Brotherhood of Warriors: Behind Enemy Lines with a Commando in One of the World's Most Elite Counterterrorism Units
By Aaron Cohen and Douglas Century
4/5
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About this ebook
At the age of 18, Aaron Cohen left Beverly Hills to prove himself in the crucible of the armed forces. He was determined to be a part of Israel’s most elite security cadre, akin to the American Green Berets and Navy SEALs. After fifteen months of grueling training designed to break down each individual man and to rebuild him as a warrior, Cohen was offered the only post a non-Israeli can hold in the special forces. In 1996 he joined a top-secret, highly controversial unit that dispatches operatives disguised as Arabs into the Palestinian-controlled West Bank to abduct terrorist leaders and bring them to Israel for interrogation and trial.
Between 1996 and 1998, Aaron Cohen would learn Hebrew and Arabic; become an expert in urban counterterror warfare, the martial art of Krav Maga, and undercover operations; and participate in dozens of life-or-death missions. He would infiltrate a Hamas wedding to seize a wanted terrorist and pose as an American journalist to set a trap for one of the financiers behind the Dizengoff Massacre, taking him down in a brutal, hand-to-hand struggle. A propulsive, gripping read, Cohen’s story is a rare, fly-on-the-wall view into the shadowy world of “black ops” that redefines invincible strength, true danger, and inviolable security.
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Reviews for Brotherhood of Warriors
18 ratings4 reviews
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Excellent book. Great information on how Israel and other countries operate militarily. Seems most governments expect miracles from their people, thenpromptly forget to help them transition back to public life. Its good that the support within the special forces teams continues to be expressed and experienced between the former members.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5I started reading this book on a flight lasting about 2 hours. Before I went to bed that night, I had finished the book. I don't normally finish a book in a day since I have small kids and other things that demand my time, but somehow I found the time to finish this one in a single day.Perhaps the most fascinating thing about the book was that you were given an inside look into the mindset of the Israeli military. I have read books about Israel and the wars they fought, but none of them gave you an up close and personal look at the daily life contained within the various units. It was a pretty interesting look into the mindset of the IDF. The author's unit had a unique mission in that they went undercover in the West Bank and performed surveillance, raids, arrests of militants, and other interesting tasks. In order to survive in this environment, their training was pretty violent. I particularly liked the portions of his training where they taught him how to get over the fear of getting hit. Having to fight his way to the front of a crowded bus, or the various sessions learning the Krav Maga fighting technique were just so interesting to me. I can't even begin to imagine the physical fighting proficiency each of these soldiers had after months and months of training.I wish there had been more time discussing the various missions within the West Bank, but I suspect there were plenty of things that could not be said without jeopardizing the security of his former unit. His time leading up to his enlistment in the IDF and the time after he was done is also included in the book. I didn't find either of those portions of the book anywhere near as interesting as the time between those two periods.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Fascinating look at what's involved in being a member of the Israeli Special Forces.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Aaaron Cohen's memoir of his life in Israel's most elite counter terrorism unit is a fascinating read. On one level he writes about daily life in the army in Israel - combat exercises, firearm training, and the basics of grueling army life. On the other hand he writes about his life growing up in Beverly Hills, the son of producers who see him rarely and barely give him basic parental attention. It's easy to see what he found fascinating about the army - the strict regimented life was something that he surely craved. His story grows more poignant as he writes about his growing yearning to leave the army, his fall into stress, burnout and finally post-traumatic stress induced by his return to Beverly Hills. He clearly had no idea what to do with himself once he was a civilian again. I was interested to see how he emerged from the depression his civilian life caused - Cohen eventually started his own consulting company in the wake of 9/11 and he now coaches police and other US defense organizations in Israel's counter terrorism tactics. I thought this was a great story, a quick read and one that would capture the imagination of many readers easily!
Book preview
Brotherhood of Warriors - Aaron Cohen
Brotherhood of Warriors
Aaron Cohen
and Douglas Century
Behind Enemy Lines with a Commando in One of the World’s Most Elite Counterterrorism Units
TO THE FALLEN WARRIORS
The basic difference between an ordinary man and a warrior is that a warrior takes everything as a challenge while an ordinary man takes everything as a blessing or a curse.
Carlos Castaneda
Contents
Epigraph
The Dizengoff Massacre
Part I
One
It began almost immediately after 9/11. My office in Beverly…
Two
I arrived at the Robert Land Academy, a sprawling, sixty-eight-acre…
Three
My last day in Los Angeles was more stressful than…
Four
Outside the airport, a woman, tall, slim, dirty blond, in…
Five
Besides the new fishpond work, I was going to my…
Six
My stepfather’s friends Jack and Sara Eisner lived in the…
Seven
Located on the Mediterranean coast, just south of the city…
Part II
Eight
This is it," I told the old, white-bearded cabdriver with…
Nine
Throughout basic training, instructors engaged in a brutal level of…
Ten
At the seven-month mark, the regular combat units in the…
Eleven
We were now given the luxury of six hours’ sack…
Photographic Insert
Twelve
After the massa kumta we were granted a week off.
Thirteen
When we weren’t on the range, we were in the…
Fourteen
From the two platoons of roughly forty guys in basic…
Fifteen
From this point forward, almost a year into our army…
Sixteen
After graduation we were given ten days off to recharge…
Part III
Seventeen
On our first day as operators in the unit, Ilan,…
Eighteen
The heart and soul, or perhaps I should say the…
Nineteen
Eventually, you start to get comfortable with your fear. As…
Twenty
Most warriors in the field start to isolate themselves at…
Twenty-One
One morning in Tel Aviv as I was trying to…
Part IV
Twenty-Two
By the last few months of my tour, I was…
Twenty-Three
When I came back to Los Angeles that summer, I…
Twenty-Four
I returned to L.A. and got my own apartment. Back…
Twenty-Five
How can the United States improve its overall level of…
Los Angeles 2007
Acknowledgments
About the Authors
Credits
Copyright
About the Publisher
The Dizengoff Massacre
Just after 4 P.M. on March 4, 1996, as Israel was busily preparing for the Purim holiday, a massive explosion tore through the heart of Tel Aviv.
I felt the blast before I heard it. Stretched out on Tal’s sofa, I noticed the barrel of my machine gun vibrating. As the whole apartment house began to shake, a cheap alarm clock and a framed picture of Tal and two other Special Forces soldiers from our unit came crashing down from the shelf. I barely lifted my head from the sofa. Having grown up in Los Angeles, I’d long ago become accustomed to riding out earthquakes and their aftershocks.
Plus, I was too numb to move; my mind and body were fried. I was in Tel Aviv on my first overnight leave since joining the Special Forces a few months earlier. Somehow, I’d managed to make it through the brutal physical and psychological gauntlet to become a fully operational soldier—warrior
or fighter
is the literal translation from the Hebrew word lochem—and was eagerly awaiting my first undercover mission for Sayeret Duvdevan, Israel’s elite Special Forces counterterrorism unit. Driving my Israel Defense Forces–issued car from our desert base to Tel Aviv, I wasn’t thinking about Purim parties (in Israel the holiday is a time of drinking, feasting, and costumed mayhem in nightclubs). I wanted nothing more than a cold beer and a few hours’ sleep on Tal’s couch.
Tal was already in his third year in Sayeret Duvdevan. The name Duvdevan
is something of an inside joke to Israelis; it literally means cherry.
As most Sabras (that is, native-born Israelis) know, there is a species of cherry in the Holy Land that looks no different from the edible variety but which packs a strong and often lethal poison. As a Special Forces unit operating undercover disguised as Palestinian men and women, Duvdevan is the cherry
that may look harmless but often proves deadly. Tal was on his mandatory rotation out of the unit just as I was on my way in. A short, tautly muscled Sabra of Sephardic descent, he was arguably the unit’s most talented counterterrorism instructor. He had the look and demeanor of the consummate lochem. His jet-black eyes rarely betrayed a glimmer of emotion; he never wasted a word, never bullshitted; and, like most Duvdevan vets, wouldn’t regale the barracks with war stories of his past undercover missions in the shetah, Hebrew for field.
But in my first weeks of training, I’d heard it whispered that Tal’s trigger finger had neutralized
more Arab terrorists than cancer.
When the explosion hit, Tal was cracking open a couple of bottles of Maccabee lager; the beer foamed over and the shockwave jolted him against the refrigerator. He darted to his open balcony. I was close behind. The perfect Mediterranean blue sky was instantly darkening: a massive thunderhead of black smoke billowed down the street toward us.
Piguah, piguah!
Tal yelled, Hebrew for terrorist attack. He was still completely calm, but his eyes darted back to the living room, locking on his machine gun.
I grabbed my own M-4, a lightweight version of the M-16, and we tore downstairs, heading in the direction of the Dizengoff Mall. If it was a terrorist bombing, I prayed the mall wasn’t the target. Located at the intersection of Dizengoff and King George streets, it’s the city’s most popular shopping center, and on erev Purim, the intersection was sure to be packed with teenagers, tourists, schoolchildren, and young mothers with strollers. No more than half a minute after the explosion we arrived on the scene and my worst fears were realized: The bomb had ripped through an enormous section of wall, destroying the mall’s entrance, leaving a scene of unspeakable carnage. Scores of mangled bodies and limbs were scattered everywhere: arms blown off, bodies decapitated. A female soldier stared up at me, howling and writhing, one leg missing below the hip, the other gashed beyond repair. I knew she’d likely bleed to death before we could set up triage. As I turned, my boot heel slipped on pavement slick with blood.
The Dizengoff Mall resembled a battlefield more than a crime scene. It didn’t take Tal and me more than a few seconds to realize what we had to do: No one had a goddamn clue what was happening, and the collective sense of panic was escalating exponentially by the moment. All the usual authorities—the cops and the border patrol soldiers who park in front of the mall, checking bags—were dead or dying. Tal shot me a quick, fierce glance. I nodded, acknowledging that I understood it was now our duty to take charge of the crime scene.
Like all the elite commando units in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), the fighters of the Sayeret Duvdevan carry two pieces of special identification. We have a card that says we’re exempt from shaving, permission usually granted to ultra-Orthodox draftees who refuse to violate the biblical strictures against trimming their beard and side locks while in service, but in our case, issued solely to accommodate our need for disguise when we go undercover in the West Bank.
More important, we carry a black clearance
pass which grants us the highest operational level of security clearance in the Israeli army. Members of the top-tier Special Forces units can go to any military base in the country, no questions asked, walk into classified recon rooms, even sit shoulder-to-shoulder with officers planning top-secret operations. The other thing black clearance allows us to do—actually requires us to do—is take charge of a scene of a terrorist attack, regardless of the ranking military or law enforcement officers present.
I chambered my M-4, began running through the mob, screaming in Hebrew, "Get the fuck out of the way! Move! Move!" I shouted at one girl who stared mutely back in terror. When she turned I saw the blood streaming down her face: There was a gaping, scarlet-and-black hole. Her eyeball had been blown clear out of the socket.
There are three basic rules of counterterror first response. One: spot all threats. Second: neutralize the threat. Third: sweep the area. Tal and I were looking for active threats: an unattended bag; an individual appearing too calm, staring ahead with tunnel vision; an individual screaming in a manic manner, especially shouting out words in Arabic. Having swept the area, and deemed it to be free of active threats, Tal and I began the gruesome work of dragging bodies to triage.
Then came a cacophony of horns as police cars and ambulances with sirens wailing raced to the scene of the massacre. Hearing sirens in Israel isn’t like hearing them in any other Western country. In the United States, our first assumption might be that an old man keeled over with cardiac arrest, or some kid fell out of a tree, or a couple of Grand Ams or Camrys were in a fender bender on the freeway. But in Israel, the public is always on edge, always prepared for the worst-case scenario. The sound of sirens is often a harbinger of something catastrophic—usually, a massive loss of innocent civilian lives. And the Dizengoff Mall bombing attack was precisely that kind of catastrophe.
On a typical afternoon, the intersection of Dizengoff and King George streets is the most densely populated location in the whole State of Israel, a trendy hangout dotted by boutiques and chain stores like the Hard Rock Café, Benetton, and McDonald’s. So many cars had been blown apart by the bomb, it was nearly impossible for first-response units to get access to the dead, mangled, and dying. But at last the ambulances and paramedics and cops began arriving. The desperate screaming and shrieking never seemed to subside. All around us, ultra-Orthodox volunteers from the Burial Society began the grisly job of gathering even the most minute fragments of human flesh and bone. It’s next to impossible to convey the sense of utter chaos and carnage of that afternoon; we were literally slipping and falling in pools of blood.
No amount of training could have prepared me for the reality of that triage and rescue operation. My body simply did what it was supposed to do without waiting for orders from my brain. I went through the necessary motions physically, without taking the time to process the horrific images, although some realizations flashed through my mind before I could stop them.
That’s a fragment of somebody’s brain. That’s a young woman’s foot.
That Dizengoff Mall bombing changed me—my mentality, my focus, my commitment to my career in the IDF—forever. Working triage that awful Monday was the first time I ever had someone die in my arms.
She looked about fourteen, had braces on her teeth, and reminded me of my own kid sister, Adrienne, back in L.A. Her cheeks were streaked and smudged with bright red and yellow costume makeup; around her waist, badly tattered, I saw the remnants of charred reeds or grass, what must have been a Hawaiian hula girl’s outfit. She kept asking me if she was going to die. I did my best to force a reassuring smile as I checked her pulse. She kept asking me, Why?
as she was drifting away from me. I gave her mouth-to-mouth while Tal desperately pumped her chest, but within seconds, we both knew she was gone. I heard my own furious scream join the chorus of others.
And so it went until sunset. Just before six Prime Minister Shimon Peres arrived to survey the scene, surrounded by a thick security phalanx, all with weapons drawn. Tal and I barely noticed. We worked triage nonstop for four hours, until our vision was blurred and our fatigues were caked with dried blood. Around 8 P.M. our pagers went off. Tal grabbed my cell phone to contact the base.
They’re recalling the entire unit,
he said.
Holy shit,
I said, that’s a lot of fighters.
Israel’s response would be swift, well coordinated, and merciless.
By now a senior police officer was on-site, attempting to organize the chaotic ad hoc triage into a systematic rescue operation. The cop tried to order us to stay but I raised my hands, indicating we had more pressing orders, telling him in Hebrew, Sorry, we’ve been called back to our base.
Tal was far more direct.
Look, we’re gone,
Tal said, flipping the cop his black clearance ID card.
The cop nodded, understanding that a Special Forces retaliation mission would already have been ordered by the General Staff, and waved us on.
The Dizengoff Mall bombing marked the fourth major terrorist attack in nine days, a period of time that remains the worst, concentrated series of civilian massacres in modern Israeli history. The opening salvos came to be known, in chilling Hebrew shorthand, as the Jerusalem 18
attacks. On the morning of February 25, 1996, a suicide bomber exploded on public bus Number 18 on the main Jaffa Road near the Jerusalem Central Bus Station. Twenty-six people were killed, and perhaps as many as eighty were injured. Less than thirty minutes later, a second suicide bomber blew up at a bus stop in the city of Ashkelon, killing two and wounding thirty-eight. Less than a week later, on the morning of March 3, 1996, another suicide bomber attacked the same Jerusalem 18 bus line, this time killing nineteen and wounding seven. The bombings were determined by Shabak* to have been the work of Hamas.
The front-page headline in the March 5 New York Times would put the Dizengoff Mall attack, and indeed the entire weeklong terror campaign, into the context of the crumbling Oslo Peace Accords:
FOURTH TERROR BLAST IN ISRAEL
KILLS 14 AT MALL IN TEL AVIV,
NINE-DAY TOLL GROWS TO 61
The fourth in a series of suicide attacks in Israel struck in the heart of Tel Aviv, bringing the nine-day death toll to 61. Its own power threatened by public rage, the Government met in an emergency session and declared it was taking the all-out war against the new terrorism into areas under Palestinian control…. With the unforeseen wave of terror bombing and the stern Israeli response, the fate of Israeli-Palestinian accords [hangs] in the balance.†
For me, Dizengoff was personal. I was there amid the carnage, hands bloodied by the dying victims. Such was the devastation that the attack was initially thought to be the result of a massive car bomb. But the perpetrator was ultimately found to be a lone suicide bomber, a young, nervous Arab male carrying a twenty-kilogram bomb packed with nails. Detonated in a crowded urban environment, a nail bomb is a primitive, barbaric, and hideously efficient weapon. All told, the Dizengoff suicide bombing resulted in thirteen dead and seventy-five injured, including two United States citizens.
An extremist response to the Oslo Peace Accords, the nine-day terror campaign by Hamas had Israel on the brink of widespread civil and political unrest. The Purim holiday slaughter marked the nadir in the entire peace process. In response to the terror wave, Israel had ordered that the borders to the Occupied Territories of the West Bank—referred to by religious Jews as Judea and Samaria
—and the Gaza Strip be sealed. No Arabs were permitted to travel into Israel; every Jewish community in the territories was instructed to stop employing Arab day laborers.
There was a feeling of virtual anarchy in both the Israeli and the Palestinian communities, upheaval that can be fully understood only in light of the tremendous optimism that had greeted the signing of the Oslo Accords three years prior. Officially called the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, the Oslo Accords called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from parts of the Gaza Strip and West Bank—occupied by the Israeli military since its victory in the Six-Day War of 1967—and affirmed a Palestinian right of self-government within those areas through the creation of a Palestinian Authority. Palestinian rule would last for a five-year interim period during which a permanent agreement would be negotiated. Hot-button issues such as who would govern Jerusalem—the ancient city of David, sacred to Jews, Muslims, and Christians—the status of refugees, Israeli settlements in the area, security and borders were deliberately excluded from the Accords.
The negotiations were finalized in Oslo, Norway, on August 20, 1993, and officially signed at a public ceremony in Washington, D.C., on September 13, 1993, with Mahmoud Abbas, head of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s Negotiations Affairs Department, signing for the PLO and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres signing for the State of Israel, witnessed by Warren Christopher for the United States and Andrei Kozyrev for Russia, in the presence of President Bill Clinton, Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin with the PLO’s Chairman Yasser Arafat.
Oslo was one of many attempts to broker lasting peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. From the first peace conference in 1949, held on the island of Rhodes (formalizing an armistice in the 1948 War of Independence, which halted military hostilities between the newly founded Jewish state and the armies of Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon), through the Camp David Accords of 1978 (at which U.S. president Jimmy Carter oversaw the historic handshake between Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, leading to the 1979 Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty), there were countless international efforts to find a lasting solution to the decades of bloodshed in the Middle East. However, what made the Oslo negotiations different was the decision to hold—for the first time—direct, face-to-face talks between Israel and Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization, long deemed a terrorist group with too much blood on its hands to be included in any serious peace talks.
Following the collapse in 1991 of the Soviet Union—whose military had backed the Arab regimes in the Six-Day War of ’67 and Yom Kippur War of ’73—optimism among both the Israeli and American public was sky-high. It was a heady time. The historian Francis Fukuyama wrote an article in National Interest magazine, rhetorically asking if the world had now arrived at The End of History?
Had the end of the Cold War heralded the beginning of a new international order? President George H. W. Bush seemed to believe that was the case and, ironically, on September 11, 1990, he spoke of a rare opportunity
to move toward a new world order
in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony…. Today the new world is struggling to be born.
Israelis are, if nothing else, the ultimate pragmatists; and by the early 1990s they had tired of the ceaseless violence of the First Intifada, which had erupted near the end of 1987. Obviously the deep-seated roots lay in the then-twenty-year-long occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, but it’s widely accepted now that the First Intifada sprang from a series of rumors and false allegations of Israeli atrocities and instigation from imams in various mosques. On December 6, 1987, a Jewish businessman was stabbed to death while shopping in Gaza. One day later, four residents of the Jabalya refugee camp in Gaza were killed in a traffic accident. Rumors quickly spread that the four had been killed by Israelis in a deliberate act of revenge for the stabbing of the Jewish businessman. Mass rioting broke out in Jabalya when a seventeen-year-old Palestinian, having thrown a Molotov cocktail at an army patrol, was shot dead by an Israeli soldier. Within hours, the mayhem had spiraled out of control, engulfing almost all the Arab communities of the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem.
Soon there was widespread rock-throwing, barricaded roads, and flaming tires throughout the territories. By December 12, six Palestinians had died and thirty had been injured in the violence. The following day, rioters threw a gasoline bomb at the U.S. consulate in East Jerusalem; though no one was hurt, it was an ominous sign that the uprising was escalating to unprecedented levels. During the first four years of the uprising, according to Israel Defense Forces estimates, some 3,600 Molotov cocktail attacks, 100 hand grenade attacks, and 600 assaults with guns or explosives had been directed at soldiers and civilians alike. During this period, sixteen Israeli civilians and eleven soldiers were killed by Palestinians