Global Projects at War: Tectonic Processes of Global Transformation

Global Projects at War: Tectonic Processes of Global Transformation

Copyright ©2021 Daniel Estulin. All Rights Reserved

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Estulin, Daniel

Global Projects at War: Tectonic Processes of Global Transformation– 1st ed.

p. cm.

Epub (ISBN-13) 978-1-63424-321-6

Kindle (ISBN-13) 978-1-63424-322-3

Print (ISBN-13) 978-1-63424-320-9

1.Internationalism. 2. Cosmopolitanism. 3. Globalization. 4. Economic development. 5. International Cooperation. 6. Public Policy . I. Title

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Make thy two eyes, like stars, start from their spheres,

Thy knotted and combinèd locks to part

And each particular hair to stand on end,

Like quills upon the fearful porpentine.

But this eternal blazon must not be

To ears of flesh and blood. List, list, O, list!

If thou didst ever thy dear father love—

–William Shakespeare

Table of Contents

Epigraph

Prologue: Onward?

PART I. Global Projects

1. Capitalism As a Systemic Conspiracy

2. Global Projects – Introduction

3. Change Through the Prism of Global Projects

4. The Orient’s Historical Mission Within the Contours of Metapolitics

5. Transformation of Global Processes

6. I Ching – Law of Change

PART II. World Post-Crisis

7. Bretton Woods and the 1970’s Oil Hoax 


8. USA vs. China

9. Soviet Two-Contour Economic Model

PART III. Latin America as the Key Node in the New Global Order

10. Latin American Economic Integration

11. The Monroe Doctrine

12. The World is Changing

Index

Prologue

Onward?

To quote Jane Wilde Hawkins, When we wrestle fate, only the universal questions – life, survival, and death – are of any importance. The question we must urgently answer is whether the human species, when faced with its own self-destruction, is wise enough to change its destiny, from the currently ruinous paradigm of countries/corporations trying to consolidate a world empire and the resolution of geopolitical conflicts through war, or substitute that paradigm with a moral example that simultaneously inspires both the imagination and the hope of Humanity.

The moral example of great visionaries like Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, Leonardo da Vinci, Johannes Kepler, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Simón Bolivar el Libertador, President Benito Juárez García, Gandhi, who inspire the population through their legacy and example of this immortal quality of achievement attained beyond the death of the individual person. If the leadership is moral, then the population will immediately develop the type of consciousness sufficient to reject evil and seek perfection and self-perfection.

It will not be easy to achieve this change. It is not easy, but if it were easy, everyone would do it. It is our world! We must not allow the current state of global affairs to depress us, collective humanity. We must not let this destroy us. Let us make a solemn promise: Let us be better prepared to confront our destiny with dignity, unwavering resolve, and fortitude, amid global cataclysms.

We have to make a declaration of principles. This is who we are! This is what we represent! We will defend to the end our present and our future, our planetary Homeland, the future of our children and our grandchildren. We will defend to the end the right to live in peace. To be able to feel protected in our homes, in our streets, in our cities and our countries. To be able to educate our children and base this education on examples of heroes and not pedophiles, murderers, drug traffickers, degenerates, and sadists. We need to believe in something. Long for something better. Work with freedom and inspiration to improve everyone’s life per square kilometer of space against nature. If we do not act with wisdom, if we have no ideology, if we lack scientific and technical knowledge, we cannot build a better world.

We have to restore the sense of belonging, as humanity, to the vast universe around us, restore the human mission towards a better and more fraternal existence, which assumes its responsibility for the rest of the species. We have to work unfailingly and unwaveringly in building the future of humanity, even if we each die long before we can fulfill our mission.

Human nature is synonymous with the pursuit of excellence. We want to leave something for the next generation, or the one after that, to show them that we existed, to show them what we did with our time on Planet Earth. This is the impulse behind the cathedrals, the pyramids, the Great Wall of China, and so many other things we, as collective humanity, have created over the course of our existence.

When we do things for the Truest of Reasons, reasons that benefit humanity, we produce our most significant achievements. The real reason we chose to go to the Moon, as JFK said, was not because it was easy, but because it was hard.

Finally, I would like to say that we are the future. Knowing that we are unique through our divine spark of reason. The oligarchy can sequester trillions of dollars of wealth, but it will never be immortal, for they act against the interests of humanity. We, on the other hand, can achieve immortality by doing something great: thinking and working in the name of the common good, the commonweal.

They say that no man is better than his conversation, that no politician can overcome his speech, but we come to a time when incongruity endangers the destiny of humanity. The idea, the word, and the action are the indispensable units of forward-thinking societies and we must not destroy it if we want to overcome our fleeting individual existence and think of the collective land of the word: ours, as Enrique Gonzales Rojo wrote.

Although dark, heavy clouds are gathering all around us, I look to the future and see reasons for hope. Close proximity to a majestic mountain is a mixed blessing, noted Edward Said, One is at once graced by the magnanimity of its pastures and the bounty of its slopes, and yet one can never see where one is sitting, under the shadow of what greatness, or the embracing comfort of what assurance. Yes, there is hope.

Part I

Global Projects

Chapter 1

Capitalism As a Systemic Conspiracy

One of the main weaknesses of conspiracy studies is that, even when we consider staggering amounts of information, often empirical material that turns one’s understanding about many historical events upside-down, its authors are not able to adequately conceptualize it, turning it into a special discipline and/or rebuilding from a certain angle existing disciplines. To do this, it was necessary to incorporate conspiracies into the problems of historical and theoretical analyses of capitalism as a system, since closed (secret) supranational structures of global agreements and control and the possibility of small groups being able to manage the course of history or, at least, try to do it, logically flows from the social nature of capitalism, due to its specificity.

Moreover, it is the capitalist system (and only it on such a scale) that gives rise to the closed supranational structures of world government and coordination existing in the area of conspiracy; in fact, its existence is impossible without them. They are a feature of the capitalist system, as cycles of capital accumulation or cycles of a struggle for world hegemony and world wars. Moreover, the development of capitalism is closely connected with the economic and political cycles of the capitalist system; it can be used to judge the entire system since they embody the integral (space) and long-term (time) aspects of the side of its functioning.

At the end of his life, Karl Marx noted that if he had written Capital again, he would have started with the state and the international system of States. Today, as historian Andrei Fursov adds: if we were to write Capital again, then we must begin with what is called the invisible hand; that is, with closed supranational coordination structures and management, the very fact of their existence removes one of the most important, basic contradictions of capitalism. Without this invisible element and the personifying structures of this element, the functioning of capitalism is impossible. Conspirology as a process and reality (as a will and representation) is a necessary condition for the existence of capitalism and the process of this existence at the same time.

In economic terms, capitalism is a whole-world, supranational system; the world market knows no boundaries; its locus standi and field of employment is the world market. But on the political plane, the capitalist system (capsystem) is not a whole, but the totality, the mosaic of states, their international organization; that is, the organization of national states. This is one of the most serious contradictions of capitalism – the contradiction between capital and the state, global and domestic.

By the middle of the 19th century, paraphrasing historian Andrei Fursov, as capitalism became integral into a system-for-itself, that is, with the acquisition of an adequate material base for it – industrial productive forces – capitalism acquired a strong manufacturing foundation. But industrial productive forces are regional, being most highly concentrated in the North Atlantic area. In contrast, industrial relations are global in nature, conflicting with state-political forms and often trying to break them.

So the contradiction between the integral world character of the economy and the total mosaic national character of the state-political organization takes on yet another dimension: world production relations (and their personifiers) are opposed to regional productive forces and not to world forces, but to national state-political structures and their personifiers.

As a result, firstly, the interests of states turn out to be, as a rule, closely related to those of industrialists, but the real, physical capital of the economy, and the interests of financiers objectively oppose both of them. Of course, the reality is more complicated, and it is sometimes characterized by various twists and combinations, a cunning interweaving of probability lines, caused by the conjuncture of circumstances – both historical and family-personal. Nevertheless, the fundamental contradiction mentioned above and the ways (forms) of its removal remain, determining the whole evolution, all the motility of capitalism. But I am getting ahead of myself.

In whatever country it lives (especially if it is a large country), the financial segment of the big bourgeoisie always has interests that go beyond national borders – its own and those of others. And these interests can be realized only by violating the laws of one’s state, or another’s, and more often one’s own country and others at the same time. Moreover, this is not a one-time violation, but a constant and systematic process; which, therefore, must somehow be framed. After all, it is one thing when Capital is opposed by weak, or even not-so-weak, policies in Asia, not to mention Africa. There is enough of a forceful version of gunboat diplomacy to put it in its place. However, what about the world of equal or relatively equal nations: Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria; and since the second half of the 19th century, Germany, USA, Japan? And now, China has arrived in a big way. This is an entirely different matter. It’s not as easy here; you need, not a firearm, but an organizational weapon that would formalize the interests of the Capitalist elites of various states, remove their contradictions with the state and become an expression of their integral (extra/supranational) and long-term interests.

Thus, since commodity chains on the world market constantly violate state-political borders, often coming into conflict with the interests of affected states, for the top of the capitalist class, firstly, omni-national, supranational structures/organizations are needed; secondly, these organizations should be, if not completely secret, then closed to the general public, and thirdly, these organizations/structures should be able to influence states, influence their leaders – those leaders being simultaneously above the state, and over capital.

What these structures are engaged in cannot be called anything other than a permanent and institutionalized conspiracy. And, therefore, we should talk about the conspiracy system. Capitalist systems include all types of closed, supranational structures, most often (although not always) within the bounds of capitalism, i.e., Masonic lodges, gentlemen’s clubs, secret societies, etc. Conspiracy systems in no case are exhausted by Freemasonry and quasi-masonry. However, in the 18th and in a significant part of the 19th centuries, they were the dominant organizational form of the capitalist system. However, since the end of the 19th and especially in the 20th century, new, more modern forms of the conspiracy systems arise, which do not abolish the old ones, are often associated with them, but much more directly related to politics, economics, and intelligence.

The conspiracy system is the third corner of capitalism as a system, and in fact, it occupies the tip of the triangle, above the capital and the state, located on the same plane. When the story of the capitalist era is written and told as the history of only nation-states and capital, it is an incomplete and false account, because it presents a two-dimensional world, when in fact, we are dealing with a three-dimensional system. Without the conspiracy system, the history of the capitalist era is incomprehensible – and impossible to explain. What’s more, the history of the capitalist system should be inscribed in the history of capital weath (its cycles of accumulation) and the State (the struggle for hegemony), and their relations should be analyzed as a subject and system. Only in this way, will we get a holistic, integral history of the era, and not a scheme that simply satisfies the profane spirit.

The conspiracy system removes not only the underlying political and economic contradiction that was discussed, but also others: between various forms of capital and, accordingly, fractions of the capitalist class, between nations. Representing both capital and the state, linking them organizationally in such an area that is outside the state and outside capital, elite conspiracy systems are above the State and capital, expressing the holistic and long-term interests of the capsystem and thus acting as a personifier of holistic and long-term interests of the capitalist class as its backbone element. Here it is necessary to give the working definition of capitalism which I will use: as Descartes would say, Il faut définir le sens des mots – Determine the meaning of words."

"If capital, in the strict systemic sense of the word, is materialized labor, realizing itself as a self-increasing value in the process of exchange for living labor, then capitalism is the social system based on this process. But this is not a good enough definition. Capitalism is not only ‘capital’: capital existed before capitalism and, most likely, will exist after it. Capitalism is a complex social system that institutionally (state, politics, civil society, mass education) manipulates capital in its long-term and holistic interests (and thus extends its life) and provides expansion (space) for it.

Expansion is necessary because capitalism is an extensively growth-oriented system: as soon as the world rate of profit declined, capitalism tore this or that part out of the non-capitalist zone and turned it into the capitalist periphery – a source of cheap labor and cheap raw materials. The exhaustion of non-capitalist zones (1991) means asphyxiation and relatively quick death, or rather, the dismantling of capitalism.¹ In this regard, globalization is the terminator not only of the Soviet Union, systemic anti-capitalism, but also of capitalism as a system. And very symptomatic - dialectics: globalization is, to a large extent, a product of the activities of the conspiracy system.

Finally, there is another essential contradiction of bourgeois society, which the conspiracy system is called upon to remove. In bourgeoise society, official power is not sacred; secrecy is not its inherent characteristic. In the pre-capitalist cultures of Asia, Africa, and pre-Columbian America, this secret was an inherent characteristic of power, but this secret was in plain sight. People knew about secret power, and the secret of power, power itself was perceived in many ways as something mysterious and sacred.

The situation is entirely different in a capitalist system. Since in a capitalist society production relations are economic and exploitation is carried out as an obvious exchange of labor for materialized labor, the social process is almost transparent: the market, the dominance of commodity-money relations, the institutional separation of power from property, the economy from morality, religion from politics, politics from the economy (economic management is separated from the administrative-political process), economics from the social sphere. All this exposes the social and power relations of bourgeois society. The rationalization of economic, social, and political areas and relations maximally opens up the processes taking place in these spheres, makes them fundamentally readable, and turns it into an object of study of specialized disciplines – economics, sociology, political science.

The creation of the supranational structures of world governance and reconciliation is an imperative for the top of the capitalist class, including world market operators, who have become capitalists against their will. However, the bourgeoisie and the capitalizing aristocracy of the 18th century, when this need and task were already fully recognized, were not and could not be ready-to-use, natural capitalist organizations on a supranational level. It was good for the Jews, who lived in the pores of the modern world; like the Phoenicians, in the pores of the ancient world. They were an international people, battered and bled by many generations of European Christians, but allowed one vital right, a great tool of survival: money lending and finance. Through this ancient network and the kinship, family system as a supranational structure, they could solve the problem of organization at the supranational level – as the Rothschilds did at the turn of the 19th century.

Hence, the close connection between Jewry and capitalism, noted by many scholars, beginning with Karl Marx and Werner Sombart, and the synchronism of their rise from the beginning of the 16th century, which accelerated sharply in the 19th century. Therefore, naturally, the bourgeoisie and the capitalist-oriented aristocracy used, first of all, those organizations that were available, for example, Masonic. The latter began to perform new functions, clarifying dynastic relations in the new conditions – the world struggle for markets, and also serving as a means of fighting the state (already anti-feudal, not yet bourgeoise, but old-order"), and not only for the bourgeoise, but also for other groups.

"The conspiracy system removes the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, and this is their function. But it is also said that the capitalist class did not have ready-made structures for fulfilling this function, and they adapted the existing ones, in particular, the Masonic structures, which served the interests not so much of the bourgeoise, as other groups, albeit related to the functional world market. Thus, old structures acquired new content that modified them: old keys began to unlock new locks. However, at the same time, this content was also heavily influenced by the past, especially since the groups that organized these structures were largely included in the new capitalist class – mainly, though not only, the British.

The New European, or rather New England, whose historical merger began in the 1530s-1540s, is constructed of five elements – the proto-English pentagram of the 16th century. It was represented by the English nobility, English capital (the City), English pirates, Jewish money, and the Venetians. Moreover, it was the quantitatively insignificant Venetian element that played a decisive role in this historical mutation; namely, the role of a catalyst and a fixative at the same time. The Venetians gave an impetus to the assembly process, despite the dissimilarity with England and the British, and perhaps thanks to it. Venice and England in the 16th century were completely different types of organizations that developed in entirely different directions, but at times intersected with each other when moving toward their own goals. And indeed, the Venetian-English synthesis led to a fantastic result that changed the course of development of Eurasia and the world that stretches into the future. Supporters of the East India Company in the British Parliament in the 1780s called themselves the Venetian Party."

Very indicative of popularity among the British upper classes of the late 18th century, is Venetian artist Antonio Canaletto (1697-1768). His paintings were bought by the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Carlisle, and many others; the Duke of Bedford had 24 Canaletto paintings. What is the reason for this popularity? Canaletto created the famous series of views of Venice, in which the city is depicted not as it was in the second half of the 18th century, but as it was in the 15th and 16th centuries; successful, self-confident, framed by monuments, in all its splendor. Europe’s only Republic. Canaletto found a treasure of images from that era. For the representatives of the British elite, Venice was such a symbol of success: they believed that it was the Venetians’ foreign trade in that glorious time, from whom they took the baton, that was the motor of power and wealth, and that is why they collectively adored the paintings of the Venetian master.²

A century and a half later, in 1930, Hjalmar Schacht, urging European bankers to support Nazism, argued that Hitler would finally break the nation-states in Europe, and the bankers would receive, Venice the size of Europe.

It is medieval Venice, numbering in the 16th century some 200,000 people, managed by 40 key families, rather than ancient Athens and Rome, which in many respects formed the modern West. The role of Venice in the history of Europe is confirmed, among other things, by its genetic and genealogical contribution. "The Venetian aristocracy gave 17 papal families, including Borgia and Orsini; related to Venice were/are: the Medici, Sforza, the Bourbons of France and Parma, the House of Savoy, the Bavarian Wittelsbachs and six or seven ducal and Margrave houses; immigrants from Venice are the Jewish families of Morpurgo (funded Napoleon), Warburgs (funded both Napoleon and Hitler), American Cabots (the Jewish Caboti family from Lombardy, who moved to Venice in the 10th century) and many others. On the female side, financiers and industrialists of non-aristocratic origin are associated with the Venetian aristocracy; for example, the owners of the Fiat Agnelli, members of the Venetian Black Nobility.

Venice has become a catalyst for the formation of a predatory historical subject of the New European West, which turned out to be alien in relation not only to non-European civilizations but also to the European one itself. But the Venetian influence on England was especially strong. However, in England, only a certain process was grounded, which is due to the fundamental difference between capitalism and all other social systems. It is this difference that makes closed supranational structures of world reconciliation and governance, as a form of organization of the Western elites, a historical necessity.³

Perhaps the main metaphysical, meta-historical difference of capitalism from all the systems preceding it – its main secret – is that the history of this system from a certain, and rather early time, approximately from the middle of the 18th century, acquires nomogenetic character. It can not be said that until the 1700s, no one, no groups or forces have ever attempted to direct the course of history on a large scale in one way or another. However, these attempts, with rare exceptions, failed; firstly, because they were local in nature; secondly, they were short-term and, as a rule, until the middle of the 18th century, and more precisely, until the time frame of the 1750-1850s, there was no serious production base for such attempts.

In the long 16th century⁴ (1453–1648), what is called the European (North Atlantic) world system, history takes on a global character. There appear necessary and sufficient conditions for historical design by those groups that, having pushed off from the era of the long 16th century, within a century after its completion turned into operators of the world market, and therefore – in potentiality – into operators of world history.

An organization capable of directing the course of history in a certain way was English Freemasonry, which relied on the financial power of the City (London), the power of global market operators (bourgeoisie), aristocratic clubs, and, of course, the state of Great Britain. At the end of the 18th century, the Masons were joined by the Illuminati, created by the Jesuits to fight Freemasonry, but who got out of their control, and the Masons themselves received the operational base they had worked out – an artificially created, polygon-historical US nation-state, to where the Illuminati transported themselves, and to this day, still reap the benefits from the US system via (Yale: Skull & Bones whose members Bush and Kerry represented the Republican and Democratic Parties during the 2004 Presidential elections), not to mention other groups and structures that felt uncomfortable" in Europe.

In the middle of the 18th century, surprisingly, at the same time, an adequate object of manipulation arose – masses (object), and a robust financial base (money – energy), and new information flows (information").

The middle of the 18th century is the beginning of financial growth; if in the second half of the 17th century, high finance reaps a harvest of the long 16th century, then in the middle of the 18th century, the foundation of a modern financial system was being formed. Of course, in the pre-capitalist era, and at the dawn of capitalism in the 15th-16th centuries, bankers were able to have a significant impact on the course of history: the Venetians financed the Third Crusade (i.e., the destruction of Constantinople) and, in part, the Reformation; Venetian Bardi and Peruzzi in the 14th century funded the English kings, and the Fuggers in the 16th century funded Charles V; the union of bankers and moneylenders of Lombardy, closely connected by Jewish religious-kinship ties with the bankers of England and the Czech Republic (Prague), was so strong that it played a role in the sudden destruction of competitors – the Knights Templar.⁵

However, none of these forces had the capabilities that arose in the 17-18th centuries with the onset of the capitalist era. Firstly, in the 17th century, there was a financial revolution that began in the 1613-1617 period, the creation of the Baruch family of the Standard Chartered Bank and the fixation of goodwill in 1617 and culminating in the creation of the Central Bank of England in 1694 and the invention of public debt – Perfide Albion’s most powerful financial weapon in the struggle for supremacy in Europe and the world.

The explosion in the development of banking capital in question, which made it omnipotent, was caused by three factors that stimulated the growth of high finance: the British-French struggle for world domination; the colonial expansion of the European powers and the outbreak of the industrial revolution. All this required cash and improving the financial organization. Do we even need to say it out loud that bankers were active participants in the conspiracy system?

Thus, in the middle to second half of the 18th century, for the first time in history, on an unprecedented scale and form, a combination of those who came to the forefront in the logic of the development of capitalism as a system of big finances (money, gold), information flows and large masses of the atomized population took place. There was a merger at one point of the Object (mass), Energy (money), and Information (information flows of the idea) and their concentration in the same controlling hands. The point of connection and, at the same time, the subject of the latter, connector/controller, were, first of all, closed supranational structures of coordination and management; in this particular historical case, the Masonic conspiracy system.

This happened in accordance with the laws of the development of capitalism and its logic. Moreover, to actively use them in their interests in confronting the monarchy and the church, the conspiracy system paid close attention to these laws, quickly identifying and ideologically fixing the contradictions between the two institutions with the development of capitalism. In connection with the development of the ideological and information sphere and the tasks of analyzing social reality, a need arises for structures of rational knowledge and, accordingly, for select branches of this knowledge that analyze mass processes, mass behavior, and historical laws.⁶ To use mass processes, influencing them informationally and energetically in the right direction, that is, to saddle them, you need to study them. Still, the study itself must be closed – according to Plato – who said that even if we find out the name of the creator of this world It should not be shared with everyone.

It was the conspiracy system that secured the model of dual-circuit social science in the West: external – for general use, for the profane; and internal – for a limited circle of those who make history and move the needle, for its subjects.

Capitalism, despite all the supposedly spontaneous markets, significantly exaggerated and mythologized (even the so-called mid-Victorian market of the 1850-1870s is nothing more than a regulated social institution, just that this regulated system was well camouflaged), is a project. A project that is far from always being successfully implemented by a relatively small number of regular relationships of individuals, groups, and structures acting in an organized manner, per long-term plans, not at all out in the open, but usually secretly.

Similarly, the organizations of this project – its design bureaus – are operating behind closed doors. A secret (closed) project – what is it if not a conspiracy in the broadest sense of the word? Thus, the conspiracy is the essence of the normal functioning of capitalism, real capitalism, and not of the ideological scheme that is far from being scientific, which is presented by both its apologists and many of its critics from professional professorship. Without an understanding of the great socio-evolutionary change that occurred in the middle of the 18th century, we will not understand capitalism, either the past, or the present, when the dismantling of capitalism is on the agenda. We don’t understand and, as a result, lose the Great Historical Game, the prize for which is a decent life and a place under the sun in the post-capitalist world.

According to Fursov, the beginning of the design phase in the history of Europe and the world coincided with the rise of the Anglo-Saxons, Great Britain, and – more broadly – the supranational North Atlantic subject with all its ethnic mosaics and its conspiracy system. This is by design: the original Masonic organizations as the first image of the conspiracy system of the capitalist era were