could restore thee to thy old time prosperity.
For the first he began to realize what an intense spirit of sectionalism had entered into this revolutionary propaganda.
He spoke of his fears to none save to his wise and prudent helpmate. I trust you, beloved,
she whispered, as she pressed the broad, strong hands that held hers clasped.
Ay, dear one, but does my country?
came in almost a groan from the lips of the youthful ruler. Most evident was it, that thus far the South had been the great gainer in this struggle for power. She had increased her strength in the Senate by six votes; she had regained her old time prestige in the House; one of her most trusted sons was in the Speaker’s chair, while another brilliant Southron led the administration forces on the floor. Born as she was for the brilliant exercise of intellectual vigor, the South was of that strain of blood which knows how to wear the kingly graces of power so as best to impress the common people.
Many of the men of the North had been charmed and fascinated by this natural pomp and inborn demeanor of greatness and had yielded to it.
Not a month had gone by that this now dominant section had not made some new demand upon the country at large. Early in the session, at its request, the internal revenue tax which had rested so long upon the tobacco crop of the South, and poured so many millions of revenue into the national treasury, was wiped from the statute books with but a feeble protest from the North.
But now the country was thrown into a state bordering upon frenzy by a new demand, which, although couched in calm and decorous terms, nay, almost in the guise of a petition for long-delayed justice to hard-pressed and suffering brethren, had about it a suppressed, yet unmistakable tone of conscious power and imperiousness which well became the leader who spoke for "that glorious Southland to which this Union owes so much of its greatness