Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Bhutan: Traditions and Changes
Bhutan: Traditions and Changes
BRILLS
TIBETAN STUDIES
LIBRARY
edited by
HENK BLEZER
ALEX MCKAY
CHARLES RAMBLE
VOLUME 10/5
BHUTAN
Traditions and Changes
PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar
of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford, 2003.
Managing Editor: Charles Ramble.
EDITED BY
JOHN A. ARDUSSI AND FRANOISE POMMARET
LEIDEN
BOSTON
2007
Cover illustration: view overlooking the capital city of Thimphu, Bhutan, from Chos khor rtse
monastery. Photo by John A. Ardussi.
The editors both acknowledge assistance from CNRS, Paris (Centre National de la Re-
cherche Scientifique).
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
ISSN 1568-6183
ISBN 978 90 04 15551 0
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
JOHN A. ARDUSSI AND FRANOISE
POMMARETIntroduction .................................................................. 1
JOHN A. ARDUSSIA Preliminary Investigation
of Bhutanese Castle Ruins and Caves Associated with
Lha sras Gtsang ma ........................................................................... 5
KUNZANG CHODENLo gsar Celebration: the
Significance of Food in the Noble and Religious
Family of O rgyan chos gling (Central Bhutan) ............................... 27
CHRISTOPH CPPERSBstan dzin Chos rgyals Bhutan
Legal Code of 1729 in Comparison with Sde srid Sangs
rgyas rgya mtshos Guidelines for Government Officials ................ 45
TANDIN DORJIAcquiring Power: Becoming a
Pawo (dpa bo) .................................................................................. 53
GEORGE VAN DRIEMOb virulentas nonnularum
herbarum exhalationes ...................................................................... 65
FRANZ-KARL EHRHARDKa thog pa Bsod nams
rgyal mtshan (14661540) and the Foundation of
O rgyan rtse mo in Spa gro................................................................ 73
HOLLY GAYLEYPatterns in the Ritual Dissemination
of Padma Gling pas Treasures ......................................................... 97
UGYEN PELGENRituals and Pilgrimage Devoted to Aum Jo
mo Re ma ti by the Brog pas of Me rag of Eastern Bhutan ........... 121
FRANOISE POMMARETEstate and Deities: a Ritual from
Central Bhutan. The Bskang gso of O rgyan chos gling ................... 135
RICHARD W. WHITECROSSChanging the Contours of the
Legal Landscape: the Jabmi Act 2003 ............................................. 159
INTRODUCTION
JOHN ARDUSSI AND FRANOISE POMMARET
If the papers from the Bhutan panel of the 10
th
seminar of the IATS
(Oxford 2003) have one common theme, it is that of traditional culture
adapting to change. In the case of Bhutan, the traditional world was not
so long ago. It was only in the 1960s that the third king, Jigme Dorji
Wangchuck, seeing the dramatic Chinese takeover in Tibet, began the
process of opening Bhutan to the outside world. Since then, change has
occurred at an accelerating pace. In 1960, there were only foot trails, no
modern schools, no medical clinics, no communications infrastructure.
Today Bhutan is highest among all of the Himalayan states in the UNDP
human development index, and is rapidly making up for lost time.
But change has not come without a price. In many ways, Bhutans
noteworthy cultural traditions, though outwardly vibrant, are in a precar-
ious state. The popular, annual Tshechu dance festivals are well support-
ed and thriving, in part due to the attention from overseas tourists. But in
spite of generous support from the royal family and nine government
five-year plans, many traditional aspects of Bhutanese religion and cul-
ture are in decline. This is especially true of the lesser monuments, local
traditions, and village cultural practices that are losing their relevance in
the modern world. They are dwindling for lack of practitioners and the
breakup of the traditional socio-religious network. Links to the past are
being severed. In this volume, ten authors have contributed papers that in
various ways highlight this trend, in the context of events ranging from
the 9
th
to the 21
st
centuries. Collectively they make the case for the urgent
need to document and study the transformation of Bhutans culture from
traditional to modern.
In pre-modern Bhutan, legal and social disputes were settled by medi-
ation and the application of traditional law. Whitecross examines how the
role of traditional specialists called jabmi and barmi are being supplant-
ed by lawyers trained in modern law, incorporating legal concepts often
borrowed from other countries. However Cppers paper shows that even
in the 18
th
century, Bhutans legal code borrowed from outside prece-
dents, namely Tibetan legal codes.
The term Bon in Bhutan is understood as a corpus of non-Buddhist
practices, and does not refer to the religious school called Bon. In vil-
lages, religious specialists were less likely to be Buddhist monks than
they were to be lay practitioners. They included Bon ritualists called
Pawo. Tandin Dorji writes about this specialty and how the skills are
handed down to successors, either hereditarily or through an external
apprenticeship. He shows that the tradition is gradually dying out as
young people turn to other careers based in global modernity. Similarly,
Ugyen Pelgen examines fading traditional Bon religious practices
among the pastoralists of Merak and Sakteng, one of Bhutans most
remote regions in far eastern Bhutan. There, the Pawo and Pamo lead
villagers in annual rituals of praise to local mountain deities, in partic-
ular to Jomo Remati. The yearly pilgrimage to her abode implies a total
lapse of normal social behaviour.
Two papers, those of Choden and Pommaret, focus on grand festivals
staged at the manor of a 19
th
century noble family from central Bhutan,
the magnificent estate of Ogyan Choeling in Bumthang. Kunzang
Choden, who grew up there with her brother, recalls how special foods
were (and still are) prepared and served at these festivals, especially
Losar, to honour family, servants and guests. She describes the etiquette
presiding over the meals and reflecting the different strata of the soci-
ety of central Bhutan. Pommarets paper looks at the broader social-
anthropological context of the Kangso festival still held today in
autumn, and its function in renewing ties of traditional obligation to
neighboring families who played a defined role in the extended affairs
of this domain and its owners. She also examines the links between the
protective deities of this noble family and the legitimacy of their tradi-
tional power. Today, the central tower of the Ogyan Choeling manor
houses a private museum and a library that beautifully and authentical-
ly document the economic and religious life of Bhutans nobility dur-
ing earlier centuries.
Although Bhutan is commonly perceived as a country with one reli-
gious school, the Drukpa Kagyupa form of Tibetan Buddhism, in fact,
Nyingmapa religious traditions have been established there since the
time of Padmasambhava. The papers of Ehrhard and Gayley both exam-
ine aspects of Nyingmapa tradition in Bhutan during the 15
th
16
th
cen-
turies. In western Bhutan, Nyingmapa influence was centred at the
monastery of Orgyan Tsemo, perched on a cliff above the famous
Taktsang monastery in the Paro valley. Ehrhard describes the founding
2 JOHN ARDUSSI AND FRANOISE POMMARET
of this monastery by a Tibetan monk from Kathog monastery in east-
ern Tibet, who also was an early Nyingmapa pioneer in Sikkim. Gayley
writes about the Bhutanese treasure-finder Pema Lingpa, and focuses
on the process and challenges of self-legitimisation for such a spiritual
practitioner, basing her analysis on Pema Lingpas bulky 16
th
century
autobiography.
In earlier centuries Bhutan was known poetically as Lho phyogs
sman ljongs, Southern Land of Medicinal Plants. Even today, the gov-
ernment has an aggressive policy of environmental preservation. Vast
reserves of mountain forest are home to dozens of rare plant and animal
species, a biological vista that has been destroyed in other parts of the
Himalayas. George van Driem devotes his paper to a study of two such
Bhutanese plants, species of rhododendron, whose virulent exhala-
tions (i.e. pollen) cause physical symptoms similar to altitude sickness.
They were first described in Nepal by 17
th
century European explorers
Johann Grueber and Albert dOrville, but today seem to only survive in
Bhutan.
John Ardussis paper examines Bhutanese ruins associated by tradi-
tion with the exiled 9
th
century Tibetan prince Lhase Tsangma. Many
petty rulers of eastern Bhutan once claimed him as their ancestor,
before they were subdued and incorporated into the 17
th
century state by
the forces of the Zhabdrung Rinpoche. By the end of the 17
th
century
their legends were apparently remembered only by an elite few, and
now seem to elicit interest principally among historians.
Today the Bhutan government has made the preservation of culture
one of its priorities, and efforts are being made to keep the delicate bal-
ance between tradition and modernity. It recognises the need to take
active steps to record and study its cultural heritage. In recent years we
have seen the formation of the National Museum in Paro, the National
Library in Thimphu, the Royal Academy of Performing Arts, the
Institute of Language and Cultural Studies, two Schools for Traditional
Arts and Crafts (Zorig Chusum School)one in Thimphu and one in
Trashi Yangtse in the eastand the Centre for Bhutan Studies, as well
as specialised museums devoted to folk culture and weaving. As for the
National Commission for Cultural Affairs under the Ministry of Home
and Culture, besides coordinating cultural policies, it plays a pivotal
role for the conservation and restoration of historical monuments.
3 INTRODUCTION
A PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION OF BHUTANESE CASTLE
RUINS AND CAVES ASSOCIATED WITH
LHA SRAS GTSANG MA
JOHN ARDUSSI
One of the themes of early Tibet important to the history of Bhutan is
the story of the exiled prince Lha sras Gtsang ma (Figure 1, Plate 1),
eldest of the three sons of emperor Khri Lde srong btsan Sad na legs
(reign c. 800817). He became the legendary progenitor of numerous
petty rulers in eastern Bhutan and Tibetan Mon Yul. Since the
exploratory investigations on this topic by Michael Aris (Aris 1979:
83114; Aris 1986) several new Tibetan texts have become available
that allow us to extend his results, in particular the histories of Nyang
ral, Mkhas pa Ldeu and Neu Paita. During field research in Bhutan
in 2002 (with a brief follow-up in June 2005), I was also able to visit
several little-known sites connected in Bhutanese sources with Gtsang
ma that Michael Aris never visited, including the hilltop castle ruins of
Tsenkhar (Tib. Btsan mkhar) in eastern Bhutan. I wish to report here
mainly on the preliminary results of this field work, and leave to the
future a more detailed examination of the new textual materials.*
GTSANG MA, THE EXILED TIBETAN PRINCE
Numerous minor ruling families along the Himalayas once claimed
their ancestor to have been an exiled prince from Tibets royal dynastic
period. Some of these royal exiles, such as the fabled Khyi kha ra thod
are mentioned mainly in Gter ma literature, i.e. revealed texts from
* The field research for this paper was supported in part by funding from CNRS,
Paris. I would like to thank Franoise Pommaret for first bringing to my attention the
location of Tsenkhar, and to Ugyen Pelgen, a historian on the staff of Sherubtse College
in Kanglung, for offering on-site guidance to these ruins and others nearby at Jamkhar.
I am grateful to the Centre for Bhutan Studies and the Royal Bhutan Army, Gunitsawa,
for facilitating my field investigation in Paro and along the upper Spa chu river, on the
ancient trade route leading to Tibet. All photography is copyrighted by the author, John
Ardussi, except where cited.
later centuries. The story of Gtsang ma, however, is found in most of
the standard histories. According to Tibetan tradition he was a commit-
ted Buddhist, caught up in fraternal conflict over succession to the
throne and was exiled to the south by supporters of his younger broth-
er, prince Glang Dar ma, whom later historians held responsible for the
anti-Buddhist purge at the end of the Yar lung dynasty.
1
The bare theme
of Gtsang mas religious martyrdom in early sources became grist for
the mill of later Tibetan historians who padded the account of his exile
to the south in order to build their case against anti-Buddhist elements
within the ruling circle. Even his name, Gtsang ma, may have been
adjusted to serve this purpose.
2
The normally sober historian Dpa bo
Gtsug lag phreng ba, for instance, reproduced in the Mkhas pai dga
ston (1565) part of an old verse chronicle in which Gtsang ma is depict-
ed as a virtual Buddhist martyr. The prince is said to have himself
rejected the throne like excrement, taking Buddhist ordination instead.
As to his exile, we are told that:
Lha sras Gtsang ma was expelled to Mon Yul. At the point where the
monks, scholars, and translators had conducted him to the edge of the
Gtsang po river, he said:
All of the kings ministers have consulted on it,
So I am going to the frontier, powerless to remain.
What means have I against exile,
Though I am without blame?
Oh monks, peaceful in mind, I beg you to turn back!
My mind is made up; let the boats lines be cast away!
Saying thus, he went to Kho thing in Lho brag where, it is said, he was
poisoned to death, by Sna nam bza Mang rje.
3
The 5
th
Dalai Lama lauds Gtsang mas commitment to Buddhism even
more effusively in his history of Tibet written in 1643, the year after his
own enthronement in Lhasa:
As for the eldest son Gtsang ma, he was enticed by the cotton cloth
draped about the fair form of the Mistress of the Heavens [the Milky
Way], inveigling him towards the wondrous show at the horizon of
6 JOHN ARDUSSI
1
The birth order of the three surviving sons of emperor Khri Lde srong btsan Sad
na legs (reign c. 800817) is presented differently in other sources (for references, see
Srensen 1994: 410 fn, and Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs 1993: 54243).
2
In some early MSS, his name is spelled Rtsang ma or Btsan ma, raising the sus-
picion that the switch to the form Gtsang ma (The Pure) may be tied to the legend of
his Buddhist convictions. Tucci 1947: 314; Aris 1979: 84.
3
Mkhas pai dga ston, Ja: 131a, 134b.
worldly existence. But he saw it as being impermanent like a banner flut-
tering in the wind, indeed as the very root cause of a hundred sins! And
so instead he allowed himself to be grasped by the highest Thought of
Enlightenment and entered into the Jinas precious order.
4
Clearly, we cannot depend on late rhetoric such as this for accurate his-
tory.
GTSANG MAS DATE OF BIRTH
Before discussing other elements of Gtsang mas life story, let us deal
with the question of his dates. Until Nyang rals history became avail-
able to scholars, the oldest known accounts of Gtsang ma were the
redacted Sba bzhed as edited by Stein (1961) and a brief political his-
tory by the Sa skya scholar Grags pa Rgyal mtshan entitled Bod kyi
rgyal rabs (late 12
th
early 13
th
century), which describes his fate in two
separate passages evidently cut and pasted from earlier chronicles:
(1) Khri Lde srong btsan took the throne. Khri Btsan ma, the eldest of
his three sons by queen Bro bza Lha rgyal Gung skar ma, was sent into
exile in Lho Bum thang, where he was poisoned to death by [queens]
Brom bza Legs rje and Sna nam bza Me rje theu.
(2) The eldest of the three [sons] was Gtsang ma (rtsang ma), [born] in
an Iron Male [Dragon] year. He did not take the ruling power, and was
poisoned in Bum thang of Lho brag by Bro bza Legs rje and Sna nam
Mang mo rje. But his ruling line still resides there.
5
Very similar passages are also contained in the much rarer but more
recently discovered history written in 1283 by Neu / Nel pa Paita,
whose better textual readings enable us to propose the above transla-
tion, and to correct the interpretation of earlier scholars:
7 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
4
Dpyid kyi rgyal moi glu dbyangs 69f: sras che ba gtsang ma ni / srid pai phun
tshogs kyi dga ston mtha dag lha lam lus phrai bzhin ras kyi ngos su dren byed rlung
gi rgyal mtshan khyug pa ltar mi brtan zhing / nyes pa brgya phrag bskyed pai rtsa
bar gzigs te mya ngan las das pai bsam pa mchog gis zin pai sgo nas rgyal bai bstan
pa rin po che la zhugs.
5
See Tucci 1971: 129, 131 for the texts, and Tucci 1947: 31015 for his earlier trans-
lation which differs somewhat from ours. Khri lde srong btsan gyis rgyal sa bzung ngo
// des bro bza lha rgyal gung skar ma bzhes pai sras gsum gyi che ba khri btsan ma
// lho bum thang du bcug nas brom bza legs rje dang / sna nam bza me rje theus dug
gis bkrongs /... // gsum gyi gcen po gtsang ma lcags pho dbyug [cor. brug] // rgyal srid
ma bzung lho brag bum thang du // bro bza legs rje sna nam mang mo rjes // dug gis
bkrongs te de yi srid [b]rgyud bzhugs // .
(1) Khri Lde srong btsan [Sad na legs] took the throne. The eldest of his
three sons, Khri Gtsang ma, was exiled to Lho Mon. There he was poi-
soned to death by [queens] Bro bza Legs rje pa and Sna nam pa. I have
heard it said that his sons descendants were the kings of Ya tse.
6
(2) The eldest of the three [sons] was Gtsang ma [born] in an Iron Male
Dragon year [800 AD]. He did not take the ruling power, and died in
Bumthang of Lho brag.
7
Grags pa rgyal mtshans history thus contains a critical scribal error,
replacing the animal element brug (dragon) by the contextually
meaningless word dbyug (the two syllables appear similar in cursive
Tibetan script in which the ur-text might have been written). Aris
recognised the difficulty but, unaware of Nel pa Paitas work, he
tried to construe the word as spyug (i.e. spyugs) 'banished', which is
ungrammatical.
8
More recently Uebach, in her edition of Nel pa
Paita, correctly interpreted the date, but suggested that it referred to
Gtsang mas death or exile.
9
But this is chronologically impossible if
Glang Dar ma (b. 803) was the one also responsible for these events. In
fact this Iron Male Dragon year, 800 AD, quite evidently refers to his
date of birth, which is thus consistent with the dates of his two younger
brothers in the sources that we have followed.
PRINCE GTSANG MA IN BHUTAN
Less easy to resolve are the vast differences between the versions of
Gtsang mas life story in Tibetan and Bhutanese sources. Whereas the
former mainly report that he was subsequently assassinated in Lho brag
or Bum thang, by supporters of Glang Dar ma, in the traditions of east-
8 JOHN ARDUSSI
6
Ya rtse / Ya tshe was identified long ago by Tucci with Sej in western Nepal,
whose kings prior to the mid-12
th
century claimed descent from the famous Skyid lde
Nyi ma mgon, of Tibetan royal blood (Tucci 1956: 112ff; Petech 1988: 370ff). The
rumor tying Gtsang ma to Ya rtse may have arisen from the fact that, like proto-Bhutan,
Ya rtse was also occasionally known to Tibetans as Lho Mon, i.e. a part of the amor-
phous, primitive southern zone (see the text cited in Petech 1988: 374).
7
Neu Paita: 7, Khri lde srong btsan gyis rgyal sa bzung / dei sras gsum gyi
che ba khri gtsang ma lho mon gyi phyogs su bcugs / bro gza [sic. bza] legs rje pa /
gnan nam pas dug gi[s] bkrongs / dei sras [b]rgyud ni ya rtse rgyal po yin no shes thos
so. P. 13: Gsum gyi gcen po gtsang ma lcags pho brug / rgyal srid ma bzung lho
brag bum thang das /.
8
Aris 1979: 8486, 309.
9
Uebach 1987: 61, 83.
ern Bhutan and Tibetan Mon Yul there was no such assassination.
Instead, Gtsang ma came to the south not as a monk but as a royal fig-
ure, the ancestor of many noble families that once ruled hereditarily
from ridge-top 'kingdoms' and isolated valleys in those regions.
However, in the new form we now have it, the Bhutanese story of
Gtsang ma was not written down until the late 17
th
century, eight hun-
dred years after the events in question and a mere decade or so after
these chiefs were conquered by the Brug pa ecclesiastic authorities
from western Bhutan. The author of this historical work known as
Rgyal rigs byung khungs gsal bai sgron me (hereafter Rgyal rigs) was
a monk from eastern Bhutan, perhaps belonging to one of these prince-
ly families. His purpose was therefore preservation of aristocratic tradi-
tion rather than analytical history.
10
He cited such authoritative Tibetan
works as the Rgyal rabs gsal bai me long, but, as shown earlier by
Aris, he omitted those elements that contradicted the Bhutanese por-
trait of Gtsang ma, including the stories of his exile, his commitment to
Buddhism, and the supposed assassination that were central to his
Tibetan persona. Comparing the two versions, Tibetan and Bhutanese,
it is as if we are discussing two distinct individuals.
BHUTANESE SITES IN WESTERN BHUTAN
CONNECTED WITH GTSANG MA
Many Tibetan accounts agree with Grags pa rgyal mtshan that Gtsang
ma went south to Lho brag or Lho brag Bum thang where he was
assassinated. But most, including the Sba bzhed, Nyang ral, Mkhas pa
Ldeu and the Bhutanese Rgyal rigs, state that he entered Bhutan via
Paro valley in the west, either directly or indirectly from Lho brag. This
would have entailed passing through Phag ri, in the Chumbi valley of
Tibet and crossing Tremola, the main border pass leading to Paro.
Other than the Sba bzhed, the earliest Tibetan history tying Gtsang
ma to Paro is that of Nyang ral (late 12
th
century). It presents an unusu-
al account of Gtsang mas activities in western Bhutan, describing his
9 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
10
On the motivation for its writing, see Rgyal rigs 1: 34. See also Aris (1979:
83146) for a more in-depth appraisal of this work. I have argued elsewhere (Ardussi
forthcoming) that the date of the Rgyal rigs should be 1668, and not 1728 as conclud-
ed by Aris.
travel to a rock cave named Spyal ka in which he is said to have hidden
religious treasures and various royal documents brought from Tibet,
and where he is said to have died and where his mortal remains were
then interred.
11
A Bhutanese cave of this same or similar nameSpa
gro Phug Bcal (spyal and bcal being pronounced the same in Lhasa
Tibetan): Bcal cave in Paro, (numerous spelling variants occur)
also played a central role in the concealment and subsequent rediscov-
ery of many Bon canonical works, allegedly hidden there by a different
Tibetan prince, an uncle of Lha sras Gtsang ma.
12
The recovery of an
entire collection of Bon texts, called the Spa gro ma, is attributed to this
site.
13
The sometime confusion in Tibetan sources between the
Buddhist prince Gtsang ma and his uncle, a supporter of Bon, both
refugees to Mon districts often interpreted as Bhutan, opens up a minor
but fascinating vista into early Tibetan history, perhaps telling us more
about the ancient sources and how they were treated by later sectarian
historians than about factual events. Nevertheless, a relic of Bon po
influence on the persona of Gtsang ma still lingers in recent Bhutanese
writings.
14
There are, thus, several important historical ties in Tibetan literature
to the cave in Paro known as Bcal or Spyal [-ka]. Its identification has
long been a desideratum. During 2002, I visited four previously unde-
scribed sites connected in historical sources with Lha sras Gtsang ma,
two in the Paro valley and two near Trashigang in eastern Bhutan. My
10 JOHN ARDUSSI
11
Chos byung me tog snying po: 43637. De nas lha sras gtsang ma lho brag
kho mthing du byon / zhig ral thams cad gsos / gter tshan gcig sbas / de nas spa gror
byon / skyer chui lha khang rnying pa gsos / gsar pa brtsigs / yab mes kyi bla dpe dang
/ khrims kyi yig tshang dang tshan che ba gcig sbas / stag tshang dang seng ge phug tu
gter kha mang du sbas / spyal kar brgya rtsa brgyad sbas / gter phran mang du sbas /
de nas lha sras gtsang ma la spyan dren med pas thugs mug ste / bsam yas skyer tshang
gi bla dpe zab mo rnams spyan drangs te spyal kai brag la sbas / lha sras nyid der
grongs te / spur yang bse sgrom du bcug nas brag la sbas /.
12
The Bon texts discovered at this cave by Khu tsha Zla od and others are indexed
with brief colophons in Karmay & Nagano 2001: 311. Karmay 1972: 145ff describes
their discovery. Kong spruls Gter ston brgya rtsa and the Lhoi chos byung 2: 69ab
mention other 11
th
century Bonpo gter ston active at this cave.
13
Karmay 1972: 14548.
14
A small history booklet published in Dzongkha in 1969 [revised ed. 1974] with
the title History of Deb Rajas of Bhutan, curiously attributes Gtsang mas expulsion
from Tibet to his commitment to Bon, not to Buddhism (pp. 910). This has been
revised in more recent Ministry of Education textbooks. Lopen Pemas recent history
of Bhutan, on the other hand, follows closely the account in the Rgyal rigs (Brug gyi
rgyal rabs: 4748).
small party spent a week during 2002 exploring first in the upper Paro
valley looking for a cave with the name Spyal ka or Phug Bcal.
Members of the Royal Bhutan Army guided us up the ancient trade
route (Plate 2) to Tremola. We located two rock caves below rampart
cliffs in the upper Spa chu river basin (Plates 3, 4), within about two
miles of the Tibetan border, whose ambience seemed to capture a sense
of the description of Spa gro Phug Bcal given in Bon sources, [a rock
formation] shaped like the gaping mouth of a white lioness with a
waistband as though from the uniform of Mongol militiamen.
15
But
this name seems not to be remembered by modern Bhutanese who, I
learned, do not treat these two caves as sacred sites or sites of histori-
cal significance.
Another early literary description of a site having the name Spyal [-ka]
is the rare biography of the Tibetan monk Rgyal ba Lha nang pa
(11641224) written by his disciple Che mchog rdo rje.
16
Rgyal ba Lha
nang pa is said to have founded a monastery there, ca. AD 1207 , known
as Spa gro Gcal ka or Bcas ka. He resided there for about twelve years,
before returning to Tibet. It became the principal Bhutanese gdan sa of
his successors, a branch of the Bri gung pa sect known as Lha pa. They
became the chief adversaries of the Brug pa monks in western Bhutan,
and Bcas kha was burnt down during a 14
th
century sectarian struggle.
17
The site is described by Che mchog rdo rje as a cave or rock formation
in Paro, having the full name Spyal gyi brag dkar dzum pa, the smil-
ing white rock (cave) of Spyal, a holy site where formerly
Padmasambhava had meditated. This description faintly echoes the
Bon sources cited above by Tenzin Namdak and Samten Karmay.
However, it also calls to mind the old Rnying ma pa cliff-side monas-
teries named Brag dkar po and Rdzong brag kha, located in side valleys
of Paro at a much lower and more hospitable elevation than the upper
Spa chu basin. Work continues on this part of my investigation.
We had more positive luck with a second site in western Bhutan, a
cave named Nam mthong dkar po in the Rgyal rigs (spelled Gnam
11 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
15
Snga rabs bod kyi byung ba brjod pa: 128, citing a historical commentary called
Rnam byed phrul lde. This account draws upon a much older Bon po source which I
have not seen called the Bsgrags byang, a quasi-historical work on Bon po treasure lit-
erature dating from the 12
th
century or before (for this date see Dan Martin 1997, entry
no. 13).
16
Rgyal ba Lha nang pa: 98f.
17
Kha rag gnyos: 16b.
mthong or Nam thang dkar po in other sources). It is found not far from
Paro Rinpung Dzong in Hungral Gewog.
18
According to the Rgyal rigs,
Lha sras Gtsang ma came from Lhasa to Paro on an inspection tour,
along with five companions. He was sent by his brother, the emperor
Ral pa can, to investigate the communities and welfare of his subjects
living in Lho Mon.
19
At Nam mthong dkar po he supposedly formed a
brief liaison with a beautiful girl, who later bore him a son.
20
Today, the
name Nam mthong dkar po
21
is attached to a small rock meditation cave
(Plate 5) located along an exposed ridgeline near an imposing, histori-
cal manor of recent centuries named Zur ri lha khang (Plate 6), a short
distance south and above Paro Rinpung fortress and hidden behind a
ring of trees. Could Zur ri lha khang be a more recent structure now on
the site where the Rgyal rigss 17
th
century aristocratic family claiming
descent from Gtsang ma once lived? This was my initial hypothesis. No
written sources known to me describe anything about the history of this
imposing building, with its vast decaying stone staircase leading down
the mountain.
Yet Spa gro Nam mthong/thang dkar po is a site that has been asso-
ciated with the discovery of gter ma literature since the time of the
Padma thang yig (1352), and is thus important in Tibetan history as
well.
22
Searching for this place, my focus shifted to a site several hun-
dred yards below the ridgeline cave, to an old temple known today as
Nangkar Lhakhang (Snang dkar lha khang) or Namkar Lhakhang, quite
possibly an abbreviated or corrupted version of the name Nam mthong
dkar po. Today, the temple is connected by local people not to Lha sras
12 JOHN ARDUSSI
18
Ariss statement that the place is located in upper Paro is incorrect (1986:78).
19
Rgyal rigs: 21, Rgyal poi zhal nas / gcung [sic.] gtsang ma rang da lo nged
rang rnams kyi sku chags bsangs pa dang / lho mon gyi mnga bangs mi sde rnams kyi
yul khams ji ltar yod dang bde sdug ci dra yod gzigs pa la phebs pas chog zer ba bzhin
lho spa gro phyogs la phebs pa.../.
20
Rgyal rigs: 2527.
21
The meaning of the name was given to me by a nearby caretaker at Zur ri lha
khang, as the cave from within which the sky can be seen. As with so many such
Bhutanese interpretations, this one may be quite modern. Gu bkrai chos byung: 371
provides a different etymology of the name in its Tibetan variant Gnam thang dkar po,
as a gloss on the prediction in the Padma thang yig of a site with this name where
Mongol warriors from India would be defeated and where the Bon priest named Bon
po Drag rtsal would recover various texts (see the following fn.).
22
Padma thang yig: 195.b,197.ab.: Spa gro gnam thang dkar po sog dmag joms
/ las su dme khrug byed cing lcags cha gyon / bum thang rtsi lung sbas pai gter ka di
/ mi bzhag don pai rtags der bstan nas byung /.
13 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
Gtsang ma, but to the exploits of the famous 13
th
century Brug pa pio-
neer Pha jo Brug sgom zhig po. More significantly, it is the site of a
unique annual ritual performance known as the Snang dkar Bzlog,
which, exhibiting a complex scenario poorly understood even by local
people, re-enacts a battle of victory over invading Tibetan armies.
23
This is an important clue, in my opinion, the modern relic of an ancient
myth, that may allow us to tie this site to the obscure verse in the Padma
thang yig (f. 195.b, 197.ab) prophesying the discovery of concealed
treasure texts and the defeat of the Sog (i.e. Mongol) armies at Spa gro
gnam thang dkar po. In short, my working hypothesis is that the cave
and temple described here are the sites relating to the story of Gtsang
mas activities in the Paro valley presented in the 17
th
century Rgyal
rigs, and further back in history to the obscure passage cited above
from the Padma thang yig (f. 195.b, 197.ab) prophesying the discov-
ery of concealed treasure texts and the defeat of the Sog (i.e. Mongol)
armies at Spa gro Gnam thang dkar po.
LHA SRAS GTSANG MAS DESCENDANTS IN THE EAST
Lha sras Gtsang mas party left western Bhutan after a short stay,
according to the Rgyal rigs, and made their way eastward as far as the
bastion of Dpal mkhar in the district of La og Yul gsum near Tawang,
east of modern Bhutan. Finding those lands disturbed by the troubles in
Tibet, they returned to the site of what is now Trashigang, the adminis-
trative centre of eastern Bhutan since the 17
th
century. The story went
that there was a householder living near a place called Mi zim pa,
named A mi Don grub rgyal. He described himself to Gtsang ma as a
Tibetan of the Rlangs Lha gzigs lineage descended from A mi Byang
chub dre bkol (9681076), who had fled his familys estates in the Byar
district of southeastern Tibet after losing a power struggle within the
family.
24
The author of the Rgyal rigs comments here that the Rlangs
family in question is the same as todays Phag mo gru pa, which is to
say, the lineage of the Neu gdong Gong ma chen mo. In other words,
23
Needrup Zangpo, Nang dkar dok (sNang dkar bzlog). In Preservation and
Continuity of Bhutanese Culture. National Museum of Paro [unpublished conference
paper].
24
Rgyal rigs: 26f.
14 JOHN ARDUSSI
A mi Don grub rgyal was related to the most powerful ruling family of
central Tibet during the late 14
th
and early 15
th
centuries. But neither of
these historical snippets concerning the Tibetan Rlangs clan fit with the
chronology of Gtsang ma and, as Aris surmised, look like interpola-
tions added to the story long before the Rgyal rigs was written.
25
Such
an interpolation would probably not have occurred after 1435, when the
Phag mo gru pa rulers of Sneu gdong lost their supremacy in central
Tibet and no doubt also lost whatever nominal authority they may have
asserted over frontier lands such as Lho Mon.
26
Gtsang ma married the daughter of A mi Don grub rgyal, founded a
castle, and had two sons by this marriage named Khri mi Lhai dbang
phyug and Gces bu Mthong legs btsun, who themselves grew up to
become rulers of the Mi zim pa castle and estates. In time, the fame of
their line called Lineage of the Tibetan Dharmarja (bod chos rgyal
gyi gdung) reached other valleys, and Khri mi Lhai dbang phyug was
invited to become hereditary chief of the people of La og Yul gsum
near Tawang. So he left Mi zim pa forever and his lineage, now in
Arunachal Pradesh, came to be called the Khams pa Jo bo. Gces bu
Mthong legs btsun remained at Mi zim pa, married, and had three sons.
One of them, Khri brtan dpal, kept the line at Mi zim pa while his twin
brothers Gong dkar rgyal and Dpal bsked dar were invited to establish
ruling castles in other districts. There they became lord chiefs (rje
dpon) among the common people who welcomed the royal prestige and
political tranquility that these lords conferred.
27
The presence of local rulers having distinctive clan names and pedi-
grees going back to Tibetan royalty was thus at one time an important
attribute of the socio-political landscape of eastern Bhutan and Tibetan
Mon Yul, as discussed previously by Michael Aris (Aris 1979, 1986).
Chapter two of the Rgyal rigs outlines more than twenty lines of local
rulers that derived from the early descendants of Gtsang ma. Branches
of this nobility were to be found in dramatic ridge-top settlements such
25
Aris 1986: 79.
26
Shakabpa, Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs. Vol. 1: 345. The history of the Tibetan
Rlangs clan of Phag mo gru describes a semi-mythical conquest of Mon Kha bzhi (pos-
sibly meaning Lho mon kha bzhi, an old name for Bhutan) by the clan hero Rlangs
Sengge Dul, the date of which is difficult to assign (Rlangs po ti bse ru: 33). Other
Tibetan sources also occasionally imply that the Phag mo gru rulers once asserted their
authority over parts of central Bhutan.
27
Rgyal rigs: 15b, 23ab, etc.
15 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
as Udzarong (U dza rong) and Chaskar (Skya sa mkhar) along the She
ri, Grang mai and Gom ri rivers, in Trashiyangtse and in Trashigang,
as well as further south in Zhemgang and Dungsam. Yet so remote were
they from the main centres of Tibetan culture that these princes go
almost entirely unnoticed in Tibetan studies of the lineage fragments
from the former Yarlung dynasty.
THE RUINS OF BYAMS MKHAR AND BTSAN MKHAR
In 2002 I briefly inspected two ruins in eastern Bhutan that are con-
nected today with the traditions of Lha sras Gtsang ma. Several other
ancient sites in the general area were also brought to my attention, and
all still await formal archaeological investigation.
28
The first site visited by my party was identified as Jamkhar, which I
take to be identical with the place called Byams mkhar or Jam mkhar
in the Rgyal rigs.
29
It is located on a low ridge west of the roadway
about three miles north of Trashigang and south of the modern hillside
village called Jamkhar. The ruins on the site today consist of low, crum-
bling stone walls and foundations that stylistically appear to date from
different periods. Intermingled among them are agricultural plots and
irrigation channels. The ruins at Byams mkhar resemble more an aban-
doned village than a castle site. Alongside the pathway through the site
are found old mchod rten structures, recently vandalised, and a small
prayer wall (Plates 7, 8). Such structures are commonly found along the
hillside trails in this part of Bhutan but none have so far been dated.
A much more important castle site is the ruined bastion known as
Btsan mkhar or Btsan mkhar la, the fortress of the king, located on a
high ridge above the Kho long river, about ten miles northwest of
Trashigang (Plates 9, 10). This ruin is situated in a clearly defensive
location, and could well be the Mi zim pa of history and legend, as local
traditions hold it to be. The Rgyal rigs states that Gtsang ma, on his
return from La og yul gsum and after leaving Byams mkhar, went to
Btsan mkhar of Brog mdo gsum. Looking about for a place suitable to
take as a royal castle (rgyal mkhar) he saw that the place called Mi zim
28
Ugyel Pelgen & Tandin Dorji 1997 report very briefly on these castle sites. See
also Ugyen Pelgen & Tshering Gyeltshen 2004.
29
Rgyal rigs: 12b.
16 JOHN ARDUSSI
pa was surrounded by water, that the valley was rich and the site elevat-
ed.
30
So he went there, took a wife, and built his castle.
Other than the Rgyal rigs this bastion or castle is referred to in only
a single historical source known to me, namely the biography of the
Sixth Dalai Lama, whose mothers family claimed descent from the
exiled Tibetan prince who built it. In that text written by the famous
Tibetan Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (16531705), however, it was
not Lha sras Gtsang ma but rather his uncle, the legendary dog-faced
prince named Khyi kha ra thod who built the castle that this author
calls Mi zim mkhar, which is to say an abbreviation for Mi zim pai
btsan mkhar.
31
Brog mdo gsum is a small village known today as Doksum, along
the river far below the ridge on which the ruined Btsan mkhar is locat-
ed. It hosts the only iron chain link bridge still in use in Bhutan and
which is attributed to the Tibetan saint Thang stong rgyal po
(13851464), who traveled throughout Bhutan and built numerous iron
bridges there during the years 14321437. The saints visit to eastern
Bhutan, although not specifically described in his biography, is hinted
at in its summary and was remembered by the chiefs near Tawang who
were descendants of Gtsang ma, as reported in the Rgyal rigs.
32
Ancient
bridge works and the remains of watch towers on the river crossing
below Trashigang are also attributed to him in local tradition.
The ruins of Btsan mkhar lie strategically along a high ridge over-
looking three valleys, including that of the main river flowing out of
Tawang, which at the time was a frontier area of Tibet. The structure
that we see today consists of a substantial surrounding wall with two
inset windows. It is constructed of stone and supporting beams, from
which we collected a small sample for dating, using C14 methods. The
results place the date when the sampled wooden portion of this build-
ing was harvested to the period 14201435 (with 1-sigma or 68% prob-
ability) or 13051460 (with 2-sigma or 95% probability).
33
Thus, the exposed ruins at Btsan mkhar are not contemporaneous
with Lha sras Gtsang ma. But the C14 date falls exactly within the peri-
30
ibid.: 13a.
31
Dalai Lama VI: 149.
32
Thang stong rgyal po: 82a83b; Rgyal rigs: 29b; Sarkar 1980: 45. In the Sixth
Dalai Lamas biography, the descendant of Gtsang ma from the lineage of Khams pa Jo
bo of Tawang, named Jo bo Dar rgyas, is said to have met this saint and recorded a mir-
acle performed by him (Dalai Lama VI: 150).
33
C14 analysis was performed at Beta Analytic Inc., Miami, Florida.
od of Thang stong rgyal pos visit to Bhutan, during the apex of politi-
cal power and geographic reach of the Phag mo gru hierarchs of Tibet.
In fact, the year 1435 marks the year that began their rapid decline and
the rise of their rivals, the princes of Rin spungs. We recall in this con-
text the comment in the Rgyal rigs about the family of Lha sras Gtsang
mas wife, a branch of the Rlangs family of Phag mo gru that left Tibet
following a fratricidal dispute. The most famous such family rupture
occurred in 1434, referred to by Tibetan historians as the great civil
strife of the Tiger Year, also called the year when Phag mo gru was
destroyed from within.
34
All of these facts together would seem to argue that the bastion of
Btsan mkhar or Mi zim pa as we now know it is a ruin from the period
142540,
35
and does not belong to the time of Lha sras Gtsang ma. It is
certainly possible that it was constructed in the near aftermath of the
Rlangs family breakup of 1434 that precipitated the collapse of Phag
mo gru supremacy in Tibet, by a family branch that lost power and took
refuge in Bhutan. If so, this would be yet another story of how, like the
Zhabdrung Rinpoche two hundred years later, Bhutan served as a place
of refuge for a prominent Tibetan on the losing side of a political dis-
pute. The conflation of local traditions about 9
th
century castles belong-
ing to Lha sras Gtsang ma with those of mid 15
th
century princes is not
terribly surprising in the context of eastern Bhutan, where most histo-
ry passed down through oral transmission alone. Only a single known
source from that era hints at the existence of written records concern-
ing the Bhutanese Gtsang ma.
36
These conclusions, of course, do not rule out the possibility that an
older, 9
th
century bastion may still lie beneath the ruins of Btsan mkhar,
awaiting future archaeological discovery.
17 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
34
Shakabpa (1976) vol. 1: 34445. di la stag loi 1434 sde gzar chen mo am /
phag gru nang zhig gi lo yang zer.
35
The C14 dates refer to the year when the wood stopped growing, i.e. was cut
down. We may suppose that the construction took place within five years or so of these
dates.
36
The 15th-century Bshad mdzod yid bzhin nor bu by Don dam Smra bai seng ge
is the only source corroborating bits of the Bhutanese Gtsang ma tradition and the exis-
tence of early written records. It was written by an author from a Tibetan Mon district
near eastern Bhutan, possibly himself a descendant of Gtsang ma (Smith 1969: 8). It
states that the kings of Lho Mon are the descendants of Lord Gtsang ma, and that the
details were to be found in their written records (Bshad mdzod yid bzhin nor bu: 105.b:
lho phyogs mon gyi rgyal po rnams / mnga bdag rtsang [sic.] mai gdung rgyud yin /
on kyang rang gi yig tshang gzings /).
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fr Zentralasiatische Studien Bayerische Akademie der Wisssenschaften.
19 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
20 JOHN ARDUSSI
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21 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
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22 JOHN ARDUSSI
Plate 3: Rampart cliffs along the Upper Spa chu
Figure 4: Rock Cave along the Upper Spa chu River, Paro, Bhutan
23 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
Plate 5: Entrance to Gnam mthong dkar po Cave, Paro, Bhutan
Plate 6: Zur ri Lha khang, Paro, Bhutan
24 JOHN ARDUSSI
Plate 7: Ruins of Byams mkhar, Trashigang Dzongkhag, Eastern Bhutan
Plate 8: Old mani wall among the ruins at Byams mkhar, near Trashigang, Eastern
Bhutan
25 CASTLE RUINS AND CAVES
Plate 9: 15
th
century ruins of Btsan mkhar castle above Doksum (Brog mdo gsum),
near Trashigang, Eastern Bhutan
Plate 10: Ruins of Btsan mkhar, with nearby prayer wall
LO GSAR CELEBRATION: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF FOOD IN
THE NOBLE AND RELIGIOUS FAMILY OF
O RGYAN CHOS GLING (CENTRAL BHUTAN)
KUNZANG CHODEN
Bhutanese New Year or Losar (Lo gsar),
1
according to the lunar calen-
dar, falls sometime in February-March and it is by far the single most
important semi-religious festival for the entire country. For my family,
Losar did not merely consist of feasting and the revelry but it was the
celebration of time-honoured family tradition, which entailed a certain
set of observances to be carried out meticulously. My parents upheld
their duties as the lama choeje (bla ma chos rje)
2
of Ogyen Choling (O
rgyan chos gling), and they aspired, like the generations before them, to
make Losar as grand as the previous ones, if not better.
The village of Ogyen Choling is located in the upper part of Tang
(Stang) valley in the Bumthang district in the central part of Bhutan.
My ancestral home is a relatively large complex built in the style and
the scale of a dzong (rdzong) or a palace/ fortress. Although it was
sometimes referred to as a dzong, it was more often known as a gompa
(dgon pa) or a monastery because of its origin and history. My fathers
ancestors traced their religious lineage to the 14
th
century Tibetan mas-
ter Longchen Rabjam
3
(130863) and their genealogical lineage to the
1
To make the main text easier to read, I have chosen to use transcription of
Tibetan/Dzongka names and terms. However, the transliteration of each of these words
is given in brackets at its first occurrence. Dz. means Dzongkha. In the notes, only
transliteration is given. Note: for terms that are in the Bumthangkha language or for
which I do not know the transliteration, I use the transcription followed by an asterix.
All photos are by Walter Roder.
2
Bla ma chos rje: From the 9
th
century onwards in western and central Bhutan, the
descendants of well known and respected religious personalities constituted a religious
nobility known as chos rje. In the case of O rgyan chos gling the term bla ma was added
suggesting that members of the household at various times in history also functioned
as religious masters.
3
Kun mkhyen Klong chen rab byams was the most celebrated writer and accom-
plished master of the Rnying ma pa school of Buddhism. He sought refuge in Bhutan
for 10 years after a misunderstanding with Byang chub rgyal mtshan who became the
ruler of Tibet in 1349. He founded eight religious centres in Bhutan known as the 'Eight
gling' and O rgyan chos gling is included as one of them.
saint and tantric treasure-discoverer Dorji Lingpa (13651405) (Plate
1).
4
Throughout history, my fathers ancestors seem to have wielded
considerable power and influence in the region. Even as late as the mid-
1950s, my parents considered the celebration of Losar to be a fulfill-
ment of their duty. They saw it as a matter of their prestige and pride to
ensure that this duty was carried out to the best of their ability.
My mother, an uncle, and one or two trusted senior servants worked
in our private altar room and the fairly large adjoining room, carefully
piling all sorts of eatables on to plates. These special occasion plates,
called thokay (mtho bkal) were made of silver, brass, copper or even
wood. They had a round base which rose up elegantly in an elongated
cylindrical extension to form a shallow plate. It was a challenging,
artistic, and loving endeavour to balance all the food items on top of
each other to heights of about 30cm off the plate (Plate 3). The end
result was a conical structure of food that looked like a free-floating
lotus bud. The mandarins were placed on top of each other in the cen-
tre, they made up the central piece. The golden sugar cane, cut into
about 20cm lengths were positioned symmetrically around the plate as
were the bananas which were still green and not edible, but it was the
auspiciousness of the variety that mattered. All sorts of intricately
crafted and fried biscuits (tshos) were then arranged carefully within
the skeletal fruit framework (Plate 6). Every kind of fruit, dried and
fresh, nuts, candies and biscuits were added to the structure in an intri-
cate and delicate balance.
The size and the elaborateness of each plate was different, indicat-
ing the status of each recipient. Father, as the patriarch and the
genealogical lineage holder (gdung brgyud), upholder of the religious
tradition (chos brgyud),
5
and the ruling feudal lord of the region was
served the biggest and the most elaborate plate. If there was a high lama
or a special guest, he too would receive an equally big and elaborate
plate. My older brother, the logical heir of the lineage and my mother,
mistress of the house, were served the second largest ones. The other
28 KUNZANG CHODEN
4
Rdo rje gling pa is one of the most pre-eminent religious figures in the Rnying ma
pa tradition and one of the five great gter ston or religious treasure revealers. The O
rgyan chos gling gdung brgyud is traced to Rdo rje gling pa whose reincarnation or son
(this is not clear), Sprul sku Mchog ldan mgon po, is held to be the originator of the
lineage.
5
Chos brgyud: O rgyan chos gling has tried to maintain the religious tradition of
Rdo rje gling pa. Even today the ritual of bla ma bka dus is performed during the
annual prayers in the 9
th
month of the lunar calendar. Cf. Pommarets paper in this vol-
ume.
children and the rest of the relatives were given equally-sized plates
while the other invitees were offered plates according to their status and
position. The plates were finally lined up against the wall, given one
last critical scrutiny and the final touches were made, a biscuit was
adjusted here, a nut tapped into position there and these handiworks
were not to touched until the early hours of the next morning when they
would be served to each individual at the Shudrel Phuensum Tshogpa
(bzhugs gral phun sum tshogs pa) ceremony. By observing this ceremo-
ny our family was following a three-hundred-year-old tradition.
This ceremony, performed all over Bhutan, originated in 1637. When
the construction of Punakha dzong was completed, the great Shabdrung
Ngawang Namgyel (Zhabs drung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (15941651),
the unifier of Bhutan, conducted an inaugural ceremony. People from
all over the country came for the celebration bringing with them the
produce from their regions:
Rice and other cereals as well as different varieties of fruits and vegeta-
bles came from the nearby valleys of Shar (Shar), Wang (Wang) and Paro
(Spa gro). Woven fabrics and other products came from the eastern
regions of Kurtoe (Skur stod), Mongar (Mon sgar), Trashi Yangtse (Bkra
shis yang rtse) and Trashigang (Bkra shis sgang). Pastoral people from
Haa (Ha), Lingshi (Gling bzhi), Laya (La yag), Lunana (Lung nag nang),
Bumthang (Bum thang) and Merak Sakteng (Me rag Sag gteng) brought
cheese, butter and other animal products while those from Mangde
(Mang sde) and Darkar (Dar dkar) brought walnut and other fruits.
Doma and pani (areca nut and betel leaves) came from Dungsum (Gdung
bsam) and the Duar region while sugar cane and molasses came from
Wamrong (Wam rong) and Kheng (Kheng) regions.
6
The Shabdrung considered this gesture of people coming from all over
the country with their regional produce (Plate 2) as highly auspicious
and asked the people to be seated in rows and every food item was
served to all. This momentous event, known as Shudrel Phuensum
Tshogpa, which literally means coming together and seating in rows
for all good things has become a standard ceremony for important
occasions like the new year, weddings and house inaugurations. This
ceremony instituted over three hundred years ago was observed in
painstaking splendour for the new year in Ogyen Choling in 1959.
At about the same time as the thokay were being appraised for the
final time, the servants in the adjoining room would call my mother to
29 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
6
History of Bhutan (1994) and Driglam Namzhag (1999: 15354).
show her what they had been doing. There were various baskets with
different eatables (preferably twenty-one items) in rows, ready to be
handed out to the other invitees the next morning. It was the tradition
that one member from each household from all the villages in the Tang
valley was to be served Losar in Ogyen Choling. More than being sim-
ply a gesture of noblesse oblige, it was time for sharing the auspicious-
ness of the new year, renewing loyalties and fostering goodwill. There
would be about 180200 people altogether,
7
which included the family
members and relatives, special guests, the servants, weavers, cooks, the
servers, the water carriers, cow herders, yak herders, those who fed the
pigs, those who carried the firewood, and all sorts of people whose
services were required to make the feudal system viable. So, while my
parents and their ancestors before them had meticulously planned and
precisely arranged the celebration of new year, for those who would
partake of the feast it was the age-old tradition of eating Losar that
had brought them to assemble on the cold stone slabs in the courtyard
of our home.
Preparations for the grand event were not confined to the eve of
Losar. Over the entire year goods were collected and set aside for the
big occasion. Vegetables, mainly radish and turnip, were preserved in
buckwheat straw and husks. Others had been shredded or cut and sun-
dried. Pears from two particular trees which had been harvested in
November, only after it had a good dose of frost, were preserved in
earthen jars and kept fresh for the Losar. Peaches and pears were sun-
dried and stored. As early as the 7
th
month of the Bhutanese calendar,
our familys merchants would go to the seven-day annual trade fair at
Talung Tshongdu (Lho Rta lung tshong dus), close to the lake
Yamdrok (Yar brog) in Tibet. Fine brick tea, rock salt, borax, and
sheep pelts were imported and set aside for Losar. The sheep pelts were
an important food item in the old days. The wool was removed from the
pelts and processed into thread. The hides could be made into different
recipes and eaten as delicacies. Whole legs of mutton, wind-dried and
preserved in the frigid Tibetan temperatures, had been traded against
30 KUNZANG CHODEN
7
Prior to the emancipation of serfs by king Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (19281972),
feudal households such as O rgyan chos gling were maintained by the employment of
serfs zap (bza pa) and drap (grwa pa).The former worked for their masters on a
daily basis and were given food and clothing. They owned no land of their own. The
latter were tenant farmers. They also worked on a daily basis but were given land for
their labours. On New Year one member of each household plus all the individuals who
performed specific services were invited to the feast.
rice, chilli, brown sugar, madder, hand woven fabrics and handmade
Bhutanese paper. These goods were fastidiously carried over the high
ice and snowbound passes, a journey of several days into the Tibetan
trading centres. Although some rice was taken as far as Lhasa to be
exchanged for special items, most of the rice was actually exchanged at
Tsampa (Mtshams pa), a small settlement at the northernmost part of
the Choekhor (Chos khor) valley of Bumthang. The merchandise from
Tibet was carried back to Ogyen Choling by porters, mules and yaks.
Candies and biscuits from Indiathe nearest border towns were
Khorasar in West Bengal and Godama in Assamadded variety to the
displays. Weeks before Losar, the familys yaks and pack mules had
carried many measures of rice, pulses and cereals from our estates in
sub-tropical Kurtoe, east of Bumthang in todays Lhuentse (Lhun rtse)
district. Depending upon the harvest from year to year, as many as
twenty or as few as five to six porters would be required to carry the
more fragile and perishable goods like fruits and vegetables on their
backs and trek through treacherous terrain for two to three days to reach
Ogyen Choling.
When all the preparations for the new year were complete, the small
wooden box with the special cups and bowls would be brought out and
father would unwrap the fine Chinese porcelain bowls from their cov-
ers of silk and brocade. There were some jade bowls too, white and
green ones. The rest were ivory and wooden bowls. The finely turned
and delicately lacquered wooden bowls were highly valued for they
were made of the coveted but rare tree carbuncles called dza (Dz.
rdza). Some of these bowls were lined with silver and gilded. Some of
them looked fairly new because of their occasional, restricted use, help-
ing to maintain their newness. Others were old and worn out with the
lacquer nearly worn off. These cups and bowls were seldom used, and
only on special occasions. For the rest of the time they were locked
away. The auspicious occasion of Losar called for the use of these uten-
sils for they were not only precious in value but loaded with sentiment.
These cups and bowls were used by many generations. Our parents
knew each bowl and its history. The large worn out one belonged to our
famous ancestor, Kusho Tsokey Dorji,
8
Governor of Trongsa (in the
31 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
8
Sku zhabs Mtsho skyes rdo rje, also known as Dbang chen rdo rje, was the fif-
teenth descendant of Rdo rje gling pa and he played a significant role in the political
history of Bhutan. He handed over his post of Krong sar Dpon slob to Jigs med Rnam
first half of the 19
th
century). These bowls and cups formed a tangible
link to our ancestors and by using them on this special occasion, we not
only invoked their memory but we would be sharing some of the mer-
its of our ancestors.
It was customary and highly desirable for each individual to put on
a new set of clothes on Losar. For many this was the only time when
they actually got a new set of clothes. All the retainers were given an
annual set of clothes (lo gos) at this time. Mother made sure that all the
children also got a new set of clothes for the new year.
We looked eagerly to the eastern mountain for the position of the sun
as an indicator of time. As the peak of the eastern mountain of Kanyai*
glowed with the light of the rising sun we would be sitting in a big
semi-circle with father at the head. Fortunately, this room was one of
the few rooms in the house that had glass window panes, and was not
too cold. But there was always an atmosphere of restraint and formali-
ty as we sat in our places and waited for the ceremonies to begin.
Formal meals were normally eaten in silence. The altar was decked up
with all sorts of ritual offerings; it was so full and laden that an extra
long narrow table was placed in front of it to accommodate all the other
offerings that were yet to come. The ritual cakes (gtor ma) coated with
a layer of butter and red colour gleamed in the light of the butter lamp.
The ceremony would unfold when father ceremoniously rose from his
seat, walked to the altar and took up the porcelain bowl in which holy
relics had been soaking over night. He would spoon out a precious drop
in the centre of our cupped palms which we licked off reverently.
Each person had to have various bowls to receive all the varieties of
food that would be served. The first item of the day was shaythu (Dz.
Phye thug), a rice gruel cooked to a fine pouring consistency. Rice was
cooked already the night before until it became soft. The next morning
the seasonings were added: salt, butter, some ginger, a dash of chili
powder, dried cheese (fresh cheese mashed and squeezed into thin noo-
dle-like strands and sun-dried) and a dash of finely ground Sichuan
peppers (Xanthoxyllum). Changkoi (Dz. chang khol), a thick soup of
fermented rice prepared with butter; eggs and seeds of amaranths fol-
lowed the rice soup. This slightly alcoholic soup warmed us on the
32 KUNZANG CHODEN
rgyal (18251865), the father of O rgyan dbang phyug (18621926) who became the
first king of Bhutan in 1907. The title Sku zhabs is rarely used in Bhutan where it is pro-
nounced Kusho, but in our family we always added this title to Mtsho skyes rdo rjes
name.
shivery February-March early mornings and we were ready to sit for
another hour or two until the end of the ceremonies.
As the sun glided past the mountain top, promising a warm day, the
elaborately ornate silver tea pot would appear from behind the screen
protecting the door, balanced on the raised left palm of the tea server.
The freshly polished silver caught the first rays of the sun and gleamed
and sparkled. There was much ritual in the way the tea was served. The
retainer who was to serve tea had to be quite nimble and deft with han-
dling the large tea pot. Bearing the tea pot raised up to his shoulders,
he had to walk half way up the room, then pour tea into an offering cup
on the altar, come back to the center of the room, lower the tea pot and
raise his right leg slightly. Supporting the tea pot on his right thigh he
would pour a drop into his left palm and lick it. Only after that would
he serve tea to father and all the others in the line. After everybodys
cups were filled, the senior-most lopon (Dz. slob dpon) or gomchen
(Dz. sgom chen)a Buddhist teacher or a lay priest, who ever hap-
pened to be presentwould drone the lengthy litany of tea offering
while others joined in and the children waited impatiently. Dresi (Dz.
bras sil), a preparation of white rice cooked from the prestigious bon-
dril (Dz. sbon bras), similar to the Indian Basmati, was then served.
While the more important people were given a bowl filled with the rice,
others had to hold out their bowls to be served. The fine long grains
with an endearingly aromatic flavor, mixed with saffron (Dz. dri
bzang), fresh butter and brown sugar, was served heaped in bowls.
Droma (Dz. gro ma) (Potentilla arbuscula), consisting of tiny
sweet potato-like tubers collected from the high mountains, cooked
with a little sugar, fresh cheese cubes and butter to a pulpy consistency,
was served immediately after the tea and rice. The sweet, soft, starchy
taste would just be lingering in the mouth when it had to be washed
down with saffron tea, for droma and drisang were to be taken
together.
Then one after another four different teas were served; first Ja
karpo (Dz. ja dkar po) or a white tea which was just butter and water
cooked with salt was served in one of the smaller bowls. Accompanying
this tea was a spoonful of roasted rice Zao (Dz. dzar ba) or puffed
rice (Dz. sbo ma). Ja nakpo (Dz. ja nag po), black tea which is just
the tea leaves cooked in water without any butter or salt, and which and
was not churned, followed as soon as the rice cereal was spooned out
to everybody. A spoonful of kaphye (Dz. dkar phye) (roasted barley
33 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
flour) was served after the black tea. Finally sona choija (Dz. bsod
nams mchod ja), a mild tea made from the tender leaves and young
flower buds of the Hypericum bush which grows widely in the envi-
rons, was served. These teas were drunk not for taste or nourishment
but simply for the auspiciousness of variety, so only small helpings in
tiny cups were served. While all the dried cereals were spooned out to
everybody, father could take a helping of each by himself from the bas-
kets, but he also just took a pinch of each as was the etiquette.
We were now ready to receive the shudre (Dz. bzhugs gral), the
event that all the children were waiting for. The carefully decorated
plates were finally brought out and placed in front of each individual.
When the sun had crossed over the mountain and was shining brightly
into the room, bathing us in auspicious warmth, everybody would have
received all the auspicious food items. The adults would discreetly take
a small item or two and taste them, but us children dug into our plates
searching for our favourites. We would be so engrossed in examining
our spoils that we hardly noticed the distilled alcohol (a rag) heated
with butter and eggs that was served to the controlled delight of many
adults who relished the preparation. The hot ara was then followed by
the ritual of sharing the phemar (Dz. phye mar) for long life and good
fortune. Phemar consisted of roasted and ground barley flour heaped
up in a special plate (Plate 4). The heaped flour was decorated with
strands, circles and tiny balls of fresh butter. A pinch of flour and a bit
of butter was given to each person and while we ate it, fistfuls of flour
were sprinkled on our heads and around our shoulders in a circular
motion from right to left for men and from left to right for women. We
were told that the white flour in ones hair was symbolic of old age and
the gesture was, therefore, an invocation of long life.
While the family and the special invitees were thus engaged, the
people in the courtyard who were seated in two long lines were being
served too. All the eatables in the baskets were being served out to the
people. The first item served was a quartered areca nut on a betel leaf
and the last item was a boiled potato.
As we children plucked away at our Losar specialties, the shouts of
the village archers who had gathered in the centre of the village would
pierce the thin morning air, a sharp sound of banality cutting through
the serene air of religious formality. Then we would follow our father
and his team of archers as they headed for the archery ground.
Traditionally, a friendly game was played between the male servants led
34 KUNZANG CHODEN
by father and the bull herders of the village. The bull herders were
actually the male heads of the households of the village.
Mother made special snacks for father as he walked between the two
targets she had a constant supply of doma pani (Dz. rdo ma pa ni),
areca nut and betel leaf. She had a silver container whose insides had
been lined with fresh green banana leaf cut to size. She had segments
of plump mandarins cleaned of all the strings on one side of the con-
tainer, and bite-size sugar cane which had been cut and cleaned on the
other side. Mother made quids of betel and areca and handed them out
to the archers as they passed her. The manager of the alcohol-making
unit of our household stood at a strategic place, midway between the
two targets with a few containers of ara. She gave congratulatory cup-
fuls to those who hit the target, a few lucky ones she personally
favoured and the bold ones who bullied her for a cup or two and to the
remaining ones to whom she could not deny a cup or two on grounds
of compassion, so nobody was missed out.
While the archery was going on, frenzied preparations for lunch
were under way. The workers in the kitchens had to be content with
only hearing the yells of instructions and cries of triumph of the archers
in the distance. Lunch had to be served before midday.
Before the sun reached the midday position we were once again
assembled in the large living room. Nobody was really hungry and the
taste of the goodies would still be in my mouth. Yet, we all assembled
in the big room once again. All of us had heaped circular bamboo bas-
kets (Dz. bang chung) of red rice topped with huge pieces of meat:
pork, beef, tripe, sausages, whole dried red chilies and large radishes
cut into fine circular pieces. Father was served his share of meat in a
special covered wooden bowl. Each one of us was surrounded by an
array of cups and bowls. Each time a different dish was served we had
to put out our bowls and get them filled. Whether we could eat all of it
or not was irrelevant, the cups and bowls had to be filled.
Hot, strong beer made of barley or wheat (Dz. bang chang) was fol-
lowed by the first item called shaychen kangma (Dz. bzhes can gang
ma) also called zurkay (Dz. zur skyes, dish on the side). This was
usually of the fried variety and was extremely rich. This could be
minced or cubed meat that was fried, fried eggs or fried cheese. We had
been taught that zurkay was served into the smallest bowl and there
would be no re-fills.
35 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
Geygeywa (Dz. skyes skyes ba) which was a mixture of meat with
a vegetable (either radish or potato) with some soup was followed by
kanjung maru (Dz. rkang rgyu mar rus). This bone dish was highly
esteemed, perhaps because it took so long to cook it. It was simply the
shin bones of cattle which had been chopped into bite-size cubes and
cooked for many hours or sometimes for a whole day. Tenderisers such
as soda or areca nut were sometimes used to lessen the hours of cook-
ing. The dish was cooked until the flesh around the bones became ten-
der and soft. This white (some milk was used) soupy dish had a rich
smooth flavor which was enhanced by ginger and a dash of chilli pow-
der. The soup was drunk, while the bones were sucked discreetly and
kept aside to be discarded later. Phagsha mar (Dz. phag sha mar rus)
was cubed pork cooked in a rich gravy. Similarly nosha maru (Dz. nor
sha mar rus) was beef, sometimes with vegetables as was lugsha
maru (Dz. lug sha mar rus) or mutton cooked dry or with a thick
gravy. Gondo maru (Dz. sgong rdog mar rus) was boiled eggs cut into
pieces served with a rich thick gravy.
Sometimes phago maru (Dz. phag mgo mar rus) was prepared.
This was the pig head which was cooked for a long time until the flesh
and skin separated from the bones. The meat was then cut into bite
sizes and either fried with some spices or cooked with some gravy. The
maru variety could be made with meat alone or some bones and veg-
etables could be added. Ngatsoe (Dz. sngo tshod) was a vegetable
dish with fresh cheese. This was a refreshingly welcome dish with a
difference where a meal was so overwhelmingly meat-centred.
The jachu (Dz. bya rgyu) was also a vegetable, usually a fresh plant
from the subtropics called dambaru, made into a soup. Phatsa or
dambaru (Calamus spp.) was a must on special occasions such as this.
The dish was made of the tender shoots of rattan and the green wild
vegetable was often too bitter for many. It was an elitist dish where the
taste was acquired with repeated usage! Kogai (Dz. Ko rgyas) was a
specialty that the old people talk of nostalgically, for today mutton
kogai is no longer available. Kogai literally means skin mixed with
spices. The skins were the pelts imported from Tibet basically for wool.
The pelts were soaked in water until the wool could be easily plucked
off. The pelt was then roasted to get rid of any remaining wool. Only
the thick fat pelts were used for eating. The roasted pelts were washed
and scraped until clean and then cut into slender strips which were later
cut into small squares and cooked for long hours, until it was easily
36 KUNZANG CHODEN
chewable. The squares were cooked until all the liquid had dried up and
the now juicy, crunchy and yet tender skin was fried with salt chilli,
Sichuan peppers and garnished with some onion leaves.
Hogai (Dz. Ho rgyas) or a fresh salad of radish slices flavored with
Perilla frutescence seeds, chilli powder, Sichuan peppers and salt was
served. A side dish of a zesty sliced liver with lots of Sichuan peppers
was also served. We knew the long list of dishes was finally finished
when hot milk seasoned with a little chilli powder, salt, and tiny green
onion leaves was served. Before we could taste all of the items the ser-
vants would be streaming into the room for refills.
After lunch the archery match resumed, and my brothers were not
only allowed to carry my fathers bow and his quiver with the arrows
but even allowed to play a few rounds of the game. Even as a little girl
I knew that I was not supposed to touch a mans archery paraphernalia
lest I undermine his luck with my femininity. I sometimes joined in the
young girls dancing group but I mostly liked to sit with my mother,
helping her to prepare betel nut quids and handing them to the archers
and the visitors.
At about three oclock, soen zar (Dz. gsol zar) was served. This
was usually white rice cooked in a sauce of pork pieces with slices of
boiled eggs and potato. This preparation called Shamdrey (Dz. sha
bras) was a rich nourishing meal in itself. The sauce had been spiced
with ginger, chilli powder with some onion leaves, and our cook liked
to add a dash of cinnamon to give it a special flavor. This meal was
served on very special occasions like Losar or when we had important
guests. On ordinary days we just had butter tea with some maize or rice
cereal at about four oclock in the afternoon which was called gung ja
(Dz. dgung ja) which best translates into timely tea.
The lunch ritual was repeated for dinner and the same items with a
few changes were served. Tired, often over-filled and completely satiat-
ed, we could barely keep awake for the long ritual of dinner. The only
other time when we would again eat so much would be later in the year,
on the Day of the nine evils. On this day children were told to eat as
much as we possibly could because the demons would come and weigh
us in the night. If we did not weigh a certain amount they would carry
us off. So we used to stuff ourselves silly on that day. On Losar we had
tasted and feasted on all the choicest food and we could fall off to sleep
without fear of the demons. Instead, we slept in bliss, content with the
37 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
good fortune of abundance, assured by the good wishes for the perpe-
tuity of foods and long life.
For my parents it was probably a different kind of satisfaction. They
had done their duties in upholding the tradition, had renewed their alle-
giances to the rulers of the country, had reaffirmed their goodwill and
friendship with their friends and equals, and were assured of the loyal-
ty of the people of the valley; and the celebrations had taken place in
the best way they knew how. The Losar celebrations had been possible
because of the blessings of the konchogsum (Dz. Dkon mchog gsum:
Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) and their personal deities, who allowed
them to be sustained by their merits and the essence of the earth.
At a different level of the hierarchy, it was also traditional for my
parents to offer Losar gifts to the king and some members of the royal
family. Special couriers would be dispatched bearing with them Losar
gifts consisting of whole carcasses of pigs, the distilled alcohol ara,
flour and sometimes specially made biscuits and textiles. Royal recip-
rocation came in the form of parcels of fruits, textiles, silver coins, and
sometimes garments or even swords and guns. The traditions of Losar
not only fostered our relationships with our patrons downwards and lat-
erally but also upwards, as it was an opportunity pledge our own loyal-
ty and alliances to the rulers of the country.
As I recall now, perhaps with certain hindsight, even as young as I
was, I felt that there was an undercurrent of competition among the
landed families to outdo each other in trying to gain closer relationships
with the rulers and, thus, secure royal indulgences. Within our family
there was the resigned understanding that our poor performance in that
competition was not due to our lack of loyalty but rather our strong
inclination towards religion and scholasticism, rather than advancing
our political and materialistic ambitions.
Today Losar for most people tends to be a prosaic event, minus all
its significance and its charm. It is just a marker in time, the beginning
of another year. It is a government holiday and most people think of it
just like any other holiday. This is surely because of the drastic changes
in the socioeconomic realities in the country. The food items and the
other specialties that were cultivated or gathered, bartered and traded
over an entire year in order to have something special on the new year,
are now available throughout the year. The monetised economy allows
most people, even the remotest populations, to enjoy varying degrees of
consumerism.
38 KUNZANG CHODEN
One young government servant was once wandering around the par-
tially closed town on Losar. I asked him if he was enjoying Losar, and
this is what he said:
These days Losar is not different from any other day. Our parents looked
forward to this day for the entire year. This was the day that they ate their
best foods. They ate rare and special things, meats and exotic candies etc.
This was the day everybody got a new set of clothes. Times have changed
and the ways have changed too. All sorts of food is available all the time
and you can buy new clothes every day too. Losar is fun only for those
who play archery or those who enjoy gambling.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aris, M. 1980. Bhutan. The Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom. New Delhi: Vikas.
Choden, K. In press. Chilli and Cheese: Food and Society in Bhutan. Bangkok: White
Lotus.
Dorje, R. 1985. Food in Tibetan Life. London: Prospect Books, 4548.
Education Division, CAPSS 1994. History of Bhutan, Course for Class 1X. Thimphu:
Ministry of Health and Education, Royal Government of Bhutan.
Karmay, S.G. 2000. Dorje Lingpa and his rediscovery of the Gold Needle in Bhutan.
Journal of Bhutan Studies 2(2) (Winter 2000), 134.
National Library of Bhutan 1999. Driglam Namzhag (Bhutanese Etiquette: a Manual).
Sgrig lam rnam gzhag lag len. Thimphu: National Library (bilingual).
Schicklgruber, C. and F. Pommaret (eds) 1997. Bhutan, Mountain Fortress of the Gods.
London: Serindia Publications.
39 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
40 KUNZANG CHODEN
Plate 1: Image of Rdo rje gling pa, from a Thangka at Ogyen Choling
41 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
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42 KUNZANG CHODEN
Plate 4: Phemar (Dz. phye mar) dish symbolising long life and good fortune
Plate 5: Meal Served in the courtyard of Ogyen Choling
43 LO GSAR CELEBRATION
Plate 6: Intricate biscuits (Dz. tshogs) made of wheat flour
BSTAN DZIN CHOS RGYALS BHUTAN LEGAL CODE OF 1729
IN COMPARISON WITH
SDE SRID SANGS RGYAS RGYA MTSHOS GUIDELINES FOR
GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS
CHRISTOPH CPPERS
We are indebted to the late Michael Aris for the edition and translation
of Bstan dzin Chos rgyals Bhutan Legal Code of 1729. Aris published
it in Sources for the History of Bhutan. From the translators short intro-
duction
1
we learn that the only published text which affords a parallel
to the Bhutan Legal Code of 1729 seems to be The Edict of the Cos
rGyal of Gyantse (Tucci 1949: 74546). Further it is said:
Meanwhile, even if the code presented here cannot yet be properly set
either in the context of the Bhutanese legal tradition or in the wider
Tibetan tradition from which it stems, it does stand as a mine of infor-
mation on the theory and practice of theocratic government in Bhutan.
In recent years, however, the Guidelines for Government Officials
(henceforth referred to as Guidelines)
2
written in the year 1681 by the
regent (sde srid) Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho have become available. In it
are described the necessary qualifications and duties of higher govern-
ment officials. When one compares this text with the Bhutan Legal
Code of 1729 (hereafter referred to as the Bka khrims), it becomes
obvious that Bstan dzin Chos rgyal to some extent used the guidelines
issued by the Dga ldan Pho brang government as a model for his own
code. As we will see below, the Bhutanese author not only followed the
composition of the text, but also copied entire phrases from the
Guidelines.
In order to show the relation between these two texts I shall begin
with some remarks on the composition of the text from Sangs rgyas
rgya mtsho. As the full title of the work itself mentions, this text is
divided into twenty-one chapters, all of unequal length. The reason for
dividing the text into twenty-one chapters, although the number of offi-
cial positions is different, may lie in the fact that the number 21 was
regarded as auspicious.
1
This introduction was cited from Aris 1979: xxx-xxxii.
2
The chapter and section numbers refer to my edition and translation of the text.
See Cppers forthcoming.
The Sde srids text begins with elaborate verses, of which a similar
set appears at the end, just before the colophon. These introductory
verses start with a verse of homage to the Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag
dbang Blo bzang rgya mtsho (16171682), and are followed by praise
for the Bodhisattva Majur, the Triple Gems, and other protectors.
The sequence ends with homage to the goddess Sarasvat, among other
protecting deities, and the reason why this text was written, namely as
reminder notes for succeeding administrators.
Regarding the following chapters, which contain the duties of the
government officials, it has been mentioned by other modern Tibetan
3
and Western scholars that the Dga ldan pho brang rulers added some
additional positions to the set of thirteen government positions inherit-
ed from the Sa skya rulers, which were necessary for ruling and admin-
istering the vast territory of which the Dge lugs pa school took hold
after the collapse of the Gtsang kings. The added positions were those
of the regent, tax collectors, storehouse keepers, district governors,
estate stewards, government traders, judges, supervisors of craftsmen,
generals, military commanders, diplomats and caretakers of shrines
(dkon gnyer). Some chapters give the rules for several positions, some
only for one position, as, for example, the lengthy first chapter, which
describes the duties of a regent.
Dispersed through all chapters we find quotations from the Indian
Ntistra literature, and in one or two instances from the Buddhist
canon. These quotations are chosen with the intention to illustrate how
officials should behave or perform their duties, how relations should be
conducted between master and servants or ruler and his subjects, and so
on. Being included in the Bstan gyur, the Ntistras were certainly
regarded as authoritative Buddhist scripture, although the vocabulary
used in some of them is not particularly Buddhist but reflects common
wisdom and advice.
4
At the end of each chapter a mythological or his-
torical person is mentioned as an example which the particular official
should follow. The texts are of unequal length: the Guidelines cover 58
folios in pothi style, while the Bhutanese Bka khrims is less than one
third this length.
The structure and composition of the Bhutanese text also differ
slightly from the Guidelines. Here we find only three chapters and
fewer quotations from the Ntistras and canonical literature. Also, at
46 CHRISTOPH CPPERS
3
For example, cf. Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin las 1982.
4
See Michael Hahn's remark in his study of Praj-ataka.
the beginning and end we do not find many elaborate versesonly a
fewbut instead the Bhutanese author provides some thoughts about
the historical and contemporary political situation in Tibet and Bhutan,
and the history of law-giving in Tibet. This section is not an extended
one, even in Sangs rgyas rgya mtshos Guidelines, although like the text
from Bhutan it too mentions that the former Dharmarjas were incarna-
tions of the rigs gsum mgon po (Bodhisattvas of the three families) and
incarnated for the welfare of all beings (Guidelines: E. 20). Sangs rgyas
rgya mtsho devoted more ink to this theme in his Bairya ser po, par-
ticularly in chapters 22 and 23.
The Bhutanese Bka khrims emphasises the fact that
the different disciplines, the rvaka discipline, the Bodhisattva disci-
pline and the Sugata discipline have been upheld, guarded and diffused
externally by the state laws of proper conduct, internally by the Sagha
which systematizes the explanation and realization [of the teachings]
and, secretly, by the ocean of oath-bound divinities with real and magi-
cal powers who have progressively protected and guarded them.
5
According to the Bhutanese author, the state laws play an important
role in the maintenance of the Buddhavacana (teachings of the
Buddha), and in a place where the Buddhavacana is flourishing the
subjects have the possibility to strive for liberation. As it is said: Under
the state law one will attain Buddhahood.
The quotations from the Ntistra found in both texts are taken
mostly from Sa skya Paitas Sa skya legs bshad, but include also a
verse from the Skyes bu rnam byed bshad pa gzhon nui mgul rgyan, a
work ascribed by some Tibetan authors to Sa skya Paita, though
questioned by others. Although they would have fitted well in the
Bhutanese text, no quotations were taken from the sayings of Skyid
shod Zhabs drung A khu Bkra shis (15311589), who seems to have
written a work on the proper behaviour of laymen and lay officials.
Except for the few quotations in the regents text no further details of
this work are available at the moment.
6
The legitimisation and justification of power are mentioned in the
Sde srids text only very briefly: here, the ruler, the Fifth Dalai Lama,
had been installed with the help or support of a foreign power, namely
the Qoshot Mongols under the command of Gushri Khan. He con-
47 BHUTAN LEGAL CODE OF 1729
5
See Aris 1986: 125.
6
The Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo, s.v. Skyid shod zhabs drung A khu bkra
shis, provides some information on this author.
quered the country and donated (bul sbyor gnang bar) it as a reli-
gious estate (mchod gzhis) to the Fifth Dalai Lama. By contrast, the
Bhutanese text provides more details on this topic: the Bhutanese state
was founded by a leader of a religious school who had to flee from
Tibet. If we look up the passage in Aris (1979: 209, citing vol. Ga, f.
124b from the Shabdrungs biography), we read:
The Raven-headed Mahkla of Action having thus come [in a vision]
and conducted him (i.e. Ngag dbang rnam rgyal) along a path of clear
light, gestures of offering this country of the Southern Land to him as his
heavenly field (zhing khams) were made.
This vision was the immediate justification for his rule in Bhutan, later
supported by all sorts of prophecies attributed to Padmasambhava. In
Lhoi chos byung (hereafter LCB: f. 23a; this text was also written by
Bstan dzin chos rgyal) we find that the corresponding passage has
(according to Aris) unequivocally introduced the word religious estate
(mchod gzhis) for heavenly field. I am quite convinced that the change
in the terminology in LCB has been influenced by the wording of the
Guidelines.
Bstan dzin chos rgyals earlier text, the Bka khrims, is not struc-
tured according to the duties of the different offices and officials, but
consists of three parts which have been titled by Aris as such: part I
Introduction to the principles of theocratic rule, part IIThe duties
of rulers and ministers, part IIIThe duties of government offi-
cials. Of the second part, however, roughly 35% was composed by tak-
ing literal borrowings from the Guidelines, mostly from chapters 16,
11, 12, 17, 18 and the colophon. In some instances it is clear that the
Bhutanese author followed the sequence of the Guidelines, but in most
cases he rearranged the different borrowings in order to compose a text
in line with his concept.
As an example of how the Bka khrims rearranged the paragraphs in
the Guidelines, I quote the former (Aris 1979: 142, first line) and refer
to the comparable passage from the Guidelines:
rtag tu dkar po dge bai las la brtson zhing las bras kyi rtsa ba chod pa
dgos naang / ma yin ma thus pai nag can la snying rje ma bzhag par
srog lus la tsa ra phyis lam khegs pa dgos / [Guidelines 1.60] de yang
ngo tsha dang snying rjei dbang du bzhag tshe blo bsam mi bsrun gyi
rigs rnams je phel du song na rgyal por gces pa khrims dang / de og
nas tshangs rgya zer ba bzhin yin pas.... [Guidelines 11.20.]
48 CHRISTOPH CPPERS
Thus, the author starts the paragraph with a quotation from the first and
continues with one from the eleventh chapter. There are several other
instances similar to the above.
DIFFERENCES IN CONCEPTS AND CONTENTS
Both the Guidelines and the Bka khrims mirror their historical, social
and environmental situation. The government official positions men-
tioned in the Bka khrims are naturally much fewer than those in the
much bigger territory of Tibet. The Bhutanese text mentions only the
following official posts: rdzong dpon, mgron gnyer, spyi bla [= dpon
slob], government representatives, village counsellors and messengers.
It also contains general remarks on behaviour but no detailed descrip-
tions of duties for certain other positions, including storehouse-keepers,
craftsmen, bodyguards and cooks.
The Guidelines are exclusively directed at lay officials; the regent
mentions that the rules for monks of the Rnam rgyal grwa tshang are
given elsewhere. In contrast, the Bhutanese Bka khrims gives in its
third section some rules applicable to the clergy (going on begging
tours, prohibition against living in monasteries with women [nuns],
etc.). One interesting ordinance directed at the Bhutanese officials
required them to control their region so that no false monks and ma ni
pa would roam around who deceive others by singing whatever comes
to mind.
Also interesting is the different attitude with regard to smoking. In
Bhutan it was generally banned, and to this end the officials were to
control both themselves and others; particularly the customs stations at
the southern border were to take measures that no tobacco was import-
ed or smuggled into the country. The use of tobacco was seen as against
the religion and therefore harmful to the state. Reference to
Padmasambhava is made in support of this view. In contrast, the
Tibetan author banned smoking only in government buildings lest they
catch fire. A similarly more liberal attitude is found in the Tibetan ver-
sion regarding natural needs. Whereas the Bhutanese author prohibits
all such activities, the Tibetan regent orders officials at remote stations
to be discrete, and to avoid any misbehaviour with women who already
have a partner.
49 BHUTAN LEGAL CODE OF 1729
In opposition to the Guidelines the Bka khrims very much regulates
the behaviour of officials according to the Vinaya. The rules in the for-
mer are mere job descriptions and descriptions of routines to follow.
The Bhutanese author, on the other hand, deals with religious practices.
Punishments should be given to those who transgress their monastic
vows.
Regarding the countrys subjects or population, the texts differ in
their view. The Bhutanese text gives the ordinance that the officials
should investigate and see whether all people are living in happiness,
and that there is no poverty or injustice to be found in the country. This
kind of investigation is not of interest in the Tibetan case. Here, the
officials are enjoined to investigate whether there is any blame or harm
done to the government. The shift of focus from the happiness of the
people to the protection of the good name of the government is an
underlying tone in the text of Tibet. The term lar rgya which describes
this fact is completely missing in the Bhutanese text.
That the Bhutanese author took the Guidelines of the Tibetan regent
as a model for his own law book is not that surprising, given that the
borrowing and copying of others writings is a well-known fact among
the literati of Tibet. The problem lies in the political situation and the
hostile attitudes between the two countries. In particular, in ch. 20 of
the Guidelines, there is found the section on the duties of the district
governor, and the ordinances to suppress the Kar Brug (i.e. the Karma
pa and Brug pa Bka brgyud pa) as much as possible, because the
Brug pas came into being by a perverted smon lam and the fact that
they are followers of Hva shangs system.
7
The Tibetan expression mgo
gnon gang thub is echoed by the Bhutanese author in his introduction,
in a quite caustic statement about the new class of rulers in Tibet who
are biased and full of religious prejudice, a tone altogether missing in
the Dharmarjas of the previous periods. As a reply to this hostile
Tibetan attitude, Bstan dzin chos rgyal answers with two verses from
the Sa skya legs bshad (no. 52 and 109):
Even though the jackal howls with arrogance,
The lion bears compassion [towards him];
and
The great being examines his own faults;
The bad man looks for faults in others.
50 CHRISTOPH CPPERS
7
I.e. Hva Shang Mahyna, the monk from China, who was a participant in the
well-known debate at Bsam yas.
When comparing the differences between Tibet and Bhutan regarding
the two countries policy and the administration, I have restricted
myself at present to those two legal texts of the late 17
th
and early 18
th
centuries. The subject is much more extensive, and one will obtain a
clearer picture if one consults the vast amount of documents available,
for example, in the Lhasa Archives and various repositories in Bhutan,
from which we can extract the actual administrative and legal day-to-
day practice of the two countries.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ardussi, J. 1999. The rapprochement between Bhutan and Tibet under the enlightened
rule of sDe-srid XIII Shes-rab-dbang-phyug (r. 174463). Journal of Bhutan
Studies 1(1), 6483.
2004. Formation of the state of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17
th
century and its
Tibetan antecedents. In C. Cppers (ed.) The Relationship Between Religion and
State (Chos Srid Zung Brel) in Traditional Tibet. (Proceedings of a seminar held
in Lumbini). Lumbini, 3145.
Ardussi, J. and Karma Ura 2000. Population and governance in the mid-18
th
century
Bhutan, as revealed in the enthronement record of Thugs-sprul Jigs med grags pa
I (17251761). Journal of Bhutan Studies 2(2), 3984.
Aris, M. 1979. Bhutan, the Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom. Warminster: Aris
& Phillips.
1986. Sources for the History of Bhutan. (Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und
Buddhismuskunde, 14). Vienna.
Bosson, J.E. 1969. A Treasury of Aphoristic Jewels: the Subhitaratnanidhi of Sa skya
Paita. (Tibetan and Mongolian Uralic and Altaic Series, 92). Bloomington.
Cppers, C. (forthcoming). Die Richtlinien fr die Tibetischen Beamten der dGa ldan
pho brang-Regierung, sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtshos Blang dor gsal ba ston
pai drang thig dvangs shel gyi me long nyer gcig pa.
2003. Some remarks on the Tibetan language used in former government decrees.
In Srong btsan rgyal spyii tshogs du theng dang po, Bod kyi brda sprod skad yig
skor, deb dang po. (Proceedings of a seminar held in Dehradun). Dehradun,
3339.
2004. The classification of people: romanized text edition and English translation
of the sKyes bu rnam byed bshad pa gzhon nui mgul rgyan attributed to Sa-skya
Paita Kun-dga rgyal-mtshan. Journal of the International College for
Advanced Buddhist Studies 7, 11164.
Davenport, J.T. 2000. Ordinary Wisdom: Sakya Pandita's Treasury of Good Advice.
Boston: Wisdom Publications.
Dung dkar Blo bzang Phrin las 1982. Bod kyi chos srid zung brel skor bshad pa.
Dharamsala: LTWA. (Also reprinted in the author's gSung-rtsom Phyogs-bsgrigs.
Qinghai: Krung goi bod kyi shes rigs dpe skrun khang, 1997. Also published in
translation as The Merging of Religious and Secular Rule in Tibet. Beijing, 1991).
Goldstein, M.G. (ed.). 2001. The New Tibetan-English Dictionary of Modern Tibetan.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
51 BHUTAN LEGAL CODE OF 1729
Guidelines = Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Sde-srid 1681. Glang dor gsal bar ston pai
drang thig dvangs shel me long nyer gcig pa. Reprinted in Bod kyi snga rabs
khrims srol yig cha gdams bsgrigs. (Gangs can rig mdzod 7). Lhasa: Bod ljongs
mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, 1989.
Hahn, M. 1990. Hundert Strophen von der Lebensklugheit, Ngrjunas Praj-ataka.
(Indica et Tibetica 18). Bonn.
Seyfort Ruegg, D. 1991. Mchod yon, yon mchod and mchod gnas / yon gnas: on the his-
toriography and semantics of a Tibetan religio-social and religio-political concept.
In E. Steinkellner (ed.) Tibetan History and Language: Studies Dedicated to Gza
Uray on his Seventieth Birthday. Vienna: Arbeitskreis fr Tibetische und
Buddhistische Studien Universitt Wien, 44153.
1995. Ordre spirituel et ordre temporel dans la pense bouddhique de l'Inde et du
Tibet. (Publications de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne, Fasc. 64). Paris.
1997. The Preceptor-donor (mchod yon) relation in thirteenth century Tibetan
society and polity, its Inner Asian precursors and Indian models. In H. Krasser et
al. (eds) Tibetan Studies (PIATS 7). Vienna: Verlag der sterreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 85772.
Tucci, G. 1949. Tibetan Painted Scrolls. Roma: Libreria dello Stato.
Uray, G. 1972. The narrative of legislation and organization of the mKhas-Pa'i dGa'-
sTon: the origins of the traditions concerning Srong-brCan-sGam-Po as first leg-
islator and organizer of Tibet. Acta Orientalia Scientarium Hungaricae 26 (1),
1168. Budapest.
52 CHRISTOPH CPPERS
ACQUIRING POWER: BECOMING A PAWO (DPA BO)
TANDIN DORJI
INTRODUCTION
On the third morning of Bala Bongko (Ba la Bon skor),
1
a local festi-
val in honour of Radrap (Ra dgra), the local deity of Wangdue
Phodrang (Dbang dus pho brang) in western Bhutan, several mediums
foretell the future of each household in particular and the whole village
in general. These mediums are a pawo (dpa bo), a neljorma (rnal byor
ma) as well as a pochu (dpa bo chung). By trend the attention of the
people is generally arrested by the predictions of the pawo but there
definitely are some who prefer to listen to the pochu.
The term pochu essentially means little pawo implying that he is
no more than a novice in the hierarchy of mediums. Against this back-
ground, this paper will drive towards understanding the status of the
pochu as well as the requirements that he has to fulfil to become a
pawo. An attempt will also be made to find out if the little pawo has
a ritual space of his own even in the villages where there are other sea-
soned mediums called pawo or neljorma.
MEDIUMS IN BHUTAN: TERMINOLOGIES AND THEIR CURRENT STATUS
Bhutan is still a land where almost 80 percent of the population live in
the villages, and some as far as two days walk from the road.
Consequently, local beliefs, festivals, non-Buddhist rituals and folklore
are still very vibrant. The ritual specialists and local priests are always
1
The festival is conducted from 18
th
to 20
th
of the first month of the lunar calendar.
For more information on the festival see Dorji n.d., The cult of Radrap (Ra dgra),
Nep of Wangdue Phodrang (Bhutan). Note: transliterations are given in italics and
within brackets. An asterisk indicates that the term belongs to a dialect and has no obvi-
ous orthography. A suggested transliteration is provided only at the first occurrence of
the term.
actually engaged in performing the non-Buddhist rituals. However, in
spite of it being a being a lucrative profession, in most cases the spe-
cialists are left without a successor. For instance, during the festival of
Bala Bongko in the early 1980s there used to at least five mediums to
conduct the festival. But today there are just two and most recently the
festival had to be conducted by a pochu and once by a neljorma, as the
organisers could not find a pawo. This is a clear indication that as in
other parts of the Tibetan world the profession of a medium is declin-
ing and no longer coveted.
One of the reasons is definitely the influence of Buddhism. With the
development of the country, Buddhist institutions in the form of tem-
ples, monasteries, and dzongs (rdzong)
2
have punctuated the Bhutanese
landscape. Buddhist festivals, mainly Tshechu (tshes bcu), that cele-
brate the deeds of Padmasambhava have been introduced and per-
formed in regions where they were not organised before. As most of the
non-Buddhist rituals entail animal sacrifices, the mediums and ritual
specialists, who are now basically Buddhist, are no longer very keen on
carrying out that responsibility. This profession, although lucrative, has
been now reduced to an obligation. The only reason for its survival is
social pressure, coupled with the fear that bad luck might fall on them,
resulting from the wrath of their personal deity for not accomplishing
their traditional duty. The other reason for the steady decline in the
number of mediums could be economic development itself. Nowadays,
people are exposed to new ideas and eventually the popular rituals
appear unattractive. As a consequence, the charm and the colour of the
popular festivals are bound to steadily fade as the institution of medi-
ums is left with hardly any interested successors. It is thanks to the
involuntary mode of becoming possessed and ultimately being obliged
to succeed a particular medium that there are still some mediums. We
will discuss this point at a later stage in this paper.
The terminology applied to mediums varies from region to region.
The pawo and neljorma are common terms used in western Bhutan,
whereas in central Bhutan the mediums are also referred to as phajo
(pha jo) and bonpo (bon po). The terms phramin (*phra min), jomo (jo
mo) and terdag (gter bdag)
3
are mainly applied to the mediums or ritu-
54 TANDIN DORJI
2
A rdzong in simple terms would be a fortress that accommodates both religious
and temporal affairs.
3
See Pommaret 1998.
al specialists of the east. Lhabap (lha bab pa) is used in the eastern val-
leys of Merag and Sagteng while jhkri is used for those catering to the
people of the south. This categorisation is nevertheless somewhat fluid
as, for instance, the term phajo is also used in some pockets of eastern
and western Bhutan. Similarly, the term bonpo is also used in the east.
It is also interesting to note that all these ritual specialists function
without any obstruction in any part of Bhutan. The jomo and terdag are
the best examples of those who cater almost throughout Bhutan. An
independent study would be necessary to shed light on the specific
responsibilities, personal deities, modalities of performing rituals as
well as the costume and ritual instruments that these mediums use.
BECOMING A MEDIUM: TWO DIFFERENT PATTERNS OF TRANSMISSIONS
In general, there are two main approaches of becoming a medium, vol-
untary and involuntary.
4
1. VOLUNTARY
The voluntary method of becoming a pawo can itself be subdivided into
two:
1.1 Hereditary transmission
Though rare these days, one of the sons of the pawo may succeed him
once he has become old and is unable to perform the ritual anymore.
1.2 Transmission to interested candidate outside the family circle
In this case the pawo has to look for a successor outside the family cir-
cle when he does not have anyone to succeed him, or if his sons are
employed in government service and unwilling to follow in his foot-
steps. In this situation the pawo negotiates with an interested candidate
and imparts his knowledge to his successor.
55 ACQUIRING POWER
4
It is important to remark that the use of the term medium in this paper would actu-
ally imply to pawo.
2. INVOLUNTARY
In this approach there are also two ways of transmission:
2.1 Transmission through supernatural intervention
The supernatural intervention at the initial stage takes place in dreams.
The personal deity or the spirit of the deceased pawo manifests in the
dream of the chosen successor and commands him to take up the pro-
fession of a medium. If the latter refuses to take heed of the communi-
cation that he receives in his dream, he would then be possessed either
by the spirit of the deceased pawo who is in search of a successor or by
the personal deity of the deceased pawo. However, the possessed per-
son does not necessarily have to be known to the pawo, he can also be
a complete stranger. The chosen successor is ultimately left with no
choice other than to respond to the spiritual command, and looks for a
seasoned pawo or neljorma to learn the art of a medium. Failing to do
so would normally result in psychological imbalance, sleep-walking,
entering into a trance, having seizures that make him unconscious, or
wandering in solitude. The most common affliction that results from
the refusal of a candidate to respond to the divine call is the loss of the
sense of touch, an affliction with symptoms similar to the onset of lep-
rosy.
5
2.2 Transmission through social pressure
In the villages where there are influential people and the local commu-
nity is united, one of the sons of the pawo will be forced to succeed his
father. If the pawo does not have a son the local community may also
try to motivate his relatives or other people from a low-income group
6
to take up the profession. The community may even try to attract can-
didates through incentives, such as exemption from contribution of
labour-in-kind for the developmental activities of the village.
It is the general belief of the local community that if the transmis-
sion is through the hereditary mode, the master, who is also the father
56 TANDIN DORJI
5
Oral communication of Pawo Trashi Penjor who is 40 years old. He comes from
Shelngo Jangsa village of Shaba Gewog (Paro Dzongkhag) and inherited the art from
his late father who had also been a pawo (Personal interview of May 28, 2003).
6
The low income group in the local context would be people without land or with
little land. This group of people earn their livelihood mainly by working for people with
large land holdings or in the construction and industries as labourer.
of the novice, would impart all his secret knowledge. For that reason,
the ones who take up the profession through hereditary transmission
are regarded as more powerful than the others. Those mediums chosen
by gods and spirits to become their mouthpiece
7
are also considered to
be of equal stature.
SEARCHING FOR A MASTER
Once the candidate has accepted to take up the profession he must look
for a master. The task is difficult since not all pawo or neljorma can
serve as a master, even if they accept to do so. This is because the
choice of the master is based on a simple invariable rule that the per-
sonal deity of the master medium should be of higher level if possible
or at least on a par with the deity of candidate.
It is important to mention that the mediums have a wide range of
patron deities who help them to predict, perform rituals, subdue the
spirits and cure the patients. However, the degree of their importance
varies a great deal. The patron deities are placed in a hierarchical order
depending upon their territorial dominance. The major deities control
large areas whereas the minor ones have small areas under their juris-
diction. Interestingly, the area under the control of minor deities also
forms a part of the land under the influence of the major deities.
Consequently, the minor deities appear as representatives of the major
ones in a particular region.
If the candidate chooses a master whose patron deity is lower in
degree of importance and learns the mediums art from him or her, it is
believed that both the student and the master will suffer from mental as
well as physical disabilities. The most common symptoms are vomiting
blood and mental disorder. The problem is believed to be caused by two
main factors. First, the art and skills of the medium whose patron
deities are the major ones are considered superior. In effect, learning
from a master whose patron deity is a minor one leads to distortion of
57 ACQUIRING POWER
7
Oral communication of Sangay (73 years old) and Pema Tenzin (63 years old),
farmers of Trashi Tokha village in Bjena Gewog (rged og) of Wangdue Phodrang
dzongkhag (rdzong khag), western Bhutan. (A gewog is the lowest-level administrative
unit comprising several villages. A dzongkhag is a regional level administrative unit
comprising several gewogs. In Bhutan, there are currently 201 gewogs making 20
dzongkhags.)
the art that results in mental disorder of the candidate. The second rea-
son relates to the ego problem of the major deity. The major deity is
insulted that a candidate who is under his jurisdiction should be learn-
ing from a medium whose patron deity is inferior to him. Consequently,
the major deity reacts and displays his grievance by harming both the
student and the master, with physical as well as mental problems.
Nevertheless, the situation is not disheartening as there is a solution
if the neophyte cannot find any medium who qualifies to be his master.
In such cases, the neophyte has to visit the temple of his patron deity to
make offerings consisting of butter lamps, food, fruits, meat and alco-
hol, along with a white scarf and some money. There he submits him-
self to the service of the deity and also accepts to be his spokesman
after receiving the necessary training. In return he receives a scarf from
the temple of the deity. Thereafter, the neophyte can choose any master
to teach him without having to consider the hierarchy of the patron
deities and the fear of suffering from their wrath for not adhering to the
rules.
INITIATION
Regardless of the mode of transmission, once the chosen candidate
takes up the profession of a medium, he has to find a master
8
from his
village or a neighbouring village. Proximity is very important because
the apprentice does not learn the art as a regular student. After the mas-
ter has been chosen the candidate enters into an initiation meditation
lasting three days and nights. For the candidates who have been select-
ed through the divine call, the sickness, dreams, and ecstasies in them-
selves constitute an initiation; that is, they transform the profane, pre-
choice individual into a technician of the sacred.
9
This moment is
definitely considered more important by this category of the chosen
ones as it is a turning point in their way of life; they are transformed
from an ordinary individual into a technician of the supernatural.
Nevertheless an initiation under the command of the master is manda-
tory.
58 TANDIN DORJI
8
If it is hereditary transmission or transmission of the art outside the family circle
in accordance with the choice of of the old medium, the latter will have to preach and
train his successor.
9
See Eliade 1974: 33.
The preparation of the initiation begins by referring to an astrologer
to determine a favourable day for the occasion. Next, with the help of
his master he has to arrange for some pawo and neljorma, male and
female mediums, to participate in the initiation ceremony. Traditionally
there should be at least three mediums, if not seven. A makeshift hut is
constructed in front of the candidates house
10
before the auspicious
day.
The day begins with a purification ceremony consisting of fumiga-
tion and sprinkling of water in the house of the neophyte. Cleansed of
all the worldly impurities, the neophyte is then ushered into the hut for
initiation. It is interesting to remark upon the act of purifying the neo-
phyte, as we can notice the clear division of space into that of the pro-
fane and the sacred. The house is identified with the profane world and
the hut with that of the sacred. For this very reason alone the neophyte
is purified before actually entering the hut.
11
The period of three days and nights that the neophyte spends in the
hut with his master and other mediums is termed meditation
(mtshams bcad). However, no real meditation takes place. It is called
meditation because the neophyte has to remain in the sacred world
represented by the hut. During this period the neighbours also come to
witness the initiation ceremony. Even people from other villages who
were beneficiaries of the preceding medium
12
would also come to show
their gratitude for having identified a successor and to show that they
are still dependent on his services. They bring rice and alcohol as pres-
ents.
The mediums perform several rituals in the hut for three days and
nights, with intervals and respite in between. The pawo and the neljor-
ma sit facing one another in two rows with a space between them. Three
very important rituals are conducted by the mediums during the initia-
tion ceremony.
59 ACQUIRING POWER
10
In case there is no place in front of the house, the hut can be constructed some-
where nearby.
11
In some cases the initiation ceremony is performed in the house itself. However,
the whole house, in particular, the room where the initiation takes place then has to be
purified.
12
The term preceding medium is employed to refer to the dead or old retired
medium whose successor is the neophyte in question.
60 TANDIN DORJI
1. The soaring of the divine bird (Lha bya lding ni)
The mediums seated facing one another sing the song in praises of the
beauty of the divine bird in the first part. The beauty of the divine bird
is used here as a metaphor to describe the beauty of the dress of the
medium. The second part of the song is about the power of the bird and
entails the description of how it tames and subdues the noxious spirits.
The significance of this part is to tame the spirits so that they will not
be able to harm the neophyte anymore. It is for the safety of the neo-
phyte, as he has to interact with the spirits once he assumes his full
responsibility. Another interpretation of this part of the song is as a
metaphorical description of how the mediums subdue the spirits.
2. The throwing/chasing of the effigy (Glud bcud ni)
On the third night the mediums take their normal sitting arrangement.
In between them an effigy is kept with proprietary items and a lit but-
ter lamp. The mediums order the effigy, which is the representation of
the evil spirits who can potentially harm the medium, to leave this
world. Slowly the effigy is pushed out of the hut, facing in the direction
prescribed by the astrologer. This symbolises the chasing away of the
spirits across the ocean so that they are not be able to come back to
harm the medium. This ritual is mainly performed to protect the medi-
um from evil spirits during his interaction with their kind.
3. The dance of pochu
13
(Pha jo sgro kyam ni)
This forms the last part of the initiation ceremony. The master medium
dances the dance of the pochu supported by other mediums. The words
sung are about the consecration of a structure and the beauty of the
place. This is again a metaphor. The body of the neophyte is considered
as a structure and its consecration the initiation.
The initiation concludes with the offering of a scarf to the neophyte
by the master, the other mediums, as well as other people who have
come to witness the initiation ceremony. The newly initiated candidate
also offers a scarf to his master as a mark of gratitude. This ritual has
13
This refers, according to the informants, to Pha jo Brug sgom zhig po
(12081276), a Tibetan saint who brought the Brug pa Bka brgyud pa school to
Bhutan. It is difficult to understand why a Buddhist saint would feature in the initiation
ceremony of a medium whose trade is not Buddhism. Moreover we noticed that the
name of one kind of medium is also Pha jo. More research is needed to clarify this point.
61 ACQUIRING POWER
to be conducted for three years for the pochu to fully enter the world of
mediums. However, from that day onwards he can start learning the
secret art.
APPRENTICESHIP: THE TRAINING CYCLE
The pochu or the newly initiated medium is now apprenticed to a mas-
ter. However, this does not in the least mean that the pochu is attached
to the master full time. What is quite surprising is that the neophyte
does not pay anything, nor does he work for his master during his
apprenticeship. The only assistance that he provides is during the
preparation for a ritual by kneading the dough, cutting the twigs, and
helping to put the offerings in the right place according to the instruc-
tion of the master. As will be discussed later, the pochu learns the art
and accompanies his master only when a ritual has to be performed. At
other times he works in his house.
There are two types of learning that take place under the guidance
of the master:
1. Theory
Most of the words that have to be chanted are memorised by the pochu.
If the student is literate, he will note down all the words to be chanted
and memorises them while staying at home. But, if the pochu is illiter-
ate, he learns bit by bit from the master and memorises the words. This
definitely demands that he has more contact with the master.
The pochu also accompanies his master and learns the words when
the master chants them during real situations. The first phrases that he
memorises are the ways to invoke the deities. In the process of memo-
risation he also learns how to concentrate on the physical aspects of the
patron deity according to the words. The fulfilment of this training is
very important since it is with the support of the deity that the medium
tames the evil. Following this he also learns, one by one, the phrases
and formulas of different rituals.
2. Practice
Here, the learning sessions mostly take place in real situations.
Whenever there is a ritual to be performed the master informs the
62 TANDIN DORJI
apprentice and takes him along. The master explains the preparatory
part for the ritual, whereas, as mentioned before, the apprentice is
expected to have already memorised the invocation formulas of the var-
ious deities. The apprentice then observes as the master performs the
ritual. For a period of more than a year, the apprentice accompanies his
master and learns the mediums art through participation in the
preparatory steps and by observation of the masters actions, whether it
be the same or a different ritual. At the same time he also learns other
skills of divination, such as divination by using grains (lagmo / lag mo),
divination by using an arrow (damo / mda mo) and divination by enter-
ing into a trance (chomo / kyor mo). The art of entering into a trance
14
is another secret and an indispensable knowledge that he acquires
through the instruction of his master. Of these, the first thing the pochu
learns is the lag mo as it is the easiest. Following this the more compli-
cated skills would be learnt and mastered with time.
THE POCHU AND HIS RITUAL SPACE
For the first year he is no more than an apprentice and his services are
not used by the people. However, after a year of training people will
start employing the new pochu, especially in those rituals where more
than one medium is required. He is thus no more than an assistant of
the seasoned medium. It is exactly here and also during his training
cycle that he is referred to as a pochu or the little medium, firstly,
because he is inexperienced and also because of his age. After more
than a year people will make use of his services but only during the
absence of seasoned mediums. He would also be consulted and
employed by the community for conducting small rituals, although the
important ones still remain the domain of his masters. However, a gift-
ed and capable trainee acquires a ritual space of his own after his train-
ing cycle, although he may still be called a pochu because of his age.
14
Prince Peter mentions that some oracles use red pepper and hashish as a prelude
to entering into a trance. Other factors that induce trance are monotonous praying, auto-
suggestion, deep breathing that changes metabolism and the strangulating effect result-
ing from the tightness of the chinstrap of the heavy helmet that he wears (1978: 295).
However, none of my interviewees consume red pepper and hashish as a means of
entering into a trance. Nor does the chinstrap have a role, as the pawo wear light head-
gear (rigs lnga). I assume that the deep breathing and the constant praying part is an
important factor that induces trance as far as the pawo is concerned.
63 ACQUIRING POWER
The skill of the pochu would be noticed especially during the rituals
where several mediums are required. In such a case all the mediums
enter into trance and start to make predictions.
For instance, during the festival of Bala Bongko, all the mediums at
a particular moment predict the future of the village as well as that of
each household. The prediction made by each medium varies in most
cases. In effect, during the course of one year people will come to know
whose prediction is most appropriate. There are cases where people
may notice that the prediction made by the pochu is more correct than
that of the other, seasoned, mediums. Thereafter his services will be
sought and he will start having a ritual space of his own with a partic-
ular group of people who will employ him all the time. This group of
people know that the pochu is still not seasoned, but might still prefer
his services because they think that astrologically their relationship
with the pochu is more favourable (*khams kro).
The influence and the fame of the pochus master also matter a great
deal in his capacity to conquer a ritual space of his own. If the pochu is
the successor of a popular pawo, than all the people who had used the
services of his predecessor will also come to seek his assistance once
his training cycle is complete.
CONCLUSION
Although mediums have for centuries been part of the socio-religious
fabric of Bhutan, nowadays we cannot but notice the struggle of vil-
lagers to find a qualified medium to perform the traditional rituals that
have been conducted for generations by their parents and grandparents.
On the one hand, the pertinent problem for the villagers is the dilemma
of choice between conducting the rituals despite the difficulty of find-
ing a medium, or doing away with the rituals and suffering the wrath of
the local deities and the spirits. On the other hand, the ageing mediums
themselves are facing increased difficulty in finding a successor. If they
fail, this might lead, after their death, to their soul wandering in search
of someone to possess as a successor, therefore delaying their own
rebirth.
Thus, the free transmission of secret knowledge, though lucrative, is
a profession no one covets any longer. How are people adjusting to this
change? Are there possibilities of re-strengthening this religious activ-
64 TANDIN DORJI
ity? Might the social stigma
15
attached to this profession dissipate?
These are some of the questions that I will try to deal with in my doc-
toral dissertation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dorji, T. n.d. The cult of Radrap (Ra dgra), Nep of Wangdue Phodrang (Bhutan).
Eliade, M. 1974. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Hamayon, R. 1990. La Chasse lme: Esquisse dune Thorie du Chamanisme
Sibrien. Nanterre: Socit dEthnologie.
Hamayon, R. (ed.) 2003. Chamanismes. Revue Diogne, Paris: PUF Quadrige.
Hitchcock, J.T. and R.L. Jones (eds) 1994 [1976]. Spirit Possession in the Nepal
Himalayas. Delhi: Vikas.
Pommaret, F. 1998. Matres des trsors (gTer bdag): divinits locales et mdiums au
Bhoutan. In A.-M. Blondeau (ed.) Tibetan Mountain Deities, their Cults and
Representations. Proceedings of the 8
th
IATS Conference, volume 6. Wien: ster-
reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark 1978. Tibetan oracles. In J.F. Fisher (ed.)
Himalayan Anthropology. The Hague and Paris: Mouton Publishers.
15
It is the general belief that mediums tend to come from the lower stratum of soci-
ety. They are mostly people with small land holdings.
OB VIRULENTAS NONNULARUM
HERBARUM EXHALATIONES
GEORGE VAN DRIEM
A Bhutanese oral tradition enables the identification of two alpine
species of rhododendron as the plants whose noxious effects are first
mentioned in a seventeenth-century Western source. The pollen and
aromatic particles which the flowers exude in summertime can cause
respiratory difficulties at the high altitudes at which they grow.
In June 1661 two Jesuits, an Austrian named Johann Grueber and a
Walloon named Albert dOrville, left from Peking to travel to India.
The two men traversed China, Tibet and Nepal and arrived in India in
1662. That year dOrville died at Agra, but his friend Grueber lived
to return to Europe. These two Jesuits were the first Westerners to
mention Nepl or the Kathmandu Valley, the name of which they re-
corded as Necbal. They were also the first Westerners to specifical-
ly record a number of Nepalese toponyms. The places which they
mentioned were Cadmendu, i.e. kaQma\U Khm, Baddan, i.e.
paqn Pan, Hedonda, i.e. he qO# \a He, Maranga, i.e. mor
Moraf, Cuthi, i.e. ku qI Ku or
____
Nyalam Dzong
1
(located
just north of the present-day Tibetan-Nepali entrept at Kasa Khs),
and Nesti, i.e. ilqI B~sar List Bhansr (near tatopanI Ttopn
just south of the Tibetan-Nepalese frontier town of kodarI Kodr).
Grueber and dOrville were also the first Westerners to identify
that Mt. Everest, which they referred to by its local Tibetan name of
Q_
Langgur Tent of Taurus, was the mons omnium altissimus,
1
Tibetan and Dzongkha forms are rendered in the phonological transcription
Roman Dzongkha, which reflects actual Western Bhutanese pronunciation. Dzong-
kha phonology and Roman Dzongkha are explained in the Dzongkha grammar (van
Driem and Karma Tshering 1998).
66 GEORGE VAN DRIEM
i.e. the highest mountain of all. They learnt this fact from the local
Tibetans, amongst whom it was already received knowledge.
2
The
height of Mt. Everest, known today to be 8848 metres, was only first
measured in 1852 by Rdhnth Sikdhar and Michael Hennessy of
the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, who dutifully named the
peak after their former boss.
Like many Jesuits of the day, Grueber and dOrville sent their
reports about Asia back to Rome to the prominent scholar Athanasius
Kircher at the Vatican. In his letter to Kircher of May 10th, 1664,
Grueber provided an account of his travels with his confrre dOrvil-
le. Kircher studied and compared such travel journals and conse-
quently became one of the best informed authorities on Asia in the
West. Kirchers grand collation appeared in 1667 under the title
China Illustrata, a hefty work beautifully produced in Amsterdam,
then a fine centre of the publishing art. The full title of the work was
China Monumentis, qua Sacris qu Profanis, nec non variis Natur
& Artis Spectaculis, Aliariumque Rerum Memorabilium Argumentis
Illustrata, auspiciis Leopoldi Primi, although the work remains better
known by the shorter title which appears on the frontispiece.
Kircher was so admired for his learning that the famous Dutch
playwright Joost van den Vondel, who had by then converted from
the anti-Calvinist Remonstrant denomination to Roman Catholicism,
called Kircher een tolck, een glans van zestien tongen, door alle
dampen heen gedrongen, i.e. an interpreter, a luminosity of sixteen
tongues, piercing through all enshrouding mists (1652, II. Tegenzang,
r. 2-3). Kircher was not the only Western scholar with considerable
knowledge about the Orient. His China Illustrata appeared two years
after the widely acclaimed Beschryving van t Gesandtschap der
Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie aen den grooten Tartari-
schen Cham, nu Keyser van China by Johan Nieuhof in 1675. More-
over, his grand collation also contained a number of wilful interpreta-
tions of facts related in reports submitted by the corresponding Jesuits
in the East.
2
The story about the often incorrectly reproduced indigenous Tibetan name for
Mt. Everest has been told elsewhere (van Driem 2001: 749-752, 756).
OB ARIS SUBTILITATEM 67
After the publication of China Illustrata, Grueber in his corre-
spondence with Kircher insisted on emendations that should be in-
cluded in later editions.
3
All of Kirchers data on Nepal are evidently
drawn from Gruebers 1664 letter. The relevant passage in Kircher
reads as follows:
E Lassa sive Barantola sub 29. grad. 6. min. elevat. Poli constituta,
usque ad radicem montis Langur quadriduo venerunt; Est autem
Langur mons omnium altissimus, it ut in summitate ejus viatores vix
respirare ob aris subtilitatem queant; neque is ob virulentas nonnula-
rum herbarum exhalationes stivo tempore, sine manifesto vit peri-
culo transiri possit. (1667: 65)
Kircher carefully traced the route of the journey undertaken by Grue-
ber and dOrville on a fold-out map between pages 46 and 47 of the
original Amsterdam edition, including their crossing of the Everest
massif.
A notable feature of the passage quoted above is that Grueber and
dOrville mention that the malaise experienced at the high altitudes
around Everest was caused not only ob aris subtilitatem, i.e. by the
thinness of the air, but also ob virulentas nonnularum herbarum
exhalationes, i.e. by the noxious exhalations of certain local plants.
Sadly, today much of Nepal has been deforested. With this extensive
habitat destruction both local lore of medicinal plants and a large
body of related knowledge have been lost forever. I have observed
this phenomenon in progress in many language communities in eco-
logically degraded portions of the Himalayas afflicted by over-popu-
lation and the over-exploitation of resources. Yet the herbs mentioned
by the two Jesuits can still be identified on the basis of living Bhu-
tanese herbal lore and oral tradition. The effects of the herbs men-
tioned by the Jesuits are therefore not just some poorly understood or
misinterpreted version of a local folk belief.
Altitude sickness is known in Dzongkha as
__
ladu the dolour
of the mountain passes. The word
__
du by itself signifies both
3
The correspondence between Grueber and Kircher was studied by Cornelius
Wessels (1924).
68 GEORGE VAN DRIEM
poison and malaria, although in the sense of malaria the term has
an antique flavour, and the word has usually been replaced by
__
tshep in modern usage. Etymologically, Dzongkha
__
du reflects a
root of good Tibeto-Burman lineage signifying pain or dolour, but
also widely reflected in the meaning poison. In contrast with other
terms denoting illnesses, the Dzongkha term
__
ladu collocates
not with the verb
__
nani hurt, ache,
4
but with the verb
____
shni
to catch, e.g.
______
ladu shwi [you] will get altitude sick-
ness, or, more literally the dolour of the mountain passes will catch
[you].
In the lore of alpine nomads such as the yakherders of Laya,
altitude sickness is caused not only ob aris subtilitatem, by the
thinness of the air, as Grueber and dOrville reported in 1664, but
also ob virulentas nonnularum herbarum exhalationes, i.e. by the
noxious exhalations of certain local plants. In fact, the compromised
respiratory fitness caused by the inhalation of the airborne aromatic
particles released by these plants is most probably something alto-
gether different from altitude sickness. None the less, the resultant
respiratory condition is likewise qualified in Dzongkha as
__
ladu
altitude sickness.
The herbs in question are the fragrant flowering plants known in
Dzongkha as
_
balu, i.e. Rhododendron anthopogon, and
_
sulu,
i.e. Rhododendron setosum. These two plants are compact dwarf
rhododendrons which very frequently grow together in associated
bunches. Consequently they are often referred to collectively as
__