The book is not worth reading due to its repetitions and lack of depth; a summary would suffice. The author attempts to conceal his ideological religiThe book is not worth reading due to its repetitions and lack of depth; a summary would suffice. The author attempts to conceal his ideological religious motives under the guise of being a liberal thinker raised in the US, using this to undermine US efforts in promoting democracy. He attributes the failure of democracy in the Middle East to the US rather than the people of the region. Instead of approaching his thesis from a multidimensional perspective—considering religious, cultural, economic, and political factors—he exclusively blames the US.
The author fails to acknowledge that liberalism and democracy typically reinforce each other in a cycle. However, in the Middle East, this cycle is distorted due to cultural and religious influences. Manipulated forms of fake liberalism are used to gain democracy, which then leads to illiberalism and ultimately theocracy. Consequently, rather than an authoritarian regime driven by self-interest, the region ends up with religious authoritarianism.
Furthermore, labeling the US mission of spreading democracy as "hypocrisy" is ignorant and shows a lack of understanding of US foreign policy history....more
In this book, the author outlines four distinct eras of American foreign policy. The first era, which he terms "Weak Power," encompasses the period duIn this book, the author outlines four distinct eras of American foreign policy. The first era, which he terms "Weak Power," encompasses the period during which Americans secured their independence from Britain. By leveraging effective political tools such as sanctions, the United States not only gained independence but also expanded its territory and experienced significant economic growth, particularly following the Industrial Revolution.
The second era, referred to as "Great Power," began with World War I. During this time, the United States joined forces with other nations to defeat Germany twice and Japan once. Additionally, the country navigated the Great Depression with minimal damage compared to the rest of the world.
The third era, labeled "Superpower," emerged after World War II. In this stage, the United States successfully contained the Soviet Union and used both economic and military strategies to contribute to its eventual collapse.
However, the fourth era, which the author calls "Hyperpower," saw a decline in American success. The author argues that this decline was due in part to the expansion of NATO, which alienated Russia after the Cold War—a situation that might have been avoidable. Furthermore, the U.S. withdrew from the Middle East with the belief that liberal values would prevail on their own, a stance that the author attributes to overconfidence. The book highlights that the post-Cold War era, particularly under President Clinton, saw a belief that globalization would promote economic growth, which in turn would foster democratic governance and peaceful foreign policies. While the 20th century provided some support for these assumptions, the experiences of post-Cold War Russia and China did not align with these expectations.
The book is an engaging read, particularly because it offers a detailed overview of U.S. history beginning in 1765, highlighting the strategies the Founding Fathers used to shape the country's foreign policy framework. However, the author occasionally provides overly simplistic explanations for the actions and decisions of various U.S. administrations, which I believe may have been influenced by more complex considerations beyond just tactical choices. ...more
In this book, the author meticulously examines U.S. intervention in the Middle East, detailing events from the presidency of Jimmy Carter to that of JIn this book, the author meticulously examines U.S. intervention in the Middle East, detailing events from the presidency of Jimmy Carter to that of Joe Biden. Each chapter focuses on the significant decisions made by various administrations that profoundly influenced the U.S. presence in the region. The book provides a thorough analysis of how these decisions were formulated and their long-term impacts, starting with deterrence against the USSR and moving to the strategic shifts in U.S. policy post-9/11.
Additionally, the book highlights the U.S. efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, noting the genuine attempts of several presidents to address the Palestinian crisis while maintaining Israeli satisfaction. This topic is explored in depth in the final chapter, where the author identifies it as one of the most positive aspects of U.S. intervention, alongside economic investments and the Iran nuclear deal initiated by Obama and later halted by Trump.
This compelling and informative book serves as an excellent reference on American intervention in the Middle East. It is highly recommended for those interested in the subject and can also be seen as a roadmap for future U.S. strategic positioning in the region....more
Lebanon's strategic location on the Mediterranean, bordered by Israel and Syria, amplifies its importance despite its small size and internal divisionLebanon's strategic location on the Mediterranean, bordered by Israel and Syria, amplifies its importance despite its small size and internal divisions among eighteen recognized religious sects. These divisions and local factions seeking external support make Lebanon a focal point for regional and global powers, including the United States, whose involvement has historically oscillated between deep engagement and withdrawal. This pattern has often resulted in diminished American influence and strengthened adversaries like Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah. The author's connection to Lebanon began with his grandparents' fondness for the country, leading to a career that saw him deeply involved in Lebanese-American relations. His experiences underscore the complexities and challenges of foreign policy in a region fraught with conflict, where American actions and inactions have significant consequences. The book offers insights and recommendations for navigating this long-standing and intricate relationship.
The book under review traces American diplomacy towards Lebanon from its independence in 1943 to the aftermath of the Cedar Revolution and the July 2006 war, emphasizing the significant impacts of US actions. It highlights six key episodes: the assertion of US commitment to colonial independence in 1943-44, military intervention to restore order during Lebanon’s civil conflict in 1958, efforts to prevent a Syrian-Israeli clash in 1976, intervention in 1982-84 to mitigate Israel's invasion consequences, the US's strategic withdrawal in the 1990s which bolstered Syrian and Iranian influence, and the mixed outcomes of the Cedar Revolution in 2004. The book argues that US policy towards Lebanon has been marked by inconsistent engagement, often oscillating between intense involvement and neglect, resulting in diminished American influence and increased power for adversaries like Syria and Hezbollah. It concludes that a more consistent, balanced approach might have yielded better long-term stability and reduced crises. The author frequently reiterates that Americans tended to assume Locke's normative principles apply to Lebanon. At the same time, most Lebanese acknowledge their reality as more akin to the world described by Hobbes and Machiavelli. He adds that this oscillatory approach often confused Lebanese allies and was exploited by opponents.
In Chapter 1, the author discusses the US diplomatic intervention that led to the independence of Lebanon in 1943. The transformation of American involvement in Lebanon from the pre-World War II era to the post-war period marks a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy. Initially, the American presence in Lebanon was primarily characterized by missionary work and educational initiatives, exemplified by the establishment of the American University of Beirut (AUB). Official U.S. interest was limited to protecting American citizens and ensuring trade access. However, World War II catalyzed a dramatic change in this approach. The war brought Lebanon's strategic importance into focus for the United States. Concerns about German expansion in the region, particularly after the invasion of France, heightened American interest in Lebanese independence from France. American diplomat George Wadsworth was pivotal in advocating for Lebanese autonomy, reflecting the shift from "disinterested benevolence" to active political engagement. This change was driven by multiple factors: emerging Cold War dynamics, the desire to secure access to Middle Eastern energy resources, and the need to prevent Soviet influence in the region. Through diplomatic efforts, including pressure at the 1943 Cairo summit, the U.S. successfully opposed French attempts to retain sovereign advantages in Lebanon, even when initially faced with British support for France. This marked America's first significant political intervention in Lebanon and set the stage for a more prominent U.S. role in the country and the broader Middle East in the post-war era.
In Chapter 2, the author discusses the events that led to the American intervention in Lebanon in 1958. Lebanon was facing a domestic conflict between the Maronite Christians, led by President Camille Chamoun, and Sunni Muslims who felt politically and economically disadvantaged. Regionally, there were tensions between Arab nationalist movements led by Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and Western-oriented regimes. The Soviets supported these Arab nationalist movements. The US, fearing Soviet influence in the region, sent marines to Lebanon in 1958 to support the Chamoun government. This was the only military intervention initiated by President Dwight Eisenhower during his presidency. The US intervention achieved its short-term goal of restoring stability but did not address the underlying problems in Lebanon's governance and social structure.
In Chapter 3, the author discusses the US Intervention of 1976 to prevent a Syrian-Israeli clash. The author explains how Lebanon, a country with a fragile sectarian balance, descended into civil war in 1975 due to the National Pact's Limitations, Rise of Palestinian Fedayeen, Weak Central Government and External Influences. The US played a limited role focusing primarily on the containment of the USSR in the region and that the Lebanese conflict does not spill off borders. Washington considered Lebanon marginal to U.S. interests, but American neglect and unintended consequences of diplomacy after the 1973 war contributed to Lebanon’s fifteen-year conflict. Initial indifference to Lebanese pleas for help against Palestinian encroachments, followed by a modest diplomatic initiative by Dean Brown, failed to prevent long-term instability. While Brown's mission temporarily eased tensions and aligned U.S. and Syrian interests, it ultimately led to Syrian occupation and the erosion of Lebanese sovereignty. The U.S.'s focus on broader Middle Eastern peace and its inability to address core issues in Lebanon, such as Palestinian demands, exacerbated the civil war, resulting in significant national security problems for both the U.S. and Israel. The Ford administration's acceptance of Syrian intervention and the failure to engage in sustained, practical support for Lebanese state institutions contributed to Lebanon's descent into prolonged conflict.
In Chapter 4, the author discusses the US intervention of 1982-84 to mitigate the consequences of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. In the 1980s, Iran, allied with Syria, effectively thwarted U.S. objectives in Lebanon by reversing Israeli gains, dismantling an American-brokered peace deal, and compelling the evacuation of U.S. military and diplomatic personnel. This success led the U.S. to withdraw from Lebanon and engage in the controversial arms-for-hostage deal with Tehran. The Reagan administration's initial phase in Lebanon saw a successful combination of military force and diplomacy, achieving PLO withdrawal from Beirut. However, the second phase was marred by unrealistic goals, misalignment of military and diplomatic efforts, and inadequate responses to the evolving political and military landscape. The intervention faded when a truck exploded in the barracks of US and French troops in Beirut, killing 241 Americans and 58 French personnel, marking the deadliest day for US Marines since Iwo Jima. The U.S.'s failure to counter Iranian and Syrian influence in Lebanon, coupled with internal bureaucratic stalemates, ultimately led to a disengagement that left Lebanon unstable and allowed Hezbollah to gain a foothold.
In Chapter 5, the author discusses the “Syria First” policy by the Clinton administration during the early 90s. During the Clinton administration, Syria was seen as crucial for achieving comprehensive peace for Israel and countering Iran, which led to tensions in US policy toward Lebanon. Despite the Taef Accord's emphasis on Lebanese independence and sovereignty, US officials accepted Syrian troops' presence in Lebanon, hoping they would help disarm Hezbollah in an Israeli-Syrian peace context. This focus on Assad brought no breakthroughs for Israel but allowed him to consolidate power over Lebanon. US officials believed Assad could ensure stability in Lebanon and peace for Israel, yet achieving a firm commitment from him proved elusive. Hezbollah grew more integrated with the Lebanese Shia identity. Lebanon became a battleground between Israel and Hezbollah, with Hezbollah provoking two significant Israeli military operations that ultimately increased its popularity. US-brokered ceasefires acknowledged Hezbollah as a significant player. By 2000, Israeli tolerance for conflict in the security zone waned, leading to an IDF withdrawal that Hezbollah capitalized on, reinforcing its "resistance" role.
In Chapter 6, the author discusses the events that led to the Cedar Revolution and the American intervention. Between 2004 and 2008, American policy actively engaged with Lebanon, influenced by the broader Middle East context, notably the Iraq War. Unlike past involvements in 1958 and 1982-4, this period did not involve US military action, partly due to the painful memories of the Reagan era. The US and France exerted diplomatic pressure on Syria to end its occupation of Lebanon and its support for regional insurgencies, leading to the Syrian withdrawal and a UN investigation into the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq El-Hariri. Despite initial successes, Lebanon remained deeply divided, with Hezbollah, supported by Iran and Syria, maintaining significant influence. The 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war further complicated matters, undermining US influence and leading to increased Arab state involvement. Efforts culminated in the Doha Agreement, which failed to resolve Lebanon's deep-seated issues, contributing to ongoing political and socioeconomic instability. The freedom agenda succeeded in ending the Syrian occupation. Still, this agenda proved inadequate in addressing the entrenched power of Hezbollah, highlighting the challenges of promoting democracy in a context dominated by armed groups.
In Chapter 7, the author discusses American diplomacy toward Lebanon from 2008 to the early 2020s. It describes how U.S. policy towards Lebanon was often inconsistent and influenced by broader regional issues like Arab-Israeli peace efforts, Iran policy, and the Syrian civil war. The Obama administration initially pursued engagement with Syria and Iran, but these efforts were complicated by the Arab Spring and Syrian conflict. The Trump administration took a harder line against Iran and its proxies like Hezbollah. Throughout this period, Lebanon faced political gridlock, economic crisis, and Hezbollah's growing influence. The Biden administration worked to reestablish relations with Iran, but Iran remains undeterred. On the other hand, the U.S. maintained some consistent policies, including support for the Lebanese military, pushing for reforms tied to financial aid, and mediating a maritime border deal between Lebanon and Israel in 2022.
In the last Chapter, the author argues that Lebanon's importance to American interests has been episodic, primarily due to its strategic location, leading to oscillating periods of intense involvement and neglect. The author critiques this approach, advocating for a more consistent, modest level of engagement to better manage crises and maintain partnerships. The author examines factors influencing U.S. policy, including domestic politics, relationships with allies like Israel, and approaches to regional powers such as Syria and Iran. It identifies missed opportunities for more effective engagement and emphasizes the importance of skilled diplomacy. The analysis concludes by calling for a more holistic, realistic, and patient approach to foreign policy in Lebanon and the broader Middle East, stressing the need to restore American deterrence in the region.
The book is well-written and, in my opinion, serves as a significant reference on U.S. foreign policy toward Lebanon. The detailed accounts of each event make it an invaluable resource for researchers studying the political history of Lebanon, especially as it provides the American perspective and narrative on the unfolding of events.
Very interesting book about the overall assessment of empires and what led to their decadence. The author argues that wealth is one of the factors thaVery interesting book about the overall assessment of empires and what led to their decadence. The author argues that wealth is one of the factors that lead to that. Wealth is an individualistic gain that turn the focus of people from common good and social caring into personal benefit. Other than wealth, the author seems to present the conservative values as the ones protecting empires from decay. Weakening of religiosity, high immigration rate and unbalanced diversity, the welfare state in addition to other factors all contribute to the decadence of empires. His argument is that empires live an average of 250 years and then start having the mentioned issues that leads to its decay. Many examples are given from Roman, Arabs, mamluks, Turks, British,etc... that illustrates his point of view. The book is very short and easy to read. ...more
Very interesting book that gives how the geopolitical powers will be in the next 100 years and how influential those countries will be. Some of the in Very interesting book that gives how the geopolitical powers will be in the next 100 years and how influential those countries will be. Some of the interesting quotes from the book:
Its rise will be the result not of the chaos caused by the fall of the Soviet Union, but of new dynamics. Anger does not make history. Power does. And power may be supplemented by anger, but it derives from more fundamental realities: geography, demographics, technology, and culture. All of these will define American power, just as American power will define the twenty-first century.
Old institutions have shattered, but new ones have not yet emerged. The twenty-first century will be a period in which a range of new institutions, moral systems, and practices will begin their first tentative emergence. The first half of the twenty-first century will be marked by intense social conflict globally. All of this frames the international struggles of the twenty-first century.
Given what we have seen of American grand strategy, the United States is not inclined to begin a conflict itself, unless it is faced with an aggressive regional power seeking to in crease its security to the point of being able to threaten American interests in a fragmented Eurasian landmass.
China does not represent a geopolitical fault line in the next twenty years. Its geography makes that unlikely under any circumstances, and China’s level of military development needs more than a decade to overcome this geographical limit. ...more
Very interesting read about how civilizations compete in order to spread their values in an effort to gain the world order. The clash between differenVery interesting read about how civilizations compete in order to spread their values in an effort to gain the world order. The clash between different civilization should usually lead to the dominance of the most powerful and the most organized. However, according to the author, this may not always be true. The heart of the matter is that religion and culture divide and will remain to divide people. The author gives a historical overview of how the world at a certain stage was multipolar, bipolar and unipolar in terms of world dominance. He mainly focuses on western civilization and how powerful it is to transform the world. However, this powerful civilization is being targeted by other emerging powers; Islam, orthodoxy or Chinese and that western civilization have to protect itself and its heritage to remain dominant. His measure of power decay is when the population is comfortable with what they achieved....more
"Liberalism failed because it had succeeded". This statement summarizes Deneen's book on liberalism and how liberal ideas shaped the world we live in."Liberalism failed because it had succeeded". This statement summarizes Deneen's book on liberalism and how liberal ideas shaped the world we live in. Liberal ideas have been attractive to students, educated masses and post world wars culture but it has presented lots of contradictions in values and its practices. Moreover, to cure problems resulting from liberalism, we should not apply more liberal measures. The author presents a very good argument relating conservatism in the US as being a classical liberalism while what is widely known as liberalism as progressive liberalism through their definition and perspective about the concept of the government. The author also gives an excellent argument about how through the philosophy of Descartes and Hobbes where they considered irrational religious beliefs and traditions as a catalyst for social conflicts and thus one should resort to individualistic thought experiments to determine its validity. Liberalism fails to satisfy the Descartian and the Hobbesian social remedy but rather tries to replace irrational religious and cultural norms but other irrational ones as well. For example, social constructivism is one of the tools liberalism has been using to neutralize many religious and cultural norms but has failed to be a rational antithesis in many arguments....more
The book is an interesting book about the history of Lebanon. The reader will definitely learn a lot about the modern history of Lebanon starting fromThe book is an interesting book about the history of Lebanon. The reader will definitely learn a lot about the modern history of Lebanon starting from the 16th century. However, the author's political affiliation made him draw certain relations and conclusions that are not objective and are not reliable mainly about the Phalangists and the Lebanese Forces. I mention some of the shortcomings: 1- Hafez Assad wanted to help the Christians of Lebanon against the Palestinians in 1976. This is not completely accurate although it is true that the Syrian army entered Lebanon to assist the Christians against the Palestinians. However, the reason was mainly for Syria's interest and to limit the power of PLO fearing their power will expand and reach Syria. Actually, when Sadat signed the peace treaty with Israel in Camp David, Assad's attitude changed completely towards the PLO after he concluded that they will be cornered by Jordan, Egypt, KSA, etc... and things started taking a turn. 2- The author mentioned that Bachir Gemayel is a fundamentalist, Christian. This is a biased conclusion. He was not a fundamentalist. All that it takes is to listen to all of his speeches and read his lectures and one can clearly conclude that he was not a fundamentalist. 3- The author compares the triplicate agreement in 1986 with Taef and mentions that those who rejected it in 1986 accepted Taef. This is not true. The two agreements although they shared some common items but were completely different. Moreover, the balance of power has changed from 1986 till 1989 so acceptance and rejection is subject to power proportionality....more
One of the best books on political order and its evolution starting with the state of nature and reaching the formation of states and ending with the One of the best books on political order and its evolution starting with the state of nature and reaching the formation of states and ending with the French revolution. The author believes that in order to have a functional state, there are three ingredients; The state and its institutions, the rule of law and accountability via liberal democracy. The book is divided into two main parts: In the first part, the author starts with the basic theories of the state of nature and the emergence of kinship as a first step in the formation of the society. He gives a very nice description of the political theory of Aristotle that was built on the understanding that a man is a political being in nature. He then gives the other point of view about the theory that social interaction is a construct and not part of human nature starting with the most extreme like Hobbes and then with more moderate theories like that of Locke and Rousseau. The author relies on Hamilton's theory that kinship has risen due to biological reasons. He then discusses the evolution from kinship to the path of state formation reaching feudalism and then the emergence of states. He gives an excellent rationale for the role of the Catholic church in weakening kinship in Europe and its role in state formation in the European states in addition to its role in re-emerging the Justinian laws in the 11th century Europe which led with Pope Gregory to reform very important practices in the church that put the separation between state and church on its first steps. He gives in the first part an explicit treatment in the formation of the state in China, India and the Middle East. In the second part, he discusses the emergence of the rule of law and its evolution in Europe starting in the 6th century Europe after the fall of the Roman Empire. He continues to discuss accountability through a treatment of the history of the taxation systems and the evolution of democracy and how it helped shaped the political order in many of the developed countries worldwide. Highly recommended read......more
Whether one agrees with the author that liberal democracy is the end of history or not, one cannot deny that the book is an eye opener to great theoriWhether one agrees with the author that liberal democracy is the end of history or not, one cannot deny that the book is an eye opener to great theories in political science and philosophy. From the author’s perspective, the need for recognition suggested by Hegel as the driving force of social freedom, led to the fall of all other political systems from communism and fascism and has proved that liberal democracy is the last system standing and will prevail. There is no completely balanced system between liberty and equality in any society but democracy has proven to be the closest to Bali inn both. The book is highly interesting and it has a lot of important information that gives the reader a broader point of view about politics and philosophy. Highly recommended read....more
Albright gives a historic evolution of fascism and how things started piling up with Mussolini and how the ideas propagated to Hitler after WWI. She cAlbright gives a historic evolution of fascism and how things started piling up with Mussolini and how the ideas propagated to Hitler after WWI. She continues to present other examples of fascist rulers after WWII in counties all over the globe reaching to our current time. She present many current rulers as fascist without saying it by only presenting their actions and by giving different alterations to the definition of fascism. She ends by President Trump and how he is undermining democratic values and how he has been exacerbating the American image worldwide mainly with countries that had bad history with the US while also compromising relations with historic allies....more
An eye-opener about the difference between geostrategy and geopolitics. The book discusses why American supremacy is likely to remain and how the US dAn eye-opener about the difference between geostrategy and geopolitics. The book discusses why American supremacy is likely to remain and how the US differentiates clearly between geostrategic countries and geopolitically important ones and how the approach with each is being implemented. A very interesting book that literally resembles a chess game when it comes to international relations. Highly recommended read....more
The book gives the reasons behind the decline in the Islamic world and the big cultural, educational and scientific gap between the West and the IslamThe book gives the reasons behind the decline in the Islamic world and the big cultural, educational and scientific gap between the West and the Islamic world that had a pretty decent openness and progress during the dark ages in Europe. Many reasons contribute to that mainly; the stays of women in the society, the lack of separation between religion and state, the reluctance to accept western values and learn from it due to the rise of conspiracy theories. The author believes that middle eastern state spent their time answering the question: who did this to us rather than what went wrong. And it is usually easier to blame others for misfortunes. The book is highly interesting but I believe there are some inaccuracies when it comes to the history of Europe....more
The book challenges the concept that America is a real Christian nation. The author believes that the economic and the social systems that are based oThe book challenges the concept that America is a real Christian nation. The author believes that the economic and the social systems that are based on libertarianism, individualism and on the lack of social teachings have led to the emergence of a greedy society that does not take human dignity into consideration as the focal point of all social issues. The author then evaluates the American and mainly the Republican approach to the issues of immigration, tolerance, and racism from human dignity point of view to arrive at the conclusion mentioned above. It is a good read but there are lots of repetitions of the same ideas in different chapters. His approach is a pacifist approach that lacks sometimes a realistic compatibility with the human nature and it lacks a methodology of bridging between us as humans and the perfect human that the author is aiming for....more
The book discusses the evolution of military warfare through history and then considers the military warfare strategies used in three missions by the The book discusses the evolution of military warfare through history and then considers the military warfare strategies used in three missions by the US; military intervention in Lebanon, in Somalia and in Afghanistan. The author lists the objectives of the three missions and evaluates whether the objectives were met. He also discusses the reasons behind the failure of the missions of Lebanon and Somalia and the incompleteness of the mission of Afghanistan through discussing human intelligence, force capability, static defense, nation-building, and idiosyncrasy. I liked the book although there are certain historical inaccuracies about the history of Lebanon which I can pinpoint. ...more
The Author disagrees with Hobbes on the fact that the man in the state of nature was not compassionate and that he was only driven by his ego which crThe Author disagrees with Hobbes on the fact that the man in the state of nature was not compassionate and that he was only driven by his ego which created a balance of power and preserved his existence. So the author concludes that inequality is the result of social institutions and was not inherited from the state of nature. I am sure the book two centuries ago was highly interesting but reading it nowadays offers nothing new to readers. Moreover, many ideas that the author presents are explained by the theory of evolution. ...more
This book is about the history of Lebanon and mainly about the interaction between the different sects in a country where in his opinion, tribalism isThis book is about the history of Lebanon and mainly about the interaction between the different sects in a country where in his opinion, tribalism is the ruling force of this interaction. The main point of this book that the author tried to make is that Maronites in particular and Christians, in general, are originally Arabs. However, he blames Muslims for distorting history and identifying the history of Arabs with the history of Islam which created a sense of rejection for Christians to acknowledge this identity. I believe the author did not really present any pieces of evidence of this claim but rather trying to connect certain dots together to reach this conclusion. The book offers an acceptable summary of the history of Maronites and the history of their survival that dates back to the 6th century when St. Maroun and his followers disagreed about the nature of Christ with other Arab Christian sects and had to face persecutions and then their immigration to the North of Lebanon wherein the 11th century and with the support of the crusades, they started channeling their political energy. The good relations with the Druze in Mount Lebanon from the 16th till the 19th century brought a sense of stability for both until 1860. Then for the establishing of Greater Lebanon in 1920 where the Maronites played the major role with the French to have the present day Lebanon. The political turmoil in his opinion will continue in Lebanon as long there is no clear acceptance to the historical facts without different sects undermining the roles of other sects. ...more
One of the must-read books in the geostrategic politics. The author gives the history of world order starting in Europe and how the peace of WestphaliOne of the must-read books in the geostrategic politics. The author gives the history of world order starting in Europe and how the peace of Westphalia shaped up the concept of nationalism. He continues to present the European balance of power and how the imbalance led to the major wars of Europe. He also describes the rise of USA as a superpower and lists the advantages that led to the rise. In later chapters, the author also discusses different Asian superpowers at certain times in history and how their interaction led to world order. Highly recommended read....more
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