The Living Fountain: Remembrances of Quaker Christianity
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In the second decade of the twenty-first century, Quakers are increasingly divided over matters of theology, religious belonging, and the status of Friends’ Christian past. Recent controversies over Theism, Non-Theism and Universalism have highlighted deep-rooted transformations of Quaker self-understanding. In contrast to earlier decades, many contemporary Quakers hanker after an intensely inclusive community, unhampered by the particulars of Christian theology. Many British Friends no-longer see the Quaker movement as an expression of the Gospel nor a manifestation of the Universal Church. What might Friends be missing by re-imagining Quakerism in these resolutely post-Christian terms? Author Benjamin Wood argues that, far from limiting the bounds of Quaker identity, a selective return to Quakerism’s seventeenth-century roots can restore to modern Liberal Friends a shared story capable of deepening their spiritual life and worship-practice. Based neither on doctrinal agreement nor inflexible religious borders, the Quaker narrative recovered in The Living Fountain: Remembrances of Quaker Christianity is drawn together by sacred experiments in mutual love and enduring hope. Through a series of extended reflections on God, Jesus, and the language of salvation, Wood seeks to uncover a dynamic faith ncommitted to universal healing, reconciliation, and the crossing of religious and cultural boundaries. At the centre of this retrieval is the insistence that the God revealed in Quaker worship cherishes our differences and delights in our diversity.
Benjamin Wood
Benjamin Wood was born in 1981 and grew up in north-west England. A former Commonwealth Scholar, he is now a Lecturer in Creative Writing at King's College London. His debut novel, The Bellwether Revivals, was shortlisted for the Costa First Novel Award 2012 and the Commonwealth Book Prize 2013, and won one of France's foremost literary awards, Le Prix du Roman Fnac, in 2014. His second novel, The Ecliptic, was shortlisted for the Sunday Times/PFD Young Writer of the Year Award. He lives with his wife in London.
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The Living Fountain - Benjamin Wood
Acknowledgements
This book is dedicated to a circle of F/friends who have, over the years, nurtured my religious life and widened my scholarly horizons. My heart-felt thanks goes firstly to a cluster of Quaker mentors and interlocutors; to my doctorial supervisor Rachel Muers, to Ben Pink Dandelion, Rowena Loverance, Janet Scott, Mark Russ, and Rhiannon Grant. Thanks must also go to local Friends at Carlton Hill Meeting House in Leeds for their kindness and generosity. I can never repay all you have given me dear Friends.
I am particularly indebted to the company and encouragement of Robert Keeble, Richard Hawkins, Kate Scott, and Judith Hardaker. I continue to be sustained and upheld by the graced lives of Betsy Randolph-Horn, Lea Keeble, and Anna Needham. May we meet again on that shore where past and future dance.
I would also like to thank companions from other ecclesial pastures, who, in various ways, have given me the inspiration to complete this project. A special mention goes to Ian Tattum of St Barnabas Church, Southfields, University of Lancaster’s finest, Roger Haydon Mitchell, and Ann Marie Mealey, formerly of Leeds Trinity University. For his diligence and continued kindness in proofreading the manuscript, I would like to thank Lucas de Winter. Your constructive suggestions and keen eye have helped bring this book to the light of day.
Finally, I would like to offer my deepest thanks to my family, particularly to my husband and best friend, Steve, for his tolerance, patience, and abiding care. As a rule, writers are very difficult people to live with. We can be anxious and morose, sensitive to criticism and prone to wild swings of emotion. But you have endured all this with quiet grace. When the clouds of despondency loomed, you pushed me to carry on. To borrow some words of Auden’s, you are my North, my South, my East and West, my working week and my Sunday rest, my noon, my midnight, my talk, my song. Words fail to express my love and gratitude.
Introduction
Living as Friends or Strangers
The Problem of ‘Thin’ Quakerism
This is what the LORD says: Stand at the crossroads and look; ask for the ancient paths, ask where the good way is, and walk in it, and you will find rest for your souls.
(Jeremiah 6:16)
I began to write this book because of what I feared was being lost within contemporary British Quakerism. Chief among my anxieties was the sense that many Liberal Quaker communities (of which Britain Yearly Meeting is one) have become simply incapable of communicating a collective spiritual story that can glue individual Friends together. This uncomfortable conclusion has been long in the making. When I first entered the Religious Society of Friends in the mid-2000s, I began my worship life as someone who had felt deeply alienated from the Christianity of my Anglican childhood. The ceremonies and prayers of the Sunday service neither spoke to my heart, nor satisfied my intellectual curiosity. I had, like many in their teens and early twenties, explored other religious traditions, (Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, and Neo-Paganism most especially). I learnt much from these encounters, and when I entered membership, I believed that these ‘universalist’ excursions would enrich the already deep sense of Divine presence I felt in gathered worship. And for a time, so they did. But as the years passed, something strange began to happen. I frequently opened the Bible in Meeting and read passages at random. I started to minister about half-forgotten childhood experiences of God, Jesus, and prayer. I assiduously ‘spoke Christian’ again, despite personal and intellectual reservations. It was almost as if a deep well of water, frozen over by a long frost, was finally beginning to melt, and something liquid and shining was again gushing forth. Initially, this renewed Christian accent was hardly noticed by Friends who sat with me. I’m sure they regarded my decisive shift in language purely as a peculiar outgrowth, entirely explicable according to my Anglican biography. But for me there was much more going on than religious nostalgia. In the course of deep silence, the reality of these old words would strike at my heart. ‘Resurrection’, ‘Salvation’, and ‘Divine love’ were no-longer dogmatic abstracts but living realities that I could feel deep within. The more I prayed and sat through these well-worn words, the more I saw the linkages between my own childhood Christianity and the radical Christ-centred faith of George Fox. It was almost as if my childhood faith was so much sheet music, only able to give me the outlines of something beautiful. Now, with the help of Quaker waiting, I could hear the symphony whole and entire. I started to see the life and vitality in Jesus’ teaching because of the way I worshipped among Friends. But the more I recognised this shift in myself, the more I sensed a Friendly indifference to things that seemed to me essential in making sense of this strange thing called ‘Quakerism’. How could we tell visitors about Quaker Testimony if we didn’t speak first about Jesus, and the Divine Spirit which inspired his life? How could we make sense of who we are as Quakers’, without nourishing our Christian roots? Was it not arrogant to assume that only this generation of Post-Christian Quakers had the right answers to religious questions? Perhaps my most shocking turnabout was my increasing discomfort with an aimless celebration of diversity. A diverse community is a beautiful and precious thing. But I began to wonder: What is the Quaker commitment to diversity for? Does it emerge from a deep place of shared understanding? Or is it just a polite way of skating over differences and avoiding conflict?
In the proliferation of Liberal Quaker self-descriptions (Theist, Non-Theist, and Universalist), I sensed not an exhilarating variety but a fraying of Quaker self-understanding. I started to see many of the most attractive features of Liberal Quakerism, its multiplicity, its theological openness, its inclusiveness, as placing hidden costs upon the spiritual unity and internal coherence of the Quaker Way. Chief among the casualties of Quaker modernism are undoubtedly Christian accounts of God, Jesus, and the spiritual life. Christian language, once the bedrock of Quaker speech and practice, is increasingly relegated to one language-option among others in an ever more elastic Society. This stretching of Quaker identity has, I saw, had profound implications. If we no longer have a shared sense of the Light, God, or Christ, what is the basis for Quaker discernment? Does each individual have their own interpretation? And if so, how could it be said that Meetings come to collective Spirit-led decisions? Once, I would have admired such pluralism. Now I shrunk from radical pluralism, seeing the refusal to say definite things to be the mark of a spiritual path that had lost both its uniqueness and its roots. While radical plurality renders contemporary British Friends more tolerant of differences, such tolerance often makes Friends unsympathetic to the notion of a shared Quaker tradition. As Ben Pink Dandelion noted wryly of this fragmentation in his 2014 Swarthmore Lecture: ‘[The] basis of our testimony is … more diffuse; that is, our plural theology means we have plural understandings of what we do in the name of Quakerism. Are we committed to peace because of Mosaic law, the teaching of Jesus, because we believe that all life is sacred, or because of Buddhism or humanism?’¹ The point is well-made. We could apply the same observation to God, Jesus, or Membership, and we would be diagnosing the same problem. While it is true that Liberal Friends are frequently eloquent expositors of their personal spiritual journeys, they are often deeply reticent to express shared visions.
But as I started to sketch this thorny critique, I fretted that such a depressing starting point would end by overshadowing the affirming and loving things I wanted to say about the depths of the contemporary Quaker world. Loss and the fear of loss are very powerful emotions, as cultural conservatives will attest. The desire to conserve can drive us towards a deep love for the accumulated treasures of past generations and propel us to revere what is fragile. But such a posture comes with acute dangers. It may tempt us to an unhealthy nostalgia or push us towards an irrational fear of the present. I did not wish to be captured by such pitfalls. Whatever our failings, contemporary British Quakers are a thirsty pilgrim people, joyful in their longing for justice, for peace, and for beauty. I feel blessed to be in such a community of lovers, mystics, and seekers. Even when Friends feel uncertain and muddled about who they are and where they’re going, I contend that the shared Quaker commitment to silence calms and guards us. For all our current shortcomings, we are far from a fractured mirror. But our looking glass needs to be scrubbed and polished so that it might better reflect the light. However, in order to remain faithful to such a hopeful task, I realized that any project of Quaker retrieval needed a positive ideal to inoculate it against reaction or spiteful sectarianism. I found such an ideal in Clifford Geertz’s classic anthropological study The Interpretation of Cultures. At the heart of the book is Geertz’ contention that human societies should be understood as organised symbol-systems that shape the aims, imaginations, and desires of participants. When the field anthropologist studies the courtship rituals of a Hindu village in rural India or the birth customs of Māori people in New Zealand, we are encountering webs of meaning, weaved by generations of symbol-users who have sought to ground and circumscribe their world. In deciphering these structures, Geertz claims that anthropologists can follow two paths of explanation, either adopting a ‘thin’ or ‘thick’ description. The most obvious hallmarks of ‘thin’ descriptions are commitments to generality, universalisation, and systematisation. Those who read culture along these lines seek out general principles of organisation through specific examples. An anthropologist so minded is not interested in the details of a particular South Indian marriage-ceremony but wants to know what such activities can tell an observer about the character of human society in general. In this mode of reasoning, grand theory is applied to rites, symbols, and stories, as if from ‘above’, in an effort to unlock comprehensive structures of social organisation. In this connexion, one thinks of the daring cross-cultural approaches of Mircea Eliade and Claude Lévi-Strauss, who sought (in their different ways) to offer a universally applicable framework for understanding the character and development of human communities. In the Liberal Quaker world, this approach is followed most assiduously by Universalists. In its most extreme form, Quaker Universalism is wholly uninterested in the idiosyncrasies of Friendly faith, (its specific ways of conceptualising peace, theological conviction, or prayer), and instead, is committed to the search for general principles of ‘religion’ or ‘spirituality’ which are thought to underlie all particulars. But Geertz has a warning for Universalists of all kinds. So beguiling are the fruits of generalisation that even the most astute observer rarely notices the social object she is studying being subtly obscured by the vagaries of theory. Suddenly, without our notice, we have stopped describing a living, growing, social world, and started transforming everything into hypothetical shapes and straight lines. What was complex and joyfully entangled, we have made blandly uniform. Indeed, says Geertz, to ‘set forth symmetrical crystals of significance, purified of the material complexity in which they were located, and then attribute their existence to autogenous principles of order … is to pretend a science that does not exist and imagine a reality that cannot be found.’² How do we reduce the distorting overlay of a universal theory? The answer lies in disinvesting ourselves of straightforward interpretations or single explanations, and instead, committing ourselves to the task of ‘painting’ a picture that provides space for light, shade, and complexity. This is a ‘thick’ description, because it eschews universal or conceptual structures, and instead analyses the specific bonds of language, memory, and social action at work in a given community. As Geertz summarises this trajectory:
A good interpretation of anything — a poem, a person, a history, a ritual, an institution, a society — takes us into the heart of that of which it is the interpretation. When it does not do that, but leads us instead somewhere else — into an admiration of its own elegance, of its author’s cleverness, or of the beauties of Euclidean order – it may have its intrinsic charms; but it is something else than what the task [is] at hand…³
The analysis of actions alone cannot give us a rich enough picture of the deep ‘whys’ that lie beneath communal life. In order to truly understand a culture, we must familiarise ourselves with the subtle meanings that suffuse daily social interactions. In an illuminating example of the problem, Geertz notes:
Consider … two boys rapidly contracting the eyelids of their right eyes. In one, this is an involuntary twitch; in the other, a conspiratorial signal to a friend. The two movements are, as movements, identical; from an I-am-a-camera, phenomenalistic
observation of them alone, one could not tell which was twitch and which was wink, or indeed whether both or either was twitch or wink. Yet the difference, however unphotographable, between a twitch and a wink is vast as anyone unfortunate enough to have had the first taken for the second knows. The winker is communicating, and indeed communicating in a quite precise and special way: (1) deliberately, (2) to someone in particular, (3) to impart a particular message, (4) according to a socially established code, and (5) without cognizance of the rest of the company.⁴
Here is the key point. If we wish to understand a culture ‘from the inside’, we need to comprehend the codes, social niceties, and norms that give particular actions their meaning. Attempting to understand actions without this prerequisite context will lead to unwarranted deductions or mistaken conclusions. Nowhere is this dedication to specificity stronger for Geertz than in the area of religious traditions. A particular preoccupation for Geertz throughout The Interpretation of Cultures is demonstrating how sacred symbols ‘synthesize a people’s ethos – the tone, character, and quality of their life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood and their world view – the picture they have of the way things in sheer actuality are, their most comprehensive ideas of order.’⁵ Take for example the practice of sacred silence. The use of waiting/listening silence is common to both unprogrammed Quakers and Zen Buddhists. While on the surface both communities are engaged in essentially the same practice, (some said by many latter-day Quaker Universalists), they in fact emerge from radically different cultural symbol-systems, which direct their users towards different life-projects and priorities. Viewed at the level of generality, Quaker and Zen Buddhist cultures may embrace silent spirituality, but they do so on the basis of different concepts. ‘Spirit’ and ‘Buddhahood’ may possess an analogous function within their respective cultural systems, but these concepts (differing as they do in symbolic content), result in separate stories, principles, and preoccupations. In this respect, the ideal anthropologist for Geertz is not merely on the hunt for ‘family resemblances’ (viewed from outside a particular culture) but desires to enter into the idiosyncratic symbolic systems that induce a ‘worshipper to a certain distinctive set of dispositions (tendencies, capacities, propensities, skills, habits, liabilities, pronenesses), which lend a chronic character to the flow of his activity and the quality of his experience.’⁶ In place of elegant generalities, we must immerse ourselves in the specifics of a given culture if we wish to understand it. The aim, according to Geertz, should be to gain ‘access to the conceptual world in which our subjects live so that we can, in some extended sense of the term, converse with them.’⁷
In this generous commitment, Geertz helped me see the proper trajectory for this book. But instead of studying groups of ‘cultural others’, my project asks Quakers themselves to recover their own symbol-system from the multiple disrepairs and confusions caused by the universalising power of hyper-Liberalism. What this book implores Friends to do is to sink down into the distinctive words, practices, and symbols, that make us Quaker. In this respect, when one reads The Interpretation of Cultures one becomes painfully aware of the present Quaker predicament. With its focus on orthopraxy, universality and personal stories, Liberal Quakerism perhaps resembles the kind of ‘thin’ description which might be offered by an outsider. We Friends know the kind of things ‘Quakers do’, but we often lack the symbolic context which might help us understand why we do what we do. As Quaker Liberals, we have held fast to the external world of acts, while forgetting the stories and symbols that give these practices a coherent shared meaning. We have in essence made ourselves strangers to our own Quaker tradition by flattening its content. In presenting the problems of contemporary Liberal Quakerism in this way, I am not advocating a project of cultural isolation or introducing a fundamentalist appeal to ‘religious purity’. As Geertz would doubtless remind us, symbol-systems are not hermetically sealed unities. Internally, there may be substantial disagreement about the meaning of particular symbols and practices. Externally, cultures and traditions are in a constant state of dialogue and negotiation as they encounter ‘social others’. This means that it is perfectly possible for the Zen Buddhist to cross the cultural threshold into the Quaker symbol system and find common ground, and even carry Quaker co-ordinates with him, adding them in time to his own symbol-system. The same is true in the Quaker case. But we should not ignore the fact that each system coheres according to distinctive rules (one might say grammars) that differ one from another. Evidence of the differences between symbolic systems is vividly furnished by the case of the hybrid-user, who is able to ‘converse’ through more than one symbolic system. We know from experience that the Quaker-Buddhist is not a grammatical impossibility, but know too that the component parts of