Foreword: A Voice from the Heart, Ian Anderson 1. Introduction: Towards a New Vision for Australian Politics: Seeing, Not, Seeing, and What We Can Now Foreword: A Voice from the Heart, Ian Anderson 1. Introduction: Towards a New Vision for Australian Politics: Seeing, Not, Seeing, and What We Can Now See, Anne Tiernan Section One: Inheritances 2. Governing Ideas and Collective Expectations: the Australian Case, James Walter 3. Myth and Myth-Making, Jon Piccini 4. Ideas of Nationhood, Carolyn Holbrook 5. Australia's Electoral Innovations, Lisa Hill Section Two: Improvizations 6. Not-Minster? Australia's Bespoke System of Government, Dennis C. Grube 7. Australia's Federal Framework: Constitutional Fundamentals, Federal Institutions, and Intergovernmental Balance, Nicholas Aroney 8. Australian Political Parties: Evolution and Adaptation, Anika Gauja 9. Social Protection and Vulnerability: Australia's Distinctive Public Policy Profile, John Murphy Section Three: Place-Making 10. Australian Politics in Local Government: Place-Making in Town and Country, Jacob Deem 11. Divided Against Itself: Plural Sovereignties and the Australian State, Paul Muldoon 12. Settlement and Migration: Shaping Australian Political Identity, Catriona Elder 13. Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Emotions, Roland Bleiker, David Campbell, and Emma Hutchison 14. Australia's Pursuit of Place in the World, Caitlin Byrne Section Four: Recurrent Themes 15. The Politics of the Environment in Australia, Kate Crowley 16. The Politics of Australia's Economic Development, Stephen Bell and Michael Keating 17. Gender and Sexuality in Australian Politics, Elizabeth van Acker 18. Religion and Politics, Marion Maddox 19. Indigenous-Settler Relationships: Policy, Rights, Reconciliation, and Sovereignty, Elizabeth Strakosch 20. Disrupting Media and Politics: When the Old Rules Break, How Can the Public Interest be Served?, Julianne Schultz Section Five: Politics, Policy, and Public Administration 21. New Public Management and Service Privatization in Australia, Siobhan O'Sullivan 22. Policy Learning in the Australian Public Service, Alastair Stark 23. Integrity and Accountability in Australian Government and Politics, Zim Nwokora 24. Performance in the Public Sector, Jeannette Taylor 25. Innovating the Public Sector in Australia, Jenny M. Lewis Section Six: Studying Australian Politics 26. The Field and Study of Deliberative Democracy in Australia, Carolyn M. Hendriks 27. Political Organizations and Participation, Ariadne Vromen, Michael Vaughan, and Darren Halpin 28. Political Psychology and Experimentation, Aaron Martin 29. Political Leadership, Paul Strangio 30. Beyond 'Structured Inattention': Towards Australian Indigenous Political Studies?, Morgan Brigg and Lyndon Murphy 31. Teaching Australian Politics: Thirty Years of Civics and Citizenship Education in Australia, Zareh Ghazarian and Jacqueline Laughland-Booÿ...more
Bored All those times I was bored out of my mind. Holding the log while he sawed it. Holding the string while he measured, boards, distances between thingsBored All those times I was bored out of my mind. Holding the log while he sawed it. Holding the string while he measured, boards, distances between things, or pounded stakes into the ground for rows and rows of lettuces and beets, which I then (bored) weeded. Or sat in the back of the car, or sat still in boats, sat, sat, while at the prow, stern, wheel he drove, steered, paddled. It wasn't even boredom, it was looking, looking hard and up close at the small details. Myopia. The worn gunwales, the intricate twill of the seat cover. The acid crumbs of loam, the granular pink rock, its igneous veins, the sea-fans of dry moss, the blackish and then the graying bristles on the back of his neck. Sometimes he would whistle, sometimes I would. The boring rhythm of doing things over and over, carrying the wood, drying the dishes. Such minutiae. It's what the animals spend most of their time at, ferrying the sand, grain by grain, from their tunnels, shuffling the leaves in their burrows. He pointed such things out, and I would look at the whorled texture of his square finger, earth under the nail. Why do I remember it as sunnier all the time then, although it more often rained, and more birdsong? I could hardly wait to get the hell out of there to anywhere else. Perhaps though boredom is happier. It is for dogs or groundhogs. Now I wouldn't be bored. Now I would know too much. Now I would know.
Son muchos los que, piénsenlo con más o menos claridad, o díganlo con más o menos franqueza, todo lo fían al embrutecimiento del obrero; nuestra espe
Son muchos los que, piénsenlo con más o menos claridad, o díganlo con más o menos franqueza, todo lo fían al embrutecimiento del obrero; nuestra esperanza está en su cultura.
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Many people, think about it with more or less clarity or frankness, trust everything to the stultification of the worker; our hope is in their culture.
An exhaustive and very elucidating history of this conflict. I had the chance to interview the author yesterday. Even though I don't agree with every An exhaustive and very elucidating history of this conflict. I had the chance to interview the author yesterday. Even though I don't agree with every opinion, his thoughtful prose certainly reflects his nature. That's just wonderful, and so unusual.
The sense of belonging is inherent to human nature. We look for it every time. Even when we say we are such rebels that we do not care about it, that The sense of belonging is inherent to human nature. We look for it every time. Even when we say we are such rebels that we do not care about it, that we do not need that and we are our own island. I have said things like that and I lied to myself every time. I have never met anyone completely alone and happy. Well, that is not such an indicator since I haven't met a lot of people. I am more of a recluse at home with books near me, coffee always ready to heat up and crumbs of pizza on my couch thanks to Saturday nights movie marathons (yeah, I am the most popular gal in town). But still, I haven't met that kind of people.
Anyway, that concept came to mind when I started reading this book by Argentine journalist Nicolás Lucca. Why? Because the other day, I found myself surrounded by people who support the current administration of my country, that being the Kirchnerist regime, which party, Frente Para la Victoria (Front for Victory, FPV) rules since 2003. The little criterion I have left allows me to question many methods and acts that FPV has done during these “década ganada” (a victorious decade; literally, a won decade) as they like to call it. So no, I cannot be a Kirchnerist. I cannot be any -ist, since the moment you start identifying yourself so much with a politician or any mortal like you, you become a fanatic whose perspective and objectivity get lost in the face of your idol.
However, while I was in that group, surrounded by those fervent admirers of the government, I did wish I was one of them. That disturbing thought finds its roots in my weariness. I am tired. It is certainly exhausting to be in a fight all the time. Because that is the thing with fanatics: you cannot talk to them. It has been declared a high-risk sport in here. There is no possibility of a debate. You have to be in defensive position, all the time. And even worse, the division is so deep in our society (despite the opinion of some journalists that selflessly deny the crack, the social rift—something I also mentioned in El Relato Peronista review—) that intolerance is also present in a non-Kirchnerist person, that is, in a person that criticizes the little respect that the ruling party has for the opinion of others. Always justifying yourself, denying unpatriotic attitudes, a lack of acknowledgement of our great sovereignty and human rights policies, denying the invention of embezzlement cases—because this is the most transparent government of the last decades—and especially denying any involvement in the last dictatorship, no matter your age. I felt the urge of belonging to that Kirchnerist group. I wanted to see the fictitious reality they have been yapping about for years. I had the need of being a brainwashed follower that only sees a shiny rainbow with puppies singing “Don't Worry, be Happy/Marcha Peronista” over it. That feeling lasted a couple of minutes; reality came back to slap me in the face with no mercy. Yet, the problem is that it existed. I felt it. I wanted to sell my soul to La Cámpora (the Kirchnerist Youth movement) and be happy and proud and national and popular. And, metaphorical speaking, blind.
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La década kichnerista ha transcurrido en una permanente independencia entre lo que se dice, lo que se hace y el cómo se hace.
The Kirchnerist decade has passed through a permanent independence among what it is said, what it is done and how it is done. (25)
This book is about the last twelve years of Argentine politics under the Kirchnerist administration, plus many references about the social and political context of previous years. How Former President Néstor Kirchner arrived to that position, his political past and same thing with his wife, Cristina Fernández, current President of this country. There is a lot of context to absorb this huge amount of information. Or try to absorb. Because every situation, every detail, everything is just too surreal. Too ours. Too argento, lads.
After the remarkable introduction written by film and t.v. director Juan José Campanella, comes Lucca's first chapter called “Bienvenidos al Modelo”, the initial contact with Kirchnerism. In a couple of pages, you will get the main idea of such a contradictory administration which base is purely a demagogic speech that tries to find the guilty ones when something goes wrong. Ironically, those offenders never belong to Kirchnerism: newspapers, companies, the agricultural sector, the greedy middle class that contributes with piles of money—through high taxes that does not match the lousy public services we have—later used by the government according to the whim of the time, the U.S., the IS, invisible yet very destabilizing forces that use Jedis' lightsabers to overthrow a democratic government that makes no consequence for the rest of the civilized world. Except the countries buying the south of our country in the name of sovereignty, a couple of Chinese working in Argentine soil,under their laws and with unknown benefits for us, the even more democratic Venezuelan administration that has the same ability to look for people to blame for their own ineptitude and a close relationship with the Iranian government to which our current President and staff gave the AMIA bombing suspects on a silver platter in exchange of trade and leaving 85 victims in oblivion.
Through the eight chapters of this book, you will find out about the truth behind the populist speech.
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The real numbers, the real hunger, the real responsible of some of our tragedies that could have been avoided if politicians in charge were not such a big pile of corrupt bastards spending money where it is not needed and putting the rest in their bank accounts. The real reason why we cannot reach all our potential, why we have so many social plans and State assistance if we have a strong and patriotic economy that Germans would envy. And, secretly, I think they already do... Pack your bags and get on the first Aerolíneas Argentinas plane you see, Mrs. Merkel! You are invited to come and copy our formidable politics based on empty words, fake numbers, assistance instead of decent work (because that would imply well-prepared citizens that can make decisions sans clientelism) and city services that had been attending the "subsidy party" for too long, creating the feeling we live in More's Utopia when we are actually in Collins' District 12. Just make sure no blonde is inside the cockpit, Ma'am. (Yeah, only Argentines can get that reference.)
This book also reflects the fact that the past can be chosen. There is a chapter called “Relato Derecho y Humano” that depicts how the Kirchners invented themselves a past of patriotic fights against the dictatorship of the time. Two innocent, soulful lawyers resisting one of the darkest periods of our history. Laws, convictions, persecutions, a sense of justice and a strong desire for fighting for it. That inspirational story would win the Golden Sarasa Award, no doubt, since it is basically a lie. The Kirchners were safely making money in the real estate industry while some of their colleagues were presenting habeas corpus in favor of people persecuted for political reasons in a time where you could not raise your voice against the de facto government without dreadful consequences. However, the lie has been ingrained. The legendary past of those two politicians has come to stay. Even though it is so easy to check, kirchnerists like to repeat that idea to themselves, over and over. And over. There is a chapter solely dedicated to describe these specimens that sometimes receive something in exchange of their obsequiousness and other times—and for the majority represented by those poor devils that suffer like the rest of us—receive nothing, for they truly believe the tale (something that makes me lose faith in us as a normal society and in all humanity, for that matter). Yes, a true gem. Just like the passages that portray the unique relationship between Kirchnerism and justice. You see, real justice is seen mainly when it speaks in favor of any situation the Kirchnerist administration is going through. But, any verdict that opposes their patriotic desires is perceived as a decision that intends to hide the evident pressure of corporatism, the evil hegemonic forces represented by a newspaper, the dreadful and neoliberal characters of the '90s (like most Kirchnerists were) that want to take our humble nation back to those dark ages. Yes, that actually happens. No, I wish I was exaggerating. For they are the majority, they represent what every single Argentine wants and needs, and they feel democracy is the ability of ridiculing and crushing the minority while sketching their sworn declarations to disguise everything they own thanks to the money they stole from their people (Kirchnerist or not) as they tell to that same people that a redistribution of wealth is needed so they should not be so greedy as to want to have a dollar to pay for whatever the hell they want. All in the name of democracy. No, I wish I was exaggerating.
...nadie explica por qué más democracia debe implicar menos república, si ambos conceptos son iguales de esenciales para la existencia del Estado occidental moderno.
...nobody explains why democracy must involve less republic, if both concepts are equally essential for the existence of the modern Western state. (209)
In terms of writing, Lucca's is certainly remarkable. He is not the kind of writer that uses big, fancy words to explain what it is already so difficult to explain. There are very few technicalities. He manages to use a colloquial language without underestimate the reader. Slang is the keyword. A whole political report through a smart and familiar language; you cannot ask for more. It is like reading the witty thoughts of a well-prepared journalist lying in a couch with a cup of coffee and a restless mind. Humor is omnipresent. And it is the main element that helps you finish those passages about numbers and details that also build a necessary context. Sure, sometimes, I felt like it was maybe, perhaps, possibly, a bit too much. There are ideas that led me to a few déjà vu experiences since I read them a couple of times with similar words. Some metaphors, comparisons and similar techniques to say something, that made me think to myself: “Okay, Mr. Lucca, say it already”. Still, when he reached Seriousness Avenue where those aforementioned techniques were absent, I missed them. And so on, and so on. (The first man that even hints at the “Oh well, you're a woman” explanation, gets a thousand copies of The Alchemist. Unless you liked it.) Clever writing is something that I always look for and I do not see frequently. And the fact that a person can combine wit and politics in a book without sounding like Kenny Bania is already an impressive task. So I am more than grateful, not only for the good time I had reading it, but mostly for the great deal of information and clarifications I have now. Sweet words armed with fake ideology cannot hide cold hard facts.
So, Argentines of the world, people that enjoy reading about Argentine history and are familiar with our unique argento language, this is a book you should not miss. And I know. I know how these rambling thoughts began. For a moment, I wanted to be part of the Kirchnerist perfection that not even Walt Disney could have imagined. Let's just stay in reality, surrounded by tangible things and devastating numbers and everything that actually exists for us and almost a whole country. Surrounded by truth. Because in this bleak landscape with no visible exit in the short run, in this real place lies truth. Something that even the most hardcore Kirchnerist will have to eventually face when the Won Decade Building crumbles in front of his national and popular eyes, while he, in silence, of course, thinks about the next political conversion. Lucca ends his book expressing that he does not know if he should keep dreaming about a great—well, a fine... oh, let's face it, a humanly acceptable—country, or wake up and make it come true. I agree. A lot of us are in the same spot. I would like to leave lala-warm-fuzzy land and make it real. To release the hand of Hope and stop the torment in the most Nietzschean way possible. In theory, hope is a magnificent resource. In literature, a poetically sublime concept. But it should end, someday. It should become reality, at some point. That depends on you know who. Even a weird-looking, smiling cat tells it better. If you do not care much about where you want to go, then it does not matter which way you go. We know what we need, we know what to change. We know what to do. So...
* Also on my blog. Y ahí, estrenando versión en español. ** Photo credit: "El obelisco y el arco iris" / Juan José Braun via Foto Revista. Hombre en La Carbonilla, Buenos Aires / Reuters via El Confidencial
This book starts with a dreadful concept that haunts many of us: what if they lied to us? What if everything you thought that was true, ended up beingThis book starts with a dreadful concept that haunts many of us: what if they lied to us? What if everything you thought that was true, ended up being an elaborate lie supported by politics and their powerful media? What if your history wasn't yours? The history that makes you who you are. Your values, your ideas, your individuality. Your identity. Your sense of belonging. Yourself.
¿Y si la historia nunca fue como nos la contaron? What if history wasn't like they told us? Jorge Lanata, journalist.
A bitter pill to swallow, let me tell you. However, this investigation by journalist Silvia Mercado aims to demolish all the Argentine historical myths, unveiling the only thing we should always search for: the truth. Facts. The reality that is far away from points of view, wishes, convenient inclinations, fanaticism. That ugly truth that threatens your sense of security and faith in everything you thought was right. Easier said than done. That is why this is not a book for everyone. I would recommend it only to those who are willing to put the official story and prejudices aside and have an honest desire of knowing the truth, even though if there is a possibility that it might hurt you and your surroundings. Someone blinded by that fervent adoration for a human being whose job is to be a politician (things I will never understand) probably will not find it useful and will run to read La Razón de mi Vida while holding a paper bag and hyperventilating because his safe way of understanding politics, his safe way of living, actually, has been threatened.
The book. In terms of structure and order, the book is flawless. You even have an index of names at the end of it, so you have easy access to any subject. In terms of writing, it is clear and straightforward. The foundation of a serious investigation is its sources. So, you will also find a list of reliable sources to back up the author's statements. It is a well documented recap about the face of Peronism that many patriots refuse to acknowledge. Because that is the thing with the ruling party of the last years: if you are not a Peronist, you are not Argentine.
...era un enemigo de la Patria y no tenía derecho a nada. ...an enemy of our homeland and had right to nothing. (229)
In 1946, Juan Domingo Perón, a military officer, became president. He was re-elected in 1952. But his origins were not so democratic. He was involved in the 1943 Argentine coup d'état that the United Officers' Group (GOU) made possible, and was the Vice President of the de facto government from 1944 to 1945. During Perón's administration, if you were not a Peronist (political movement based on his persona), you were persecuted, tortured and, according to the case, killed. Yes, killed. And yes, it was a democratic government.
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Now, times have changed a little, so you may face endless discussions with fanatics (life is too short for that) but, under the current Kirchnerist regime—that finds its roots in the Justicialist Party founded by Perón—you may also face the removal of the government social help if you have, trouble at work and, if you are a renowned person, the persecution through official media or even the collecting agency. That is what happens when presidents become idols and you cannot question those who know what you want and need. The long tradition of personalizing power. They know best, capisce?
Methods have changed, but the division remains. The crack. The social rift. The impossibility of accepting that the person standing in front of you does not have to think the same way as you do. A basic fundament of a democratic society. And somehow, this country has usually had a lot of trouble grasping that concept. Demagoguery, social assistance from the State instead of promoting the dignity that entails working, indoctrination, the elimination of opposition, authority over media to achieve a formidable propaganda system, a foreign enemy that wants to control us... Despite some circumstances that mitigate the impact, some things are too common nowadays. The little we have learned after so many years. It is certainly frightening.
In this work, there are some notions concerning the context of those times that are only mentioned by the writer but not explained with details and, sometimes, not explained at all. It is understandable, since if she did, there wouldn't be enough trees to make the required amount of paper to describe all that. Plus, as a reader, I am grateful because that allowed me to do my research. There were some things that I did not remember from my History lessons, so it was beneficial for me. And many that I did not know. One becomes a part of the process, in some way.
The first chapter is called “Perón and the Dictatorship of 1943”. Basically, it is about how Perón started to put his ideas in motion in order to achieve his main goal all along: power. The presidency. That chapter portrays Perón as an unapologetic enthusiast of fascism (he brought ideas from Italy to execute in here and, a detail: Argentina, under Perón's inexorable influence, did not declare war to the Axis until they were almost defeated, worrying the whole region) willing to do what it took to fulfill his desires. The following chapters reflect precisely that. The way he used the flag of syndicalism simply to gain power:
Lo que Perón le dio a los sindicatos fue un rápido ascenso al poder, a cambio de usarlos como herramienta política personal.
What Perón gave to the unions were a fast way to power, in exchange of using them as his own political instrument. (43)
As you read, you will also find out about the political repression suffered by students that went to the streets to manifest themselves against National Socialism, something that, according to the author, depicts a clear inclination of the government towards that ideology. Furthermore, Mercado wrote about the outstanding creative process of the well-known “17 de Octubre”, a mass mobilization supporting Perón that, in her opinion, didn't happened exactly the way his people retell it. Also his relationship with Eva, her foundation, the arbitrary use of public money and the assistance to only those who showed support to the leader. And in many chapters, the writer explains the truth about the human rights policy of the two Peronist governments, from 1946 to 1955: - persecution, prison, torture and elimination of everything that opposed the leader (politics, artists, workers; anyone); - censorship; control of the media to silence every possible scream (foreign newspapers were the key to reach to that conclusion).
—Pero, general, no puede decirme a mí que lo de las torturas se trata de una infamia. —¿De dónde saca que no lo es? —Porque a mí me torturaron, general.
—But, General, you cannot tell me that tortures are vicious lies. —Where do you get the idea that they are not just that? —Because I was tortured, General. (Dialogue between Perón and Félix Luna, historian. 213)
Let's not forget that we are talking about a democratic government. Okay, shady elections but elections nonetheless. And I know that a somewhat manipulated election does not represent democracy at its finest. But... elections. And now I dare you to count how many times I wrote “elections” just to show you my point. In any case, in a perfect-sunny-puppy-make-believe world, assuming that those elections were fair, the following policies of that administration violated basic principles of what democracy was and is supposed to be, anyway. Just like the aforementioned situations.
So, here we are. I must admit that I used to love the romantic idea of kingdoms. I became quite interested in English history when I was a teenager. The idea of distant realms, their laws, their customs, their battles, their views on religions, their caprices that created new laws and religions, the intrigue, their conspiracies, even the clothing... Yes, I was a nerd. Yes, I still am. Argentine history lacked all that... excitement (yes, I was also a moron). During my youthful years, I used to yawn at school, whenever we had to study our history, our presidents, their periods, their governments, etc. Even though I always loved history, I could never enjoyed studying our own. I don't think I should blame it only on my perception of an apparently boring past. I am not sure... but I think the somewhat dull teachers' approach was a contributory factor.
Anyway, it's never too late to rethink our behaviors, our habits, our perspectives. Books tend to help us on that particular aspect. For some people, ignorance is “bliss”, but it also constitutes a state of dangerous blindness. Something that will certainly lead to blatant manipulation. That is why education must be the fundamental base of a country and, in countries ruled by corruption, that cannot happen. Its strength lies in ignorance. Only knowledge can create a free mind. Only knowledge can set you free from political manipulation.
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I may not agree with every page of El Relato Peronista, however, this book helped me to rekindle my relationship with my history. The past of my own country. That fact embodies the most efficient way—if not the only way—to avoid the repetition of mistakes. That concept has been conveyed by many historical characters, such as George Santayana, inspired by Cicero's idea that history is life's teacher:
Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
Aquellos que no pueden recordar su pasado están condenados a repetirlo.
*Notes ** Photo credit: Juan Domingo Perón via Infobae. From the book Evita, by Graciela Albornoz de Videla. Editorial Luis Lasserre S.R.L. / via Historia del Peronismo. Translation: The kids are well dressed. The Eva Perón Foundation gives clothes to those in need. Mom and Dad love us. Perón and Evita love us.
- Vos sabés que en política pasa de todo. You know that, in politics, anything can happen. (69)
- La Justicia no podrá devolverle la vida al Fiscal Alb
- Vos sabés que en política pasa de todo. You know that, in politics, anything can happen. (69)
- La Justicia no podrá devolverle la vida al Fiscal Alberto Nisman. Pero podrá devolvernos la dignidad a todos los argentinos si se atreve, como él se atrevió, a ir en busca de la verdad. Justice can't bring prosecutor Alberto Nisman back to life. But it can bring back dignity to all Argentines if it dares, like he did, to go in search of the truth. (234, Santiago Kovadloff's speech at Nisman's funeral)
January. Monday. Around 7 a.m. I woke up and went to brush my teeth. That is not the perfect line to start a review. I know, nothing poetic about picturing people brushing their teeth. But that is how everything started for me. When I got out of the bathroom, my mother was already up. She always tries to be up to say “take care, have a good day at work” (like that ever happens, but it is nice to have someone to tell you those things, anyway). I still don't know if I was supposed to go to work that day, because I remember I stayed all morning watching the news. And now I see an image I tweeted that Monday at 8.43 a.m. So, no, I did not go to work. And if my previous boss is reading this, now he knows the truth. The most relevant homicide in Argentina's recent criminal history was there. I had to know. I was not going anywhere.
So, like I said, I went back to my room and watched the news on my computer. I don't have a TV in my bedroom–good habit–but I can't go out before checking the news, the weather and other trivia. However, there was nothing trivial about the news I was starting to watch. Argentine federal prosecutor, Alberto Nisman, was found dead in his apartment. I could not believe it. I remained in silence for a couple of minutes. Stunned. A mix of confusion and powerlessness took over me. When, how, WHO. Why? Not why. I could sense the reason. That man was the chief investigator of the 1994 car bombing of AMIA (Israelite Argentine Mutual Association), the Jewish center in Buenos Aires, where 85 people were killed and about 300 injured. That man accused President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, his Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman (of Jewish religion, may I add) and other politicians of helping Iran to cover up the consequences of Argentina's worst terrorist attack. That man, on that Monday, was about to present his allegations to Congress. But that man had been killed hours ago, silencing the investigation forever. Condemning him and other 85 souls to oblivion. Making "justice" a simple word you can only find in the dictionary. After a while, I came back to reality and went to my mother's bedroom to tell her. The reaction was the same. She could not believe it. I still can't believe it.
Con esto, me juego la vida. ~ With this, I put my life at risk. (99, Nisman's words.)
That is how I found out about the murder of Nisman. And that is how Suicidado starts: with the retelling of how G. M. Bracesco found out. Social media is a powerful thing. We know everything in real time. So, when journalist Damián Pachter tweeted, on January, 18, at precisely 11.35 p.m., that something was wrong in Nisman's apartment, the impact was reasonably tremendous. As he explains in the book, Bracesco himself was the first journalist who went to Puerto Madero to investigate and record everything that was going on. With that impressive amount of information, he created this book. Nonetheless, he warns us that his work constitutes a personal hypothesis. Usually, the line that divides reality from fiction is ridiculously thin. And, according to Mark Twain, “The only difference between reality and fiction is that fiction needs to be credible.” In Argentina, reality has lost every possible credibility, so a book about our last twenty years of history wouldn't be logical, at all. Again, the writer states that this is his hypothesis. It is defined as kind of a crime novel. However, no one can affirm that this series of unfortunate events did not occur exactly the way the author explained us.
Bracesco's writing is very straightforward. The lack of pretentiousness in language is something that I always celebrate. It is not a simplistic writing style that underestimate the reader, but his colloquial use of the language helps you to easily connect with him. And, in the middle of such harsh descriptions, he made room for some funny remarks concerning certain characters and situations. The structure of the book is simple and coherent. It contains short and engaging chapters with the author's explanations and descriptions and also fragments of news, interviews and records that support his words. There are some mistakes (editor, hello), maybe the rush of getting this book out on the streets, but everything I could ignore (okay, I still underlined with my pencil every one of those because I am a neurotic reader; I have a problem and I am aware of it so don't judge me, please) because of the revolting feeling in all organs of my body due to every dreadful detail that portrayed human degradation at its finest. A wave of sorrow and anger surrounded me and by the time I finished the book, I was immersed in a sea of uncertainty and hopelessness. I am Argentine. I should be used to that by now, right? And still, I should not get so used to it, for that leads to political and social anesthesia. A state of mind that many politicians long for. We certainly can't allow that.
From the beginning, Bracesco tells us that power delays and degenerates investigations that are not convenient to the current administration. Usually, common people who do not belong to the corrupted circle are the ones who ruin the intended perfect crime. And that is exactly what happened with Alberto Nisman's case. In this book, you will find out the possible reasons for the AMIA bombing, the on-off relationship between Argentina and Iran, the role of Venezuela regarding that particular aspect, the truth behind the infamous memorandum of understanding signed with Iran whose mere goal was to boost trade with them and guarantee impunity to Iranian suspects...
Se busca por una cuestión política, borrar una causa de un crimen de lesa humanidad. ~ For a political matter, they intend to erase a case about a crime against humanity. (45, Nisman's words)
...how the murder of Nisman was possibly perpetrated and the events that followed (an exiled journalist, frightened witnesses, media manipulation by the ruling party, Lagomarsino's story, a President answering through Facebook), with a special part concerning how the experts who were supposed to preserve the scene, did all the contrary. Negligence or determination. Stupidity or obedience. Coffee, croissants and sandals over blood.
El encubrimiento siempre tiene cara de incompetencia e ineptitud. ~ The act of covering up always has the face of incompetence and ineptness. (12)
The desperation to cover up all the loose ends can make you fatally sloppy.
The special prosecutor of this case is Viviana Fein who, during that fatal night, asked journalists for prudence, patience and said that in the course of a few days they would know the real cause of death. Six months later, I am writing these lines and we still do not know officially, if it was a suicide, a forced suicide or a murder. Even though the evidence screams murder so loud. And yet, we are the only ones who hear that scream, despite all the Government efforts to make us listen otherwise. For they buried the prosecutor's complaint against the President and her staff, but they cannot bury the feeling we have as a society, that something doesn't quite fit...
Hoy no tengo pruebas, pero tampoco tengo dudas. ~ Today I don't have evidence, but I don't have doubts either. (176, Cristina Kirchner's words)
In conclusion, a prosecutor was killed the day before he could present his allegations to Congress after a ten-year investigation. Something that would have shaken our Government completely. We do not know much, but we do know that nothing in politics happens by mistake nor by accident. Everything has its reason. Everything can be planned. And we are always in the middle of their personal interests. Politics, business, media, powerful companies. They can always understand each other. We are the ones always in the middle. Watching. Waiting. Waiting for the punch, for the adjustment, for the legal consequences only reserved to us, like a never-ending tribute to the Kafkaesque universe.
Alberto Nisman is another wound in this chain of corruption, money and power that so well defines Argentine history. We should never forget. Books like this one are necessary to prevent us from forgetting. A shocking book; a necessary reading. Because in oblivion lies impunity. This is a thrilling story... until you realize that the death of prosecutor Nisman is not fiction. We cannot forget.
Today is July, 17. I am writing this review as we commemorate the 21st anniversary of AMIA bombing. 21 years. 85 victims. Not a single convict. I have to find the strength to believe that Nisman, the 86th victim, will not have the same fate. And yet...
The following is a 1947 poem by the eclectic Dylan Thomas that Bracesco included in his book. With this, I finish.
Do not go gentle into that good night, Old age should burn and rave at close of day; Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
Though wise men at their end know dark is right, Because their words had forked no lightning they Do not go gentle into that good night.
Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay, Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
Wild men who caught and sang the sun in flight, And learn, too late, they grieved it on its way, Do not go gentle into that good night.
Grave men, near death, who see with blinding sight Blind eyes could blaze like meteors and be gay, Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
And you, my father, there on the sad height, Curse, bless me now with your fierce tears, I pray. Do not go gentle into that good night. Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
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