The Road to Assisi: The Essential Biography of St. Francis - 120th Anniversary Edition
By Paul Sabatier and Jon M. Sweeney
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This new 120th anniversary edition includes a dozen additional annotations and a new preface by the editor, putting Sabatier's influential work into its historical context, showing why it is still the most essential life of the saint.
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11 ratings1 review
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5I have read a few biographies on St Francis. Each one sheds some interesting detail that other biographers have missed. He has always interested me. I think it is a must read for anyone interested in his life.
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The Road to Assisi - Paul Sabatier
PREFACE TO THE
120TH ANNIVERSARY EDITION
You don’t have to read this preface in order to appreciate Paul Sabatier’s biography of Francis of Assisi. That is the beauty of this book—it stands on its own 120 years after it was first published.
But for those who are interested, Sabatier was one of the bestselling writers of history of his generation, as well as the father of modern Franciscan studies. With the first publication of this biography in French in 1894, the Protestant pastor-turned-independent scholar became the spark and founder of a global renaissance of interest in the Little Poor Man. What we see today as a vast industry of debate, books, conferences, and centers of inquiry focusing on discovering the real
Francis, began with Sabatier.
Not that everyone approved of his biography. The Vatican placed it promptly on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum. There were two reasons that a work might be placed on The Index: one was a fear that it would foster immorality in its readers; this could never have been said of Sabatier. The other was the belief that it contained theological errors; this was the case made by the Vatican. How could a Protestant pastor presume to write the history of a Catholic friar and saint? This placed Sabatier in the good company of other thinkers and writers so accused, such as Johannes Kepler, Immanuel Kant, Blaise Pascal, and John Milton. The Index was formally and finally abolished by Pope Paul VI in 1966.
Despite the negative attention—or because of it—Catholics read this biography from the beginning in large numbers. Sabatier’s Life of St. Francis of Assisi was not only a bestseller, but its author was nominated for a Nobel Prize for Literature. The book was translated into a variety of languages, including Russian, supervised and funded by Leo Tolstoy himself. Hundreds of books by other writers followed in the two decades after Sabatier’s was published, in every major European language, including some making bold claims of new research and discoveries (including Sabatier himself). The hubbub culminated in 1926 with robust celebrations and commemorations of the septcentennial of Saint Francis’s death. Sabatier himself would die two years later, in 1928.
To this day, scholarly debate continues about Sabatier and the image of Francis he portrayed. Historians will continue to debate the finer points, but no one can argue with the draw of this compelling life of Francis.¹ In fact, we are soon approaching the next centennial notch on the Franciscan calendar and will be celebrating the 800th anniversary of the Poverello’s journey to heaven in little more than a decade. I am looking forward to it. Sabatier’s name will continue to resurface in those days. He is the grandfather of all of us with a passionate interest in what happened in Umbria that changed the world long ago.
In the original (2003) Introduction to this work, I mentioned the influence of the French historian Ernest Renan upon Paul Sabatier (see pages xviii-xix, below). It was the modernist Renan, whose own bestseller The Life of Jesus (1863) caused a sensation and brought historical Jesus research into mainstream culture, who first urged the younger Sabatier to turn his sights upon Francis. In an anecdote that has often been repeated, several of Renan’s students were gathered around their master when the aging teacher told them of the projects for which he had the desire, but not the time, to pursue. Renan then instructed each of them to carry on a piece of his work. He pointed the young Paul Sabatier to Francis.
So it was that after several years in the pastorate Sabatier followed his passions for research, writing, and Italy to Umbria and began work in earnest. He visited archives and libraries that had never been scoured for original sources. He brought a modern sensibility to his understanding of those sources. The world was more than ready for a Francis to whom they could relate. They wanted to know the man behind the legends. This biography was first published when Sabatier was only thirty-six, at his expense.
Sabatier’s greatest contribution to our understanding was his rediscovery—and giving prominence to—pre-1266 sources for understanding Francis’s life. It was in 1266 that the Franciscans, at their general chapter meeting in Paris, ordered Franciscans everywhere to destroy writings about Francis that pre-dated their minister-general Bonaventure’s recently penned biography of him. I have written elsewhere about the negative consequences of this proclamation.² It is no exaggeration to call it an action that was, and still is, without precedent in the area of historiography.
³
The sources Sabatier rediscovered were chiefly the writings of Francis’s closest friends, including the friars Leo, Rufino, and Angelo, which were solicited at the general chapter meeting of 1244 when a call went out to all the friars to write down their memories of Francis. These intimate (and often opinionated) accounts were captured in The Legend of the Three Companions and The Mirror of Perfection, two texts that Sabatier used extensively to tell Francis’s story. He also raised the work of Thomas of Celano to a new level of appreciation, particularly his Second Life of Francis (1247), which also made extensive use of the testimonies of Leo, Rufino, and Angelo. Sabatier insisted that all of these accounts, as well as Thomas’s First Life of the Poverello, held a special place of importance, more than Bonaventure’s ever could, written as they were by men who knew Francis and shared his convictions.
Bonaventure wrote his account decades after many witnesses to the events were dead and gone, and in many ways he smoothed over the edges of the real Francis. Bonaventure did more than tell a story; he made it didactic. Reading Bonaventure’s biography is like taking the guided tour rather than feeling the energy and unpredictability of Francis and his early companions. In other words, Bonaventure and the Franciscans of 1266 were attempting to control the narrative,
to use today’s parlance, and it took more than six centuries before a historian came to rescue Francis and history from the mistake. If it were not for Sabatier, Jacques Le Goff, one of the most prominent medievalists of the late twentieth century, would never have summarized: Francis had in his immediate circle many biographers who not only had documentary information on him but were also concerned with painting him in the truth, simplicity and sincerity that always radiated naturally from him.
⁴
Every generation discovers Francis anew. There seems to be no end to what we find. And then, of course, today we live in a world that has finally seen a pope take the name, Francis. Why did it take so long—and by a Jesuit, even, not a Franciscan?
The world witnessed the first Franciscan pope centuries ago. After succeeding Bonaventure as minister-general of the Franciscan order in 1274, Girolamo Masci was elected pope in 1288, taking the name Nicholas IV, little more than half a century after Francis was recognized as a saint. Perhaps the shoes have always been too big to fill.
There was only one journalist who immediately and presciently grasped the situation as white smoke rose from the chimney of the Sistine Chapel on March 13, 2013. It was an Argentinian journalist, Sergio Rubin, who knew the man that had just been elected pope quite well. Rubin said:
So, it is the first time a pope has taken this name. That means he wants to give a message: the message of Saint Francis, a man who arrived to the Church in a great moment of opulence, bringing with him humility and love for the poor to revitalize the Church, to give some fresh air.⁵
And that was before Pope Francis ever emerged at the balcony to greet the crowd.
It may be too much to ask that one person revitalize the church that Christ founded and redirect it to the holy, simple intentions that were its original purpose. But as this biography of Francis of Assisi makes clear, Francis did just that in the early thirteenth century, sometimes in spite of his closest friends and followers, and almost without realizing it.
1 See for instance Jacques Dalarun’s The Misadventure of Francis of Assisi: Toward a Historical Use of the Franciscan Legends, trans. by Edward Hagman, OFM Cap; St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2002; chapters 1–3; and Neslihan Senocak’s The Poor and the Perfect: The Rise of Learning in the Franciscan Order, 1209-1310; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012; 8-16.
2 See chapter 13, Burning Books,
in Francis and Clare: A True Story; Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press, 2014. (This book was originally published in 2007 under the title, Light in the Dark Ages.)
3 Jacques Dalarun, The Misadventure of Francis of Assisi; 25.
4 Jacques Le Goff, Saint Francis of Assisi, trans. by Christine Rhone; New York: Routledge, 2004; 13.
5 Quoted in Pope Francis: The Pope from the End of the Earth, by Thomas J. Craughwell. Charlotte, NC: Saint Benedict Press, 2013; 25.
INTRODUCTION
Paul Sabatier (1858–1928) was the first modern biographer of St. Francis of Assisi. A French Protestant, Sabatier was motivated to write about the saint out of love for his unusual and creative life.
It can be a very personal and moving experience to write about the little poor man from Umbria. Over the centuries, many authors have been profoundly affected as they have lived
with Francis while recounting his life. Nikos Kazantzakis, the twentieth-century Greek novelist, said that, while writing his novel Saint Francis, often large teardrops smeared the manuscript.
It is not simply that Francis’s ideals are worth recounting, but that his life was so extraordinary. He was fully human—like each of us in our awkwardness, insecurities, and fear—but he was also perhaps the purest example we have seen of a person striving to do what Jesus taught his disciples.
To write about Francis is to wish the same courage and heart into ourselves. This wishing—these good intentions—are often the stuff of our spiritual lives, as perhaps when we touch an icon, or wake up early before the rest of the house is awake to pray in solitude, or when we truly hunger for righteousness, as many of our liturgies say. Reading and writing about Francis can be our attempt, like a medium or sacrament, to enlarge our own capacities to be like him.
Paul Sabatier was born in the Cevennes, a mountainous region of southern France, in August 1858. He was educated in theology in Paris and after preparing for the ministry became pastor of St. Nicolas, Strasbourg, a post he held until he was almost forty. After a brief sojourn as pastor of St. Cierge back in the Cevennes he then devoted the rest of his life to historical writing and research. His book, Vie de S. François d’Assise, was first published in French in 1894. Thirty-two years later, a scholar of Franciscan studies wrote: Countless thousands of readers have derived from . . . Sabatier . . . their first impulse towards interest in the saint, which has frequently developed into a complete surrender to his fascination and charm
(SETON, p. 252).
Sabatier’s brother, the more famous of the two men, was old enough to be his father. Louis Auguste Sabatier (1839–1901) was a theologian and professor of dogmatics in the theology department at the University of Strasbourg and, later, was a member of the newly formed Protestant faculty in Paris. A Huguenot, Auguste found that his loyalty to French causes ultimately led to his being forced by the Germans to leave Strasbourg in the early 1870s. About fifteen years later, Paul Sabatier also fell out of favor with his German superiors, declining to become a German citizen, and left his pulpit in Strasbourg only to return in 1919 as a professor of church history. He dedicated his book on Francis to the people of Strasbourg. However, we might thank the Germans for forcing Sabatier into retirement from the active ministry (he was also plagued by health problems), leaving him the freedom and time to live in Italy, to do research, and to write his great biography.
Sabatier was moved by Francis, the man, and he wanted to create the first telling of his life that reflected the possibilities afforded by modern scholarship. He was the first person to scour the libraries of Italy to uncover original documents, and he employed textual and historical criticism as well as psychological insight. Modern scholarship, so-called, was new in Sabatier’s time, in the second half of the nineteenth century. As a student, Sabatier listened to the lectures of the dynamic historian and critic Ernest Renan (1823–1892). It was Renan’s groundbreaking—or notorious, depending on your perspective—work exposing naïveté in most precritical studies of the historical Jesus that motivated Sabatier to write his modern life of Francis, looking for the man amidst the layers of myth and legend. It was Renan who said: No miracle has ever taken place under conditions that science can accept. Experience shows, without exception, that miracles occur only in times and in countries in which miracles are believed in, and in the presence of persons who are disposed to believe in them.
Renan’s book Vie de Jésus was published only thirty years before Sabatier’s life of Francis; comparisons between the two works were inevitable. So the sensation of delight or anger with which [Sabatier’s] book was received is easy to explain
(BPL, p. 274).
These were the heady, early days of ultimate confidence in the power of science and logic to make faith unnecessary. But Sabatier did not follow Renan in discarding the reality of the mysterious. (Renan, for instance, explained Francis’s stigmata as a deliberate hoax perpetuated by Brother Elias.) He did, however, accept the basic notion that many things can be seen only with eyes of faith; many realities may be understood only with a heart disposed to realize them.
Sabatier believed that to deny all of the miraculous in the lives of the saints was to deny a life-transforming faith. In the introduction to the first edition of his life of Francis, he separated himself from Renan, his teacher, when he wrote the following:
Happily we are no longer in the time when historians thought they had done the right thing when they had reduced everything to its proper size, contenting themselves with denying or omitting everything in the life of the heroes of humanity that rises above the level of our everyday experiences.
No doubt Francis did not meet on the road to Siena three pure and gentle virgins come from heaven to greet him; the devil did not overturn rocks for the sake of terrifying him; but when we deny these visions and apparitions, we are victims of an error graver, perhaps, than that of those who affirm them (SABATIER, p. XXX).
Sabatier’s book was first published in French in 1894 (although early copies were distributed in the closing months of 1893), and quickly became a bestseller, almost unheard of for a work of its kind in those days. English, Swedish, German, and Italian editions followed within the next several years. When Sabatier died in the spring of 1928, forty-five editions had been published in the French language alone.
Scholarly reaction to the book was immediate and, most of it, favorable. Sabatier was quickly seen as one of his generation’s most important historians. Both Catholics and Protestants admired the work, but the official Roman Catholic response was to condemn it. Historical and textual criticism applied to the legends of the saints was not looked upon favorably at the close of the nineteenth century. The book made the infamous Roman Index
(Index Librorum Prohibitorum) of forbidden books in the same year that it was first published.
Catholic authorities saw too much of a rebel in Sabatier’s portrait of Francis. Always careful to portray this—the greatest of saints of the people—as a supporter of the Church, its doctrine, and hierarchy, popes and other staunch protectors of the faith have often proclaimed: How foolish they are, and how little they know the saint of Assisi, who for the purpose of their own errors invent a Francis—an incredible Francis—who is impatient of the authority of the Church. . . . Let [Francis], the herald of the great King, teach Catholics and others by his own example how close was his attachment to the hierarchy of the Church and to the doctrines of Christ
(Encyclical Letter of Pope Pius XI, written in 1926 for the 700th anniversary of the saint’s death; see SETON, p. 251).
Sabatier certainly shows us a Francis who is often going his own way. However, he is also careful to show both sides of the story, as when he wrote this passage: One of Francis’s most frequent counsels bore upon the respect due to the clergy. He begged his disciples to show a very particular deference to the priests, and never to meet them without kissing their hands. He saw only too well that the brothers, having renounced everything, were in danger of being unjust or severe toward the rich and powerful of the earth
(SABATIER, pp. 168–69).
As is true of any great work, Sabatier’s life of Francis has given birth to hundreds of others, and also has enlightened his critics. Since the closing years of the nineteenth century there has been appreciation for Sabatier’s book, but plenty of criticism as well. Many Franciscan scholars have disagreed with some of his conclusions, primarily the subtle ways in which the French Protestant portrays Francis as a forerunner of the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century. Other scholarly reactions have ranged widely. For instance, while some reviewers have deplored Sabatier’s critical stance in reference to the Francis legends—thinking it wrong to view a medieval saint through a modern lens—others, including the popular medieval scholar and sometime critic of institutional religion G. G. Coulton, have taken Sabatier, his contemporary, to task for not being critical enough, for continuing to perpetuate credulity.
Sabatier’s Francis is a gentle mystic and passionate reformer guided by an unwavering vision of fulfilling the ideals of Christ: the brotherhood of all people, evangelical poverty, and forgiveness, all with a Christ-filled intoxicating joy. An anti-intellectual at heart, Sabatier’s Francis confounds the wise with his clarity of vision and dedicated praxis, and even occasionally by his holy foolishness. In Sabatier’s book, the simple beauty of Francis’s life and message is set clearly against the obscuring of that message in the years following the saint’s death. The narrative builds to, and reveals, this eventual sadness. Francis the prophet is set against the priests of his day, and even against many of the Franciscan brothers and priests that followed in his footsteps.
Contemporary theologian Lawrence Cunningham writes: Sabatier’s mentor, Renan, once quipped that Jesus preached the Kingdom of God and the world ended up with the Catholic Church. Sabatier’s biography was a variation on this theme: Francis had preached a lay Christianity bent on radical spiritual renewal, and Europe ended up with the Franciscan order
(CUNNINGHAM 1, pp. 865–68).
Sabatier also portrays Francis as an important forerunner of the Italian Renaissance. The birth of the individual,
long recognized as one of the key signposts of the Renaissance, is exemplified in the life of Francis. One Dutch scholar summarizes this, saying: Perhaps Sabatier has contributed more than anyone to the shift in the nature and the dating of the concept of the Renaissance. It was no longer a growth of the mind . . . but a growth of the heart: the opening of the eyes and the soul to all the excellence of the world and the individual personality
(HUIZINGA, pp. 263–64).
Jacob Burckhardt, renowned historian of the Italian Renaissance, wrote a generation before Sabatier: At the close of the thirteenth century Italy began to swarm with individuality; the ban laid upon human personality was dissolved; and a thousand figures meet us each in its own special shape and dress
(BURCKHARDT, p. 81). Burckhardt, however, does not in his secularism credit the revolution of spirit brought about by Francis with sparking a new individuality; for Burckhardt, the emergence of the individual in the early Renaissance period was the result, above all, of political change.
In his perspective on the life of Francis, Sabatier stood somewhere between the dry academics—Renan and Matthew Arnold, for instance, writing in the decades before Sabatier—and the absolutely devoted—Thomas of Celano, St. Bonaventure, and the other hagiographic and piously written lives
of the saint. Since minutes after Francis’s death—when the canonization process began in earnest and Assisi was quickly established as one of the most important places for tourism and pilgrimage in all of Christendom—until the late nineteenth century, the life of Francis was clouded in myth. The Golden Legend, a popular late medieval collection of tales from the lives of the saints, for instance, records this about Francis: The saint would not handle lanterns and lamps and candles because he did not want to dim their brightness with his hands.
Also: A locust that nested in a fig tree next to his cell used to sing at all hours, until the man of God extended his hand and said: ‘My sister locust, come here to me!’ Obediently the locust came up and rested on his hand. ‘My sister locust, sing! Sing, and praise your Lord!’ The locust began to sing and did not hop away until the saint gave permission
(VORAGINE, p. 225).
Tellingly, Thomas of Celano, the first biographer of Francis, wrote in the prologue to his first life of the saint, Pious devotion and truth will always be my guide and instructor
(ARMSTRONG, p. 180). Before Sabatier, historical evidence and hagiography were necessarily intertwined.
It is also important to realize, before reading Sabatier’s book, that he stood in a long line of speculative Protestant tradition rich with disdain, even sarcasm, for the lives of the saints. For example, one popular Protestant book of the seventeenth century recounts miracle
after miracle
of Francis and the Franciscans only to show their ultimate foolishness. One sample miracle account reads this way:
Frier Francis, in celebrating of mass, found a Spider in the Cup, which he would not cast away, but drank it off with the bloud, afterwards scratching his thigh, where he felt it itch, the Spider came out of his thigh without hurting the Frier.
And