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IGNOU's Indian History Part 3: History of India From 8th To 15th Century
IGNOU's Indian History Part 3: History of India From 8th To 15th Century
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' UNIT 1 AGRARIAN ECONOMY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Agrarian Expansion
1.2.1 Gwgmphial and Chronological Patterns
1.2.2 ldeologial bckgmund
Agrarian Organisation
1-1.1 Character and Rok of Various Types of Agrarian Settkments
1.3.2 R~ghtsin Land
Technological Improvements
Rural Tension
Agriculture and the Exchange Network
The Characterisation of Early Medieval Agrarian Economy
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
1.0 OBJECTIVES
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The early medieval period in Indian history marks the growth of cultivation and
organisation of land relations through land grants. These grants began around the
beginning of Christian era and covered practically the entire subcontinent by the
end of the twelfth century. In the early medieval period agricultural expansion meant
a greater and more regular use of advanced agricultural techniques, plough
cultivation and irrigation technology. Institutional management of agricultural
processes, control of means of production and new relations of production also
played an important role in this expansion. With this expansion, new type of nwal
.tensions also emerged. Commercial activities in agricultural and non-agricultural
commodities increased. All these aspects have been dealt in this Unit which ends
with a discussion on the characterisation of early medieval agrarian economy. Let us
start with the aspects related to agrarian expansion.
Early Mediwll Ezonorny :
-
8th 13th Century AGRARIAN EXPANSION
The agrarian expansiol, which began with the establishment of b m b d q a and
a p r h r n settlements thfbugh land grants to Brahrnanaa from the fourth century
onwards acquired a uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries.
The centuries between the eighth and twelfth witnessed the processes of this
expansion and the culmination of an agrarian organisation b a d on land grants to
religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas, temples and officers of the King's
government. However, there are important regional variations in this development,
both due to geographical as well as ecological factors.
The chronological appearance of the land grant system shows the following pattern:
fourth-fifth centuries : s p m d over a good part of central India, northern Deccan
and Andhra,
fdth-seventh centuries : eastern India (Bcnpl and Orissa), beginnings in Western
India (qujarat and Rajasthan),
seventh and eighth centuries: Tamil Nadu and Karnataka,
ninth century : Kerala, and
end of the twelfth century : almost the entire sub-continent with the possible
exception of Punjab.
I) & b n ~ o o l r r m n ' A * d m t p a i o b ~ ~ P i e L t h c ~ ~ a s ~ i a ~ L c u
andpo!inCdolrm'Fagaixsttimpaiodwknhadlg~atqystem.ppeprrdin
that mghn (Ccoaal lndk Bmga&Oriur. Northan Dcoua, Andhn, Tamil
Nadu. Kcraia G u m Rajastban, Karnalaka),
-
1.3 AGRARIAN ORGANISATION
The agrarian orpnisation and economy were highly complex. This can be
understood on the basis of intensive studies of the regional patterns of land grants
and the cbuDcter and rale of the brahnadeya and nowbmhadqa and temple .
ecttlementa. The growth and nature of Lnd ri#hta, interdependence -on# the
different groups related to land and the production and distribution processes also
help in a better understanding of the situation.
T
13.1 Churetcr raid Role d V ~ O W m of A g d m Scttitmmts
Bnhmadeya : A bnhmadeya represents a grant of land either in individual plots or
whole vilIagcs given away to Bnhllvnu making tbem landownm or land
controllen. It was mcmt eitber to bring v i r a land under cultivation or to integrate
existin8 agricultural (or pasant) settlements into the new economic order dominated
by a Brahmrm proprietor. T h a e B n h m u u donee8 played a major role in
intepating various socio-cconomic groups into the new order, througb service
tcnurcs and a t e mnuninm undar the VI.M tun Fnr cumnk. the rawi in^
peasantisation of shudras was so-t to be rationalid in the existing brahmanical Agrarian Econon~?
social order.
The practice of land grants as bnhmadeym was initiated by the ruling dynasties and
slrbsequently followed by chiefs, feudatories, etc. Brnhmadgm facilitated agrarian
expansion because they were :
exempted from various taxes or dues either entirely or at least in the initial stages
of settlenlent (e.g. for 12 years);
also endowed with ever growing privileges (padharm). The ruling families derived
economic advantage in the form of the extension of the resource base, moreover.
by creating brahmadeyns they also ,gained ideological support for their political
power.
1. A Record from Rajkot ( A . D . 5 3 6 ) of the reign o f Dhruvnsenu-l mention5 1111 er:r~ll o f ;I \ i l i . , n ~ :I\
Early Medieval Fxonomy :
8th- 13th Century
5. Inscripticmsof Kakaf ya Ganapti (A.D. 1199) from Knrimnagar Dist riet records a land gvnt made by the
Governor of Chuneridesa to Msnchi-Bhattopndhyaya, the priest of king (;anpati.
Secular Grants : From the seventh century onwards, officers of the state were also
being remunerated through land grants. This is of special significance because it
created another class of landlords who were not Brahmanas.
Devadanas : Large scale gifts to the religious establishments, both brahmanical and
non-brahmanical, find distinctive places in inscriptional evidences. These centres
worked as nuclei of agricultural settlements and helped in integrating various peasant
and tribal settlements through a process of acculturation. They also integrated
various socio-economic glroups through service tenures or remuneration through
temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who paid a higher share of
t l ~ cproduce to the temple. Such lands were also managed either by the sabha of the
brnhmadeya o r rnahajvnss of the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements
ternplcs became the central institution. Here temple lands came to be
;itlm~nistrredby the temple executive committees composed of land owning non-
131.~1i1rnanas. r Q thc Velalas nf Tamil N a d u the O k k a l ~ l K n m n u l ~ i etc of Karnataka
different groups were assigned a caste and ritual status. I t is in this process that Agrarian Economy
people following 'impure" and "low occupations" were assigned the status of
untouchables, kept out of the temple and given quarters a t the fringes of the
settlement.
The supervision of temple lands was in the hands of Brahrnana and non-Brahmana
landed elite. The control of irrigation sources was also a major function of the local
bodies dominated by landed elite groups. Thus the Brabmona, the temple and higher
strata of non-Brahmanas a s landlords, employers and holders of superior rights in
land became the central feature of early medieval agrarian organisation.
The new landed elite also consisted of local peasant clan chiefs o r heads of kinship
groups and heads of families, who had kani rights i.e. rights of possession and
supervision. I n other words, several strata of intermediaries emerged between the
King and the actual producer.
- -
During the early medieval period there: was a n increase in irrigation sources such a s
canals, lakes, tanks (tataka, eri) and wells (kupa and kinaru). That the accessibility
to water resources was a n important consideration in the spread of rural settlements
is shown by regional studies. Keres or tanks in south Karnataka, nadi (river),
pushkarini (tank), srota (water channel) etc. in Bengal and nmghatta-wells in western
Rajasthan used to be natural points of reference whenever distribution and transfer
of village lands had t o be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water resources
contributed t o the extension of cultivation and intensification of agricultural
activities. Water-lifts of different kinds operated by man and animal power were also
known. Epigraphic sources record the construction and maintenance of such
irrigation works between eight and thirteenth centuries. Many of the lakes/ tanks of
this period have survived well into the modern times. Some of them were repaired,
revived and elaborated under the British administration. The step wells (vapis) in
Rajasthan and Gujarat became extremely popular in the eleventh-thirteenth
centuries. They were meant for irrigating the fields a s well a s for supplying drinking
water.
The increase in the number of irrigation works was due t o a n advance in irrigation
technology. There is evidence of the use of more scientific and permanent methods of
flood control, damming of river waters, sluice construction (with piston valve and
cisterns) both a t the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood controkwas
achieved gradually through breaching of rivers for canals and mud embankments
which ensured the regulated use of water resources.
Lakes or reservoirs were more commonly used in semi dry and rain fed areas, a s well
QE r;.,ar h ~ c ; n c x x ~ h o r ot h o r i ~ ~ o rAc
AoA 1.- in c..mmar Pnnr+rmmnt;nn nf ..r-tar mcomtn;rr
Early Medieval Economy : was initiated by ruling families and maintained by local institutions such as the
8th- 13th Century sabha (Brahrnana assembly) and ur (non-Brahmana village assembly) in Tamil Nadu.
Maintenance of lakes/ tanks etc. i.e. desilting, bund and sluice repair was looked
after by a special committee of local assemblies and cesses were levied for the
purpose.
Royal permission was accorded for digging tanks or wells, when gifts were made to
Brahmanas and temples. Land was demarcated for construction and maintenance of
canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was considered a part of the privileges
enjoyed by the grantees and an act of religious merit. Hence, resourceful private
individuals also constructed tanks.
No less significant were the improvements in agricultural implements. For example, a
tenth century inscription from Ajmer refers to 'big" plough. Similarly, separate
implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic plants. VrikshsyuvcBP mentions
steps to cure diseases of trees. Water lifting devices such as nrqghatta and
ghatiyantra are mentioned in inscriptions and literary works. The former was
specially used in the wells of Rajasthan in the ninth-tenth centuries. The Krishisukti
of Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated by oxen is the best, that by men
was the worst while the one driven by elephants was of the middling quality.
Advanced knowledge about weather conditions and their use in agricultural
operations is noticeable in such texts as the Gurusunhit. and Krishinarashwara.
More than one hundred types of cereals including wheat, barley. lentils, etc. are
mentioned in contemporary writings on agriculture. According to the Shunyapwarn
more than fifty kinds of paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of
fertilizers improved immensely and the use of the compost was known. Cash crops
such as arecanuts, betel leaves, cotton, sdgarcane, etc. find frequent mention.
Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us about the exmllent sugarcane of north
Bengal which yielded juice even without the use of pressing instrument. Commodity
production of coconut and oranges assumed special importance in peninsular India
during this period.
Marco-Polo hints at increased production of spieces when he says that the city of
Kinsay in China alone consumed ten thousand pounds of pepper everyday which
came from India. He also mentions the great demand for Indian ginger in European
markets. Harvesting of three crops and rotation of crops were known widely. Thus,
advanced agricultural technology was being systematised and diffused in various ,
, parts of the country causing substantial boom in agricultural production.
6. A Knnnnda Inscription (on hero-stone) of 9th century A.D., from Nnvnli, records the construction o f n
+-.,I :- ------ -8 La-,. 2. -2- -r mf:-- .~-rn:-~.
Agrarian Econornj
. . . ,'
. . .
7. A- Tenth centurl Tamil Inscription from Erode which +eli!ibns-a$o;i the ci)&trucIion of a tank and
3virig of money For its ma;-tenance hy u person named ~ u n j i - $ dl'ili. .
Cheek Y ourTrqgccss.2
1) How did' brahmadeyas helped in a g r a d expansion?
.....................................................................................................................................
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2) What is the difference between brahmadeya, secular. and devadana grants?
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3) What was the nature of rights enjoyed by land grantees?
................................................................................................................................
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Early Medievd Fxonnmq : Describe bfiefly the main methods of irrigation.
1.
-
8th 13th Century
4)
................................................................................................................................
Notwithstanding agrarian expansion, the rural landscape was far from being a
homogeneous sceue. There is, to begin with, heterogeneous and stratified peasantry.
Unlike the age old and pre-Gupta gahapatis we now have graded personnel
associated with land : Xshetrik, hrshaka, hnlin and a r d ~ k .Regrettably, there is
hardly any indication of landownership in these terms, which seem to be refemng to
various categories of cultivators. The conversion of the brahmadeyas into non-
brahmadeyas and that of the latter into ngrnharns were potential sources of tension
in rural areas. The damarn revolts in Kashmir, rebellion of the Kaivarthas in the
reign of Ramapal in Bengal, acts of self immolation in situations of encroachments
on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation of donated land by shudras in the Pandya
territory, are indices of distrust against the new landed intermediaries. The fact that
donors often looked for land where cultivation was not disputed also shows the seeds
of turmoil. The possibility of the hero-stones in and around agrphams also has the
potential of throwing light on rumblings beneath the surface in agrarian settlements.
Why does the concept of brahmahatya (killing of a Brahmana) become very
pronounced in early medieval times? Answers to this question raise doubts about the
validity of "brahmana-peasant alliance* and "peasant state and society" (see Sec.
1.7). This is, however, not to deny other possible areas of tension within rural society
between Brahmanas and temples and within ranks of secular land holders.
The aforesaid picture is certainly true for the period 300-800 A.D. However, the
subsequent 500 years witnessed a rapid increase in the number of agrarian
settlements and the growth of local markets (see Unit 2) initially for local exchange.
Subsequently, the need for regular exchange within a region and with other regions
led to organised commerce. This in turn led to the emergence of merchant
organisations, itinerant trade and partial monetisation from the ninth century.
Though the relative importance of these features varied from one region to another
(See also Units 3 and 4) the increasing role of agriculture in this new economy is
easily seen.
..
Agricultural products d h e to be exchanged with items of long distance trade carried
on by itinerant traders. This development also led to a change in the pattern of
landownership towards the close of the early medieval period. Merchants and
economically influential craftsmen,
. . . . . .- -.
like weavers, .invested
--
in. land
- i.e. purchased land
called the Jagati-kottali (community of weavers) and the community of Telligas (oil Agrarian Economy
pressers) were active participants in agriculture. The former are repeatidly mentioned
as excavating tanks and laying out gardens.
~ Different views have been put forward regarding the nature of the overall set up of
early medieval agrarian economy. On the one hand, it is seen as a manifestation of
feudal economy, while on the other it is dubbed as a peasant state and society.
Another important feature was the prevalence of forced labour. The right of
extracting forced labour (vishti) is believed to have been exercised by the
Brahmana and other grantees of land. Forced labour was originally a
prerogative of the King or the state. It was transferred to the grantees, petty
officials, village authorities and others. In the Chola inscriptions alone, there are
more than one hundred references to forced labour. Even the M s a n t s and
.
artisans come within the jurisdiction of vishti. As a result, a kind of serfdom
emerged, in which agricultural labourers were reduced to the position of
, semi-serfs.
3) Due to the growing claims of greater rights over land by rulers and
intermediaries, peasants also suffered a curtailment of their land rights. Many
were reduced to the position of tenants facing ever growing threat of eviction. A
number of peasants were only ardhikas (share croppers). The strain on the
b peasantry was also caused by the burden of taxation, coercion and increase in
their indebtedness.
4) Surplus was extracted through various methods. Extra economic coercion was a
conspicuous method. With the rise of new property relations, new mechanisms
of economic subordination also evolved. The increasing burden is evident in the
mentioning of more than fifty levies in the inscription of Rajaraja Chola.
According to this theory, autonomous peasant regions called the nadus evolved in
South India by early medieval times. They were organised on the basis of clan and
kinship ties. ,Agricultural production in the nadus was organised and controlled by
the nattar. i.e. people of the nadu, organising themselves into assemblies, 1.e. nadu.
Members of this assembly were velahs or non-Brahmana peasants. Their autonomy
is indicated bv the fact that when land erants were made bv the kings and lesser
. .
F ; ~ ~ Medieval
I? Economy : chiefs, oiders were issued with the consent of the "attar. Orders were first addressed
8th- 1.3th Century
,:. .
to them. They demarcated. the;'gift-land
. . . and supervised the ex&utibii.df.the grant
because they were the organisefs.of produc~ion.'ihe~ritimiha'i~arid dbniinait
.....
peasants became allies in the productibA prbckss. ' ~ ~ ~ a r e n tttie l j l ejtpcincnts
, of..this
hypothesis share the notion of rural-self-~ufficiency,which:,is 11 ibp&&nt:. . . ,
2) What was the pattern of commerce in early medieval period? Did it effect the
pattern of land ownership?
................................................................................................................................
In this Unit the survey of agrarian economy during the five centuries between the
eighth and thirteenth highlights:
Perceptible expansion of agriculture in practically all over the Indian
sub-continent as a result of land grants. While the hitherto virgin lands and
forested areas attracted this expansion, grants were also made in regions which
were already under cultivation,
the deep rooted ideological interests of religious establishments-both
brahmanical and non-brahmanical, which sang praises of gifts of land,
the einergence of various types of agrarian settlements with graded land rights,
growing interests of non-agriculturists in land. specially those of state officials,
traders, artisans. etc., .
the spurt in technological improvements-in
rrn...? -..,A rrnrr;"" rs..rr.. .. ~rrigation,agricultural implements,
the mutual relationships amongst different groups related to land underlining A p v h n Economy
seeds of rural tension, and
the debate on the characterisation of early mdieval agrarian economy focussing
on the distinguishing traits of 'Indian feudalism" and "Peasant State and
Society".
2) You should include in your answer items like foodgrains, gold, money, cultivable
land, garden, plough, cows, oxen, etc. Gift of land was considered the best. Also
see Sub-sec. 1.2.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) Bnhmrdeyr could help in agrarian expansion because these were exempted from
land revenue and enjoyed other ptivileges, therefore, the grant holders had more
incentives to develop these lands. Besides most of these lands were virgin and
making them cultivable helped in expanding the cultivable area. Also see Sub-
set. 1.3.1.
2) Brahmadeya grants were given to Brahmanas only while secular grants were
given to state functionaries in lieu of their salaries and devadam grants were
":.,-..*,. L-,.L-..-i--l -- ..,-11 -- --- L--L-..-:--l . - - . - I - - &I-- - - - O . . L --- I 1 1
Early Medieval Economy : 3) The grantees had such rights as collection of land revenue, other taxes and
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8th 13th Century
maintain administrative control. See Sub-sec. 1.3.2.
4) Your answer should include such devices as wells, tanks, lakes, canal. You
should also mention the water lifting devices such as ghatiyantra, rrrghattr and
the use of animal power. See Sec . 1.4.
Check Your Progress 3
1) The main reasons for tension were the conversion of brahnmdcya lands into non-
brahmadeyas and rgraharas, encroachment on other land and number of
intermediaries. See Sec. 1.5.
2) The commeicial activities within a region, and with other regions were
undertaken. Agriculture produce was exchanged with other products often from
distant regions. The investment in land by merchants and influential craftsmen
changed the pattern of.landownership. Also see Sec. 1.6.
3) Your answer should include such features of Indian feudalism like emergence of
hierarchical landed intermediaries, prevalence of forced labour, curtailment of
land rights of peasants, economic subordination by surplus extraction and
existence of a relatively closed village economy. Also see Sec. 1.7.
UNIT 2 URBAN SETTLEMENTS
~
I
Structure
2.0
2.1
Objectives
Introduction
2.2 Form and Substance of Urban Centres
2.3 The General Pattern
2.4 Regional Variations and Types
2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres
2.4.2 Market Centres. Trade-ndwork and Itinerant Trade
2.4.3 Sacred/ Pilgrimagr: Centres
2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals
2.5 Let Us Sum Up
2.6 Key Words
2.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
--
INTRODUCTION
3) List the important traits of urban centres applicable to early medieval India.
'
.......
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..
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In a vast country like India there are a lot of regional variations in the pattern of
emergence and growth of urban centres. In this section we will discuss some
important variations.
A similar development of trade and market centres can be seen in Rajasthan and
western parts of ~ a d h ~ a i ~ r a d eHere,
s h . the exchange centres were located in the
context of the bases of adrarian production i.e. where clusters of rural settlements
occur. In Rajasthan these centres were points of intersection for traffic of varying
origins, giving rise t o a certain measure of hierarchy. The network was further
elaborated with the growth of generations of well-known merchant families in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are named after their places of origin such as
Osawala (Osia), Shrimalis (Bhirimal). Pallivalas and Khandclvalas, etc. The resource
bases, the main routes for the flow of resources and the centres of exchange were
integrated through the expansion of these merchant families. Rajasthan provided the
main commercial links between Gujarat, Central India and the Ganga \.alley. Such
links were maintained through towns like Pali, which connected the cca coast towns
like Dvaraka and Bhrigukachcha (Broach) with Central and North India. Gujarat,
with its dominant Jain merchants, continued to be the major trading region of
Western lndia where early historic ports or emporium like Bhrigukachcha (Broach)
continued to flourish as entrepots of trade in early medieval times. Bayana, another
notable town in Rajasthan was the junction of different routes from different
directions. The range of merchandise started probably with agr~culturalproduce
(i~tcludingdairy products) but extended to such high-value items as horses,
elephants. horned animal4 and jewels.
In Karnataka, the steady increase in towns during the period under review is marked
Shimoga. In the trade with the West i.e. Arabia, Persian Gulf and beyond, the West
Coast of Peninsular India played a consistently dominant role from the early historic
period. Several ports such as Thana, Goa, Bhatkal, Karwar, Honavar and
Mangalore developed during the revival of long distance trade, between the tenth and
twelfth centuries, with evidena of coastal shipping and ocean navigation.
Surprisingly, this commercial activity was taking place (see also Unit 3) only through
limited monetization. Incidentally, the Konkan coast (under the Shilaharas) does not
even show any signs of risc of markets and their network.
Wider trade networks also existed between Karnataka. Andhra and Tamil Nadu, for
the presence of Kannada, Tamil and Telugu merchants is well attested in several
towns such as Belgaun (Karnataka), Peruru in Nalgonda district (Andhra Pradesh)
and coastal towns of Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala. The Andhra coast turned to
the south eastern trade with Motupalli, Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala acting as
the major outlets. Market centres of inter-regianal importance are represented by
places like Nellore, Draksharama, Tripurantakam and Anumakonda in Andhra
Pradesh. On the northern and southern banks of Kaveri in its middle reaches arose a
number of exchangt points between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu such as Talakkad
and Mudikondan.
Kerala developed contracts with the West and foreign traders such as the Jews,
Christians and Arabs who were given trading towns under special royal charters.
Coastal towns such as Kolikkodu, Kollam etc., became entrepots of South Asian
trade. The location of such trading groups aa the Anjuvannan and Arab horse
dealers enhanced the importance of coastal towns in Karnataka and Kerala.
Major craft centres which developed in response to inter-regional trade were weaving.
centres in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Some of the craft and
commercial centres of the early historic urban phase survived till the early medieval
period and were brought into the processes of re-urbanisation which llnked them
with the new socioeconomic institutions like the temple. Kashi (Varanasi) in the
north and Kanchipuram (near Madras) in the south are two very prominent
examples of such processes.
Vatapi and Vengi of the Chalukyas in the northern Karnataka and Andhra.
Kanchipuram of the Pallavas with their royal.port at Mamallapuram
(Mahabalipuram).
a Madurai of the Pandyas with Korkai as their port.
Tanjavur of the Colas with Nagappattinam as their port.
Kalyana of the Western Chalukyas, Dvarasamudra of the Hoysalas, and
Warangal of the Kakatiyas with Motupalli at their port.
Warangal was a rare example of a fortified royal city in South India.
Examples of royal centres in North India are:
the Gurjara Partihara capital at Kanyakubja (Kanauj).
Khajuraho of the Candellas.
Dhara of the Paramaras, and
Valabhi of the Solankis.
A fairly large number of cities emerged under the powerful Gurjara-Pratiharas,
Chahamanas and Paramaras in Rajasthan. Most of them were fortified centres, hill
forts (garhkila and durga). Examples of fort-cities in Rajasthan are.:
Nagara and Nagda under the Guhilas.
b Bayana, Hanumanghrh and Chitor under the Gurjara-Pratiharas, and
Mandor, Ranathambor, Sakambhari and Ajmer under the Chauhans and so on.
On the basis of various sources, a list of 131 places has been compiled for the
Chauhan dominions, most of which seem to have been towns. Nearly two dozen
towns are identified in Malwa under the Paramaras. Gujarat under the Chalukyas
was studded with port towns. The number of towns, however, does not seem to be
large in Eastern India although all the nine victorv camps (jayaskandavars) of the
Palas (Pataliputra, Mudgagiri, Ramavati, Vata Parvataka, Vilaspura, Kapilavasaka,
Sahasgand, Kanchanapura and Kanaui) may have been towns. To these may be
added four capitals of the Senas in northern and eastern Bengal,-.viz. -.
Lakhnaut~,
in the Candellas records. The Palas and the Candellas also account for nearly twenty Urban Scttlancnts
and twentyfour fortresses respectively.
Sometimes, important trade and market centres were also conferred o n feudatory
families. Examples of such minor political centres a r e numerous in Karnataka,
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
3
Check Your Progress 2
1) What led t o the transformation of some rural centres in to urban?
- --
3) Seven such traits lihted in Sec. 2.2. Please read tllcrll and write in britt
five of them.
Check Your Progress 2
1) In some cases the rural e n t r e s provided a nuclei for the growth of urban
centres. At times rural centres became a point of convergence of trade and
developed in to towns. See Sub-sec. 2.4.1.
2) Your answer should include factors such as the' I ~ c a t i o nof place on it major
'
trade route, interaction of route or market for regional trade or inter-regional
trade of a port. See Sub-sec. 2.4.2.
3) A numbcr of religicrus centres developed in towns bccausc these were visited by a
vast number of people and in due course markets elc. developed. Also read
Sub-sec. 2.4.3 agaid.
4) You should write a s t o how adm~nistrativccentre\ or \c;lts of poucr dvvclopd
in established towns. Sec Sub-sec . 2.4.4.
UNIT 3 TRADE AND COMMERCE
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Trade : Definition and Phases
3.3 The First Phase (c. A.D. 700-900)
3.3.1 Media of Exchange
3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade
3.3.3 Urban Settlements : Decay
3.4 , The Second Phase (c. A.D. 900-1300)
3.4.1 Crafts and Industry
3.4.2 Coins and other Media of Exchange
3.5 Aspects of Trade
3 5.1 Inland Trade a) Commod~tiesof Trade and their Consumers. and
b) Trade Routes and Means o f Communications
3.5.2 Maritime Trade a) The Chief Participants
b) Cornmoditla Exchanged
c) Ports
d) Safety and Security of Merchants
3.5.3 Revival of Towns
3.6 Let Us Sum Up
3.7 Key Words
3.8 Answers to Check Your ~ ; o g ~ e sExercises
s
3.0 OBJECTIVES
during the six centuries between c.A.D. 700 and c.A.D. 1300,
the historical features of trade in two broad phases: i) c.700-900 and ii) c.900-
1300,
the relationship between trade and commerce with i) metallic-currency, ii) village
economy and iii) towns,
the role of crafts and industry in the trade operations,
about the commodities of trade and their consumers-both in the inland a & '
foreign trade,
the principal trade routes and means of communication, and
the role of political authorities in furthering the intemsts of traatr. I ?d
merchants.
-
3.1 INTRODITC'TIGX
---- --- .- ---
The study of urbar. settle-ireas UIA,,.,. 2,. in the cecond Umt would l r i n r ~
incomplete :f it is not reliltcd to trade and commeize. 5specr :.f Indian cconcnly
in the early rnecii=val cencmz: an integrai component. Like the tv~t pece2in:~
L1nits ( I and 21, 2r f-im: ;a iiii~cht&l~ a~er~!,orls
.- .
took place are ~ r iisved
Unit in the bdckarop of the deuelr~:.,tr.' c v -:.-.i,; f y L h i.-, Thp- n..turc and extin;
: in this
.,f tire ;.a. of r*.. I:, r:.? <CCC!~;,J~,~ J; md:Ltt th: -ole of Lgr-u;tbral production,
and s u g e ~;:. :. , . ~ . r d l t i ~~f
i i ~siban sc::leaeat: are i: terrelare. 'rv.lo;n;ct.: -
None of these 1s unreiated to the system of land :rants w5iiil .:, ;!ledoj jeer.
described (Unit 1) as an almost all India phenome~~on u . l r i ~ bt>t c t ! ~ ~ ~ + lunder
r.,
discussion (eighth to thirteenth). One may even suggr~ttt~artrad: .d cLmmerLc too
3.2 TRADE :DEFINITION AND PHASES
iii) Kashmir, on the other hand, shows emergence of copper coinage from about
the eighth century A.D. Extremely poor quality of this coinage has been
explained in terms of the decline of trade based economy and rise of
agricultural pursuits in the valley.
iv) Finally, a point of view questions not only the idea of paucity of coins but also
the decline in trade. This is based on the evidence from what is described as the
mid-Eastern India comprising Bihar, West Bengal and the present Bangladesh
during A.D. 750-1200. While it is conceded that there was no coined money
and that the Palas and Senas themselves did not strike coins, it is also argued
that there was no dearth of media of exchange. To illustrate, it is emphasized
that there was not only a long series of Harikela silver coinage but also cowries
and more importantly churni (money in the form of gold/silver dust) also
functioned as media of exchange.
Well, there may have been some regional exceptions but the all-India perspective fits
in the general hypothesis of Professor Sharma. Even with regard to the regional
exce~tions,the following questions require some attention:'
a) What was the nature and extent of such commercial activities?
b) Were such activities capable of giving rise to stable commercialised class?
C) Who took away the profits of this trade?
d) Did this so called flourishing trade gave any incentive to the toiling, subject
and immobile peasantry?
The first phase was also marked by-the decay and desertion of many towns. It is an
important symptom of commercial decline because the towns are primarily the
settlements of people engaged in crafts and commerce. As trade declined and the
demand for craft-goods slumped, the traders and craftsmen living in towns had to
disperse to rural areas for alternative means of livelihood. Thus towns decayed and
townsfolk became a part of village economy. Beside the accounts of Hiuen Tsang,
the Pauranic records too, while referring to Kali age indicate depopulation of
important cities. This seems to have been the continuation of the trend already
indicated by Varahamihira (5th century). Reference was made in Unit 2 t o the
excavated data from 140 sites. The decay of important towns such as Vaishali,
Pataliputra, Varanasi, etc. is evident from the archaeological excavations which
reveal poverty of structure and antiquities. The pan-Indian scene is marked by
desertion of urban centres or their state of decaysin the period between the third and
eighth centuries. Even those settlements which continued upto the eighth century,
were deserted thereafter. One can mention Ropar (in Punjab), Atranjikhera and
Bhita (in Uttar Pradesh), Eran (in Madhya Pradesh), Prabhas Patan (in Gujarat),
Maheswar and Paunar (in Maharashtra), and Kudavelli (in Andhra Pradesh) in this
category of urban settlements. Even the medieval greatness of Kanauj (in the
Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh) for which several wars were fought amongst
the Palas, Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas, has still to be testified by the excavator's
spade.
The commercial activity during the first phase of early medieval period had declined
but did not disappear completely. In fact, trade in costly and luxury goods meant for
the use of kings, feudal chiefs and heads of tkmples and monasteries continued to
exist. The articles such as precious and semi-precious stones. ivory, harses, etc.
formed an important part of the long distance trade, but the evidence for
transactions in the goods of daily use is quite meagre in the sources belonging to this
period. The only important article mentioned in the inscriptions are salt and oil
which could not be produced by every village, and thus had to be brought from
outside. If the economy had not been self-sufficient, the references to trade in grains,
sugar, textile, handicrafts, etc. would have been more numerous. In short the nature
of commercial activity during A.D. 750-1000 was such which catered more to the
landed intermediaries and feudal lords rather than the masses. Though there were
some pockets of trade and commerce such as Pehoa (near Karnal in Haryana) and
Ahar (near Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh) where merchants from far and wide met
to transact business, they could not make any significant dent in the closed economy
of the country as a whole.
I) Write in brief the important features of the economy during c. 700-900 A.D.!
'4) Give main reasons for the decay of towns between'7th-9th centuries A.D.
As already explained (Unit l), the widespread practice of land grants had been a
significant factor in agrarian expansion. Though it is recognised that it is not easy to
quantify this development, one can also not overlook the noticeable regional
variations and disparities. However, the period from the beginning of the tenth
century to thcend of the thirteenth was the age of greater production of both cereals
and pulses as well as of commercial crops. Naturally, it created a favourable climate
for widening the scope of both internal and external trade.
Textile Industry, which had been well established since ancient times, developed as a
major economic activity. Coarse as well as fine cotton goods were now being
produced. Marco Polo (A.D. 1293) and Arab writers praise the excellent quality of
cotton fabrics from Bangal and Gujarat. The availability of madder in Bengal and
indigo in Gujarat might have acted as important aides to the growth of textile
industry in these regions, Manaeohsa, a text of the twelfth century, also mentions
Paithan, Negapatinam, Kalinga and Multan as important centres of textile industry.
The silk weavers of Kanataka and Tamil Nadu also constituted a very important
and influential section of the society.
The oil industry acquired great importance during this period. From the tenth
hntury onwards, we get more references to the cultivation of oilstods as well as to
phanaka or oil mills. An inscription from Karnataka refers to different types of oil
pills operated both by men and bullocks. We also notice the affluence of oilmen
f6-1116-,,\ I.-".m- a...- .C 6L-, ..-As-r,-L *La -...l...-..^r:..- C
. *--- .
..
---I .
.*
La
-
public works. -M iediater t h t the oil industry offered profits to its members. Trade and Commerce
Similarly, r e f e m to 8- bltivation and cane crushers in this period also
Endicate large scale production of jaggcry and other forms of sugar. Besides the agro-
based industry, the craftamanship in metal and leather goods too reached a high level
of excellence. The literary sou- refer to craftsmen connected with different types
of metale such as copper, brans, iraa, gold, silver, etc. A number of large beams at
Puri and Konarka temples in Orisaa indicate the proficiency of the iron smiths of
India in the twelfth ctntury. Iron was also used to manufacture swords, spearheads
hnd other arms and weapons of high quality. Magadha, Benaras, Kalinga and
%crashtra were known for the manufacture of good quality swords. Gujarat was
known for gold and silver embroidery. The Ginza records of the Jewish merchants
belonging to the twelfth century reveal that Indian brass industry was so well known
that the customers in Aden sent broken vessels and utensils to India to refashion
them according to their own specifications. The existing specimens of Cola bronzes
and those from Nalanda, Nepal and Kashmir display the excellence of the Indian
metal workers.
In the field of leather industry Gujarat occupied an enviable position. Marco Polo
mentions that the people of Gujarat made beautiful leather mats in red and blue
whicb were skilfully embroidered with figures of birds and animals. These were in ,
i) Whether references to coins are in the context of exchanges in the rural area or
in the urban setting?
ii) the types of exchange centres and the nature of 'market" where such
transactions take place;
iii) - the personnel involved in these transactions; and
iv) o how far are the inscriptional references to coins only notional? etc.
As far as the actual specimens of coins are concerned, one can say that the practice
of minting gold coins was revived by Gangeyadera (A.D. 1019;1040); the Kalacuri
King of Tripuri (iri Madhya Pradesh) after a gap of more than four centuries.
Govindachandra, the Gahadavala King near Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh, the
Chandella rulers ~ift6varmanand Madanavarman in Central India, King Harsha of
Kashmir anddsome Cola Kings in Tamil Nadu also issued gold coins. Reference has
already been made above to certain early medievalcoin types in Western and North-
western I v i a . According to one estimate, about nine mints were founded in different
parts of Karnataka during the twelfth and thirteenth century. An important mint
functioned at Shrimol (near Jodhpur) in Rajasthan.
As far as the actual role of metal money is concerned, the little work that has been
Ann- ,.-r --,4n,nl LI.,:., A-.. A.,- L-I- ..-
A- -L - 3. . .
Early Medieval Economy : Despite the plethora of references to coins, the evidence of overall volume of money
-
8th 13th Century
in circulation is almost negligible. Nor can one overlook the poor purchasing power
of early medieval coins, irrespective of the metal used. All coins of the period were
highly debased and reduced in weight. Also, in terms of the rising population and
expanding area of settlement, the use of money seems to have been highly restricted.
The case study of early medival Rajasthan shows that the revival of trade,
multiplication of exchange centres and markets and prosperity of merchant families
took place only with the help of "partial monetization". Similarly, the cash nexus on
the Western coast (Konkan area) under the Shilaharas (c. 6 . D . 850-1250) was also
marked by limited use of money. The types and denominations of coins remained
not only extremely localised but could not penetrate deep into the economic ethos.
Masses were far away from handling of coins. The currency system of South India
during A.D. 950-1300 also shows that transactions at all levels of the society were
not equally affected by coined money. For example, the fabulous expenses reported
to have been incurred by the Pandyas as regular buyers of imported horses cannot
be thought in terms of what we know as very poor Pandyan currency. Barter was
still an important means of exchange in local inter-regional and perhaps even in
inter-national commerce. There are references which indicate that carvanas of
merchants exchanged their commodities with those of other regions. According to
one account, horses imported from abroad were paid for not in cash but in Indian
goods which may have been silk, spices or ivory. These Indian goods enjoyed
constant demand in the markets all over the world.
Though the revival of even '"partial monetization" was contributing to economic Trade and Commerce
growth, yet no less significant was the parallel development of credit instrument by
which debits and credits could be transferred without the handling of cash money. In
the texts of the period we find references to a device called hundika or the bill of
exchange which might have been used by merchants for commercial transactions.
Through this device credit could be extended by one merchant to another and, thus.
the obstacle to commerce due to shortage of coined money could be overcome. The
Lakhapaddhati, a text which throws light on the life of Gujarat in the twelfth-
thirteenth centuries, refers to various means of raising loan for consumption as well
as commercial ventures t h r ~ u g hthe mortgage of land, house and cattle.
2) List the main metal works of Indian artisans between 9th-13th centuries.
The increased agricultural production and the momentum picked by industrial and
craft production were responsible for giving rise to a hierarchy of exchange centres.
e ---- .:---A L 2 -L- -- r . r A- . . - ...
E a l y Medieval Ecmwny : inter-regional and intra-regional exchange networks were creating cracks in the
-
nth 1% Century relatively closed village economy of the first phase (c. A.D. 750-900).
The chief customers of Indian goods were of course the rich inhabitants of China,
Arabia and Egypt. Many of the Indian goods might have found their way to Europe
as well as via Mediterranean. While the aspects of foreign trade will be discussed at
length later, it needs to be highlighted that the domestic demand was not
insignificant. A new class of consumers emerged as a result of large scale landgrants
from the eighth century onwards. The priests who earlier subsisted on a meagre fees
offered at domestic and other rites were now entitled to hereditary enjoyment of vast
landed estates, benefices and rights. This new landowing class, along with the ruling
chiefs and rising mercantile class, became an important buyer of luxuries and
necessities because of their better purchasing power.
i
a) The Chief Participants
The period under survey was marked by great expansion of sea trade between the
1.
I
two extremetles of Asia. vi7. the Persian Gulf and South China. lndia which lay
midway between the two extremeties greatly becefited from this trade. The hazards
of long aea \o}ages were sought to be curtailed by anchoring on the Indian coasts.
I 1he Asian trade during these centuries was largely dominated by the Arabs. After
ha\ing destroyed the important port and market ol' Valabh~o n the Saurashtra coast
I D the eighth century, they madc themselves the chief ma) ir~r:lc: force in the Arabian
Early Mediev J Economy : Ocean. Later in the ~welrtl:--.... U C L U I , . ~. ,mportant part~clpant~n
-
8th 13th Century
this trade and started lsending her olbn ships to Southeast Asia and lndia. However,
it did not affect the position of Arabs who continued to maintain their supreme hold
on the Asian trade.
Abu Zaid, an Arab author of the tenth century refers to lndian merchants visiting
Siraf in the Persian Gulf, while Ibn Battuta (14th century) tells us of a colony of
Indian merchants at Aden in the Red Sea. A Gujarati text of the 14th century refers
to a merchant Jagadu of Kutch who traded with Persia-with the help of lndian
agents stationed at Hormuz. In South India, the Colas, took keen interest in
maritime trade. The Tamil inscriptions found in Malaya and Sumatra ind~catethe
commercial activities of Tamil mercantile community in these regions. The Colas
also sent a number of embassies to China to improve economic relations with her.
They even sent naval expedition against the Srivijaya empire in the eleventh century
to keep the sea route to China safe for their trade. However, by and large the
references to the physical participation of Indian merchants are quite limited. This
did not affect the demand for Indian products which reached the outside world
through the Arabs and the Chinese. -
In return-for eastern psoducts, India sent its aromatics and spices. particularly
pepper. According to Marco Polo pepper was consumed at lhe rate of 10.000 pounds
daily in the city of Kirisay (Hang-Chau) alone. Chab Ju Kua. a Chinese port official
of the thirteenth century, tells us that Gujarat, Malwa. Malabar and Coromandel
sent cotton cloth to China. It is pointed out by Ibn Batruta (A.D. 1333) that fine
cotton fabrics were rarer and more highly priced than SIUin the cities of China.
India also exported ivory, rhinoceros horns, and some precious and semiprecious
stones to China.
As regards the articles of trade with the Arab and the Western World, thy Jewish
merchants carried many goods from the West coast of India to the Egyptian
markets. These included spices, aromatics, dyes, medicinal herbs, bron7e and brass
vessels, textiles, pearls, beads, coconuts, etc. India also exported teakwood which
was required for .ship-building and house construction in the almost treeless areas of
Persian Gulf and South Arabia. Some surplus food-grains, mainly rice, were also
sent out from the Indian ports to the communities in other coastal regions which did
not produce enough foodstuffs to meet their needs. The fine and embroidered leather
mats of Gujarat were according to ~ a r c Poloo highly priced in the Arab world.
India was also known for its iron and steel products, particularly the swords and
spears, which enjoyed a wide market in Western countries.
As far as imports from the West are concerned, the most significant item was the
horse. As the number of feudal lords and chiefs increased in the early medieval
period, the demand for' horses also increased manifold. Horses were brought both by
land and sea. Ibn Battuta tells us that horse-dealers coming through the North-
western land routes earned large profits. According to an Arab author, Wassaf
(A.D. 13281 more than 10.000 horses were hroueht annuallv to the Coromandel
coast, Cambay and other ports of India in the thirteenth century. Horses were Tmdr m n d Commerce
brought from such p l a a s a s B a h ~ i n Muscat,
, Aden, Persia, etc. Besides horses,
dates, ivory, coral, emtralds, etc. were also brought to India from the West.
10. A 16th century plnting from Thiruppudaimnruthur Temple in Tirundveli district showing Arab
troden and horse being brought an ships.
c) Ports
There were a number of ports on the Indian coasts, which not only served the inland
trade network but also acted as a link between the eastern and western trade. In fact;
almost every creek that cou!d provide facility for a safe anchorage of ships,
developed into a port of some national or international significance.
On the mouth of the Indus,, Debal was an important port which according to
Al Idrisi (twelfth century), was visited by vessels from Arabia as well as from China
and other Indian ports. Chief ports on the Gujarat coast were Somanatha, Broach
and Cambay.
Somanatba had links with China in the East and Zanzibar (in Africa) in the West,
Broach or ancient Bhrigukachha has had a very long history. Cambay is known as
Khambayat in Arabic sources, and Stambhatirtha in Sanskrit sources. Its earliest
reference goes back to the ninth century A.D. Sopara and Thana were other
important ports on the Western coast of India.
I
On the Malabar coast, Quilon had emerged as the most important port. The Arab
Writers tell us that ships coming from the West called at the port of Quilon for
collecting fresh water before sailing for Kedah in South-east Asia. Similarly, the
Chinese sources of the thirteenth century also state that Chinese traders going to the
country of the Arabs had to change their ships at Quilon.
During the three centuries between the tenth and thirteenth, the Coromandel coast
deveIoped into a virtual clearing house for the ships coming from the East and West.
The Arab author, Wassaf, tells us that the wealth of the isles of the Persian Gulf and
the beauty of other countries as far as Europe is derived from the Coromandel coast
The most important port in this region was Nagapattinam. Puri and Kalingapattam
pxre important ports on the Orissa coast. In Bengal the fortunes of Tamralipti were
reviving though according to some scholars, it was being superceded by another port
of 'Saptagrama.
Check b u r Progress 3
1 ...................................................................
. . . . . . I............................... ....................
\ '
, . . ...........
....................................................................................................
. . ...................
................................................................................................................
3) Mark (d ) against the right and ( X ) against the wrong statements given below :
i) The Indian goods reached to outside world through Chinese and Arab
merchants.
ii) The main owrseas trading activities were undertaken by rndian merchants.
iii) Some inscriptions in Malaya and Sumatra indicate the presence of Tamil .
merchants.
iv) There was a settlement of Indian merchants in Aden.
b) List 2 ports each of East, We3, and South coasts of India dl*.. .he peril
under study.
The present study of trade and commerce during c.A.D. 700-1300 has focussed on :
the two phases of inland and foreign trade,
the nature and extent of the use of metal coins and. the role of other media of
i exchange in the trade network,
contribution of expansion of agriculture and increased agricultural production in
i furthering interests of trade, and
I impact of trade and commerce on the condition of towns through the centuries.
I
The overall picture of trade and commerce during the six centuries under discussion
is that of feudalisation. The way in which money transactions took place, the
manipulations of landed interests including those of state officials and ruling chiefs,
functioning of the ruling elite in the interests of big traders and merchants and
putting restrictions on artisans and craftsmen (see also Unit 4) are indicators of the
process of feudalisation.
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Trader as a Link
4.3 Position of Merchants during the First Phase
(c.A.D.700-900)
4.4 Position of Merchants during the Second Phase
(c. A.D. 900-1 300)
4.5 Social Role of Traders
4.6 Organisation of Traders
1.6.1 Guilds : Definition and Fundions
4.6.2 Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India
4.7 Relationship Between Merchants and Craftsmen
4.8 Let Us Sum Up
4.9 K e y Words
4.10 .Ann-ers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you should be able to explain the:
relative position of traders and merchants in the society during the two major
dhases of early medieval India, viz. c.A.D.700-900 and c.A.D.900-1300,
regional characteristics of trading communities,
major activities of traders,
types of traders and merchants,
character and conduct of traders,
trading guilds and their functioning-both in the North and South India, and
control of merchants on artisans and craftsmen.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
Units 2 and 3 in this Block sought to explain the role of trade and commerce in the
economic activity and its linkage with the growth of towns and cities. Their place in
the overall growth of feudal tendencies was also emphasized.The present Unit ought
t o be seen as a complementary facet. An attempt has been made here to demarcate
the role of traders and merchants in the society with reference to their organised
economic activities. The fluctuations in their relative positidn through centuries have
also been shown. The Unit also draws special attention to the overawing influence of
big merchants o n petty artisans and craftsmen.
TRADER A S A LINK
The traders form an important link between producers and consumers. They collect
agricultural surplus and products of artisans and craftsmen from different regions
and distribute them over a wlde area. They trade not only in finished goods but also
During the early medieval centuries, the process of collection and distribution of
goods involved a large number of merchants, big as well as small, local as well as
inter-regional. There were hawkers, retailers and other petty traders on the one hand
and big merchants and caravan traders on the other. The relative position of traders
and merchants in the society is related to the two phases of commercial activity
outlined in Unit 3. While their role was adversely affected during the first phase
(A.D. 700-900) on account of limited commercial exchange, the revival of trade in
the second phase (A.D. 900-1300) led to considerable increase in the status,
effectiveness and power of merchant communities. The ancient Indian texts specify
trade along with agriculture and cattle rearing as the lawful means of livelihood for
vaishjjas. In the seventh century, the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang distinctly
mentions vaishyas as traders and shudras as cultivators. However, the process of the
two coming closer had already started and shudras were undertaking trade in such
articles as wine, honey, salt malt, etc. The barriers of brahmanical varna order were
crumbling in the post-Gupta centuries and people were adopting professions cutting
across varna divisions. Trade was followed by the people of all varnas and castes.
Lome were compelled t o take it up while others found it more lucrative than other
economic activities.
In view of the relative decline of trade during these centuries, the role of merchants
in the society was considerably eroded. As trade slumped and markets disappeared,
the merchants had to seek patronage and shelter with the temples and other
emerging landed magnates. It robbed them of their independent commercial activity,
and forced them to cater to the needs and requirements of their patrons. Some
inscriptions from Orissa and Central India reveal that traders, artisans and
merchants were amongst those who were transferred to donees. This must have
meant a serious reduction in their free trading activities. Nor is there any significant
evidence of administrative role being assigned to merchants between the eighth and
tenth centuries. This is in obvious contrast to their role in administration evident
from seals and sealings from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar during the Gupta period.
However, trade did not disappear completely, some merchants were still active,
particularly along the coast. But they were small in number and their activities were
largely confined to the luxury articles required by kings, chiefs and temples. In South
India too, trade was not a very important activity during the centuries under survey.
This is indicated by the relative absence of the mention of merchants as a distinct
class in the records of the period. In other words, it can be said that the first phase
of early medieval India was marked by the thinning away, if not disappearance, of
the prosperous and free merchant class.
The literature and inscriptions of the period refer to the large number of merchants
who were known by the specialised trade they followed. Thup, we come across
dealers in gold, perfumes, wine, grains, horses, textiles, curds. betels, etc. Some of
the merchants employed retailers or assistants to help them In trading activities. As
inter-regional trade developed a group of merchants specialised in examining and
r h n n o i n o rninc fnr trader-.
Moneylending also became one of the major activities of mrcbants. Though people
deposited money in temple treasury for the religious purpose of endowing flowers.
oil, lamps,. there are very few referenas to guilds accepting deposits and paying
This period also witnessed the emergence of many regional merchant groups, i.e. the
merchants-who were known after the region they belonged to. They were mostly
from Western India. As this region had a wide network of important land routes
connecting coastal ports with the towns and markets of northern India, t k
merchants of certain specific places in this region found it more profitable to
specialise in inter-regional trade. Thus, the merchant groups called Oswal derive their
name from a place called Osia, Palivalas from Patlli, Shrimali from Shrimala,
-' .
Modha from Modhera and so on. Most of them are now a days collectively known
as Marwaris, i.e. the merchants from Marwar. Apart from their functional and
regional names, merchants were also known by various general terms, .the two most
common being-shreshthi and sarthavaha. Both these terms were known from very
early times.
1 I
Sresthi was a rich wholesale deakr who lived in a town and carried on his business
with the help of retailers and agents. At times he lent out goods or money t o small
merchants, and thus acted a s a banker too, though, as we have already pointed out,
moneylending was becoming a separate and specialiscd activity.
I
The sarthavaha was the caravan leader under whose guidance the merchants went to
distant places to sell and purchase their goods. He was supposed to be a highly
capable person knowing not only the routes but also the languages as well as the
rules of exchange in different regions.
I
The expansion of agriculture and the availability of surplus from the 8th19th century
onwards led t o increase in commercial exchanges in South India too. It resulted in
the emergena of a full time trading community looking after the local exchange.
This community also participated in wider inter-regional and inter-oceanic trade. As
in the North, South Indian merchants too specialised in the trade of specific
commodities such as textiles, oil or #me, betd leava, hones, ctc. At the local h4
regional markets called nr-m were the centres of exchange. They were situated in
a cluster of agrarian settlementg, and they integrated not only collection from
hinterland but also commercial traffic from other areas.
The numbers of these n a p r a m s increased considerably during the Cola period in the
I
eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the term napnttu, i.e. member of the napmu
assembly, became a generic term for all Tamil merchants (See also Unit 2; Sub*.
2.4.2).
ii) Ciriwx travelkr H i m Tsang menttcm vaishva. a. tsi i d e ~ai 112 5hudfi:b
as cultivators.
iu) Dtrieg the second phase (A.D 900-1 Wt m-T>apt. r -1 r. :.;ltc.< r .-en i g l
the sratc administration.
iv) Sredhi w ~ ss small retailer nlcrchant.
The guilds framed their own rules and regulations regarding the membership and the
code of conduct. They fixed the prices of their goods and could even decide that
specific commodity was not to be sold on a particular day by its members. They
could refuse to trade on a particular day by its members. They could refuse to trade
in a particular area if they found the local authorities hostile or uncooperative. The
I
. guild merchants also acted as the custodians of religious interests. The inscriptions
refer to numerous instances when they collectively agreed to pay an additional tax
on the sale and purchase of their goods for the maintenance of temples or temple
functions.
The guild normally worked under the leadership of a chief who was elected by its
members. He performed the functions of a magistrate in deciding the economic
affairs of the guild. He could punish, condemn or even expel those rpembers who
violated the guild rules. One of his main duties was to deal directly with the King,
and settle the market tolls and taxes on behalf of his fellow merchants. The growth
of corporate activity enabled guildchiefs to consolidate their power and position in
society, and many of them acted as the representative of their members on the local
administrative councils.
A member of the guild worked under a strict code of discipline and was also robbed
of some initiative or action but still he enjoyed numerous benefits. He received full
backing of the guild in all his economic activities and was, thus, saved from the
harassment of local officials. Unlike a hawker or vendor, he had greater credibility in
1
the market on account of his members ip of the guild. Thus, inspite of the fact that
guildchiefs tended to be rude and aut oritative at times, the merchants found guilds
an important means of seeking physical and economic protections.
The digests and commentaries of the period refer to the corporate body of merchants
by various terms, such as naigama, shreni, samuha, sartha, samgha, etc. The
naigama is described as an associatio~!of caravan merchants of different castes who
travel together for the purpose of carrying on trade with other countries. Shreni,
according to Medhatithi, was a group of people following the same profession such
as that of traders, moneylenders, artisans, etc. though some authors considered it to
be a group of artisans alone. The Lekhapaddhati indicates that a special department
called the Shreni-karana was constituted by the kings of western India to look after
the activities of the guilds of merchants and artisans in their region. Another text
Manasollasa reveals that many merchant guilds maintained their own troops
(shrenibala) for personal safety. Inscriptions too refer to the corporate activity of
merchants. An inscription from western India refers to vanika-mandala which was
probably a guild of local merchants.
The merchant guild called Ayyavole was also known as the guild of "the 500 Swami
of Aihole" nanadeshi. While some have argued that such organisations were
primarily traders in various types of merchandise and not a single unified
corporation of merchants, a detailed study of Kannada Ayyavole shows that the
The organisation might have had an initial membership of .500. But there is no
denying the fact that with the growth of trade and commerce, the Vim B8nanj.s
(representing the trading guild of Ayyavok) operafed on a trans-regional plane and
had developed deep s o c i ~ c o n o m i cinterests between the ninth and fifteenth
centuries. They spread from Bhalvani (in Sangli district in Maharashtra) in the north
t o Kayalpattinam (in Tamil Nadu) in the South. The number "five hundred" also
became conventiowl as the guild became a much larger body and drew its members
from various regions, religions and castes. It is in this context that the term
~ n a d e s h came
i to be used for this organisation.
In course of outward expansion, the members of the Ayyavole guild interacted with
the local markets called n a y m m , and promoted commercial activity by collecting
agricultural goods fiom the hinterland and distributing the goods brought from
elsewhere. The commercial influence of Ayyavole spread even beyond South India. It
is indicated by the inscriptions found at .Burma. Java. Sumatra and Sri Lanka. As
the mercantile activities of Ayyavole increased, some of its members became quite
rich and powerful, and acquired the title of samaya chakravarti. i.e. the emperor of
.
the trading organisation. It may suggest that as in the North, certain individual
,.
merchants in South too were trying to establish their control on the working of
>
Another important merchant guild of South, India was the M n n i y m m . It first
appeared along the Kerala coast in the ninth century A.D. However, as i t gradually
came into close contact, with the Ayynvole, it greatly improved upon its
inter-regionhl activities and covered a large part of the peninsula. A ninth century
Tamil inscription found at Takua pa on the West coast of Malaya indicates that it
was engaged in the long distance sea trade from the very beginning.
4) What was the role of Ayyavole in the expansion of tradingactivities in Soutll India'.'
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
1) Your answer should include the influence of merchants in society and their position
in administration. Also read section 4.5.
2) i)J ii)J iii) X iv)J V)X (artisans were mostly dependent on merchants)
I 3) The guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same
commodity. The main functions of guild were to fix the prices, area of activity,
decide market regulations, etc. See subsection 4.6.1.
4) The Ayyavole was the guild of merchants in South 1ndia.This was a strong body of
merchants and contributed to the expansion of trade not only in South India but
overseas also.
Jha, D.N., ed. Feudo1 Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987
E u l y Medieval Economy :
-
8th 13th Ccntuq
Sharma, R.S. Indian Feudalism, 2nd ed., Delhi, 1980.
R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c.300-1000, New Delhi, 1987.
Thapar Romila, A Hisiory of India, London, 1983.
Jain V.K., Trade and Traders in Western India (A.D. 1000-1 300) Delhi, 1990.
Deyall John S., Living Without Silver; The Monetary History of h r l y Medieval North
India, Delhi, 1990.
I UNIT 5 SOCIAL ORGANISATION
Structure
, 5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Sources for the Reconstruction of Society
5.3 Brahmanical Perspective: Growing Rigidity
5.4 Voice of Dissent
5.5 Changing Material Base and The New Social Order
5.6 The New Social Ethos
5.6.1 Emergence of Shndrm as Cultivators
5.6.2 A k n c e of Intermediary VUMS in Bengal and South India
5.6.3 . Rise of a New Literate Class
5.6.4 .Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes
i) Amongst BrPhma~@
ii) Amongst KhPtrj.os
iii) Amongst Vaishym and Shudrrrs
5.7 Land Distribution, Feudal Ranks and Varna Distinctions
5.8 Increasing Social Tensions'
5.9 Let Us Sum Up
5.10 Key Words
5.11 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises
After reading this Unit you will be able to familiarise yourself with the:
myth of an unchangifig and the so-called static Indian sqciety,
copious agd varied literary and epigraphic sources useful for reconstructing the
nature of social change, .
f
varying perspectives on the social set-up ranging between a call for making it more
rigid and an all-out cry to question its fundamental bases, b
5.1 INTRODUCTION
For almost a century, we have been fed with the falacious colonialist and imprialist
notion about the Indian society being static through the millennia. This Unit seeks to
show that the Indian social organisation during five hundred years under survey
(8th-13th century) was extremely vibrant and responsive to changes taking place in
the realms of economy, polity and ideas. The Unit focusses on the essentials of the
new social ethos, whose tone was being set by the nature of new land rights and
power bases.
~ - - -- ----
has been attempted at Bn all India level, the number of the post-Gupta inscriptions
must run in thousands even on a rough impressionistic assessment. These inscriptions
are available in a variety of languages and scripts (See also Unit 7). These records
help us in identifying rregional and local pecuharities without sacrificing a macro view
of the sub-continental scene.
The literary sources are also very varied. It is not merely the writings on
dhannashastras in tha form of commentaries and other d8urm-nibondbrrs which tell
us about the ups and downs in the social system. Even works belonging to the realms
of kavyas (poetic works), drama, technical and scientific works as well as treatises .
and architecture throw enormous light on the post-Gupta developments in the sphere
of society. Kahana's Rajatarangini, Naistwdhiyacbarita of Shriharsha, P r I l b d a
Chintamani of Merutunga, Soddhala's Udaya-Sundari-Katha, Adipurana of
Jinasena, the dohas of the Siddhas, Medhatithi's and Vigymeshwar's commentaries
on the Manusmriti add Yajnavalkyasmriti r e s e v e l y , 'and works such as
Manasollasa, Mayamata and Aparajitapriccha are useful aids for reconstructing the
social fabric of India during the period under survey.
Dhanapala, a writer of the eleventh century, also talks about chaos in the conduct of
vama order. Various rulers between the sixth and thirteenth centuries make rather
pompous claims about preserving the social order. These are reflected in their
inscriptions. Varnasb-dharma-sthapana, i.e. the establishment of the system of
varna and ashrama becomes a frequently used expression in contemporary
inscriptions. A twelfth-century work called Manasollasa eveh mentions
vamadhkub-an bfficer responsible for the maitenance of v ~ m uIt~ n&o . be
underlined that thisitrend of closing social ranks, making social system rigid and
denouncing all efforts to change the system was largely the concern of Brahmanical
law givers and polit@ advisers who had developed vested interests in maintaining a
status quo (See alsa Unit 6). However, it was by no means a universal phenomena.
a
brahmanas. Thou h these voices could not achieve si&cant breakthrough in the
long run, they did ot cease either. Simmering discontent against the brahrnanical
social order r&&s head at regular intervals. No wonder, in Dhanuaparik&a
(eleventh century) Jaina Amitagati determined caste on the basis of personal
conduct. The caste superiority of the brahmanas was challenged by the Jainas in such
works as the Khthdnwhpraltarurrr. A'satirical work called Latalcamelaka menfions a
~ u d d h k monk
t who deniesimportance of caste, regards it as baseless and denounces
, ', pollution and caste-based segregation. Kshmendra, the literary genius of Kashmir
refers to Kula-JaWdarpa (vdnity of caste and clan) as a disease of the society for
?
:
rn - which he himself +as a physician. The Padmapurana reveals a conflict of two
ideologies-the orthodox one enjoining on the s h u b a life ofpenury, and the
heterodox one urging upon him the importance of wealth.
. An eleventh cen*
but on -patio&.
work focuses on social ranks and divisions bgsed n& on birth
While the priests of different religions are called hypocrites, thet
.'
second broad so& c l d c a t i o n of householders takes note of the fdowing six -2
I
categories:
1 the highest included chakravartins,
m the high ones comprised the feudal elite,
the middle ones included traders, moneylenders, possessors of cows, buffaloes,
camels, horses, etc.
small businessmen and petty cultivators,
the degraded ones such as the members of guilds off artisans and craftsmen, and
the highly degraded included chandaias and others following ignoble occupations
I
such as killing of birds and animals.
It js obvious that this social categorisation takes note of economic factors in the
determination of social status. Even if such attempts were not aiming at a more
-
egalitarian society than the one espoused and buttressed by the brahmanical'
interest; even if such categorisations show their biases and prejudices, it needs to
be highlighted that such reconstructions were evidently more rational.
I
A new social ethos was in the making. It was shown above that the new trends in
Indian economy were conductive to feudal formation. In the realm of political
organisation too, as will be discussed in Block 3, a great majority of power centres
were marked by feudal tendencies based on graded land rights. No wonder, the sOcial
landscape could not escape the domineering impact of the fast pace of economic
changes outlined above. The resultant social changes demolish the myth of an
unchanging and static social organisation of India which was propagated .by !
colonialist and imperialist historians. Regrettably, even nationalist historians too did
e
not question such assumptions. More recent writings, specially of the last three
decades, have rightly focussed on the dynamism and vibrancy of the Indian social
fabric by highlighting its interlinks with changhig economic patterns.
-.- -
.
5.6 THE & SOCIAL ETHOS
The post-eighth century sodal organisation &h seems to have prevailed till at least
the establishment of the Turkish political power in the thirteenth century, was
mBrked by:
modifications in the varna system such as the transformation of shodks into
cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas,
newly founded brahmanical order in Bengal and South India wherein the
intermediary varnab were absent, and finally, rise of the new literate class
struggling for a pla& in the varna order,
phenomenal increw in the rise of new mixed castes,
unequal distribution of land and milrtary power, which ,in turn, accounts for the
emergence of feuddl ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and
increasing evidencd of social tensions.
1 at: v -..L-itm~ita dealing with the career of a Sena King of Bengal in the twelfth
century speaks of the reordering of the social order. The King raised the position of
the Kaivarthas, potters, blacksmiths, garlandmakers while the goldsmiths and
t r a d e r - b n l r u were d e p d e d . In the region of another Sena King ( ~ ~ s h m a n a
Sena), a writer says in connection with the unfurling ceremony of traders' banner
called Shakradhvaj~:"0where are the traders who once held you aloft. You are
now being used as plough or animal post." Vallalasena's dwading of trading
brabmanns can also be favourably compared with allusions to nishpd brPhmonas
(aboriginal priests making their way into the brahmma fold) who got reoognised as
bcabmanas but were assigned low status in the society. In South India, a Shaiva
brahmana teacher called Basava preached religious equality of men and women. The
tendency to eliminate intermediary v ~ r a a is s also noticeable in.the status of scribes.
The Kayaithas, Karanas, L e k h h s and IipiLarrs are classed as shudras. Same was
true of gavundas (modem day Gowdas in Karnataka) in medieval Deccan.
Divisions within the brolhmana vama were also caused by temtorial affiliations. In
North India we hear d Sarasvat, Kanyakubja, Maithi, Ganda and Utkal
brahmanas. In Gujartat and Rajasthan they were identified in terms of their mola
(original place of habitation) and divided into Modha, Udichya, Nagara, etc. By the
late medieval times, the brahmanas were split into about 180 mulas. There were also
the feelings of superiority. While there was a phenomenal migration of brahmanas,
certain regions were ponsidered to be papadeshas (inpious regions). These included
Saurashtra, S i d h and Dakshmapath.
ii) Amongst Kshatiiyas: The ranks of kshatriyas also swelled in the post-eighth
century. Numerous works give varying lists of 36 clans of Rajputs in northern
India alone. They arose out of different strata of population-kshatriyas,
brahmanas, some other tribes including even the original ones and also out of
the ranks of foreign invaders who settled here and got assimilated into the Indian
social system. While the traditional notion invested the kshatriya vama as a
whole with func%ons of rulership, the ideologues were never opposed to
. I recagnising in many cases the non-kshatriya rulers as kshatriyas. It is said that
from amone the kanutred "resnectahle men were enrolled amnnv the Shekhavat
and the Wadhela tribes of Rajputs whilst the lower kinds were allotted to castes
of Kolis, Khantas and Mers". Thai there was a conscious attempt to give exalted
genealogies to rulers in many parts of India has been discussed in details below
, (See Units 10.4, 11.4.3 and 12). Some of the new kshatriyas were called
Samskara-Varjita, i.e. they were deprived of ritualistic rites. This may be taken
as a coverup for their admission to the brahmanical social order through inferior
rites.
iii) Amongst Vaishyas and Shudras: The process of caste proliferation did not leave
the vaishyas and shudras untouched. While these two broad varnas, as seen
above (Unit 5.6. I), were clearly coming closer to each other, there is an equally
unmistakable evidence of jatis (castes). Like the bral~maoas,the vaishyas too
were being identified with regional affiliations. Thus, we a&unt for vaishyas
called Shrimal's, Palliwals, Nagar, Disawats, etc. No less striking is the
heterogeneity of the Shudras who had been performing multifarious functions.
They were agricultural labourers, petty peasants, artisans, craftsman, servants
and attendants. The Brahma Vaivarta Purana lists as many as one hundred
castes of shudras. In their case too, these sub-divisions were based on regional
and territorial affiliations. In addition, shudra castes were also emerging which
were related to a specific process of industrial working, e.g. Padukakrit,
Charmabra (makers of shoes, leather workers), etc. Crystallization of craftd into
castes was a complementary phenomenon. It seems that napita, modaka,
tambdika, suvanrakara, sutrakara, malakara, etc. emerged as castes out of
various crafts. These castes increased with the growth of nrling aristocracy and
their dependence is reflected in their characterization as ashrita. Their subjection
and immobility is indicated in the transfer of trading guilds (called shrenis or
prakritis) to brahmana donees. An inscription of 1000 A.D, belonging to
Yadava mahasamanto Bhillama-I1 defines the donated village as comprising
eighteen guilds. Incidentally, these guilds also functioned as castes.
;:heck Your Progress 2
I) List the six duties of brahmaoas.
.............................................................................................................................................
2) What led to the increase in .the rise of new mixed castes? Answer in about ten
.............................................................................................................................................
3) W c h of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
6
i) During eighth to thirteenth centuries varna norms were being redefined.
ii) The intermediary varnas were present in Bengal and South India.
iii) An unequal distribution of land and military power accounted for the growth
of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions.
iv) The famous Chinese traveller'Hsuan-Tsang mentions shudras as
. .
.n-m.lt..r;ctc
5.7 LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND
VARNA DISTINCTIONS
The studies of the past-Gupta economic and political structures (Blocks 1and 3
respectively) have @ken due note of newly emerged graded land rights. The
hierarchy of officials and vassals (See also Unit 9.4) also shows the impact of unequal
distribution of land. The kultifarious functions of vassals and officials (See Unit 9.9,
show among other feratures a strong predilection of military obligations. The nature
of power dispersal and its links with the structure of land distribution were bound to
influence the social wt-up as well. One very significant dimension of this impact was
the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions. Constituting the
ruling aristacracy wag no longer the monopoly of Lrsbatriyas.-That the feudal ranks '
were open to all varuas is clear in the 1Mansam (a text on architecture) when it lays
down that everybody irrespective of his varna could get the two lower military ranks
in the feudal hierarchy: praharka and astragrahin. Although lowest in rank, the
astrPgrPhin was entitied to have 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50,000 soldiers, 5000
women attendants and one queen. We do not have to take these figures literally but
surely, the text is an important indicator of v a m distinctions getting a rude shock by
new distribution of 4nd and power. Further, the titles such as thakur, raut, nayaka,
etc. were not confined to kshatriyas or Rajputs. These were also conferred on
kayasthas and other mtes who were granted land and who sewed in army.
Kulluka's commentaty on the Smriti of Manu mentions the tendency of bigger
merchants joining the ranks of the ruling landed aristocracy. In Kashmir, rajanaka, a
little of high honour literally meaning "nearly a kingn, got closely associated with the
brahumas and later on it became a family name in the form of razdnn.
Feudal titles were also bestowed upon artisans. For example, the Deopara inscription
of Vijayasena tells us that Shulapani; who was the head of artisans of Varendra (in
West Bengal), held the title ranaka .
The symbols and ilsipia of social identity amongst feudal rank holders were alsb
related to landed postsessions. Badges of-honour,fly whisk, umbrella, horses,
elephants,%palanquin$, acquisition of pancha-mahashabda (See also Unit 9.6), etc.
depended on the sc- place in the feudal hierarchy. To illustrate, chakravarth and
mahasamantas were permitted to erect the chief gate (sinhadvar) which could not be
done by lesser vassals. The provision of varying sizes of houses for different grades of
vassals and officjals was also the product of the impact of unequal holdings.
"91;
non-brahmanical, to grab as much land as possible. Indeed, great majority of
religious establishments tended to become lafiied magnates. or example, some
rulers of the post-eighth centuries, such as Avantivarman of the Mattamayara region
(possibly a Chalukya prince of central India, near Gwalior) and a Cedi King of
Dahala are said to have dedicated their kingdoms to be religious heads of the Shaiva
Siddharta school and then apparently ruled as vassals. The movement of a particular
sect of the Jainas emerged in the eleventh century in Gujarat and Rpjasthan, which
was called vidhi-ehaitya. It was a sort of protestant movement aiming at denunciation
of greedy and acquisitive Jaina ascetics who were Qrhg to grab land.
The rise of kayasthas, the new literati class, had its own implications as far as social
tensions were concerned. This class had clearly emerged as a challenge to the
position of brabmanrrs. The example of kayastha Tathagata-rakshita of Orissa
, becoming a reputed professor of Tantras in the Vikramashila University has already
I been cited above (See Sec. 5.6.3). Kshemendra of Kashmir clearly writes that the rise
of kayasthas led to loss of economic privileges becah hyaatbp officials hesitated in
' resuming landgrants to bmhmmm. In Kashmir the members of the temple-purohita
corporation used to organise prayopaveebrr (hunger strikes) as a weapon for getting
their grievances redressed. As if with a vengeance, the brdmamw in order to
reiterate their superiority, often despised kayaPthPs as shrdrPa.
No less significant were the manifestations of rural tensions. The damara revolts in
Kashmir, rebellion of the kaivarattas in the region of Ramapala in Bengal, acts of
self-immolation in situations of encroachments on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation
of donated land by shpdrps in the Pandya territory are indices of distrust agpinst the
new landed intermediaries(See also Unit 1.5, Block-1). .
b
.............................................................................................................................................
3) Mentien six castes that emerged out of various crafts. , .
This survey of social changes during the centuries between eighth and thirteenth
centuries highhghts the following:
extremely rich and varied source material for the survey
the brahmanical perspective with a concern for social rigidity and the need to
maintain the vama order,
questioning of the bases of caste system where an emphasis is put on consideration
of economic factors in the determination of social status,
changing material base and its impact on the emergence of the new social ethos,
modifications in the varna order, particularly the changing position of the vaishyas
and shudras and the disappearances of intermediary varnas, specially in Bengat
and South India,
rise of kayasthas-a new lite~aticlass,
multiplication of castes in all varnas,
linkage between land distribution and the emergen& of feudal ranks and how the
later were cutting across varna lines, and hally,
absence of a harmonious and egalitarian society marked by various sources of
tension.
m ~ t n : hdependent shudras.
. asBCita : dependent shudras.
bhojyannn : those shudras, whose food preparations could be taken by
brahmanas.
gavundas : scribes in Karnataka with landed interests.
haia-jati F r p a : vanity of caste and clan. I*
I .-
UNIT 6 IDEOLOGY
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Ideology: Varied Standpoints
6.2.1 Ideology as a System of Knowledge
6.2.2 Sociological Approaches
6.2.3 Psycho-cultural Approaches
6.3 Religion, Ideology and Society
6.4 ' Ideology: The Early Indian Setting
6.5 Ideology: Its Role and Nature in the Post-Gupta Cenhires.
6.5.1 Land Orahts: Their Philosophy
6.5.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
6.5.3 Tantricism
6.5.4 Hero-Stones -
6.5.5 ReliGon as Ideology-For Whom?
6.6 Let Us Sum Up .
6.7 Key Words
6.8 Answers?~Check Your Progress Exercises
6.1 INTRODUCTION . ,
&Unit deals with the pioblem o f ideology. Broadly, three major issues have been
discussed. First, the theoretical dimensions of ideology take cognizance of various
approaches of studying ideology. It also mentions distinctive contribution in each i'
case. Second, the Unit has also attempted to determine the place of religion and
ideology in society. Finally, the theoretical understanding of ideology is applied in the
Indian setting. In this cbntext, the focu's is on the role and nature of ideology in the
post-Gupta centuries, though certain important religious developments of the
pre-Gupta millennizizlhavealso been mentioned. The overall thrust underlines the
need to study ideology in its potentialities to sway masses.
This hypothesis of Bacon was the basis for the French ideologues of the latter part of
the eighteenth century (Condillac, Cabanis and de Tracy in particular) who sought
to do for philosophy what the Englush thinker had done for science. The basic
assumption of the ideologues was that all ideas, all knowledge and all faculties of
human understanding (perception, memory, judgement) rest on sensory data. The
study of the origin and development of ideas in terms of sensations is the only
guarantee against errors in cognition and judgement.
Fallacious ideas can41ayclaim to a certain authority in society; indeed they may even
be championed by those in authority. Consequently, the "ideologists" must not
hesitate to apply their scientific methods to the critique of religion and official
political ideas. Ideology is, in this sense, a genuine scientific endeavour inlpoten,tial
opposition to every sort of authority. However, the post-revolutionary France
considered criticism of religious and political ideas as a threat to social stability.
'Ideology' became a term of abuse, and ideological thought was rejected as
destructive. For example, Napoleon saw "ideologists" as "ideologues" in a pejorative
sense), i.e. isolated worshippers of reason, lacking in common sense-as people who
operate on ideas and not facts.
The works of Marx and Friedrich Engels represent a watershed in the study of the
concept of ideology. They viewed ideology as a system of false ideas, a statement of
class position, and a justification for class rule. Ideologies are secondary and unreal,
since they are part of the "superstructure" and as such reflection of the more
fundamental material economic "base".
Marx and Engels attached a derogatory connotation to ideology, since they viewed
all ideological thought as the dishonest use of reasoning; as the conscious or
unconscious distortion of facts in order to justify the position of the ruling class. "The 17
class, which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its &ing
intellectual forcew.Ideology represents, in EngeIs' memorable phrase, "false
consciousness".
5
In presenting such a motion of ideology, Marx and his d a t e were profiting from
FeuerbachP ( a German Philosopher) insight into the projective character of the
religious conceptual world. He perceives in religion the necessarily false form of
consciousness deriviog from social relations and conditioned by contradiction
between human needs and the means available for satisfying them @ax Weber in
Germany had seen the rationale of religion in this contradiction (See also Sec. 6.2.3).
For Marx critique of ideology implies more than mere negation of religion, since the
latter constitutes priqation for manyit is the reflection of characteristic human traits
which have emerged under specific socio-historical donditions. Religion is understood
as an "expression" of the social order and as a "protest" against it. Thus, religion is
exposed merely in its role of justifying the political status quo: it is also perceived in
its negative, anticipatory function and is included in the critique of &al conditions
which require ideological clarification. For example, the enlightened man o p ~
any further enlighteximent in order to protect his own interests. Criticism of religion
in a society where it has a power-political function is criticism of the political statos
quo.
n arx and Engels, b i basing ideas on the socio-economic system, raised an issue that,
, at the hands of Karl Mannbeim came to be known as the "Sociology of knowledge",
i.e. the study !,f social bases, conditions, varieties and distortions of ideas. However,
unlike Marx and influenced by Weber, Mannbeim gave up primarily class approach
and based ideology on the total social structure, particularly political parties.
Conclusions strikingly similar to those of Marx were reached via an entirely different
route by two early European sociologists-Mosca and Pareto. Both believed in a
h(
scientific approach to social anaiysis.
According to Mosca, irs the most decisive feature of any sooiety is its ruling class. A
society's art, culture, politics, religion, etc. are all determined by the dominant social'
stratum. As such, soaial analysis must begin and end with the ruling.class. The leaders
maintain, perpetuate, rationalize, and justify their own rule through the skiiful
manipulation of "political formulae" or idelogies.
Pareto divides all human conduct into two categories logical and non-logical--in
terms of whether it employs suitable means in pursuit of attainable objectives. He
stresses the prevalence of the irrationhl in human conduct. He insists that significant
portions of human behaviour are motivated and sustained by non-logical drives lying
well below the level of consciousness. All societies, he points out, are filled with
taboos, magic and m).ths. In the political realm, codes, constitutions, platforms, and
programme fail to meet the criteria of logical action. his is because, among other
things, they are stated in the vaguest, most rhetorical, and most meaningless terms.
Thus, in the analyses of society by Mosca and Pareto, ideology is a major varidble.
Used synonymously with "myth", "political formula", or "derivation", ideology is
viewed as the guiding force i m f i ' a n society and the principal means for attaining
social solidarity.
In sum, the sociological approaches are centrdly concerned with ideology as a system
of socially determined ideas, without necessary truth-value but with great potential
for social solidarity as well as for social control, mobilization, and manipulation. In
addition, ideologies may serve to justify (or reject) a particular set of goals and values
and to legitimize (or denounce) political authority. Some writers atta .h a derogatory
connotation to ideology, whereas others see it in a neutral light.
The case for substituting "ideology" wherever Freud uses "religion", is strengthened
by his following statement:
Having recognised religious doctrines to be illusions, we are at once
confronted with the further question: may not all cultural possessions, which
, we esteem highly and by which we let our life be ruled, be of a similar nature?
Should not the assumptions that regulate our political institutions likewise be
called illusions?
Although there is some relationship between ideology and strain, the actual linkages
are by no means clear or simple. This is because the individual may react to strain in
a variety of ways. Hence ideology is merely one way of responding to stress.
.............................................................................................................................................
2) How "Ideology" was conceived by Marx and Emgels. Answer in about ten lines.
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3) What are the categoties of human actions defined by Pareto?
Amongst the classic statements about the relations between religion and society one
can mention scattered and unsystematic references to religion in the works of Marx
and Engels. As early as 1844, Marx wrote:
"The basis of keligious criticism is "man makes religion, religion does not
make man. Religion is the self-consciousness and.self-esteem of man who has
either not yet found himself or has already lost himself again*.
For Marx "man is up abstract being encamped outside the world." The only way for
man to rid himself of this illusion is to destroy the social world that produces it. As
hiam PrWop: ..
-
R e l i o n s distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and also
the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature.
So the struggle against religion is necessarily a struggle against that world whose
"halo is religion" and "of which religion is the spiritual aromn". It ,si in this context
that religion becomes the "opium of people". Here Marx anticipdtes one of the
crucial elements of his concept of ideology, namely, that religion compensates in the
mind for a deficient reality; it reconstitutes in the imagination a coherent solution
which goes beyond the real world in an attempt to resolve the contradibns of the
real world. So Marx confirms his conviction that the ideological inversion responds to
and derives from a real inversion. As he suggests:
Man is the world of w,the state, society. This state, this society, produce
religion, an inverted world consciousness because they are an inverted world.
It was largely the earliest exponent of sociology of religion, Durkheim to begin with,
who contributed to the discussion on religion as an ideology, Like Marx, Durkheim
made clear that religion and ideology have a ,socialbasis, particularly in patterns of
I social relations and organisation, but they also have a degree of autonomy, followihg
c e m rules peculiar to culture.
i
Max Weber, a junior contemporary of Durkheim and a product of Bismarckian
Germany, is known for his numerous writings not only on religions of specific
countries such as India and China but also on specific religions as well as sociology of
religion. From the perspective of sociology of relgion, he highlighted the following
three forms of relationship between social organisation and religious ideas:
Social groups with particular economic interests often show themselves to be
more receptive to some religious ideas than to others. ~ h & they e were
chivalrous warrior heroes, political officials, economically acquisitive classes or
finally, where an organised hierocracy dominated religion, the results were
different than from where genteel intellectuals were decisive. The social stratum
including artisans, traders, entrepreneurs engageed in industry are attracted by all
sorts of individual p h u i t s of salvation. Everywhere the hierocracy has sought to
monopolise the administration of religious values. The individuals quest for
salvation or the quest of free communities by means of contemplation, orgies or
asceticism has been considered highly suspect and has had to be regulated
ritually and controlled hierocratically. From the standpoint of the interests of the
priesthood in power, this was considered natur.al.
Religious ideas lead to the formation of certain groups, such as monastic orders,
guilds of magicians, or a clergy and these groups may develop quite extensive
economic activities.
The gap between the elite and the masses poses a problem with which each of
the great religions of the world has had to wpe with. With specific references to
religion in China, particularly Confucianism and Taoism, Weber shows how the
former remained amfin@ to the Emperor and the bureaucratic order but
broadly excluded the masses. In contrast, the brahmanns in India, who were
royal chaplains, spiritual advisers, theologians and authorities on questions of
ritual propriety, achieved a "systematic rationalization of magic" and effected a
compromise between their own elite interests in a digdied way of life and their
need to provide for the release of the masses from the misfortunes that were their
lot.
I
Surely with such an analysis, Weber had produced one of the most sensitive and
complex accounts of "elective &ties" between social groups and sets bf beliefs
or ideologies. However, Weber's notion of the "religious anchorage" and his
emphasis of channelling effegs of "ideas" rather than "material interests" in
determining people's action make him an anti-Marxist.
First, more attention has been given to what Geertz has called "autonomous
p r v ~f symbolic formulation," which as already seen above (See Sec. 6.2.3),
md Culture: entails examining ideologies as systems of,interesting symbols and the ways in
1. l rl1Ul-T
which they provide plausible interpretations of problematic social reality. This
h a helped us in appreciating Intricate and complex nature of symbolic processes,
wh~chcannot beldifferentiated s~rnplyin terms of false consciousness versus true
consciousness. P
.
ii) Second, there is now an awareness in the field of ideology in relation to classes
and groups as being one of contestation and a 'lived relationship', not a
mechanical procless.
Amongst one of the learliest phases, the question of religion being an "intensifying
factor" of "catalyst" of the urban growth under the Harappans has been highlighted
in recent specialised !writings.That this role has been attributed to rehgion on
negative evidence is Pather apparent to be overlooked. Equally exaggerated is the
enthusiasm with whiph it is treated like an ideology. W e it is possible to infer
certain soclal divisions, it is not easy to share D.D. Kosambi's dogmatic assertion of
the prototype of brahmaaa priesthood recognizable in the Harappan metropolis. .
Eh in if parallels from other contemporary centres of bronze age civilizations are
mvoked, one would do well to recall V. Gordon Childe's perceptive observation on
pnest kmgs of Sumet, viz., it was the economic system "that made the God (through
his represent )rive) a great capitalist and landlord his temple into a city bank." It must
have been the potential of the people to generate agricultural surplus necessitating
huge granaries at Mbhenjodaro, Harappa and possibly at Kalibangan t w . This is
coupled with extensive mechanism and network of internal as well as long-distance
overland and maritime trade symbolized in the Lothal "wareha&"' This must have
been instrumental in giving shape to such forms of religious manifestations as we are :
able to even speculate about.
The existence of pi Aary producers and managers of production in the later Vedic
period is generally rbgnized by scholars. We argue that there was not only an
antagonism between the two but amongst the non-producing classes too (bralunanas
and kshafriyas) and that the latter struggle can be rationalised in terms of fight for
agricultural surplus. But do the exalted sacnficlal cult of the Brahmanas and the
atma-vidya of the dpanishads constitute ideologies of brahmanas and kshafriyas
respectively? It may8betempting to call both as ideologies of the ruling class.
However, such chargcterization is not only simplistic but also ignores the dialectics of
the development of these rdigio-philosophic systems. That none of them is a
monolithic uniform idea should be apparent from the minutae of various sacrifices.
Just one of the numerous ceremonies of only one sacrifice, viz., the ratnahavimshi
ceremony of the rajLsuya shows how the tribal and matriarchal elements were being
submerged by class, territorial and how priestly domination was being replaced by
that of the Kshatriyps. That sacrifices aimed at the creation of large communities by
transcending consideiations ought not be overlooked in the present context.
prescribed for the admission of the Vratya chief of Magadha
to Vedic society and the chief of the nishadas called Sthapati finds a place in Vedic
rituals meant for higher orders.
Again it is generally accepted that as opposed to brahmanical Sanskrit works, the Pali
texts of the Buddhists provided a different rationale of the origin of kingship, and the
new monarchs of the Ganga Valley in the sixth-fifth centuries of the pre-Christian
era were favourably disposed towards non-brahmanical religions. But it would again
be an over-simplification to say that the Buddha's was an ideology of the kshatriyas.
This is being suggested not only because all the concerned monarchies were cekainly
not in the hands of the kshatriyas but also because it would unjustifiedly restrict the
social base of early Buddhism. Apart from the material sustenance received by the
Buddha from peasants and traders who were certainly out of reckoning of upper class
dominance, a fairly extensive popularity of the master amongst brahmanas too is not
unknown.
Ashok's Dhamma, which was anything but religion in the literal sense of the term,
and is perhaps closer to ideology, offers yet another matiifatation. If the imperatives
of Dhamma are to be understood, one will have to go beyond the zeal of the
so-called "philosopher-king" and the "revolutionary" impact of the great event-the
Kalinga War. Recent studies on the concepts of state and empire, striking a severe
blow to the notions of "centralised" Mauryan empire, enable us to highlight the
compulsions of the economic logic of the set-qq and comprehend the driving forces
behind Ashok's Dhrunma.
Were the kings who madelarge gifts of land, only victims of avarice of brahmanas?
Evidently not. The quest for legitimacy was a major consideration for political
authorities. (The issue has been discussed in detail in Block 3; see specially Units 9.7,
10.4 and 11.5). In the present context it would be sufficient to underline the
mutuality of interests bf the donor as well as the donee. The pmhastikaras (eulogy
singers), the dharmasbastrakaras (lawmakers) and purohitas (brahmana in the
court) were all collaborators in the new landed order.
How did this new order manifest itself in the cultural ethos of the post-Gupta
centuries? It appears that at the level of ideas the post-Gupta scene in the entire
sub-continent is marked by two distinctive strains,. viz. growth of bbakti and an
all-pervasive influence of tantric practices. It is possible to explain their widespread
dispersal in terms of the growth of the feudal mode of production epitomised in the
phenomenon of land grants. +
8
65.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
For about half a millennium from the mid-sixth century, Shaiva and Vaishnava saints
(Nayanmars and Alvars respectively) and their followers practised and propagated
bhakti in the cduntryside and went to pilgiim centres singing and dancing. The
overall pattern is that of consolidation of classical brahmanical society in early .
medieval India. Origiqating in sixth century Kanchipuram, area under the Pallavas,,it
had traversed the full length of Tarnilaham by the end of the ninth century and ,
engulfed all the major kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyans and the Cheras. If we are
to believe in a recent analysis, the spread of the Bhakti movement in the north,
epitomised in such a popular work as the Bhagavata Purana, was also the result of
the impetus given by the Tamil saints. The spread of the movement is inthately
associated with the temple base, which, in turn, derived its raison d'etre and
economic sustenance &rough land grants received from not only kings and men at
the helm of political affairs but even from influential members of the society.
\
Some recent writings on the Pallavas, the Cholq and the Alirars as well as
Nayanmars have been able to show the gradual importance of the paddy cultivation
in the Kaveri Valley ahd the resultant pattern of brahrnanical settlements, which, in
turn, contributed to the growth of the 'Chola power. To illustrate, the specific spread
of the temple movement in the Kaveri Valley may be looked at. The three famous
Nayanmars, viz., Appar, Sambandhar and Sundarar sang 307,384 and 100 hymns
respectively. Out of thme 442 temples, as many as 3 15 belong to the Chola period
and all of which are concentrated in the Kaveri Valley (126 being situated north of
this river while 189 were to its south). That this temple Bhllrti movement was an
important tool of the consolidation of political power by feudal chiefs and kings is
apparent from the similarities in the vocabulary and symbols used to designate
temple and its officers on the one hand andl the King and his retinue on the other.
For example: Koyil stands for both palace and temple; crowned deities were
comparable with crowped kings; rituals of worship 1s conceived on the same pattern
as the rituals of service to the King-bathing, anointing, decorating, dressing of deity,
were replicas of similat practices in the court. Taxes and tributes were paid to
temples, as they were experted forkings as well. Like the palace, temple is also
constrbcted with mandapas; prakaras, dvarapalas, etc. (pavilions, walled enclosures,
doorkeepers respectivdy),Ahe chief deity of the temple, like the King, was
accompanied by his consort and relatives and served by a whole m y of musicians,
dancing girls, actors, garland makers, etc. To compare the feudal p9amid consisting
of plurality and co-existence of the lords-each commanding loyality from h&
I
J
'immediate vassal-we sek in the Bhakti'moyement a clear recognition of the plurality
and co-existence of different deities-each deity occupying the position of the lord
for his devotee. The devotee habitually addresses the deity as udaiyar or tambiran
standing for "lord" and "master" and describes himself as adiyan, i.e. slave. What
becaye the hallmark of greatness in the age of growing brahrnanical power was the
surrender of pride in th.e self and voluntary acceptance of the position of "the servant
of the Lord" -sls Kulashckhara Alvar had proclaimed. To all this must be added the
concerted drive on the part' of men of religion of evolve a mechanism of regular
pilgrimage ost&nsiblyto earn merit (Punya). It is well known that the brahmanical
literature alone mentions more than 400 tirthas in early medieval times and that he
Mahabharata and the Puranas alone contain at least 40,000 verses on tirthas,
sub-tirthas and legends connected with them. And this is not all-one can add not
only numerous sthalapuranas but specific digests on tirthas dealing with brahmanical
and non-brahmanical centres of pilgrimage.
6.5.3 Tantricism . .
Tantricism, like bhakti, permeates all religions in the post-Gupta centuries, not
excluding even the so-called puritanical non-brahmanical religious systems. R.S.
Sharma has retionalised it in terms of the preponderance of the cult of the Mother
Goddess consequent upon the spread of agriculture as a result of land grants. A
fascinating dimension of this analysis is the process of cultural interaction of priestly
Sanskritik and tribal elements. A recent study, based entirely on literary data, argues
that the Devi Mahatmya of the Markandeya Puraoa (c. sixth century A.D.) is the
first comprehensive account of the Goddess to appear in Sanskrit-the explanation is
sought in terms of Sar+skritisation. It is yderlined that the basic impulse behind the
worship of Goddess is of pon-Aryan and non-Sanskritic origin. A survey ofShakti
sculptures in Madhya Pradesh alone refers to as many as 400 images. A great
majority of their names such as Charchika, Umarimata, Bijasanidevi, Behamata,
Biiasanidevi, etc. link them with popular tribal deities.
6,5.4 Hero-Stones
In recent years there have been some very refreshing and stimulating writings on'the
notions of Death-in terms of rituals, religious beliefs and practices, art forms an$
above all, in association with socio-economic developments. These have resulted in a
special genre of literature on an obscure field of religious and art history of the
sub-continent. These stidies centre round the hero-stones, which are littered over
most parts of the Indian sub-continent. There has been a long and almost
continuous history of these relics for more than 1500 years and extends to both
brahmanical and nbn-brahmanical religions. They are locally called viragals,
natugals, paliyas, govardhana stambhes, kirti-stambhas, ehhaya-stambhas, or
merely as chhahis, stambhas devalis, etc. These tablets Qr pillars fall into several
poups originating in ritual or cult practices as well as religious or social customs of its
batrons :
The change in style of hero-stones seems to refleg a change in the status of the hero
being memorialised. Many of the earlier stones from Tamil Nadu come from the
North Arcot district which is known to have been at that time q area of Livestock
breeding, where cattle-raiding would be one method of increasing wealth. Later,
elaborate stones commemorated heroes who claimed to belong &I the upper caste
groups, often claiming Lshntriya status. The indication of the hero's religious sect
may have been due to the influence of the bhakti sects. The following is suggested on
an impressionistic basis: topographically and ecologically there is a frequency of such
memorials in upland areas, in the vicinity of passes across hills, and in areas regarded
~racti~~onallt I\ frontier /one> w h ~ c otten
t ~ ~ncludedprimarily pastoral region, the
%i;\L~rt\ot t o ~ ~ . s and
t s the e d g c ~of what have come to be called the 'tribal areas' of
I ~rltrnlI I I L ~ I ~ .
Hero-stone\ are relatively Infrequent in the large agricultural tracts of the Indus and
thc Ganga valleys a& in the agriculturally rich delta areas of the peninsula. Frontier
.tones were often majntalned as buffer regions where political security was transient
and where roya! armies did not necessarily guarantee protection to local inhabitants.
They would, therefore, inevita hly have recourse to their own arrangements for
protection, in which the village hero or the local chief played a major role. This
would suggest a differentiation of military functions in a decentralised political
syktem. Further, since these relics proliferated in the post-sixth century period, it
would be worth finding out the correlation and correspondence, if any, between the
distribution of land grants on the one hand and that of the memorial stones on the
other. This is particularly desuable in view of several assumptions:
b) both memoriai stones and land grants are considered -to be useful mechanisms of
cultic integration- the cult of Vithoba in Pandharpur (Maharashtra) is in itself a
case of the hero-stone being transformed into a deity, and
c) both the phenodena have also been instrumental in the processes of state
formation.
Whd about the Buddhists and the Jainas? They were also affected by the nuances of
the land g r a ~economy.
t Though the sphere of the influence of the Buddhists was
shrinking, it was not the case with the Jainas. In Karnataka, Gujarat and Rajasthan
specially, they had c h e d out a place for themselves in the mind of people. Bbt ideas
such as bhakti, tantdc practices and pilMmage were essential components of their
creed too. The so-called 'Brahmans-Peasant Alliance' in the post-Gupta southern .
India is based on v skimpy aAd shaky evidence. Even the hypdhesk of the rural
3
base of the temple ovement under the patronage of brPhmnna-king collaboratiod
leaves many gaps if tihe role of bhakti as an ideology is to be fully appreciated. To-
illustrate, the Tarnilaham, where this rural-based model has been applied, also
an extensihe hternal trade network as well as an ambitious programme of
--A,:,, +-,A, o
t.
+;
& W h a t urac the rnle nf tradem and mprphantr in +ha ,
,.
*I
. ,F
the temple movement? Perhaps because of the violent attitude of the Alvars and the
Nayanmars, at least in the initial few centuries, non-brahmanical religions which used .
to get .the support of these communities, had almost vanished frop Tarnilham. t id
traders and merchants switch their allegiance to the new temple movement? Or they
did not need any ideological prop? Evidence is mounting to show that even
merchants and their assemblies (nagarams) exercised control over land and had
interest in its agricultural output. Further, did not templt: also tend to erect barriers
of both language and rituals between peasant laity and the priesthdod? If then,
ideology is to be understood in terms of a mechanism of class interests in general and
ruling class interests in particular how does one explain the role of bhakti? This
dilemma would apply to other major post-quota religious manifestations as well. The
role of religion in society, particularly aF ideomgy ought to be seen in its
potentialities to sway masses and not cl sses.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss the relationship between Religion, Ideology and Society. Answer in
about fifteen lines.
2) What role did ideology play in the post-Gupta centuries. Answer in aboit ten
lines.
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3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
i) Bhakti, tantriiism, pilgrimage etc. were products of land gant economy.
ii) Reli@ousideas had no role in the formation of groups like the monastic
orders.
iii) Marx said.that "religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature"
iv) Man did not say that 'religion is. the opium of the ahasses"
v) The brahmanical literature meritions more than 4Oa'firthas in e d y medieval
times.
Society and Culture:
8th-13thCcahrly 6.6 LET US SUM UP
This Unit w& concerned with three broad issues, viz. the theoretical dimensions of
ideology, religion and ideology and their place in society and finally an application of
these in the specific Indian setting through millennia.
The section dealing with the place of religion and ideology in society has focusid
on :
recent developments in the analysis of ideology which are concerned with
improving explanations of how and why ideology takes a particular form and how
it works, and
certain question requiring answers bearing on the name, role and functions of
ideology.
The issues raised in the theoretical discussions of ideology are sought to be applied 'in
the specific Indian setting through the millennia-literally from the Harappan times to
the thirteenth century A.D. The points highlighted in the discussion include:
-
This Unit aims at acquainting you with the development of regional cultural
traditions and after reading it, you should be able to understand the:
emergence of regional cultural units,
manifestations of re6onalisation in various spheres of peoples' activities in the
realms of arts, literature,education, learning and religion,
development of architectural styles and basis of classlfying various temples,
terminology used in the descriptions of architectural features,
relationship between the ecological setting and temple constructions.
impact of the availability of raw materials on the construction of temples,
role of temples in the overall cultural ethos,
emergence of localised schools of sculptures in stone and metal,
regionalisation of larlguages, scripts, chronicles and eras, and
linkages between the essence of the "medieval factor" - the spreaa of feudal ethos
and the cultural manifestations.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The centuries between the eighth and the thirteenth stand out rather prominently
from the point of view of the making of cultural traditions in India. The most
arresting feature of thew traditions is regionalism, which gets reflected in every
sphere, whether it be the formation of political power or the development of arts or
the transformations in languages and literature or even religious manifestations. In
very general terms, the emergence of regional cultural units such as Andhra, Assam,
Bengal, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtm, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu,
etc. was the outcome of significant material changes. As already delineated (Block I),
the pace of agrarian chmges and the developments in the no!?-agrariansector were
setting the tone of f e u d socio-economic formation (see also Unit 5 in this Block).
1 As we shall see in Block 3, nor could the political structure remain unaffected by
these developments.
It should, not, therefore, surprise us if the cultural rhos too got permeated by similar
strains. The Mudrakshasa, a play writtcn in Sanskrlt by Vishakhadatta and generally
ascribed to the fifth century, speaks of different regions whose inhabitants differ in
Development of Rqional
Cnltanl Traditions
customs, clothing and language. The identity of some kind of subnational groups is
recognized by the Chinese pilgrim Hsiuan-Tsang who visited India in the first half of
the seventh century and mentions several nationalities. The Kuvalayamala, a Jain
text of the eighth century and largely concerned with western India, notes the
existence of 18 major nationalities and describes the anthropologcal character of
sixteen peoples, pointing out their psychological features and citing the examples of
their language. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, ascribed to the thirteenth century
Bengal explicates deshabheda - differences based on regions/territories.
I Indian temples have symbolised the very ethos of life-style of people through the
millennia. The panorama of Indian temple architecture may be seen across at
extremely wide chronological and geographical horizon. From the simple beginnings
at Sanchi in the fifth century of the Christian era to the great edifices at Kanchi,
J h a n j a w and Madurai is a story of more than a millennium.
i
I The prominent Shilpashastras that deal with the subject of temple architecture are:
1 Mayamata, Manasam, Shilparatna, Kamikagama, Kashyapasbipa and
I Ishanagurudevapaddbati
In the majority of these works the subject is dealt with under the three heads of:
the geographical distribution
e their differentiation from the point of view of shapes, and
their presiding deities and castes.
All these topics, however, are not mentioned in all these.works. Some later texts as
the Kamikagama and Kashyapashilpa show that the nature of ornamentation,
.
number of storeys, the size of prasadas ctc. ,I,W ,,. t ituted bases of differentiation.
8th-13thCentwy,
SodetgradCWuc:, occurred striking overlapping of major styles as influends from'different regions
confroqed each other, e.g., the temples of the early Chalukyas whose kingdom was
strategically positioned in the middle of the peninsula in the seventh and eighth
centuries. The Kandariya Mahideva temple in Khajuraho is another striking exanfple
where the vMous architectural elements 'combined into an integrated whole.
. simjldY,the Kerala temples display variety in their plan t@s. Square, circular or
apsideended buildings are utilized. The earlibt examples in Kerala go back to the
twelfth century.
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2)" List six major works which dea1:with the sub,ect of temple architecture.
1) 2) "
3) 4)
'5) 6)
3) List the three major temple styles with their geographical distribution.
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. .
,
..I ........................................................................................................................................
4) . List the main deities placed in different styles of temples.
Development of Regional
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples C d b n l Tnditiom,
Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are
common but applied to different parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary,
which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha or the inner
sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the
vimana is known as the shikhrua. The other elements of ground plan are: mandapa
or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala, which is a vestibule connecting the
vimana and mandapa and the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumarnbulatory passage
surrounding these. The natmandir or dance hall and bhogamandapa were evolved
subsequently in the Orissan temples such as the famous Sun temple at Konarka, to
add to the dignity and magnificence of the deities who were honoured in them. The
exterior of the Nagara type is characterized by horizontal tiers, as in the jagamohan
or porch in front of the sanctum of the Ligaraj temple at Bhubaneswar, and the
viman, is usually circular in plan. Fundamentally, there is no structural similarity
between the Brahmanical and the Jain temples in the North except that the need for
housing the various Tirthankaras dominates the disposition of space in the latter.
' The ~ r i v i d astyle has a polygonal, often octagonal ohikhara and a pyramidal
vimana, which is rectangular in plan. A temple of the Dravida type is also notable for
the towering gopurams or gatetowers of the additional mandapas. From the days of
Ganesh ratha of the Pallava times (seventh ceniury) at Mahabalipuram (near
Madras) to the gigantic Brihadishvara temple (c.985-1012 A.D.) of the Cholas at
Thanjavur:the Dravida style took many strides. (For various Temple plans see
lllustration Nos. 3 to 8.)
I climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide shaded seating, and pierced stone.
.screens are utilised to fiter the light. Some such features which are noticeable in the
famous Ladkhan temple of the Chalukyas at Ahole (north Karnataka) are direct
adaptations of thatch and timber village and community halls.>Thedistribution of
space in Jain shrines was affected by their placements on high hills. These structures
are characterized by an air of seclusion and aloofness. Some such typical examples
can be seen at the Shatrunjaya and Palitana hills in Gujarat or the Dilwara temples at
Mount Abu in southern Rajasthan.
Apart from the ecological influences, the availability of raw materials also affected
styles of craftsmanship. While the transition from wood to stone attributed to the
Mauryas of the third century B.C. was in itself a great step forward, local raw
materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving. No
wonder, the Pallava King Mahendravarman (early seventh century) is called
vichitra-chitta (curious minded) because he discarded conventional perishable
materials such as brick, timber and mortar and used the hardest rock surfact (granite)
for his cave temples at Mahabalipuram. Hard and crystalline rocks prevented detailed
carving, whereas soft and sedimentary stone permitted great precision. Friable and
schistlike stones, such as those by the Hoyshal architects and craftsmen at Belur and
Halebid (Karnataka) in the twelvth and thirteenth centuries promoted the carving of
mouldings created by sharp and angled incisions. Brick building traditions continued
I
to survive where there was an absence of good stone and techniques of moulding and
carving bricks doubtless influenced the style of temples in these areas, e.g. the
temples at Bishnupur in Bengal. The influence of timber and bamboo techniques of
construction represent a unique architectural development in north eastern state of
Assam. Almost no stone temples are found in the Himalayan valleys of Kulu, Kangra
and Chamba. It is obvious that timber and brick building traditions dominate temple
f ~ r min
s these areas. The sloping and gabled roofs which are preserved only in stone
in the temples of Kashrnir can be seen in these areas in pure wooden conrext. In the
ninth celitury or so, a remarkable multi-towered temple was excavated into a natural
I
escarpm :nt at Masrur in Kangra.
Society and Culture: 7.2.5 Role of D e c o r a t i v e Elements
8th-13th Centmry
T h p evolution of vadious styles in tenns of decorations, ornamentations and other
embellishments is a natural phenomenon. However, it needs to be stressed that these
elements did not affect the basic structure of temples already outlined above.
Amongst conspicuous decorative elements one can mention growth of pillars from
simple oblong shafts in early Pallava structures to extremely finely chiselled (almost
giving the impressioh of lathe work) columns in Hoyshala temples. Later still, the
temples of Madurai and Rameshvaram give extraordinary place to long corridors
studded with animals based caryatids. The niches, pavilions and horse shoe-shaped
windows (kudu) (See llustration No. 9), among others, are also important decorative
motifs which help in the delineation of stages of evolution. In general, the tendency is
to make constant indrease in embellishments.T o illustrate, the kudu which at the
Mahabalipuram monuments has a plain shovel-headed firial, develops a lion head in
the Chola monuments. The process of excessive ornamentation is noticeable in North
India too. Shikharas, ceilings and other walls receive great attention of artisans and
craftsmen. Extremely exquisite catvings in marble in the ceilings at Dilwara Jain
temples at Mt. Abu do not serve any structural purpose and are purely decorative.
In the Kashmir Valley of the western Himalayas, temples bear two or three roofs
which were also copiled from the usual wooden roofs. In the wooden examples the
interval between the two roofs seems to have been left open for light and air; in the
stone buildings it is dosed with ornaments. Besides this, all these roofs are relieved
by types of windows comparable to those found i6 medieval buildings in Europe.
Example of such roofs in Kashmir may be seen in Shiva temple at Pandrethan and
Sun temple at Martand. In Rengal, temples have been identiaed which have been
borrowed from leaf-huts that are very common in the region. In this form of temple
with curved caves we also find the same tendency to a multiplication of roofs one
above another. The temples at Bishnuvir such as the famous Keshta Raya (17th
century) are built with a variety of roofs forms on square and rectangular plans. Even
contemporary Mughal architecture makes use of this so-called "Bengal roof" in
sandstone or marble. (For various types of roofs see lllustration Nos. 10 to 15 for
pillars No 16 and niches No. 17).
2) How did the ecological setting and raw material decide the shape of the roof of
the temples?
,,3)' In which are& multiplication of roofs was used for temple decoration? .
+
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THE NORTHERN.STYLE
Northern, Central and Western India (Fifth-seventh centuries)
The Pawati temple at Nachna (South-east of Khajuraho, M.P.); the Dashavatara
temple at Deogarh.(Jhansi District, U.P.); the brick temple at Bhitaragon (Kanpur
District, u.P.); ihe Vishnu temple at Gop (Gyarat); Mundeshwari temple (an unusual
example of octagonal plan) at Ramgarh (Bihar) and temples at Sanchi and Jigawa
(both in Madhya Pradesh).
As temples prdvided work and the means of livelihood for a large number of
persons, they were able to exert great influence upon the economic life of people.
Even small temples needed the services of priests, garland-makers and suppliers of
clarified butter, milk and oil. One of the most detailed accounts that have been
preserved of the number of people who were supported by a temple and the wages
they received is that given in an inscription on the above-mentioned Thanjawr
temple, and dated 1011 A.D. The list includes cooks, gardeners, dance-masters,
garland-makers, musicians, wood-carvers, painters, choir-groups for singing h@ns in
Sanskrit and Tamil, accountants, watchmen and a host of other officialsand servants
of temples, totalling more than six hundred persons (See also Units 6.5 and 11.5) ,
The pivot of the early medieval sculpture is the human figure, both male and female,
. in the form of gods and goddesses and their attendants. Since these cult images rest
on the assured foundations of a regulated stiucture of form, it maintains a more or
less uniform standard of quality in all art-regions of India. Curiously, the creative
climax of each art-region is not reached at one and the same time all over India. In
Bihar and Bengal it is reached in the ninth and tenth centuries; 'in Orissa in the
twelfth and thirteenth; in Central India in the tenth and eleventh; in Rajasthan in the
tenth; in Gujarat in the eleventh; and in the far south in the tenth-eleventh centuries.
It is in the Deccan alone that the story is of increasing torpor and petrification -
indeed, Deccan ceases to be a sculptural province after the eighth century.
It is not only the cult images but non-ironic figure sculptures too which conform to
. more or less standardised types within each art-province and hardly reveal any
personal attitude or experience of the artist. The multitude of figures related
themselves to a large variety of motifs and subjects. These include: narrative reliefs, ,
historical or semi-historical scenes; music and dance scenes, mithuna couples in a
variety of poses and attitudes, arrays of warriors and animals and shalabhanjikas
(women and the tree) (See Illustration No. 24).
Metal images cast in brass and oct-alloy (ssthta-dhataj, copper and bronze emerge in
profusiom in eastern India (Bihar, Bengal and Assam), Himalayan kingdoms
(specially Nepal and Kashmir) and more particularly in the south. The North Indim
images largely portray brahmanic and Buddhist deities penqeated with tantrik
influences. The main types represented in the remarkable galaxy of South Indian
metal images are the various forms of Shiva, especially the Nataraja, Parvati; the
Chaiva saints such as Apgar, Sambaudar and Saudarar; Vaishnav saints called Alvars
and figures of royal donors.
All oaer the country, the post-Gupta iconography prominently displays a divine
hierarchy which reflects the pyramidal ranks in feudal society. Vishnu, Shiva and
Development of Regional
Durga appear as supreme de!ties lording over many other divinities of unequal sizes Coltan1 Tnditioas
and placed in lower positions as retainers and attendants. The supreme Mother
Goddess is clearly established as an independent divinity in iconography from this
time and is represented in a dominating posture in relation to several minor deities.
Even hitherto a puritanical religion l i e Jainism could not resist the pressure of
incorporating the Mother Goddess in its fold, which is fully reflected in the famous
Dilwara temples at Mt. Abu in Rajasthan. The pantheons do not so much reflect
syncretism as forcible. In the rock-cut sculptures of Ellora one can feel the fighting
mood of the divinities engaged in violent struggles against their e n e m i ~The
. reality
of unequal ranks appear in the.Shaivite, Jain and Buddhists monastic organisations.
The ceremonies recommended for the consecration of the acharya, the highest in
/
rank, are practically the same as those for the coronation of the prince.
Which were the main groups of people associated with various activities in
temples?
"MEDIEVAL FACTOR"
The medieval tradition in paintings has the following traits:
sharp, jerky and pointed angles, e.g., at the elbow and the shoulders,
sensuous facial features - sharp and peaked nose, long wide swollen eyes
projected sharply and crescent lips,
richness of variegatled patterns, motifs etc. gathered and adapted to the grip of
sharp curves, and
an intense preference for geometric and abstract patterns of decoration.
The manifestations of these traits can be seen in the paintings on the walls of the
Kailas temple (eighth century) of Ellora; the Jain shrine at Sittanavasal (ninth
century) and the Brihadishvar temple at Thanjavur (eleventh century), both in Tamil
Nadu. However, these traits are still more pronounced ine!t well-known
manuscript-illustrations of Bihar and Bengal, Nepal and Tibet in $he post-tenth
centuries. Textiles sudaces also offered a very rich field for the development of this
tradition. At least from the thirteenth century onwards West Indian textile designs,
and later, those of the Deccan, South, Orissa and Bengal also register their impact in
unmistakable terms.
The feudal ethos of the post-Gupta economy, society and polity is also noticeable in
the terracotta art. The change is noticeable in the patrons and content of depictions.
Art activity, as a whole, was being feudalised. The pre-Gupta art at Bharhut, Sanchi,
Karle, Amaravati, Nagaqunakonda, etc. was patronised mainly by the mercantile and
commerical class, artisans and craft-guilds as well as royal families. Art in the Gupta
period (fourth-sixth centuries), when feudal tendencies had just begun to appear,
reflects that vitality and zest of renewed brahmanism - for the first time brahmanical
temples were construcded in permanent material, i.e. stone. The art of the post-Gupta
centuries (650-1300 A.D.) was supported mainly by kings of different principalities, ,
feudatories, military chiefs, etc. who alone could patronise large-scale art activities.
The terracotta art, which had once symbolised the creative urges of commonman,
ceased to be so and instead, became a tool in the hands of resourceful patrons. The
output of miniature portable terracottas made for the urban market dwindled in the
post-Gupta period. Though some of the old urban centres such as ~aranasi,
Ahichchatra and Kanauj survived and some new ones like Tattanandapur (near
Bulandshahr in U.P.) merged in the early medieval period, very few of them ha9e
yielded terrawttas. Instead of producing for the market, the clay modeller
(pitakaraka) become subservient to the architect and now produced for big
landlords, brahmanical temples and non-brahmanical monasteries. Terrawtta
acquired the character of an elite art and was preserved in feudal headquarters and
religious centres such as Paharpur, Rajbadidanga (Bengal), Vikramashila ( B i b ) ,
Akhnur and Ushkar (Kashrnir). Terrawttas in the post-Gupta centuries were used by
landed aristocrats and kings to dewrate religious buildings and their own places on
auspicious occasions such as marriages as rewrded by Bana in the Harshacharita.
The concept of temple libraries was evolved from the eighth century. The real
,ginnings in this sphere were laid by the Jainas. The long lists of their
achers/preceptors - bhattarakas and shripujyas, and the place of honour given to
em is symptomatic of this development. Their espousal of the cause of Shastradana
dift of religious texts/manuscripts) explains the great bhandaras (store houses) such
is patan, Khambhat, Jainsalmer, etc., which became integral parts of Jain
:stablishments in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka in particular. The trend was
picked up by brahmanical mathas as well and we get a phenomenal pcd$feration of
the manuscript tradition almost all over India.
That tantra and mantra became a favourite subject of study may be inferred from the
fact that a full-fledged department of Tantra was run in the University of
Vikramashila. The Tibetan traveller Taranatha, who came to India in the 17th
century is very eloquent about tantrik curricula at Nalanda, Odantapuri and other
prominent universities of Bihar and Bengal. The growth and popularity of occult
sciences also constitute a significant feature of the post-eighth centuries. The list of
subjects pursued by people in the thirteenth century has been given in Rajashekhara's
Prabandhakosha. It includes many occult sciences in the long list of more than 70
subjects.
Amongst the most notable phenomena in the sphere of learning may be recounted:
a) .regionalisation of languages,
b) emergence of regional scripts, and
c) growing verbosity in literature.
The post-Gupta centuries are epoch-making in the history of language and literature
Although the large-scale dispersal of Sanskrit &owing brahmanas was resulting in
the spread of that language in distant areas due to the landgrant phenomenofl. The
scope of. Sanskrit was graduaUy getting confined. It was being used by the ruling class
at the higher administrative levels. In the Naishadhiyaeharita we find the dignitaries
present in the svayamvara of Damyanti having the fear of not being understood and,
as such, taking recourse to Sanskrit.
'According to Al-biruni, vernacular literature which was used by the common people
was neglected by the upper and educated class. However, a development of
undeniable significance is the differentiation of Apabhramsha into proto-Hindi,
proto-~engali,proto-Rajasthani, proto-Gujrati, proto-Marathi, proto-Maithili, etc.
The Apahhramsha, which formed a link in our period between the Old-classical
languages guch as Sanskrit and Prakrit on the one hand and modem vernaculars on
the other, originated much before our period. The Kuvalayamala, an eighth century
work,.enumerates as many as 18 Apabhramshas spoken in various regions of India,
which tQrned into modem Indian languages later. In the list of Rajashekhara, Prakrit,
Paishachika,'Apabhramsha and Deshabhasha are mentioned alongwith Sanskrit as
subjects to be studied by a prince. Vernaculars such as Avahatha, Magadhi, Shakari,
Abhiri, Chandali, Savali, Draviti, etc. f.ormed part of curriciduhi mentioned in the
Varna Ratnakara. The pace of linguistic variations quickened in the country in the
post-Gupta centuries mainly on account of lack of inter-regional communication and
mobility. The migrating brahmanas enriched the vocabulary of regipnal languages.
They also helped to develop and systematize local dialyts into langpages through the
introduction of writing. ,
The emergence of regional scripts run parallel to the growth of regi6nal languages.
,As there are numerous languages, so also there are quite a large nuthber of scripts
used to express these languages. From Maurya to Gupta times the s~riptchanged
mainly as a result of the passage of time and anyone knowing the Brahmi script of
the Gupta period could read inscriptions from any part of the country. This was not
possible after the seventh century. From this period the regional variations become so
I
Society md Cubre: pronounced that one has to be well-versed in several scripts to be able to rwd.
8th-13th Centory
Obviously, the regions1 script was produced by regional insulation and the availability
. of the locally educated scripts to meet the needs of local education and
. administration. Manu$cripts, inscriptions and other written material use Devanagari,
Assamese, Bengali, Osiya, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Sharada (in Kashrnir) scripts.
That the proliferation of scripts went beyond linguistic confines, is clear from the case
of Tamil. A study of various inscriptions leads one to an inescapable conclusion that '
dough the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas adopted Tamil as their language,
each seems to have adopted a different script, .perhaps to indicate their regional
identity. The Cheras used a cursive variety of Tamil Brahmi d e d VATTELUTIV
(rounded script). The Pandyas seem to have populan'sed the KOLELUITU (script
of straight lines) and the Cholas combined the two. This is not all. For philosophic
and religious discourses, in the three kingdoms put together, the scholars gave rise to
the Tamil Grantha script. Hundreds of manuscripts in this script are said to have
reached as far north as Tibet, where Buddhist monasteries became great repositories.
In the realm of poetry too, dvayashraya or Shlesha Kavyas were being produced
consciously. These works contain verses conveying two different senses when read in
different directions. The Ramacharita of Sandhyahra Nandi presents both the story
of Rama and the life oh Kirig ~ a m a p a l aof Bengal. The marriages of Shiva and
Parvati and Krishna and Rukmani are described in a twelfth century work (Parvati
Ruluniniya) produced in the (3haulukya court. Hemachandra is credited with the
composition of Saptasqnbbana having seven alternative interpretations. The tendency'
of working out the intdcate pattern of double, triple or even more meanings reflects
the artificiality of life.
I
AND ERAS
7.9 LOCAL C~RONICLES
Hsiuan-tsang, the Chinese p i l p m of the seventh century writes that he learnt
thoroughly the dialects in all the districts through which he journeyed. Further, writing
general observations on languages, books, etc. he says:
"with resped to the records of events each province has its own official for
preserving them irl writing. The record of these events in their full character is
called Nilapita (blue deposit). In these records are mentioned good and evil
events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences."
The religious rituals and practices underwent important changes during the centuries
under discussion. In accordance with the growing practice of land grants alongwith
the surrender of other property and service to the I a r d and then receiving fiscal
rights and protection as prasad or favour, there grew the puja system. The puja was
interlinked with the doctrine of bhakti or complete self-surrender of the individual to
his god (See also Unit 6.5.2).
Both puja and bhakti became integral ingredients of tantriasm, which arose outside
the Madhyadesha in the aboriginal, peripheral areas on account of the acculturation
of the tribal people throughout large-scale religious land grants. Brahmanical land
rights in the new territories could be maintained by adopting tribal rituals and deities,
especially the Mother Goddess, which eventually produced the tantras (see also Unit
6.5). Tantricism permeated all religions in the post-seventh centuries-Jainism,
Buddhism, Shaivism and Vaishnavism. If a thematic compilation of thousands of
manuscripts is undeytaken, it would be noticed that literature on pujas, vidhis, tantra
and occult sciences is phenomenal. Even the jainas, who had been allergic to such
practices gave birth to countless such manuscripts. The jaina Bhandaras are full of
such manuscripts as Dharmachakiapuja, Dashalakshanapj a , etc. This is so,
notwithstanding the original meaning of puja in the Jaina Anga literature, specially in
the context of monks. In that context it is 'said to have symbolised "respect" shown to
him and not the "worship" of limbs. It is unmistakable, however, that puja of idols of
tirthankaras had the connotation with which we are concerned. According to R.C.
Hazra, new topics in the Puranas, from the sixth, century onwards, mainly relate to
uana to the brahmanas and their worship, tirtha (pil&image), sacrifices to the
planets and their pacifibtion (installation of the images of naragraha, becomes quite
conspicuous in temple architecture), vrata (religions vows), puja etc. Purtadharma
which involved the building of temples, tanks and works of public utility, was
emphasized as the highest mode of religion in the Puranas. Purtadharma was the
dominant ideology behind the large-scale building of temples in this period (See also
Unit 6.5).
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-.
2) Discuss the scripts of Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas.
society and Cdtpro:
8tb-13th Cenhuy
b
3) List four main sygtems of calculating time period (eras) in usage in post-Gupta
period. .;
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differentiation of tlpabhramsha,
the growth of regional scripts, chronicles and eras, and
the permeation of feudal ethos in arts, literature, education learning and religion.
I. Tempk W k h ~ (Northern
s Style).
.(yuiam dtr-i) , q o 3 ) slqmsT unllziV l o loor 9111 te zwobniw bsqd-dssrod sdeq .OI
13- N d bpe Tempk.
18. A p.B-M mlusaipt ahmt temple cooshction showing the arcitect,
calculmtions, heigbt m e t i o m dphn.
i Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Major Political Developments
8.2.1 Northern and Eastern lndia
8.2.2 Watcrn and Cehtral lndia
8.2.3 The Deccan
8.2.4 Southan India
8.3 Recobstructions of Indian Polity between Eighth and Thirteenth Centuries
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
8.3.2 Scgncntary State
8.3.3 Integrative Polity
8.4 Let Us Sum Up
8.5 Key Words
8.6 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
8.0 OBJECTIVES
~ f t e reading
r this, Unit you should be able to explain the :
contents of polity,
major political developments in different regions of the Indian sub-continent such
as Northern and Eastern India, Western and Central India, the Deccan and
Southern India,
links between the developments in Western and Central Asia on the one hand and
those of the Indian sub-continent on the other, and
principal reconstructions of Indian polity between eighth and thirteenth cenluries.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit seeks to define the essential components of Indian polity through major
political developments. The sub-continent has been divided into various regions for
II the purpose. There has also been an effort to mark the impact of certain
developments across the north-western borders (in West and Central Asia) onethe
Indian political scene. Finally, the major thrust of the 'unit is on understanding the
nature of regional politics. i.e. to deal with the questi~nof characterizing formls of
polity in India.
i The study of polity calls for analysis of the nature, organisation an4 distribution of
power. Political set-ups differed from region to region due to different economic an&
geographical potentialities of the regions. In India, the period between eighth and
thirteenth centuries was very significant not only from the point of view of economic
formations (see Block-1) but also from the point of view of political processes.
Indeed, the two are interlinked. The nature of polity during the centuries under
'discussion may be better understood in the context of.major political developments
in different regions of the Indian sub-continent.
Kashmir was mainly occupied with the internal political developments but on some
occasions it was alsb involved in the politics of Northern India. It was ruled by the
Karkota, Utopala apd two Lohar dynasties. Muktapida', also known as Latitaditya,
conquered a part of Kanauj and annexed some parts of Tibet. Many irrigation works
were undertaken by some rulers of the Karkota family. Embankments and dams
were built on the main rivers which brought a large area of the valley under
cultivation. Howev!t, the tenth century saw the emergence of a new development in
Kashmir politics. .Military ambitions of rulers and emergence of mercenary warriors
made the common p a n miserable and political conditions unstable. There were at
least twenty kings between c. 1000 and 1300 A.D. Very often they became toots in
the hands of powerful priests and no less powerful landlords such as the damaras.
b There were conflict$ amonmt priests and damaras too. Queen Didda, and kings such
as Samgramaray, Kalash, Harsha, Jayasimha and Sinhadeva were involved in the
politics of these centuries in Kashmir.
In the Ganga Valley, Kanauj became the centre of gravity due to its strategic and
geographical potentiality. It was located in the middle of the doab which was easily
fortifiable. The control over Kanauj implied control overtthe eastern'and western
parts of the Ganga doab which was very fertile. It was also interconnected with the
land and water routes. It was, therefore, not surprising that the three leading
contemporary powers such as the Palas, the Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas clashed
over the possession of Kanauj. The Palas were primarily centered in the Eastern
India, the Pratiharas in the Western India and the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. But
all the three powen tried to control the Ganga plains, especiall!~Kanauj. The
political boundaries of the three empires kept shifting from time to time.
iii) BIHAR A N D BENCAL
The political basis of thepalas was the fertile land of Bihar and Bengal and external
trade relations, especially with the Southeast Asia. The founder of the dynasty,
Gopal, had been responsible for taking Bengal out of chaos in the early eighth
century. Before him matsyanyaya, i.e. law of fishes prevailed in Bengal and political
instability was very marked. Dharmapala led a successful campaign against Kanauj
but could not control it for a long time. The failure to maintain cohtrol over Kanauj'
forced the Pala rulers to extend their influence towards the further east. Devapala
brought Pragiyotishpur (Assam) under the influence of Palas, and Nepal also -
aecepted the domidance of the Palas. After Devapala, the Pala poyer was not ver)
effective in the North Indian politics, though the dynasty continued till the early
thirteenth century. The polity of the Palas was within the framework of the
monarchial set-up 8nd in this private and the state interests developed
simultaneously. Thie empire consisted of areas administered directly and' areas
adrhinist'ered by the vassal chiefs. Ramapal, the last important sovereign of the Pala
dynasty who ruled from c. 1080 to 1122 A.D., is known to have organised a control
of u ~ d k and a districts (vioaya) called snmantha-chakra (circle of vassal chiefs). His
reign is a l s q m a r k d by a peasant rebellion of Kaivarttas.
iv) ASSAM '
Towards the fuithir east, Assam was in the process of transition towards the state
polity during the centuries under survey. A isam consists of two river valleys, viz.,
those of the Brahdaputra and Surama. By seventh century the Varmans had
eqtablished their aricendancy and brorvght about territorial and political integration of
the Brahmaputra vauey into Kamasupa. The Varmans made land grants to the.
brahmanls who in turn extended the scope of cultivable land and brought the tribal
people in the netwprk of state system. The Varman rulers constructed many
embankments thereby giving stimulus to wet rice cultivation. Shalastambha kings in
Pragjyotishi contidued the practice of the Varmans in the eigth and ninth centurias
and made many Iahd grants to brahmmas and religious institutions. Later,, Palas
also continued thici trend. The medieval Assam inscriptions refer to tefms like rJ1,
qjni, qjaputra, rajanyaka and ranaka who appear to have been landed
intermediaries.
vj ORISSA Nature of Regiond Politio
In Orissa a number of small kingdoms and principalities appeared along the coast of
Bay of Bengal and in the hilly hinterland. Kalinga, Kongoda, Dakshina Tosali and
Uttara Tosali were situated at the Bay of Bengal and Dakshina Kosala in the upper
Mahanadi valley. The borders of the different kingdoms varied from time to time
but the topography of their centres and their spatial distribution remained almost
unchanged from the sixth to twelfth centuries. The kings donated lands to
kahmanas who performed various administrative and ritualistic functions. Land
The Samanids ruled over Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of Iran in the ninth
century. Among the Sgmanid governors was a Turkish slave, AMptigin, who later
. established an indepenpent kingdom with its capital at Ghazni. After sometime
Mahmud (998-1030 A.D.) ascended the throne at Ghazni and brought Punjab and
Multan under his contiol. Mahi@udundertook many raids and plundered many \
temples in Indla known for their wealth, largely1to consolidate his own position in
Central Asia. Another ~ Q U that
S ~ penetrated lndia was that Bhur in North-west
Afghanistan. Shahabuddin Muhammed ( 1173-1206 A.D.) of this house conquered
Multan, Uchch, Lahore; created a base in Punjab and finally defeated the Chauhan
ruler Prithviraj in the $econd battle of Tarain in 1192. He also defeated Jaichandra
of the Gahadaval dynasty (Kanauj based) in the battle of Chandwar in 1194. Such
attempts of Central Asian chiefs finally led to the establishment of the Turkish
empire in North lndia In the early thirteenth century under the Mamluk Sultans such
as Qutbuddin Aibak arld Iltutmish.
.........................................................................................
(2) Discuss in about 10 lines the political history of Western and Central India.
'
Map1 India c. 1000-1200 A.D.
By mid eighth century the erstwhile powerful kindgoms of the Pallavas and ., Nature of Redorul PolItIa
Chalukyas were spent forces. However, their legacies were inherited by their political
successors, viz., the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas respwtively. Also, the political law
of a tussle between the power based in the Kaveri Valley and that of Karnataka
became a concrete course for many centuries. This was the case of not only the
relations between the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas in the late eighth and early
ninth centuries but also of the strained ties between the Rashtrakutas and the
Cholas, when the later succeeded the Pallavas. Wgtern Chalukyas, the political
successors of the Rashtrakutas, continued the trend and were often at loggerhead?
with the Cholas from the early eleventh century. Very often the small chiefdoms af
the Deccan such as those of the Nolambas, Vaidumbas, Banas, etc. became victims
of,these big power rivalries. Vengi (coastal Andhra Pradesh) was also an important
bqne of contention amongst these powers.
The post tenth century scene in the south is also marked by three important
phenomena :
i) internecine wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras,
ii) involvement of Sri Lanka, and
iii) expansion of Indian influence beyond the sea~-particularly in the Southeast
Asia. This climaxed in the naval expdition in the times of the Chola King .
Rajendra-I (first half of the eleventh'century).
The Cholas under Rajendra-1 had also reached up to the Ganga Valley-a venture
immortdised in the great temdle at Gangaikondacholapuram (north east of
Thanjavur).
The writings on this subject s i h the early 1960s have broadly followed three
approaches, viz., emphasizing feudal, segmentary and integrative character of polity
(See also Block 9 of EHI-02)
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
(See also Unit 1.7) R.S. Sharma expounded this view in his book Indian Feudalism .
published in 1965. It is based on the pan-lndian character (See also Unit 1.2.1) of
land grants. It focuses on : I
pre-state polities into state polities and integration of local polities into a structure
that went beyond the bounds of local polities. The proliferation of ruling lineaps
(ruling families) is s e n as social mobility process in early medieval India. The
diffused foci of power are represented by what is broadly called as the sunanta
system. The samanta were integrated into the structure of polity in which the
overlord-subordinate relation came to be d o m i n a ~ over
t othir levels of relation in
the structure. The transformation of the sammta into a vital component of the
political structure is itself an evidence of ranking and in turn clarifies the political
basis of integration. Rank as the basis of political organisation implies differential
access to the centre as also shifts within the system of ranking. It is also assumed
that the rank as the basis of political organisation generated crisis between the
rankholders and also between them and the overlord. This emphasis on ranking
brings the integrative polity formulation closer to the notion of segmentary state.
The integrative' polity, like the feudal polity, sees political processes in terms of a
2) Write a note on the concept of Feudal Polity. Answer in about ten lines.
8.5 KEY W O R D S
Damaras : Powerful landlords in Kashmir
Mandal : An administrative diviJion
9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:
.' areas included in .Northern and Easrern India.
real nature of kingship,
distribution of administrative and fiscal power,
emergence of lmulticentered power structure,
role of vassals and state offieials,
changes in the bureaucratic set up, in the light of land-distribution,
power hierarchy of samantm and functions of snmantm,
influence of clan on landholdings,
inter-vassal relationship, and
ideological base of political authority.
f
, 9.1 INTRODUCTION
The preceding Unit (No. 8) had attempted to introduce you to a theoretical debate ,
on the nature of political organisation in the Indian sub-continent between the eighth
and thirteenth centuries. The present Unit, however, is a specific case study of North
and East India. The overall reconstruction has been done within the framework of +t-'
what has been described as feudal polity. The Unit seeks to show the limits of the so '
called ceqtralised monarchies and the real nature of new royalty. We will discuss the /
pattern of landholdings, the distribution of adminisrrative and fiscal powers and the
transfer of judicial and policing rights. We will also analyse the emergence of a new
type of bureaucracy, the hierarchy of samantu and the multifarious functions of
samantu and other officials. All these are indicators of the rise of multi-centered
power structure in the ;region under discussion. The Unit also seeks to highlight the
ideological base of this structure.
/
-
Northern and htw India
9.2 THE REGION DEFINED
Writings since the early 1950s have opened up great many issues bearing-on the
political structure of Northern and Eastern India. It was a product of a set of
changes at all levels and in all spheres. The pace of these changes was determined by
the mechanism of land grants (see also Block-1). Broadly, the understanding of
centuries and the regions under discussion in terms of feudalism have been the most
dominating strain of recent historical writings on the political set up.
How does one define Northern and Eastern India? Generally, territories north of the
Vindhyas and up to the Himalayan tarai are included. However, modern states
comprising Gujarat, Rajasthan and most of Madhya Pradesh are being excluded
from this discussion, for, they have been taken as constituting Western and Central
India (See also Unit-lo). Thus, Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and
Uttar Pradesh make up Northern India while the Eastern India comprises Bihar,
Bengal (including prtsent day Bangladesh), Orissa and Assam as well as other states
of the Brahmaputra Valley. Important political powers of these regions have already
been identified in Unit-8.
I
A twelfth century copper plate grant of Vaidyadeva from Assam mentions bhukti,
mandala and vishya. In Orissa too vishayas and mandalas assigned as fiefs to royal
scions are mentioned in records of the twelfth century. Pattalas and pathakas were
administrative units under the Gahadavalas.
The literary sources of the period are also eloquent about many of the aforesaid
administrative units. Harishena's Kathakosha, a work of the tenth century, refers to
a vishaya in the sense of the principality of a King who has a samanta under him.
Rajrtatangini, the chronicle of Kashmir. distinguishes between Svamandal and
mmdalantar, which suggests that kings in Kashmir exercised direct administrative
control mostly over their own man&lns while other mandalas were governed by
umantaa with a n obligation to pay tribute and a commitment of allegiance. At the
lawest level perhaps villages also may have acquired a lord either by land grants
placing villages under samanta chiefs or by forceful occupation or by the submission
of individuals. There is a reference to qulma as consisting of three to five v,illages.
Further, allusions to gramrpati, gramadhipati, dhshagtamapati, vimshatimsha-
~ u n n p a t i sahrsragramapati
, indicate a hierarchy of villages. The mode and
quantum of payment to village heads are also specified. Dashasha (bead of ten
villages) got as much land as he'could cultivate with one plough. Vimshntisha (head
of tw pty villages) got land cultivable through four ploughs. Shatesha (head of one
d
hun red villages) was to master one full village as his remuneration.
l n d i ~Pollt) In Its Regional 9.3.2 Transfer of Administrative and Fiscal Rights
Vuirtiom : 8th To 13th Century
It was not merely the multiplication of administrative 'units at different levels. Giving
away fiscal and adminibtrative rights, including those of policing and administration
of criminal law and justice, to donees of land grants created a landed aristocracy
between the King and the cultivators. The intensity of the process varied from one
region to another.
Dispersal of administrative power which is a n important trait of feudal polity, is also
indicated by constant shift of the seats of power. Typical examples of this tendency
are to be seen in allusions to about nine skandhavaras (victorylmilitary camps) in
the Pala records. As many as twenty-one skandhavaras figure i n the Chandella
records. However, in this respect the Pratiharas enjoyed relative stawlity, for only
Ujjayini and Mahodaya (Kannauj) are known t o have been their cajtitals. Like the
shifting capitals, fortresses also assumed the functions ~f power centtk. It is
significant that the Palas built as many as twenty fortresses in their empire.
.........................................................................................
- 1
2) Name the main administrative units in different regions of Easttrn and Northern
lndiq.
ac ~inistrativefunctions.
( 1 In the eleventh and twelfth centuries key officials were also being paid through
I regular and exclusive taxes. Officers connected with revenue collection, criminal
administration including policing, accounts and members of the palace staff enjoyed
levies specifically raised for them. Thus, the akshopatalikm, pratihlrm and
vifhotiathus (possibly a revenue official of a group of twenty eight villages) under the
Gahadavalas received such sustenance.
Early twelfth century inscriptions of the Gahadavalas mention akshapata: .-prmtho,
akshapatala-adaya, prntblm-pmmtho and vishatiathuprqtha. It is'not clear vhether
these levies accounted for the total remuneration of the concerned officials or jcs!
Indlm Pomy 1. Ib Red& formed an additional emolumerlt. Yet, it is apparent that sucp state otYicials had
V u i . :~8th~ To 13th CmPuV become so powerful as to claim grants of perquisites for t'hems~lves.In sum, the
right of various 'statel officials to enjoy specific levies-irrespectwe of the tenure of
these levies-was bound to create intermediaries with some interests in the lands of
the tenants.
9.4.2 The Power $kriarehy of Samantas
By the twelfth century a hierarchical system of &mantas had become considerably
elaborate. A text of thc twelfth century classifies various vassals in the descending
order on the basis of the number of villages held by them: "Mahamandalcshvua
(1 ,00,000 villages), m~dalika(50,000 villages)", mahasamanta (20,000 villages),
'samanta, Iaghu-samanta and catum~nshtka(10,000; 5,000 and 1,000 villages
respectively)". Sandhyakara Nandi who wrote about Bengal under Ramapala, refers
to mandaladhipati, samanta-cah-chudamani, bhupala and raja.
The hierarchy of sunrantas is corroborated by epigraphic evidence too. Rajanakas
and rajaputras figure~ininscriptions of the former Chamba state. Slmanta,
mahasamanta, mawmantadhipati and thakkura figure in some eleventh century
inscriptions of Garhwal. The Tezpur rock inscription of 830 A.D. refers to Shri
Harjaravarman of the Shalastambha dynasty (of Assam) as mahuajadhiraja-
parameshvara-pammabhattaraka under whom came the mahasamanta Shrisuchitta.
Shilakuttakavaleya is mentioned as a samanta in this inscription. We conie across
raja, rajanya, ranaka and rajaputras in the Shaktipur copper plate of
Lakshamanasena of Bengal.
9.4.3 Feudalisation of Bureaucracy
Numerous officials art: listed in inscriptions belonging to almost all North Indian
states. The Pala land Warters, for example, mention nearly four dozen officials and
vassals-some of them even being hereditary. More than two dozen oficials are
listed in the Gahadavala inscriptions. The situation was no different in the territories
of the Cahamanas, Clhandellas and the Kalachuris. Even feudatories kept a long
retinue of the officers. More than two dozen of them functiolied under Samgrama
Gupta, a rnahamandalika of the Karnatas of Mithila. The feudalisation of the titles
and designations of these officials,becomes a conspicuous phenomenon of the times.
An indicator of this development is the use of the prefix maha. While the early Pala
kings such as Dharmapala and Devapala had less then half a dozen maha-prefixed
officials, the number went up to nine under Navayanapala. The number of such
officials under Samgrama Gupta was as high as eighteen. One car! even discern a
pattern in this newly dmerged set up-the lower the power of the lord the larger the
number of the dignitaries bearing the title mrha in his kingdom. Similarly, the later.
the kingdom, the greater the number of maha prefixed functionaries. The growing
feudalisation of officials is also found in the practice of using the same terminology
to express the relationship between the officials and the King as was used between
the vassals and the King. The expressions such as padapadmopajiyin,
rajapadopajivin, padaprasadopajivin, puamesvara-padopajivin, etc:.,applied to both
vassals and officials, They indicate that officers subsisted on the favour of their
masters and thus show that they were being feudalised. Officials were placed in
various feudal categories according to their status and importance. Even kayastha
scribes were invested with such titles as ranaJca and thakkura to indicate their feudal
and social rank rather than their functions.
9.4.4 Landholding and Clan Considerations
.-
The exercise of important governmental functions was gradually being linked up
with landholding. There are numerous instances of assignments not only to chiefs
and state officials but also to members of the clan and the relatives. Thus, we find
references to estates hdld by a chief of the Chinda family ruling in the region of the
modern Pilibhit distridt of Uttar Pradesh. As illustrations of clan considerationh, it is
possible to cite numerous instances of apportionment of villages in units of twelve.
The (Una) plates of the time of Mahendrapala of Kannauj (c. 893 A.D.) mention the
holding of 84 villages by mahasamanta Balmvaman. References to queen's gram and
bhukti, junior princes as bhoktsies (possessors) of villages, aejr (allotment) of a
rdaputra and rajakiyaqbhop (King's estate) are not unknown. The holders of 84
villages had formed a ~ectionof chiefs known as catur8ehIkm by the end of the
twelfth century. Relatiirely speaking, the practice of distributhg land on clan
. .
considerations had a greater frequency in the Western and Central India than in the . Northun and Entern India
Northern and Eastern India. This practice of distributing land to the members of
clan is reminiscent of tribal system of apportioning spoils of war amongst members
of the tribe.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
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2) Write five lines on the hierarchy of samantas.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
Some insights into the lord-vassal relationship are also provided by the usage of
panchamahashabda, which seems to have developed as a samanta institutiod in the
post-Gupta centuries. Many inscriptions show that a measure of the high feudal rank
enjoyed by some vassals was their investiture with the panchamahashabda by their
overlords.
A copper plate inscription of 893 A.D. records a grant of land by the ntlhasamanta
~akavarman,whose father had obtained the panchamahashabda through the grace
of Mahendrayudhadeva (Mahendrapala of Kannauj). Surprisingly, the term was not
kno"wn in the Pala kingdom, although it is known in Assam and Orissa.
There is little doubt that the acquisition of the panchamahashabda was the highest
distinction that could be attained by a vassal-indeed, even the Yuvaraja (crown
prince) enjoyed no higher feudal privilege than this. The samantas continued t o becr
this epithet even after adopting such grandiloquent titles as paramabhattarla-
maharajad hiraja-parameshvara.
According to a text of the twelfth century, the privilege of pancharnahashabda -
signified the use of five musical instruments. These are referred to as shringa (horn),
t m m a t a (tabor), shankha (conch), bheri (drum) and jayaghanta (bell of victory). In
some parts of North India, the term panchamahashabda indicated five official
designations with the prefix maha. If the word shabda is connected with the root
sbap, it acquires an additional meaning of oath or vow. If so, it would have an
important bearing on the rendering of panchamahashabda in terms of state
officials' and lord-vassal relationship.
The lord-vassal bond and the samanta hierarchy do not show any distinctive sign of Northern and Eastern India
decay even in the changed economic scenario of the post-tenth century. Trade and
cash nexus are recognised as factors whlch weaken feudal formation. There are clear
signs of the revival of internal as well as external trade and currency between tenth
and twelfth centuries (see Unit 3 Block-I). Indian feudalism as a political system, far
from getting dissipated, shows remarkable flurd~tyand adaptability. A phenomenon
of a somewhat similar kind has been noticed In the 17th century Russia where serf
economy began to adapt itself to the developing markets. It IS, however, necessary to
add that feudalism as an economic system does show slgns of cracking up. This is
specially true of Western lndia where the self-suff~c~ent feudal economy had come
under special strain due to revival of trade, money and urban growth. The situation,
however, is not without its contrasts-the east, VIZ.Brhar. Bengal and Onssa, show a
considerable resrlience. Further, land service grants to vassals and offlc~alsare more
common in the west then in the east, wlth the exceptron of Orlssa.
.........................................................................................
r:.
1
The Northern and Eastdrn lndia comprises modern states of Kashmir, Punjab.
Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Assam and parts
of northern Madhya Pradesh. The political structure of these regions between Jhe
eighth and thirteenth cehturies was marked by:
Sa
3) A number of gr nts were made to religious groups or individuals who were
zxpected to pr vide legitimacy to Kings to rule. Bmhmpnas were the main
2
beneficiaries. See Sec.9.:.
C
--
--- --
INDIA
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 Northern & Eastern
2 Western & Central
OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you will:
know about how various political power configurations emerged in Western and
Central India,
understand the nature of the distribution of political authority as well as the.
structure of polity, and
be able to analyse the patternsof the formation of political powers rnd their
consolidation.
INTRODUCTION
In conventional studies on Indian polity there is greater stress on the genealogy of
the ruling dynasties and chronology of their rules. Changes in polity are mostly
conceived as chadges represented by dynastic shifts. In view of the inadequacy of this
framework, recent studies on the polity have attempted to view the ancient and
medieval polity from the perspective of possible processes which were in operation.
There is a marked emphasis now on themes such as state formation, structure of
polity, nature of power and political control, etc. However generalization at sub-
continental level need to be,probed further from a microscopic point of view. In this
Unit we shall know about the emergence and evolution of regional polity in Western
and Central ~n'dia.This region comprises modern states of Rajasthan, Gujarat and
most of Madhya Pradesh.
Owing to the fact that regional political formations in various pans of India have
not been studied fully, the generalizations at sub-continental level require further'
precision. The study of regional political formations should, however, assume
importance in view of the fact that:
I) there were frequent shifts in the centres of powers, and
2) the formation of new polities was a continuous process.
Western and Central India provide us with examples of fresh spun in the emergence
of local states. For example, the Rajput clans such as the Gurjara Pratihara. Guhila.
Paramara, C!,ahamana as Well as the Kalachuris and Chandella exploited, political
uncertainties of post-Gupta and post tenth centuries in Western and Central India.
They dominated tfie pqlitical scene for centuries, especially during the period
n d l u Polity In 118 ~egi0n.1 extending from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. The picture of the political
ui.tmn~ : 8th To 13th. <:enlury processqs that resulted !in the replacement of old dynssties by-new Rajput powers of :.
uncertain. origin is not clear. None the less, an attempt has been made to work out :
some essentia1,traits of the nature of the distri'bution of political authority. Unlike
Northern and Eastern India, the region under discussion shows some influence of
lineage-at least in some parts of the region (See also Unit 8.3.3). Even in these
parts. the dispersal of administrative and fiscal powers along with the changes in the
bureaucratic set-up----all based on new landholdings set the tone of feudal polity. ' 'i
The Rajasthani bards went a step further and ascribed the fire origin not only io the
Paramaras but also to the Pratiharas,.the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the
Chahamanas. Speaking of the fire origin of the Chahamanas the bardic tales said
that Agastya and other sages began a great sacrifice on the Mount Abu. Demons
rendered it inlpure by showering down filthy thlngs. Vaslshtha created from the
firepit three warl'iors Pratihara, Chaulukya, and Paramara. but none succeeded in
keeping the demons away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where issued forth a four .
armed figure. The sages named him Chahuvana. This wgrrior defeated the demons.
This Agnlkula myth was nothing more than poetic imagination of bards. In their I
hunt for a fine pedigree for their patrons they had woven the story of'the fireorigin:
of the Paramaras. They found that it could splendidly explain the orfgin of the
Chahamanas too if th* added'some more details.
-
The problem.of the origin, when viewed in its totality instead of viewing it from the Watern md Central India
angle of any particular dynasty, would help us understand its political significance.
The practice of hew social groups claiming kshntriyn status became \yidesp;ead in the
early niedieval period. Kshntriyn status was one of the various symbols that the
emergent social groups sought for the legitimation of their newly acquired power.
The early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a m.ixed caste and
constituting a fairly large section of petty chiefs holding,estates. achieved political
emingnie gradually. There was corrpsponding relationship between the achievement .
of political eminence by Pratiharas, Guhilas. Chahamanas and other clans and their
movement towards a respectable social status, viz. acquiring a kshntriya lineage. In
this context it is'important to note that these dynasties claimed descent from ancient
. kshntriyns long after their accession to power.,Let us note the example of the
Gvrjara Pratiharas, chronologically the earliest and historically the most important
of the Rajput dynasties. In an inscription of the late ninth century issued by King
Bhoja-1 the.y claim Solar descent for the dynasty and say that Lakshmana, the
brother of the epic hero Rama was the ancestor of their family. Their inscript~ons
are silent on the question of origin till the glorious days of Bhoja. This epigraphic
tradition of the Sola'r descent is connected chronologic,ally with the period during
which the (iurjara Pratiharas were the dominant political power. The tradition, thus.
represents a stage of imperial prominence with the temptatjon to establish a l i n k with
the heroic age of the epics. The tradition of the legendary kshntriya origin of powers
such as,thc Paramaras and Chahamanas too had not originated at the initial stage of
the rise gf these powers. I n short, the entry to the Rajput fold was possible through
the acquisition of political power. And the newly acquired power was to be
. legitimised by claiming linkages with the kshatriya lines of the mythical past. (See
also Unit 9.7).
................................................................................
r . .
Mobilization of militarystrength could not only displace a ruling lineage but also
create new locus and neliwork of power. The case of the Vagada branch of the main
1
line of the Paramaras pmvides an example for this. The Vagada branch was in
existence from as early as the first decade of the ninth century. Following the' death
of Upendra Paramara, Mis son was ruling in ~ a n s w a r aarrd Dungarpur area as a
feudatory of the house of Malwa. This Vagada branch continued to be a loyal 1
feudatary line for centuries till Chamundaraja; one of Its rulers defied the Paramartis
of Malwa and became independent in the second half of the eleventh century. T h e
Vagada was lost to the of Malwa id the beginning of the twelfth century.
After the successor of nothing is heard of the Vagada branch.-Three
d e e d e s later we find on$ Maharaja Shurapala ruling over the region of the erstwhile
Vagada branch, This shaws that by 1.155 the Paramara were dethroned by the .
members of a family whyd as their geneology shows, were not connected with the
Paramgra dynasty cf Va$ada, Within next 25 years this line was also uprooiedrnd a
Guhila King was rueng- g v $ ~ y ~ & - B yt39:
-t in turn appears to have been
disposyssed of @'newly' establish J-l(bdo_mma ~ I e who r styled himself
'mahshajqlhiraja.
Chalukya overlord.
seems t o have establlshbd h ~ n n e lthere
f with the help o f his
T o begin with, let us be familiar wlth the material base o f lineage based state. (See
also Unit 9.4.4). I t was not just consolidation o f the lineage power i n terms o f
political power. Much more than that was the factor o f landholding. One gets the
impression o f some sort o f land grabbing o n the part o f the members o f ruling
famil~es.The exercise o f Important gokernmental functions was gradually being
linked up with landholding. Thhs. under the rule o f the Gurjara Pratiharas we
find references to estates held by chiefs o f the ~hahamana.Guhila and Chalukya
clans. Mathanadeva, another chief of the Gurjara Pratihara lineage also claimed t o
have obtained his allotment as-svabhogavapta (own share). The Nadol plates o f
Rajaputra Kirtipala dated i n 116.1.refer to a group of twelve villages which a junior
prince had received from the reigning prince. The Kalvan plates o f Yashovarman (of
the time of the Paramara King Rhojadeva) mentions a chief who had acquired a
royal charter o f 84 villages, obviously from his overlord (See also Unit 11.4.2).
1ndl.n ~ o m yI. 1b R-~I Unlike the Chahamana and Gurjara Pratiharas, there seems to be somewhat lesser
V**iom : 8th To 13th C c n t ~ frequency of land grants based on clan consideration amongst the Paramaras. But
the Paramara records refer to more groups of villages than is the'case with the
Chahamana records. Groups of villages in units of twelve or its multiples (12, 24, 36
etc.) and even in units pf sixteen or its multiples have been mentioned in at least
scvcn cases. A Paramara inscription of 1017 refers to a stray example of district
,comprising 52 villages, which does not fit in either in the pattern of the multiples of ,
twelve or in that of sixteen. But, it cannot be ascertained fully, whether the clan.
system of administration covered the major part of the Paramara kingdom.
Irrespective of the incidence or frequency of clan influences, the more substantive
component of the so-called lineage state is the nature of landholding. As already
indicated (see Unit 8.3.3). so far the lineage state or integrative polity has not offered
any alternative materialbbase of political structurels. No wonder, therefore, even in
these states of Western and Central India the phenomenon of different foci or kvels
of power cuts across all1 major political structures which reiterates the validity of the
hypothesis of feudal polity.
What is broadly labelled as samanta system was not, however, a uniform category. It
included a wide range of status all of wbch corresponded to the landed aristocracy .
of the period.
The Kingdoms of all the major powers of Western and Central India included the
territories which were under the controi of the feudatories who were known under
the generic title 01' man&lika, but sometimes styled themselves as mahuajadhirrl(*,
mahamandalesvara, mPllamandalikas, mahasamantas and samantm. The most
important of the feudatory princes of the Chaulukyas were the Paramaras of Abu
and the hah ham an as of Jalor; others of minor importance being the Mer King
Jagamalla and Paramara Somesvara. Similarly, a considerable portion of the
Chahamana state, especially in Nadol and Jalor, was held by landed intermediaries
variously known as thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas, on the condition that they
supplied certain quotas of soldiers when required by the overlord.
The categories of feudatory chiefs under the Paramaras consisted of those officers
and princes :
i) who were rewarded by the King with land in consideration of their valuable
services;
ii) who had built up their own principalities during the period of aggrandisement
and acknowledged the supremacy/ of the premier line. (To this categoby belonged
the Pararnaras of Vagada, and the Paramaras of Kiradu),
iii) who had carved out their principalities by the force of their own arms in
defiance of the central authority during the difficult days of the Paramaras. (In
this category came the Paramara Mahakumaras who used subordinate titles but
were for all practical purposes independent), and
iv) who were defeated ahd forced to accept the suzerainty of the Paramaras and
were given the status of a vassal.
Rig feudatory chiefs such as the Paramaras of Arnbudamandala and the Paramara
Mahakumaras enjoyed large amount of internal autonomy. They could create their
own sub-feudatories and appoint their own officers. I t was possible for feudatory
chiefs also to distribute their lands among their dependents. The thrkkarrs served
the feudatory chiefs in almost all the feudatory states under the Paramaras. The
feudatories could also assign taxes, alienate villages and exempt certain people from ,
taxation. This practice of'granting land and its associated fiscal and adm~nistrative
rights is called sub-infeudhtion. There is surprisingly sufficient evidence for this,
particularly under the Pratiharas. It was practiced both in the areas of direct
Pratihara control as well as those under their vassals. Examples of sub-infeudation
caused by service grants ih Gpjarat under Chaulukyas are also known. A subordinate
functionary, probably a bania under Bhimadeva-11. constructed an irrigation-well
and a watering trough attbched to it, and for their upkeep he granted certain plots of
land to a man of Pragvatl clan. probably a merchant. The evidence for the I
prevalence of sub-infeudation in the Paramara kingdom does not seem to be clear.
Thus, in course of time the samanta system encompassed a proliferating range of
designations and assumed the characteristics of a hierarchical political formation
repraented'by the ranks such as ranaka, rauta, thakkura, samanta, mahasamanta,
etc.
?he incidence of grants to state officials vary from one region to another. To
I illustrate, while we hear about half a dozen Paramara official ranks. only a few of
them are known to have received land grants - none at least in.the eleventh
' century. But very large terrritories were granted to vassals and high officers under
; the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. Chaulukya copperplates of 12th-13th centuries and their
' comparison with the data of the Lekhapaddhati help us in stressing that vassals and
high officers gradually merged into one another. In the I I th to 12th centuries key
' off~cialswere also being paid through regular and exclusive taxes. Thus, the
pattakilm and dushtasadhym of the Kalacuri kingdom and baladhipas of the
Chahamanas received such sustenance. Indeed some Chandella inscriptions of the
late twelfth and early thirteenth century specifically enjoin the feudatories, royal
officials, forest officials. constables, etc. to give up-their perquisites in the villages
transferred as gifts. There are also references to resumption of such rights.
The feudatories owed fiscal and military obligations to the overlord. Generally the
authority of the feudatories was derivative, dependent on the fulfilment of certain
conditions of which supplying the overlord with certain quotas of soldiers in time of
need was one. The paramar& of Vagada fought in the cause of the imperial
Paramaras of Malwa for more than once. The Paramaras of Abu, Kiradu and Jalor
being the feudatory chiefs of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, laid down their lives in the
cause of their masters many a times. However, the feudatory chiefs were eager to
free themselves whenever there was an opportunity. In this case the relation between
the suzerain and vassal rested absolutely on, the force one could use. For example.
the Guhilas of Mewar accepted the Paramara overlordship when they were defeated
6y Vakapati-11 but tried to re-establish their lost position during the period of
confusion which followed the death of Bhoja-I. Similarly, Chahamana Katudeva
tried to assert his independence during the last years of his overlord Chaulukya
Siddharaja so that Chaulukya Kumara'pala deprived him of his principality a n d
brought Naddula under direct administration pjacing a dandanayaka in charge of the
area. Kumarapalaalso removed from Abu its febellious prince Vikramasimha and
installed the latter's nephew Yasodhavala, on the throne. Yasodhavala's son and
successor Dharavarsha rendered distinguished~serviceto three genergtions of
Chaulukys overlords. But even he turned agajnst Bhima-11 and was either won over
or forced to submission to the Chaulukya ovtrlordship.
The most important duty of a feudatory prince was to help his suzerain against the
enemy. Sometimes the feudatories conquered new territories for the suzerain or
brought another prince under the later's vassalage. An inscription seems to imply
that at tbe accession of a new King the feudatories swore loyalty to their new
overlord who confirmed them in their possession. Feudatories are also said to have
paid tribute to their overlord both in cash and kind. However, there was no hard
and fast rule regarding the obligations of the feudatory chiefs of different categories.
The general relations between the overlord and the feudatory depended upon the
circumstances and relative strength of the feudatory vis-a-vis his suzerain. The
feudatories under Chaulukyas of Gujarat such as the Paramaras of Abu or the
Chahamanas of Nadol ruled over, quite extensive territories and had their own
systems of administration.
Instability of the political conditions was partly the result of the samanta-feudatory
system. Often the strength of the feudatory bonds depended upon the personality of
the overlord. Overlbrds who went on expeditions t o distant lands had to entrust
some of their capable generals with the administration of certain territories as
feudatory chiefs. The personal relations between the King and the subordinate, which
might have been strong enough to keep the territories together for a generation or
two, faded out in the course of time and the feudatory chiefs tended to assert their
independence. Often samanfas had no permanent bonds and were prepared to
transfer their allegiance to a powerful invader in return for greater privileges.
r-
Indm Potkf In Ib R w Ch k Your Progress 3
Vulatlom :8th To 13th Century pe
I). In column A some terms from Lekhapaddhati are given and in B the
I
. degiagnnts with which they were connected. Match A and B. .
-
A? B
-i) Yyayohrana a) Chief Secretariat
ii) Vyapara-kardna b) Accounts Department
iii) Shri-karma C) Dept. in charge of supervision of trade
iv) Mmdapka-khrana d) Dept. in charge of collection of taxes
2) Discuss in about 10 l i n e the powers and functions of the feudatory thiefs.
. . . . . . . . . .
, ...........................................................................................
.I
or wrong ( x )?
3) Which of the followjng statements are right ( v )
i) Samanta system was not a uniform category and included a wide range of
status.
i
ii) Centralization is an essential characteristic of the state structure.
iii) Feudatories were permanently bonded to their overlords and could no@
transfer their allggiance to others.
-
10.7 LET US SUM UP
From about the beginnink of the eighth century there emerged a political set up in ,
Western lndia and Central lndia in which new' social groups acquired political power
by various means such as settlement of new areas. The pattern of the emergence of
the Rajputs, which was partly clan based organization of political authority, show$
some deviations from developments outside Western lndia. However, the mobility of
new powers towards kshatriya status for legitimation was not specific to Western
lndia as a similar process was in operation el~ewhere~in early medieval India. After
seeking legitimacy for theit new kshatriya role the ruling clans of Western and
Central lndia formulated detailed geneologies in the period of their transition from
feudatory to independent itatus. They consolidated their political position by means
of specific patterns of land1 distribution and territorial system. ode other prominent
features of the polity in the region are :
1 *
organisation of bureaucracy which could'connect different modes in their political
structures marked by different foci or levels of power,
dominance of overlord-wbordinate relations,
C
1 1
EXERCISES
Check Your Prowess 1
I) The Apikula myth was created by the bards to find a fine pedigree for their
patrons and splendidly explain their origin. See Sec. 10.3.
2) See Sec. 10.1.
3) i) x ii) iii) x iv) x
Check Your Progess 2
1) The colonization and annexation of new areaslterritories led to the spread of
clans etc. See Sub-sec. 10.4.2. I
2) See Sec. 10.5.
3) i) ii) x iii) 4 iv) )(
I I. I Introduction
1 1.2 Identification of the Region
11.3 Formation of Political Authority : The Historical Background
1 1.4 Emergence and Expansion of Ruling Families
1 1.4.1 The Lineage and its Territory
1 1.4.2 The Patterns of the Emergence of Ruling L~neages
1 1.4.3 Fabrication of Genealogies 1
11.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we will know about the nature, organisation and distribution of power
in one select region-the Deccan. After studying this Unit you will be able to :
understand the geographical spread of the Deccan,
list the major and minor powers that.exercised their authority over different
territories of the DBccan between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries,
grasp the political processes of the formation of local powers and their integration
into the power structure beyond local bounds,,
grasp the totality of the differential distribution of power, And
understand the nature of early medieval polity in the Deccan.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Keepi,ng in view the general trend of political developments, specially the nature of
polity in Western and Central lndia (Unit lo), the present Unit should be seen as a
complementary component. Beginning with the historical genesis of state society in
the times of the Mauryas, the Unit demardtes important strands in the political
structure in the Deccan during the early medieval centuries. It attempts to show the .
operation of such factors as lineage and land rights in the rise of states. Also, the
social and economic bases of political power are identified. Finally, it also highlights
the nature of the integration of plethora of power levels.
The name Deccan apparently derives from the Sanskrit term 'Dakshina' meaning the
South. As to the exact limits of the region called the Deccan, the historical e v i d c n q
give divergent pieces of information. Sometimes its correspondence is established
withJhe whole ,of peninqalar lndia and sometimes it is restricted to a part thereof. 111
its narrowest delimitatioh the Deccan is identified with Marathi speaking area and
lands immediately adjoining it. But the term Deccan may be extended so as t o cover
the whole of lndia sauth of the Narmada. Generally, it is understood as designating
a more limited territory in which Malabar and the Tamil regions of the extreme
south are not included. Southern India as distinguished from the plateau of the The Deam
Deccan (from which it is separated by the Krishna-Tungabiiadra rivers) has a
I
i
character of its own.
t
Thus limited, the term Deccan signifies the whole region occupied by the Telugu
speaking populations as well as Maharashtra with certain parts of northern
Karnataka (Kannada speaking).
'
The changing distribution patterns of ruling lineages did not necessarily correspond
to static territorial units. For example, the Kalachuris who appear in the sixth
century A.D. as the rulers of a vast area comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan,
Maharashtra and Vidarbha also estqblished several nuclei of power as in Tripuri
(near Jabalpur) and Ratanpur in the upper Narmada basin. One of their branches
ventured into a remote area of Eastern India which came to be known as Sarayupar.
A segment of the Kalachuri line migrated to Karnataka. Kalachuris of Karnataka
claim to be the descendants of the Kalachuris of central India.
'!
Chalukya line conquered it. Second, it could involve settlement of new areas by an
immigrant line and change of the economic pattern of the region. For example,
Kalanjara having been conquered by the Pratiharas and subsequently by the
Rashtrahtas, some members of the Kalachuri line living there migrated southward
to seek new pastures. A segment of it'migrated towards the forested tract of Kuntala
and settled at Mangaliveda now in the Sholapur district of Maharashtra.
i Rashtrakutas themselves were ruling in the feudatory capacity in central lndia prior
to the rise of Dantidurga in the first half of the eighth century. The exploits of
Rashtrakuta Dantidurga and his successors who grew into a regional power from a
small patrimony somewhere in Berar can be cited as instances as to how a small
family could not only make a bid for political authority .but also establish the
qundations of large state structures.
Indian Polity In Its Regional
Variations :8th T o 13th Century
Orugallu Fort
A notable feature of the process of the emergence of ruling lineages in early medieval
Deccan is their attempt to align their local roots with a mythical tradition or trace
their descent from mythical-heroic lineages. The Rashtrakutas and the Sevunas
profess to be descended from Yadu, a puranic hero. The Hoysalas claimed descent
from the lunar race through that eponymous hero Yadu and said they were the
Yadavas and Lords of the excellent city of Dvaravati, the legendary capital of the
Yadava Prince Krishna. Similarly, while the spiritual guru of the Kakatiya king
Ganapatideva provided them with the Suryavamsi Kshatriya identity, an inscription
of the king himself traces the geneology from a mythical and legendary account of
Manu, Ikshvaku, Bhagiratha, Raghu, Dasharatha and Rama.
Such claims are often dismissed on the ground that they were later inventions. It is
true that such claims, freely drawing their inspiration from mythology and puranic
legends, lack historical accuracy as they refer to times for which no records exist.
But from the point of view of political processes the attempts to claim descent in
solar or lunar lines assume impyrtance because these claims sought to conceal rather
than reveal the original ancestry. Hoysalas for instance were the hill chiefs who
gradually established their command over the rest of the hill chiefs, migrated to the
plains and established a nucleus of power. The Kakatiyas were the shudrm. Their
political power and "low origin" had to be reconciled by assuming a higher status for
themselves. In other words the achievement of political dominance was Sought to be
correlated with a torresponding social status. The Chalukyas of Kalyan, for example,
sought this status by claiming that their progenitor was born out of a handful
(Chuluka) of water taken by the Sage Bharadvaja i. e. Drona, or the water of Ganga
poured out from the cavity of his hands by Ashvatthama, the son of Dron'a. The
ex
Kshatriya status was a symbol of legitimation. The new and upcoming non- kshatriya The I)cccan
groups sought to validate their political power through this. H e n ~ ethe Yadu vamsha
came in very handy and most lineages traced their descent from Yadu.
Despite these possibilities the intet-lineage relations could not be disregarded as they
proved extremely helpful in situntions of the military exploits requiring mobilization .
of greater force. As examples can be cited the Hoysalas of Southern Karnataka
rushing to the aid of their ovsrlord Chalukya Someshvara-11. Similarly, the Gangas
helped their Rashtrakuta ovzrlords in capturing the fortified town Chakrakuta in
Bastar in central India.
iii) ....................................................................................
2) Read the following and choose the right answer. Mark ( \/ ) in the columns.
i) The patterns of the emergence of the ruling lineages in the early medieval
Deccan shows that:
A a) only the Kshatriyas could wield political power
b) any clan or a larger ethnic group could make a bid for political power.
ii) The state encouragd the territorial spread of the brahmanas and religious
institutions because:
a ) it was deemed lo be an act of merit.
b) they posed a threat to the social order.
C) they represented some kind of uniform norms.
d ) the state society had t o cut through the barrier of disparate social norms
if ~t were to spread horizontally.
These diverse or diffused foci and levels of power in the Deccan were represented by
what is called the Samanta-feudatory system. Two types of feudatory powers were
noticeable in the Deccan:
I) Those petty lineages which were integrated by a n expanding polity into its' power
structure by either reducing them t o submission by military manoeuvres or by
peaceful means.
2) Those which came to be created by the political powers by means of the grant of
landed estates as a reward for their help in some military exploit. However, these
latter were originally app@inted only as governors of an area with feudatory
privileges s6ch as the panchamahashabdas (See also Unit 9.6). But the principle of
hereditary transmissions df office tendW t; convert them in course of time into
full fledged feudatories. Most of the feudatory powers of the larger polities were
such pre-existing lineages /ncorporated into their power structures. For example,
when the Rashtrakutas started expanding their power, they had to deal with the
representatives of the famous ruling lineages of the Deccan. Among their The Deccan
feudatories were the Chalukyas of Vengi, Chalukyas of Vemulavada and many
individual petty chiefs. The feudatories of the Hoysalas. Sevunas and Kakatiyas
bore the names of the erstwhile lineages like the Nolambas. Gangas, Chalukyas,
Kadambas, Abhiras, Haihayas and so on. .
Inter-marriages into the families of the suzerain and subordinate served as the social
bases while the recognition of the enjoyment of the landed estates by the local
powers served as the economic bases of the interlinked political process.
In strict political terms the use of force was not unknown especially when the local
powers stood in the way of the expansion of a lineage's power. The territories of the
Nishad Boyas, a race of hardy warriors who inhabited the region around Nellore
were sought to be integrated by means of involving their chief men into the
bureaucratic structure. But when the Boyas continued to offer resistance to the
advance of the Chalukya arms in the south, the King dispatched an army under
1
Pandaranga with instructions to demolish the strong-holds of the Boyas and to
(subjugatetheir country. Similarly, Kakatiya Rudra reduced to submission the Kota
chiefs.
Another important political mechanism of the integration of diffused foci of power
was the system of ranking i.e. the conferring of titles and ranks associated with roles
and service's. Kakatiya Ganapatideva conferred upon Recherla Rudra, a Reddy by
caste, the rank of mnndnlikn along with royal insignia like throne, a pair of chauris,
etc., in recognition of the help that Rudra rendered to him in a situation of crisis. .
Ranks in the families of chiefs varied from one generation to the next. The Kayastha
chiefs under the Kakatiyas who were a class of warriors and whose rank was sahini
(men in charge of cavalry) were elevated to the position of mahnmandaleshvnras by
the king Ganapatideva. These chiefs from the time of Gangaya sahini onwards
became the governors 6f a large region extending from Panugallu in Nalagonda to
Valluru in ,Cudappah district. This elevation in their position was in recognition of
the participation of Gangaya sahini in several battles on behalf of Ganapatideva.
Thus in a situation in which the basis of territorial political control was not static,
the ranks which had a correlation with such structure could not remain static either.
Integration of dispersed foci of power was not confined to the award of feudal ranks
such as nnyaka, snmanta, samnntadhipati or mahasamanta, mandalika,
mahamandaleshvara, etc., but also extended to bureaucratic positions. Irrespective of
multiple forms of integration, it must be realised that the mechanics of integration
always did not work only in the direction of integration. Second, whether it was
integration or disintegration, land rights served a common feature. Local landlords
or chieftains performed the role of integrators when they derived their administrative
and financial powers from their overlords, paid tributes and performed various other
obligations to them. However, the same landlords became real breakers and wreckers
when they lorded over peasants and artisans unmindful of overlords' concern. They
acted as an autonomous power within their territory. even though the degree of
autonomy varied from region to region. If the central government became weak the
feudatories used to be practically independent; in such a situation they could exact
their own terms for supporting the fortunes of their titular overlord. Their position
became still more strong if there was a war of succession. They could then take sides
and try to put their nominee on the imperial throne thus playing the role of the kfng
makers. On such occasions they could settle their old scores by dethroning their
overlord and imposing their own terms on the new successor. Rashtrakuta Dhruva,
Amoghavars ha-1 and Amoghavars ha41 owned their thrones to a considerable degree
to the support of their feudatories.
lndlrn PoMy In Its R e g i d big secretariat at their capital is not supported by any information about the maliner
Vuhd- : 8th To 13th Century in which the daily business of administration was carried on at the capital. Although
a body of high ranking officers and ministers known as nmntyas or mantris existed
in the capital to assist the King the questions regarding the size, constitution and
position of a regular council of ministers, if any, have not been satisfactorily'
answered. In the capital and in provincial headquarters in the Rashtrakuta
administration the revenue records, records bearing upon land ownership and
original drafts of copperplate grants were carefully preserved.
In the areas directly administered by the officers of the state, the provincial
governors (Rashtrapatis) enjoyed considerable power over their subordinates h ' t h e
provinces. Some of the provincial governors were royal princes. The provinces which,
are said to have been administered by the princes and queens in the later Chalukya
administration appear t o have been those bestowed upon them as their personal fief.
Some others were appointed as governors in recognition of their distinguished
military services. Petty offices like those of the supervision over small units
consisting of 10 or 12 villages very soften went tp relatives of the provincial
governors.
Provincial governors and district level governors in the Rashtrakuta administration
were assisted by a body of assistants called the kashtrmnhnttarns and
Vishnynmahnttaras respectively. But very little is known about their powers, modes
of election, meetings etc. Their powers must have been considerably less than those
of the village councils which were made up of the rural elite.
The nature of the office of the village headmen and divisional headmen, the revenue
officers who helped the state officers of the subdivisions shows that these officials
were often remunerated for their services in the form of hereditary rent free fields.
The integration of dispersed foci of power also expressed itself in the absorption of
the members of local lineages into the bureaucratic structure. In the Rashtrakuta
structure, the district and provincial governors and lower officers like Vbhayapatis
enjoyed feudatory status and were allowed to use feudatory titles. Apparently they
were the descendants of the local kings who were once independent but were
subsequently conquered by the imperial powers. In such cases they seem to have
continued as the government's officers.
!
iii) . ................................................................................... .
iv) ........:...........:.............................................
.- ~.
Dyda : Force
Eponymous : One which gives his name to people, place or institution
Kmika : Tax on villagers/townsmen in return for services performed
for their benefit by kings or their officers
Panchamabashabda : A feudatory privilege
Puamabhagavata : Devotee of Vishnu and associated divinities
Puamamaheshvara : Devotee of Shiva
Rashtramahattarr : Official of province
Sahini : Men in charge of Cavalry
Sunkamu/Sunka : Customs and excise duties
Upakriti : 'See Kanika
I
b
INDIA :II
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 The Deccan
2 9outh India
- F
:
UNIT 12 SOUTH INDIA '
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
. 12.2 The Region
12.3 Emergence of Political Powers
12.4 Perspectives on the South lndian Polity
12.5 Sub-regional Polities
12.6 The Agrarian Order and Polity
12.6.1 The Nadu
12.6.2 The Bmhradqs
12.6.3 Valanadu
126.4 The Temple
126.5 The Nagman : The Market Centre
12.7 Taxation .
12.8 Bureaucracy
12.9 Military Organisation
12.10 Structures of Control
12.1 1 ideological Bases of South lndian Polity
12.12 Let Us Sum Up
12.13 Key Words
12.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
12.0 OBJECTIVES
I
1 .
'e know about major components df the political structure such as taxation.
bureaucray and military control, and
outline the ideological bases of South lndian polity between the eighth-thirteenth
i centuries. 1
I
I
12.1 INTRODUCTION -
A
This is the last Unit concerning regional variations of early medieval polity. It deals
with South lndia, which broadly covers the portion of the peninsula lying south of
130 Northern Latitude. It begins with the emergence of the Pallavas in the sixth
century of the Christian era and ends with the establishment of the Tamil macro-
region as a regional state with distinctive politico-cultural features under the Cholas
(ninth-thirteenth centuries). After analysing the major lines of enquiry the Un~tseeks
to demarcate'various tiers of administration. These tiers have been identified with a
distinct focus on their social and economic bases. The nature of resource
mobilisation and apparatus to regulate it have also been sketched. Finally. the
ideological support of the South lndian polity has been suggested.
l n d h Polity 16 Im R e
V u l d a m :IMb To 13tb CIlltury 12.2 THE REGION
Here South India refers to the region called Tamil Nadu, not in its present form as a
linguistic state, but as a macro-region, which evolved from the seventh to the
thirteenth centuries and at times extended into parts of South Karnataka, southern
Andhra and South Kerala. This region may be divided into various zones, which had
a long historical evolution, viz., the core and subsidiary zones in the plains, on the
basis of its river systems and a.secondary zone located in its north-western parts
marked by the upthrusting eastern ghats and the edges of the plateau leading to
Karnataka and Kerala. These zones represented different politico-cultural regions,
which were known as m ~ d a l a m sfrom the Chola period onwards. The geography of
the whole region determined to a large extent the nuclei of the regional polities
which emerged during the c nturies under discussion.
'i
12.3 EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL POWERS '
................. ................................................
1 .................... .
.................. t...................................:......;.........................
. ..
\s
For a proper understanding of the agrarian order and polity wc will study a number
of aspects. Let us start with the nadu.
12.7 TAXATION
The existence of a regular taxation system, which the segmentary state concept
denies, is indicated by a statistical analysis of tax t e k s in Chola inscriptions. The
major land tax called kdrmmai was uniform as also many other smaller ones
related to land. There was a system of storage and transfer of revenue from the
locality to the government at the vrlmrdu, nadu and ur levels. Taxes, both central
and local, have been identified. Increase in non-agricultural taxes over time has also
been recognised. Local official involvement in tax collection also increased. Local
forms of collection and re-investment in regional economy avoided problems of
antral collection and redistribution. The state's active interest in trade and
commercial ventures provided a second resource base. Royal ports were consciously
developed and tolls were levied by royal agents. Exemption from tolls also formed
part of the policy of encouragement of trade venture&.
,,
12.8 BUREAUCRACY
The Chola, state was viewed as a highLy bureaucratised one by the pioneering
scholars. This is denied by the followers of the segmentary state theory. Statistical
data from inscriptions, however, have been used to show the existence of officers at
I
Indlmn Pdlty In Ib R e g i o ~ l both central and local levels. The term adhikui pref~xedto names of important
Vuirtber :llth To personages with the Muvenda ve!an Ule indicates the presence of a bureaucracy
especially in the hiera'rchically structured revenue department. Ranking among
officers is also shown by the terms perundaram (higher grade) add sirut.ram (lower
grade), both in the 'civil' and 'military' establishments. Officers at the royal court
(udan kuttam) and officers touring the country (vidaiyil adhikari) are also known.
. The King's government was present in the localities through a hierarchy of
officers - the mandal~mudali,nadu vagai and kadhyastha acting as important links
between the King and the locality.
\-I'
Given the nature of politico-cultural zones which evolved from the early historic
period, the Cholas evolved different structures of control by adopting the concept of
the mandalam to designate such zones. Each mandalam was named after the King. It
was one of the innovations of Rajaraja-l (983-1014 A.D.), who also initiated revenue
surveys and the valanadu system. For example. earlier structures such as the K o t t m
(a pastoral-cum-agricultural region) were left undisturbed in the Tondaimandalun'
(also called Jayankondacholamandalam), but the tan-kuru was introduced. The
valanadu replaced earlier chief6incies in the Cholamandalam and the adjoining
Naduvil nadu or mandalam in the north. Similarly, army units came to be stationed
at strategic points in transit zanes-and routes of trade leading to the adjoining
Karnataka region to establish lines of communication. Chola princes and mandda
mudalis were appointed to rule over such sub-regions.
Lesser chieftains. described as feudatories, represent another distinct level of
intermediate strata in the Chola polity. Arrangements were made by the King with
the powerful chiefs. under different terms, either by conceding a certain amount of
local autonomy in return for military support or in return for trading interests in
zones of transit. Somelchieftaincies were conquered but re-instated and others were
newly created lineages supborting the king in return for local control. They were also
ranked at different levels as chiefs or even as Chola officials with 'civil'and 'military'
service tenures and policing rights.
-
Kadamrri : A major land tax
Kottun : Pastoralcum-agricultural region
~..
Mad hyastha : ~ b c officer-impartially
a~ supervising royal orders
relating to land aqd other grants
I
Ma"iIala mudali : Chief of a mandalam
Mandalam : Term used for a politicocultural region
Nadu : Peasant assembly or organisation
Nadu vaqd : Officer organising the nadus ,
I T.V. Mahalingam
Y. Subharayalu
: South Indian Polity, Madras, 1955.
Political Geography of the Chola
Country, Madras, 1973.
t
Objectives
Introduction
Central Asia
13.2.1 Central Asia: A More Detailed View
13.2.2 Central Asia: An Ensemble of Micro-Regions
Pastoral Nomadism
Civilhition and Turkish Nomads: Early Contacts
13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire
13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact
Turkish Irruptions
The Mongols
13.6.1 Chengiz Khan and the Steppe Aristocracy
.13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers t b Check Your Progress Exercises
The rise of the Turks and Mongols; their rapid conquests and expansion over the
regions of Central Asia and the adjoining territories between the tenth and thirteenth
centuries, marks the beginning of a momentous period in history. Its consequences
#or India were direct, palpable and far-reakhing. After reading this Unit you should
be able to:
know who the Turks and Mongols were and what precisely was their role in an
exciting period of history,
acquaint yourself with the geography and some of the characteristics of Ce~tral
Asia as a region of considerable historical sigdicance, and
place medieval India in a larger historical contep of political and social
developments.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
1
I
The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic pimple
inhabiting the eastern corners of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon wave,
each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last. In a
relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought down the
once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia, reaching the .
shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the tenth and twelfth
centuries the invaders were primarily 'Turks', the invasion of the thirteenth to
fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people, the Mongols.
Mahmud of Ghazni's invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed
some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghami and Ghor are in
Afghanistan) were distant proieitiorh of these vast nomadic movec --'9. As in other
.1 .
"mdependent political !entity;the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the thirteenth
' century. The term 'W Sultanate' signifies the rule of Turks over large parts of
Northern India from their capital at Delhi. in more than two centuries of existence,
the Sultanate gave bifh to institutions-political, social and economic-which though
greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique combination of what
the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. One could say the same
?bout the Mughal empire which succeeded the Delhi Sultanate. -
In this Unit we will be taking a w s - e y e vim o f . d m d o ~
Central Asia by the dse of Turks and Mongols.
.Before we discuss the rise of Turks and Mongols, it is necessary to form a mental
p i m e of the regions comprising Central Asia and to acquaint ourselves with some
of their outstanding features. 'Central Asia' is a loose geographical term that refers to
the huge and varied territory bounded in the South by an immense chain of
mountains of which the Himalayas form a part. Its northern limits may be roughly
placed around the Ural mountains; the western alonn the Aral and Cas~ianSeas; and
the eastern somewhere between the lakes Balkash and Baikal, perhaps around lhe
Thfer Irtysh (S=W).
As the name of a region Central Asia has at least one other competitor, namely,
hukestan, though not identical in geographical spread, Turkestan does cover a very
large portion of the territories one includes in Central Asia. Perhaps it also offer$ a
more apt descriptioa of a region whose population is @ominanrly Turkic in
pornposition. But, when using the term in an historical context, one has to remember
that 'Turkestan' is an ethnonym: it signifies an e t l d c temtory as well as a human
community. And, in both respects, changes down the centuries have b e b profound.
Both the physical and human boundaries of Turkestan hzive shifted, contracted and
expanded by turnsiuntil perhaps our own times when modem states acquired
relatively stable bou~dariesand populations. In terms of modern political frontien, it
comprises the Soviet Sociplist Republic of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan,
bghizia and 'Chinese ~hkestan'.
As we shall see latet, the steppes have been crucial in determining the course of
, history of Central Asia and indeed of the world. For, atjeast, a few thousand years
the steppe environment could support only one kind of fife-the nomadic as opposed
to sedentary.
The oases, by contrast, were the rallying points of settled existence. The history of
civilized communities in Central Asia goes back to a few thousand years at least.
Periods of peace, intermittently ruptured by barbarians churning on the periphery,
led to the extension of imgation works and agriculture. With the growth of trade and I
handicrafts, towns sprouted. Together these enabled garden kingdoms and dates to
flourish. The oases Were thus real counterpoints to the preponderance of deserts and
steppes. Owing to them Central Asia could emerge as the centre piece in a
commercial highway connecting the far-flung civilizations of India, China,
Mesopotamia, and Europe. We will talk more about this a little later.
~ransoxiana (i.e. Land across the Oxus) is the region carved out by the rivers Oxus
m d Jaxartes (also knom as, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya respectively). Both
)low into the inland Arhl Sea arid are the two most important rivers of Central Asia.
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana in the eighth century (A.D.), called it
wawaraunnalu, literally meaning "that which is beyond the river". Along the middle
of the Oxus-Jaxartes babin flows the Zarafshan river, after whose ancient name
Aghd, the region came to be called Soghdiana. The two. most famous towns of
Central Asia, Samarqmd and Bukhara, are located within this tract.
T o the south of the Aral Sea, around the fertile delta of the Oms, is the region
b o w n as Khwatizm (niodern Khiva). Here, as early as the seventh or sixth century
(B.C.), a large centraked state came into existence which lasted a few centuries. At
-
?he end of the first centiry A.D., KhwariPn became part of the vast Kushan empire
which straddled the Hindukush and included the whole of North India within its fold.
Cultural contacts between India and Central Asia were greatly strengthened as a
consequence.
To the west of Transoxiana begins the region of Khurasan. As a land-locked region;
IUl(msan has no access' to the sea. Its rivers peter out into lakes and swamps. But
around its oases excellent pastures abound. These have recurrently attracted nomads
to descend into its valleys from across the steep mountains that jut out into Central
Asia from the Eurasian steppes. "Because of such movements of people Khurasan
inevitably became a cockpit...."The Arabs used it as a springboard to conquer
Central Asia.
To the east of the Jaxartes, along its middle reaches is the Farghana valley-the
pncestral home of Babur, the first Mughal ruler of India. As early as B.C. 102.the
Chinese subdued Farghana and, henceforth, Chinese influence over Central Asia
remained an abiding factor.
U
..............................................................................................................................................
- 2) Name a few Micro-regions of Central Asia giving their geographical extent.
..............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
Write five lines on the region called Turkestan.
Rise of Turks rind Mongols
in Contra1 Asia
Mobility, thus, was central to nomadic society, and the horse its most outstanding
asset. One description of pastoral nomads aptly characterises them as a people whose
country was the back of a horse. In consequence, among the Mongols, for instance,
no offence was greater than stealing a horse. It invited execution.
\
Horsemanship combines with skill in archery made the nomads a formidable fighting
force. The Mongols brought the art to perfection in the thirteenth century. Galloping
at full speed, they could rain arrows in every direction-forward, rear, and
sideways-with deadly accuracy.
Opportunities for testing and amplifying these skills were provided in plenty by the
steppe environment where conflict over grazing lands were normal occurrences.
Periodically, these magnified into large-scale bloody battles.
It would, however, be too simplistic to see all nomadic irruptions into settled areas as
merely a spill over of conflicts within the steppes. The inadequacies of a pastoral
economy have as much to explain. Although it met most of the basic needs of the
nomads, specially when supplemented with hunting or fishing, pastoralism had one
serious drawback: ~nlikeagriculture,it produced no durable reserves. Its produca
were rapidly consumed. Therefore, nomadic urge was not only to acquire more and
better foraging lands but also products of agrarian communities. Pastoralism by its
very nature veered to a 'mixed economy'-secured by trade and alliance or by
aggression.
The natural instinct of the nomads was to conduct raids into settled areas south of
the Oxus. To ward off these attacks, states in western Asia evolved active defence
policy centred on Transoxiana-the principal staying zone for invasions from the east.
During the sixth century the Sassanids, who ruled Iraq and Persia, were the bearers
of this-mission. In the eighth century it was the Arabs. After penetrating Transoxiana
and displacing a considerable Turkish population east of the Jaxartes, the Arabs laid
out fortified walls and rabats (frontier-posts) along the frontier, manned by aemilitary
guard system. On either side, Muslim and Turkish, the frontier bristled with colonies
of guards. On the Muslim side, they were called ghazis, i.e. men whose business it
was to defend the faith against infidel hordes. Though belonging to hostile camps,
both groups nonetheless "came to live the same kind of borderline existence,
adopting each other's weapons, tactics and ways of life and gradually forming a
common military frontier society, more similar to each other than to the societies
-from which ihey came and which they defended."
In TrCQ.oxiana the distinction between Turk and non-Turk had been worn thin by
the time of the Arab takeover in the eighth century. Internal disturbances had often
prompted Transoxianean leaders to enlist Turkish mercenaries as a
counterbalancing force. At least one account has it that the earliest settlers of the
Bukhara oasis came from 'Turkestan'.
The second form of contact was established through trade and commerce. The centre
of a nomad empire has always attracted merchants because of the ready market it
provided for products of the settlements. In the case of the Tiukiu empire, the
attraction was more pronounced because it lay across the great Silk Road, the
premier channel of international commerce. The bulk of these materials was of every
day use, like lather, hides, tallow, wax, and honey. It also included luxuries like furs.
Then there was the regular traffic in slaves-also procured from the steppes. From
these northerly regions the foods anived in Khurasanian towns lying on caravan
routes and eventually reached Iraq and Baghdad, the supreme centres of
consumption in West Asia, via the transit trade.
Tenth century accounts refer to numerous settlements of the Turks &I the lower Syr
in-....--A,...
- ...L,.~~ ;..L~I.;+~..~~Y .A+
. . . ~ ~ ~ ..rrmnrlr I... ..n.-n
t n ~ c r rn nttle--i~~~
! fishermen and agriculturists." Most of these Turks were of Oghuz extraction, the
group under whose leadership the Turks emerged the rulers of Central and West
Rise of Turb and Mnnprols
in Centrrl Anis
.
i Asia!
...............................................................................................................................................
2) Write flve lines on Tiukiu Empire.
3) Discuss the main items of trade between Turks and settled people. Which trade
route was followed by them?
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana (in the early eighth) century, pushed the
Turks beyond the Jaxartes, converting Mawaraunnahr into a bulwark against
barbarian inroads. However, in the long run, the idea of employing Turks as soldiers
was not lost upon the Arabs either. The hardy steppe background made the Turk a
warrior. With training and discipline he could be made into a first rate
machine. Moreover, he could be bought like any other commodity: markrrs
/'
Transoxiana abounded in slaves captured from Central Asian st:-ppes
north of Mawaraunnahr.
Establishment of Delhi Under the Omgyyads (A.D. 661-750) recruitment to the military was almost totally
Sultanate confined to the Arabs. The replacement of the Omayyads by the Abbasids in
A.D. 750 as undermined the Arab monopoly of the army especially in the decades
after the Caliphate-of Harun a1 Rashid (d. 809 A.D.). The civil wars among the sons
and successor of this last great Caliph shook the foundations of the Abbasid empire.
In these circumstances, recruiting mercenaries of foreign origin, not involved in the
internal affairs of the empire, see,med to be the answer.
The Caliph Mu'tassim (A.D. 833-842) was the first to surround himself with a large
body of Turkish slaves and make it the base of his troops. In order to impart them a
distinct and separate identity, the Turkish soldiery was kept well away from the
indigenous population and could only marry women of the same origin: "Thus he
created a sort of military class, whose role-was to protect the Caliph and the regime
without taking part iri the palace struggles or in the political or religious internal
quarrels. But the reverse happened, and the interference of this cl?ss in the conduct
of the state took on proportions which became more and more disastrous as the
officers of the guard, divided into rival clans ....supporting different claimants ...and
did not hesitate in so doing to trigger off palace revolutions."
Withethe weakening of the power of Abbasid Caliphs their control over Islamic world
became nominal and limited just to issue farmans to confirm their authority. It gave
way to the emergency of a number of small independent kingdoms during the 10th
century the Jahirids, the Saffavids, the Buwaihids, Qara-Khanids and the Samanids.
Alaptgin, the Samanid governor and slave of the Turkish origin, established an
independent kingdonl at Ghazna. The Ghaznavid kingdom became prominent under
Mahmud Ghamavi (A.D. 998-1030). Under him, the Iranian influence reached its
peak. Mahmud claimed to have traced his descent from Iranian mythical hero
Afrasiyab. This process Islarnised and Persianised the Turks completely. Mahmud -
also made regular inroads in India. As a result, Punjab became part of the Ghamavid
Empire.
Mahmud's death was followed by the emergence of the mighty Seljuqs. They soon
overran Iran, Syria and Transoxiana. These developments gave a great jolt to the
power of the Ghaznavids which became confined to Ghazna and parts of Punjab
only.
During t h i twelfth century, the Seljuq power was destroyed by a group of Turkish
tribes. The vacuum created by the Seljuqs led to the rise of the Khwarizmian in Iran
and the Ghorid power in north-west Afghanistan. T o begin with, the Ghorids were
vassals of Ghazna. On the other hand, the Khwarizmian ruler's started in a big way
engulfing Ghazni and almost whole of Central Asia and )an. ~ n b e such
r
circumstances it was not possible for the Ghorids to expand at the cost of the
Khwarizmian power. The possible direction left was India. This process of expansion
started towards the end of 12th century.
Before rising to world dominion, the Mongols were dwellers of the steppe region,
north of China and eadt of Lake Baikal. T o their east lived a kindred people, the
Tatars, presumably M~ngolisedTurks, who lent the name-of 'Tartars' to the Mongols
in European literature in conjunction with Tartarus, the Greek word for ell. T o the
west of the Mongols lived the Keraits and Naimans, once again people Qfturkish
origin and speech. All these people were in different stages of development,
mrnhinino h ~ r d i n ok i t h h ~ ~ n t i n
and
o fichino2n varvino tieoreec
Rise of Turks and Mongols
The sudden rise of Mongols to power appears t o fall in line with ah old pattern in Ccntml Asia
characteristic of the steppes. Long periods of internecine conflict between bands of
nomads would throw up a leader of outstanding ability who after ironing out
diierences between the warring hordes welded them into a powerful coalition.
Through choice or compulsion, the smaller, fragmcntcd nomadic groups were
absorbed into the coalition. The next stage saw the nomads aggressively directed at
the surrounding sedentary societies.
The nucleus of Chengiz Khan's army, and his imporial government, came from a
mrps of carefully selected guards (bahadur). Units of the Mongol army were put
under command of generals drawn from it. Military mobilisation reached its peak
under Chengiz Khan. Using a well-established nomadic tradition, he enrolled all
adult males into mingghan, literally "units of ten thousand". The mingghan in turn
were divided into smaller units of ten and hundred. Ten mingghans constituted a
tuman and these were deployed for largescale operations. Each of these units was
placed under the command of a general whose worth had been personally tested by
Chengiz Khan. The~authorityof the commander extended over the soldiers and their
families. Thus, administrative control and military mobilisation were parts of a single
mechanism.
The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes
of the eastern steppes under his sway. Temuchin now ruled over an immense
confederacy of Mongol, Turkic and Manchurian tribes. He was the head of all their
kibitki (tents) and his family held the conquered/hordes in patrimony.
Internally consolidated, the Mongols burst out of the confines of Mongolia. At the
end of a series of annual campaigns beginning in A.D. 1211, they breached the Great
Wall of China and laid hold of Peking.
Soon after, their attention was drawn to Transoxiana and Khurasan which formed the
dominions of the Khwarizm Shah. The defence of the Khwarizm empire crumbled
before Mongol siege-craft which used battering rams, flame-emitting machines (using
naphtha), mangonels or catapults (manjaniq), etc. ~ u k h a r aand Samarqand fell in
1220 in the midst of fearful carnage. A witness reporting on the state of Bukhara
said: "They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, they
departed."
It had taken the Mongols just about three years, 1219-22, to complete the
annexation of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Two years after, returning to Mongolia in
1225, Chengiz Khan died. By then the whole of northern China had been annexed.
The empire was divided among his sons. Ogedei, his third son, was declared the
Great Khan in 1229. They as yet unconquered Eurasian steppes went to Jochi. The
second son, Chaghtai, received Turkestan, and Tolui, the youngest, got the
Mongolian homeland.
Hulagu, one of the successors of Chengiz Khan, attacked Baghdad in A.D. 1258.
The city was the capital of the Abbasids. It perished in blood and flame. According
to a conse -timate some 800,000 were savagely murdered. The Abbasid
Cab d himself mel a &lent end.
1. hinqjdq
Emally, four great empires a y d b e d out of the .Moog01 conquests:The Golder
Horde rule1 the Volga steppe land and southern RuSsia; the nLbrnn who contra
Afghanista and Iran; the Chaghtai empire which hduded most of Central Asia,
and the em re of KuMai Khan which ruled over China and neighbouring territonz
These empha lasted Well into the 15th century.
Check Your Progress 3
1) How Turks got in~~olved
with the Arab caliphate?
13.7 .LETUS,SUM UP
We hope this Unit has given you a general overview of the developments in Central
Asia during 10-13th century. Now you know briefly the geographical features of
Central Asia. You have also learnt about the nature of pastoral nomadism. In due
course, the Turks, who were mainly nomadic tribes, established powerful e g d o m s .
We also described the consolidation of Mongol power under Chengiz Khan and the
Mongols' expansion into Central Asia, etc. In the next Unit, we will narrate the
expansion of the Turks towardq India, and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate
by them.
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 India from 7th to 12th Century: An Overview
14.3 Initial Conquests up' to Circa 1190 A.D. . .
14.4 The Ghorian Invasions, 1192-1206
14.5 Why the Turks Succeeded?
14.6 Conflict and Cansolidation 1206-1290
14.7 The Mongol Problem
14.8 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India /
14.9 Let Us Sum Up U.
14.0' OBJECTIVES
14.1 INTRODUCTION
In the last Unit, we took an overview of the region called 'Central Asia', its peculiar
environment, and its volatile population of nomad wamors. These nc~madsset out of
their steppe habitat in great numbers and came into contact and collision with the
surrounding civilizations of China, Europe, West Asia and India.
The empires of the Ghamavids and the Seljuqs were built on the ruins of the
Abbasid Caliphate. In the final analysis, both these states were products of the
acculturation of the Turks in the institutions of settled societies. The latter, too, saw
considerable changes iri their own mode of organisation and direction after coming
into contact with the hbngols.
Under the Seljuq umbrella, the Turks had expanded into the Meditarranean and
Byzantine territories. Anatolia (modem Turkey) was conquered and settled by the
'Ottoman Turks'. The Seljuq empire which warded off pressure from incoming tribes
was itself engulfed by political developments drawing upon nomadic movements. The
Khwarizmian empire which undermined the Seljuqs, was swept away by the Mongols.
These cataclysmic and cyclical developments convened the 'Old World' into a vast
melting pot.
In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the
~ctahlichmentnf the nelhi Sirltanate at the heoinnino nf the 1 Bth rentiirv
Establishment and
14.2 INDIA FROM 7TH TO 12TH CENTURY: AN Consolidation
OVERVIEW
We have already discussed the political, social and economic conditions of lndia
during this period in Blocks 1 to 3 of this course. In this section, we will recapitulate
in brief the conditions prevalent in lndia during this period. It will help you in
understanding this Unit.
The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world
where it came into vogue) was the grant of land by the king among his officers and
certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories, vassals) were under
obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he
called for them. A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king
by way of annual tribute. T~G-remainderwas used by them to maintain armed levies
which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war.
."
The ~ ~ r q m \ l l e r f feudatories
ul were permitted to grant land, in turn, thus creating
t 6 r own sub-'teudatories and in the process giving birth to a hierarchy of commands
and obligationi. In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more
impp~tant-&Yescalled themselves mahasamantas, m_ahamandaleshvara, etc. The
-*6ser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc.
The origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been
traced back to the land grants made to Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards.
These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the
land tax, but also looked to the maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century
onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society also. In particular, the
officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, With time there was a
tendency for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the
distinction between royal officials and 'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being
appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and, presumably, the
privileges of feudatories.
From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced
an environment in which urban life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along
with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for the period under
consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies 'lived off the land'.
Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and
crystallisation of warrior castes, notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this
environment.
1) Mahmud of Ghazni
w
In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghami were the actual
precursors of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in A.D. 1000, when the Shahiya king,
Jaypala was routed, the incursions became almost an annual feature of Mahmud and
came to an ead only with his death in A.D. 1030. After taking Multan, he occupied
Punjab. Later, Mahmud made incursions into the Ganga-Yamw doab. The major
interest of Mabmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of which (in the
form of cash, jewdery, and golden images) had been depoeited in temples. From
1010 to 1026, the inva8ions were thus directed to the temple-towns of l b m w a r ,
Mathura, Kannauj and,finally !bmnath. The ultimate result was the breakdown of
Iudian dstance, pa*g the way for Turkish conquests in the future. More
importantly, the afternlath of the campaigns had exposed the inadequacy of Indian
politics to offer a unit4 defence agairlst external threats.
Within a short time'of Uahmud's death, his empire met the fate of other empires.
Newly emerging cemtre$ of powers, formed around growing clusters of Turkish .
soldieradventurers,replaced the older ones. The Ghamavid possessions in Khurasan
and Transoxiana were thus annexed, first by the Seljuqs (Unit 13), and later by the
K h w a r h Shah. In their own homeland, Afghanistan, their hegemony was brought
to an end by the principality of Ghor under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the.
midst of these buffeting, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about
A.D. 1175.
The extent of the Ghaznavid territory in the north-west India is difficult to ascertain.
Towards the north, it included Sialkot and probably, Pesbewar. The southern limits
w a r steadily plshed),back by the Chauhan Rajputs who re-established control over *
portions of h j a b .
hthe initial phase of invasions, Muhammad Ghori's military objective was to gain
contrd over Punjab and Sind. Unlike earlier invaders, he decided to enter the Indus
plains through the G o a d pass and not through the more common Khyber pass
W e r north. By 117g1Peshawar, Uchh and Multan were seized.Later, Lahore was
~ttacked.Muhammad Ghori now pressed his conquests further into India. Within a
short time, military operations cam6 to be directed against the Rajput kingdoms
controlling the Gangetic plains. The Chauhans faced the most acute pressure as they
ruled the territory from Ajmer to Delhi-the gateway to Hindustan. Bhatinda was
besieged in 1191. The garrison quickly surrendered, but the Chauhans, under
Rithviraj, speedily retrieved it after inflicting a humiliating defeat on the Ghorians.
In the following year, Muhannmad Ghori returned with a larger force. At the famous
battle of Tarain, fought in 1192, he conclusively defeated the Chauhans. All places of
military importance-Hansi, Kuhram,Sarsuti-were immediately occupied and
garrisoned. Muhammad Ghori returned to his projects in Central Asia, leaving
behind 'an occupation army at Indraprasth (near Delhi) under the command of
Qutbuddin Aibak'. The latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the
conquests.
.............................................................................................................................................
2) Briefly mention the initial conquests of Muhammad Ghori in India.
The a ~ o v military
e successes encouraged Muhammad Ghori to confront king
I
Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah
and Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations
were placed at Bharas, Asni and other important towns. However, the capital city of
Kannauj could not be occupied until 1198-99.
I
The other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway
were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96, and Badaun in 1197-98. The
opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial
Rajputs'-the Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and
Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a military division.
I
From 1203 onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian
subcontinent with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the
'Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen. Under him,the Turkish intrusions
could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshrnanas).
In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over
a very considerable part of Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground.
Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took several decades before
their control found firm ground.
Various reasons have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of North
India. Many of the contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard
explanation of attributing this major event to the 'Willof God'. Some British
historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater depth, accounted for
the success of the Turks as follows: The Ghorian armies were drawn from the warlike
tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying between the Indus and the Oxus. They had
gathered military powers and expertise fighting the Seljuq @es and other fierce
tribes of Central Asia. On the other hand, <heIndians were pacifist and not given to
war. Moreover, they were divided into small states which hampered expansionist
ambitions.
!I
I The explanation is inadequate and unbalanced insofar as it leaves out of
1 consideration well-known facts of Indian history as well as the history of countries
Erom where the invaders came. It should be remembered that the large-scale conquest
.and destruction of the so-called warlike Islamic regions by the Mongols in 1218-19
I I was camed out without any real resistance. On the other hand, the Rajputs, whom
the Turks conquered, were not lacking in bravery and martial spirit. The period from
the 8th to the 12th century is one long story of warfare and violent internal struggles.
It is, therefore, hardly worthwhile to emphasise the peaceful or docile temperament
of the Indian populations as the cause of the Turkish success. -
Some Indian historians have traced the Turkish success to the peculiar social htnblishment .and
structure created by Islam. Jadunath Sarkar, for instance, lays stress on three unique Consolidation
characteristics which Islam imparted to the Arabs, Berbers, Pathans, and Turks: first
complete equality and social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike
India, the Turks were not divided into castes that were exclusive of each other.
Secondly, an absolute faith in God and his will which gave them drive and a sense of
mission. Finally, Islam secured the Turkish conquerors from drunkenness which,
according to Sarkar, was the ruin of the Rajputs, Marathas, and other Indian rulers.
Whatever partial truth it might contain, this explanation, too, seems insufficiently
grounded in history.
, Aleastmoretwocomprehensive view of the Indian debacle must perhaps take into account at
major factors: the prevailing socio-political system in India and her military
preparedness.
After the fall of the Gujara-Pratihara empire, no single state took its place. Instead,
there arose small independent powers like Gahadavalas in Kannauj, Parmaras in
Malwa, Chalukyas in Gujarat, Chauhans in Ajmer, Tomars in Delhi, Chandellas in
Bundelkhand, etc. Far from being united, they tended to operate within the confines
of small ~emtoriesand were in a state of perpetual internal conflicts. Lack of
centralized power was an important factor in emasculating the strength and efficiency
of the armed forces. Fakhr Mudabbir in his Adab-ul Harb wa al-shuja't mentions
that Indian forces consisted of 'feudal levies'. Each military contingent was under the
command of its immediate overlord/chief and not that of the king. Thus, the army
lacked 'Unity of Command'. Besides, since only few castes and clans took military
profession, the bulk of the population was excluded from military training. This made
the general population of the country totally detached from the defence of the
country; when the Turks came, we find the Indian masses hardly came to the rescue
of their kings. The concept of physical pollution (Chhut) also hampered military
efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; the soldiers had to do all
their work on their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.
Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their superior military
technology and art of war. These nomads from the steppes could be credited with
introducing the age of the horse'. The Turks used iron stirrup and horse-shoes that
reinforced their striking power and the stamina of the cavalry, while horse-shoes
provided greater mobility to the horse, stirrup gave the soldiers a distinct advantage.
The popular notion that the Indians were defeated on account of the use of elephants
does not seem plausible now, we do not find any evidence in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri or
other sources in support of this view. Jayapala's case is an exception where his elephants
took to flight:Such examples are hard to come by. In fact, Mahmud of Ghazni is
reported to have maintained large number of elephants that he took to his Kingdom
from India and employed them with success.
Check Your Progress 2
...............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
Muhammad ~ h o r i ' ssudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among
his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz: Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin
Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and
upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already
been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the over all commander of
the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred
upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent ,
developments made this a reality.
t.
Early in* brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in
brder to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah
keadly advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz's attempt to
-
kstablish himself in India.
'Aibak 'was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the
I capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped
.'out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had 'withheld tribute and repudiated
allegiance'. Iltutmish's quarter century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a
concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost.
in 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province
of w o r e from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.
,
APPROXIMATE BOUNDARY ,,,
,
BHATNAIR
ANHILWARA
UJJAlN
*
Thangir. After 1225, IPtutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic Fstnblishment and
Consolidation
military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade the
authority of the Sultanate. A modern historian asseses the Sultan's achievement as
follows:
"to him the Sultanate owed the first outline of its administrative system. He laid
. the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the
instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi
I Sultanate and its sovereign status; litutmish was unquestionably its first king."
lltubnish's death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In
a period of some thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the
I throne. The most prominent group t o decide the course of high politics during these
years is identified as the k L . 4 & M g d brreQgm SLoaPsi (the 'forty' Turkish
slave "officers" of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauqdin Barani, has
left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:
II
"During the reign of Shamsuddin - (Iltutmish), ....owing to the presence of
t1 peerless m&ks, wazirs....educated, wise and capable, the court of the
Sultan (Sharnsuddin) had become stable....But after the death of the Sultan....his
'forty' Turkish slaves got the upper hand ....So owing to the supremacy of the
Turkish slave officers, all these men of noble birth....were destroyed under
.various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin....".
In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question.
Pditical instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and
local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab.
The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler.
Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:
After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Kai
Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban's eldest son) but the nobles helped Baiqubad,
son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more than two
years. Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during this period,
managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because it was thought
I that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race. Barani does not
I
speafy the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had been occupying
impartant positions during the period 1206-1290. For example, Bakhtiyar Khalji was
the m.qti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the muqti of Sunam in Western
I
Punjab.
Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by his
nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the Sultanate
under Alauddin Khalji fdoweh a policy of conquests. You will read about this in.
Unit 15.
CLeeLYoerPIogess3
1) Write in five lines how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz.
EstPMishment of Delhi
Sultanate ..............................................................................................................................................
b
2) Iltutmish was the teal founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain.
For the Delhi Sultans, wntrol over Kabul-Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the
Hindukush, was impo-t not only for stabilizing the 'scientific frontier' but also for
the fact that it connected India with the major silk-route passing from China through
Central Asia and Persia. But the development in Central and West-Asia did not
permit the newly founded Turkish state to do the job. The situation on account of the
Mongd onslaught (as p u would see)compelled the Delhi Sultans t o take comfort
along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region became the cock-pit of ccmfrontatio~ls.
Thus, the "Indus remaiOed only the cultural boundary of Iadia," and for all practical
purposes the line of codtrol was confined to the west of the Indus only.
Professor K.A.Nizami has categorised the response of the Sultanate towards, the
M o w challenge into three distinct phases: (i) .loehess,(ii) and (iii)
reswlmce.
lltutmish followed the @icy of 'd-.The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol
threat as early as A.D. 1221 when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire, Chengiz
Khan d e d the Indiap frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince Jalaluddin
Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and entered the
cis-Indus region.
lltutmish had to take ndte of the Mongols who were knocking at the Indian frontier,
but equally p i m e was the p r m w of Mangbarm in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan
feared a W b l e alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But,
Qubacha and Maugbami locked their horns for political ascendancy, and meanwhile
bonds of friendship developed between Mangbarni and the Khokhm through a
matrimonial alliance. Tbis strengthened the position of Maugbarni in the northwest.
Ata MaliL Juwaini in hid T d - i JPhPn Gaehp decisively opines that Ututmish smelt
danger from Mangbarni who might "gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in
ruin." Besides, lltutmishlwss also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These
factors compelled Utu- to follow the pohcy of 'doofnecas'.
Chengiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish's court. It is difficult to
say anything about the Sultan's response, but so long as Chengiz Khan was alive
(d. A.D.1227), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-west
region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly
been arrived at. Iltutmisln shrewdly avoided any political alliance with the Khwarizm
Prince.The latter sent hi+ envoy Ain-ul Mulk t o lltutmish's court requesting for
asylum which lltutmish denied by saying that the climate was not codgenial for his
my. On the other hand, Ihe put the envoy to death. Minhaj Siraj mentions that
11tgtmishled an e x p d t i m against Mangbarni but the latter avoided any
confrontation and finallylleft the Indian soil in A.D.1224.
At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the
~ofPaacrrtionofIndiP~dthegoldenphaseofmutual'.oll-.ggeseionp.ct'
with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol
t h a t . 'Ibe main reaeoa mthe change in the situation in Central Asia.The Mongol
Khan of Tnumxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and,
thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India.
In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was
followed by two successive invasions in A.D. 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts of
I Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier during
1 AD. 1 ~ 1 6m 6 at &ar ~ n dyet, , the y t pdicy mtinued for
sometime. In A.D. 1260 Halagu's envoy to Delhi was well received and this
diplometic gesture was reciprocated by Halagu also.
A distinct change in Delhi Sultan's policy can be seen from Balban's reign onwards.
On the whde, it was the phase of 'resiebce'. By and large, Balbm remained in
Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least
from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamir Khan and Adil Khan
suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised him to pursue an
expansionist policy Balban replied:
'When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and
made it a paint to invade our country once in every year....If I move out of the
capital the Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking
Delhi and ravaging the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our
own kingdom is far better than invading foreign territories while our own
kingdom is insecure."
Balban used both 'force and diplomacy' against the Mongols. He took some
measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana
were reinforced to check any Mongd advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in
oclWing Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure in
Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban's son, led expeditions against the
~~. 'Ibe Prince died in AD. 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till A.D.
1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi.
During Alauddin Khalji's reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they
atmnpkd to ravage Delhi for the first time in'A.D. 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja.
Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time,
Qutlugh Khwaja in A.D. 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in his
Chittor campaign. The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-scale
c b t r u d o n and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could not enter the
aty.
Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, the
Mongols, were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Another reason for the Mongol reversal
was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil war in the Mongol Khanate.
It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to reckon with.
This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far as the Salt
Range. The last signidcant Mongd invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin
&uing the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq.
Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in ta&8 the Mongol problem and succeeded in
teeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate. Besides, the
Mongol destruction of Central and West-Asia resulted in large-scale migration of
(rholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a great town
i.f la la mi^ nrlhrre-area
bla~lishrnentof Delhi -
Sultanate POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE
TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA
f i e Turkish conquest of Jndia brought about some far reaching changes in the
polltical economic and axial conditions of India.
Its first major consequence was to replace the 'feudal', multi-centred, polity of the
buntry by a centralised state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited powers.
m e 'Sultanate' which we briefly referred to in Unit 16, was the form in which this
power was expressed.
The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the iqta:
transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljuqs found in operation
In the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their own
fequirements. In Block 9 and 6, you will be reading the history of the iqh system in
w a in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal features to
hlustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this system, the
.rfficers of the king were assigned territories to realise revenue and maintain troops
md cavalry cuntingents. The holders of such assignments were known .as rnoqti .
Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired permanent
tights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in.
particular places or localities was normally for 3 to 4 years.
Taking the Delhi Sultanttte as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent
on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was +ble under the earlier
Indian politics. While the rais, ramw and thakures failed to unite the country, the
Turks succeeded in establishing an "all-India administntion by bringing the chief
-
cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhl."
Much as the iqta system provided the base for a despotic state, it was also a means of
e x m c b g the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them the tradition of
Cving in the cities and, as a result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found
p way into the cities in the fonn of land tax. This led to a c o n d d l e grbwth of *;
urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning
wheel. The former helped greatly in inaeasing the agricultural production (for
further details see Block 6, Unit 22).
ehecLYoarProgress4
1) Aloobesg t- and resabrce were the thrq w e a p n s ~ u s dby the
Delhi Sultans to face the Mongd challenge. Explain in ten lines.
............................................................................................................................................
2) Match the following
A B . b
i) Falrhr Mudabbii T d - i , Feroa ShPbi
Ata Malik Juwaini T-t-i NIsn
Minhaj Siraj Adab-PI, E b b wa PI-Shja't
.7:---~~2- n---: m - 2 9~ 1~-~--
I~--L-
A B
'@)~ K b o n ' s d e r r t h 1241
JrLLuddbhh@am?sretum 1260
Hah#u's envoy to India 1227
Tair Bahdur's attack 1224
.............................................................................................................................:................
............................................................................................................................................. 4
........................................................................
......................................................................
Thii Unit began with the description of Indip p6litical scenario on the eve of
fl;rliish invasion.India was not a mitied political unit but divided into number of
mall states ruled by k+ and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to
subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj
Chauhau at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India.
After Muhammad . . Ghori's departure one of his commanders, Qutbuddin Aibak got
busyinestablrsbmg the Turkisb power in Iedia In the proces he suppressed Yalduz,
the Muhi slave who had rival claims to the Muhi throne in India. But, he failed to
suppress Qubacha, 'Ihe task was left to Il~tmis&.Rtutmish not only expanded the
Muhi empire but also organised and strengthened the admiuismtive machinery with
the hdp of the group of nobles called-the 'Forty'. He also introduced certain
Sassanid htituticms like iqta that helped greatly in centralizing the administration.
'Ihio~nithPs&covdthefactorsbehioldthe~urkishsu~andits
coasequences. Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military
tedmdogy and on account of the fact that hdian armies mainly consisted of 'feudal
levies'. Turkish conquest was not, simply the change of one dynasty by another. It
bad a far reaching affect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about
these as- in Blocks 5 to 8.
CbcdrYaP1ogese2
1) i) 1194,1192,1193,1195-96,1198-99
U j ,Dew, Gujarat, Budelkhand
ii) ~ ~ ~ aAjmem,
I
2) See Sac. 14.5 I
CkdrYaRagess3
1) See Sac. 14.6
2) See Sac. 14.6
CbscLYffProgess4
1) See See 14.7
' 15.0objectives
15.1 In-
15.2 ExpcrasionuntkrtheKhaljis
15.2.1 W a t md Ceadnl
15.2.2 North-West md N a t h Indis
15.2.3 Dccan +SoutLnud Exp.luioa
15.3 E x p r n s i o a u n d c r t h e ~ u ~ s
15.3.1 'Lhe South
15.3.2 Eest Iadir
1%3.3 N n t b W a t m d North
15.4 Let Us Sum Up
15.5 Keywads
15.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
You have r d in Unit 14 that after military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi
Sultmate ad thanadvc8 on the t& of d d a t i n g the Sultanate.'Ihe first
buadrea years of the -Ddbi Sultanate did not thus witness any-large-scale expansion of
tbeiaiCbl~~oftheSultsartc.Itwasoalyaftcrfirstesta~gtheroots
d the SulClraate that attention was paid to the expansion of the boundaries of the
Mtmmc in the fommcath century.
a the tedtorial expamion of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century in the north,
north-west and north-east, and
'. 'Ibe initial surge of occupation untkr the early Turkish Sultans died down about the
middle of the t b t e.n t .h century. Now the primary obj&ve,of the hter Sultans
hrrune.theconsold.bon of the Sultanate.Tbus, it was not until the establishment of
the Kbslji rule that the boumhies of the Sultanate expanded beyond the early gains.
'ibe werthmw of the Turtirh hegemony at the end of the thirteenth century and its
replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling
dass was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without significance. 'Ihe opening
up of the Sultanate and d i v e participation of ruling groups in managing the
& f i r s of the !Wauate made ~~ expansion a feaaiMe propsition. Initial fora
into main and Ranthambhar soon after the accession of Jalaluddin Feruz Khalji to r"
tbeSulclrnrteof~hsd~thomethe~thatterri~~onwasnow
r poWcalnecessity. Ncighbdng kingdoms had become strong and any ;concerted
attamp @mt the Sultpnw coukl cast it dear. Moreover, Alauddin's glittering
p q e c t of the acquisition of wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had sei the
~ a t t h e b ~ d t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y f o r t h e ~ o anexpansionist
nof
policy-
-
154 EXPANSW)N UNWl THE KHALJIS
The first of the Khalji SultansiJalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to
undertake any large-scale
. . ofexpansionist programme. His six years reign was gripped by
the i n t d ha* to reumcile between the policies of the Sultan
and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of @ problem came in the
unfortunate assasination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor,
had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and
expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to
the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.
The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of
Alauddin's best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was
plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of
Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.
In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was
hat of Malwa in 1305, It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital
Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful rnioister Koka
"I
, .Radhan. The impe army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually
wceed and the fort o Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall,
was given for adrhinistiation to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought
Ujjain, Dhar and Chadderi, too, under his control.
Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the
south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six
years beginning 1304-05 without much success. The fort was finally captured in ,/
1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and the '
'territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg.
)I the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in
the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Karnaluddin
Gurg.
15.2.2 North-West a
uk North India
Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the
prospects of revolt by the surviving member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to
Multan. Ulugh Khan m d Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job .of eliminating
Arkali Khan at Multarl. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Deihi.
Multan once again carbe under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan
expedition was not an act of temtorial expansion but formed part of the policy of
consolidation.
In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai
Harnir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army
captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the
~coqmandof the campBign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately, the
women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were
o ~ n e by
d Hamir Dev who died fighting.
51pursuance of the saqne policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303.
After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the
Sultan on his own. The heir apparent KhiP Khan was assigned the governorshipof ,
the temtory. But soonlthefort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the
leariier ruler of Chittori who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin's reign.
By the end of the first decade of Alauddin's rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate
had expanded to cover~almostthe whole of north, west and central India. From
Multan in the north-west to the Vidhyas in central India, and almost the entire
A.D.1290-1320
Approximate Boundary ,-
-
,
BAY OF BENGAL
Dewgin in the Deccgn had already tasted Alauddin's plunder in A.D. 1296 during
bis tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan was
planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Ddagiri in 1306-7. An
bunedhte cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the m u d tribute to
Delhi in 12%.
'Lbe command of the ~eccan'cam~ai~n was given to Malik Kafur, and directions
were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a
feeble re&tmce was1provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the
lmpenal army under the assurance of personal safety. His,son, however fled with a
part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and
nstored to the throne of Devqm in return for the assurance of regular and prompt
payment of an a n n u tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter in
Furriage to the Sult4n. It appears that Alauddin's policy was not to annex Devagiri
but main it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the
kiogdom.
.L
Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence
b his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the
mspomibility to malce forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of
'trerlth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have
been the prime motive in sending these exped~tions.Accordingly, in October 1309
be impexid army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur.
Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Kbrrzrrin-d Fatuh. Enroute
a surprise assault wss made by Malilr Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad
W c t ) . The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was
captured by the 1 r n p - d army.
,
By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of
warangal.
On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai
Pudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures apd pay an
manual tribute as token of submission.
Warangal was a qx$taah success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of
20,000horses, 100 dephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones
Men on thousand ~amels.The province was not territorially annexed but accorded
the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning
of June 1310. Sultan's avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this
\
time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north d
the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military
campaign in the far south.
The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
M a U Kafur was odce again commanding imperial army and was instructed to
capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones. The
Port was besieged in February 1311and the very next day a message seeking peace
came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms
included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.
Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move further
muth. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma'bar in a little less than a month's time
reached-Madura,the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already
led.The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 5 12
elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.
Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns *ere aimed at achieving two basic
Ipbjectives: (i) a fortnal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these
M o m , and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His
p h c y of not annexing the conquered tenitories but accepting the acknowledgement ; ~erritoriaiExpansion
i ofthe Sultan's suzerainty speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.
Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur's return from Ma'bar, developments in the
Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the ruler of I
Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by his son
BhiUama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and
1 declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the rebellion and
instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon
I
called back and asked to handover charge of the province of Ainul Mulk. In January
1316, after Alauddin's death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the
affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin,
I wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles
I
t o take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year
of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was
, uneventful.'Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before
I the Sultan. l'he provinq was annexed to the Sultanate.
1
Check Your Progress 1
I
1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin Khalji
as Sultan of Delhi:
a) Devagiri
b) Malwa
I
c) Gujarat
d) Ma'bar
2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by Alauddin
Khalji:
a) Warangal
b) Siwana
C) Devagiri
d) Jalor '
3) Explain Alauddin's policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and rar
south.
4) Who from among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of
Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate:
I . a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev
b) Malik Kafur
c) Mubarak Khalji
, d) Khusrau Khan
The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the
throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and
demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had
proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to
the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the
treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself k t
& ( . ~ ~ s h w nef
c Dclhi to the task of restoring the exchequer and the admhhhtion. But soon after that
Sultrnate
came the question of*testoringprestige and authority in the outlying parts of the
empire.
1
In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the swth with a large
army. Without much resistance in the way he r e a d d WarPnepl. After two sieges,
each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to
surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was
occupied,plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner
and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under dirad imperial
administration.
In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma'bar to submission
and set up direct imperial adminimation there. The region of T e h p n a was thus
made a part of the Dew Sultanate and divided into several adminkative units. The
, local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of v e n d a h
against the vanquished were forbidden.
Bengal was another kinedm in the east which had always been a hotbed of sedition.
Its governors would not miss any m t y of assexbg independen&. In 1323-24
a fratricidal quarrel b r a e out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of
this independent princqdty. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for
help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. After reaching
Tihut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Babrarn Khan with a host of other
officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near
L.akhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal
army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by
Nasiruddin was conferreid a tributary status at Lakhnauti.
DELHI SULTANATE
c.1335
.
Approximate Boundaries ,
, ,
,,,
BAY OF BENGAL
CEYLON
I
Establishment of Delhi S6metime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of the Qarachil
Sultanate
region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. It
formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For this purpose, he
enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in
occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to
return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched
ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease
and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of
'
the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and an
erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughluq.
about 370,000 was rdcruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year's
s a l e in advance. Lakge sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments
for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme
and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the
Sultan also suffered ;Iserious setback and a series of rebellions followed that
hollowed the most efiensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate.
/
Check Your P r o p s 2
1) When were southern kingdoms annexed to the Delhi Sultanate:
a) Under Alauddin Khalji
b) Under Mubarak Khalji
c) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
d) Under Muhammad Tughluq
i 4) Which of the following formed the eastem limit of the Sultanate in 1335?
a) Jajnagar
b) Peshawar
c) Kalanaur
d) Malwa
&
You have read in Unit 14 how after 'the death of lltutmish in 1235 the process of
expansion of the boupdaries of Delhi Sultanate came to a halt. Following this for
nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards
consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base.
of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the
opening of the fo~rtwnthcentury under the Khaljis. Alauddin's administrative and
economic measures had helped consolidation as well . as
. widen the base
., of the . . r .
Even then we find Alauddin moving in tbis direction with a reasonable distame from
the central seat of thHultanate for implementing an effective control of the Sultan
over directly annexed territories and made them the provinces of the Sultanate. But
more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons-the acquisition of wealth
- and according the status of a protectorate rather than making them a part of the
Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms\,conquered in the Deccan and in far
south.
.This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It w b followed
by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq in the distant kingdoms in far south like Warangal and
Ma'bar. The question of effective administrative control was addressed by
Muhammad Tughluq by making Devagiri the second administrative seat of the
Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed*due partially due to the
unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless, under
Muhammad Tughlaq's reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their apex
touching Peshawar in the north-west and Ma'bar in the South, and Gujarat in the
West and Jajnagar in Orissa in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate that in the
' closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the Sultanate shrank
nearly the A.D. 1296 status. The reasons for this decline have been discussed in Unit
18 of Block 5.
Qutbuddin Aibak
Arem Shah
ntutmish
-ya
Behram Shah
M d Shah
Nashddin
Ghiyasutkh Balban
Kaiqubad
KHIUIS
1) Jalaluddin Khalji
2) Aladdb Khalji
3) Outbuddin Mubarsk
NGHLUQS
1) Ghiyasuddin Tu@q
2) MuhammadTughluq
3) FeruzTughluq
4) TTughluq Shah-I1 '
5) Nasiruddin Muhauhmad Shah
6) Mahmud Shah T u a u q
SAYYIDS
1) Khizr Khan
2) Mubarak Shah
3) Muhammad Shah
4) Alauddin Alam Shah
Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 The Caliphate and the Delhi Sultanate
16.3 The Nature of the Delhi Sultanate
16.4 Central Administration
16.4.1 The Sultan
16.4.2 The Wizarar
16.4.3 Diwan-i arz
I
16.4.4 O t h s Departments
16.4.5 Slaves and Karkhanns
16.5 Revenue Adfninistration
I 16.6 Iqta System and Provincial Administration
i 16.6.1 lqra System
16.6.2 Provincial and Local Administration
I '16.7 Let Us Sum Up
16.8 Key Words
16.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
I
1
16.0 OBJECTIVES
In the last Block (4) you have studied the territorial expansion and the process of the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. In this Unit, the focus of our study will be on the
administrative set up of the Delhi Sultanate. We will take note of the following
aspects :
the contacts that were maintained with the Caliphate,
the nature of the state,
the different departments at the central and provincial level,
the main officials who werk involved in the administration, and
the manner in which the control was exercised.
i -
,I 16.1 INTRODUCTION
You have already studied in Block 4 how in 1206 Qutbuddin Aibak laid the
foundation of an independent Sultanate at Delhi and a beginning was made in
severing links with Central Asia. We have also dealt with the territorial expansion
under the Sultans. In this Unit, our focus would be on the consolidation of the
Sultanate. This Unit introduces you to the central and provincial administrative
system,.the revenue administration and the nature of the Delhi Sultanate.
The recognition of a Caliph by the Delhi Sultans seen in the granting of robes of
honour, letter of investiture, bestowing of titles, having the name .of theelCali
inscribed on coins and reading of khutba in Friday prayer in his name symbolized an
acceptance and a link with the Islamic world, though in reality it only-mdant an
acceptance of a situation whereby a ruler. had already plaad himself in power. The
Sultans of Delhi maintained the fiction of the acceptance of the position of the
Caliph. Under the Saiyyids (1414-1451) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A:DX the legends
on the coins continued in the sense of a &$ition being maintained but it was purely
a nominal allegiance. In actual effect, the Caliphate, weakened and far removed as it
was, had little direct role to play in the Delhi Sultanate.
I
,
.........................................................................................
' Z . .
'?
4) What were the symbols of allegiance maintained by the Delhi Sultans with
respect to the Caliphate?
In the early Islamic world, there was no sanction for the position of the Sultan. With
the disintegration of the Caliphate, the Sultan began to appear in the sense of a
powerful ruler-an independent sovereign of a certain territory.
The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare.
Khutba and sikka were recognised as important attributes of sovereignty. The
khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on Fndays
,
wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community.
Coinage was the ruler's prerogative : his name was inscribed on the coins (sikka).
The ~ u l t k a t ewitnessed a rapid rise and fall of dynasties. The Sultan, or a contender
to the t'lrone, could only keep himself in power with the support of the nobles who
were themselves divided into numerous groups. Barani says that Balban stressed the
special position of the Sultan as 'shadow of God' (zill a1 Allah) on earth. Balban
emphasized courtly splendour decorum and etiquette. He also believed in severe
exemplary punishments even to the nobles. All this bore relevance to a situation
where the throne was never safe from the ambitions of the nobles, many of whom
felt that they had an equal right to rule.
There were many officials to look after the royal household. The wakil-i-dar looked
after the entire household and disbursed salaries to the Sultan's personal staff. The
amir-i-hajib functioned as the master of ceremonies at the court. All petitions to the
Sultan were submitted through the latter. There were other minor officials also.
The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to set
that there was no public infringement of the tenets of Islam.
\
I f
ones. It must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal karkhanas
were not commodities, i.e. not for sale in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their
-
own karkhanas (for further details see Block 6).
Check Your Progress 2
1). Examine the nature of Turkish state under Delhi Sultans.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................
3) writ; a note. on karkhanas.
... \
...................................................
d) qari-ul mumalik
-
16.5 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
What was the revenue system during the 13th century'! We do not get a clear picture;
even the exact magnitude of the revenue-demand under the llbarite rule is-uncertain.
Perhaps the old agrarian system continued t o function with the difference that the
coyposition of the suprerile appropriators of the surplus produce at the centre had
ehanged, that is. the Turkish ruling gro;p had replaced q e prekious receivers of the
land revenue. However. some reconstruction can be made by projecting back the
account .of Barani about the situation prevailing in this respect under Sultan
Alauddin Khalji's early rule. Briefly, we are told of three groups of rural istocracy-
khot. muqaddam, and chaudhuri-who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the
peasants on behalf of the state. and deposited the same with the officials of the
diwan-i nizarat. For this service,.theFwere allowed perquisites (haqq-i khoti) as
remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted from the revenue of a
portion of land held by them. Also. they took something from the peasants as their
share of the produce which Harani calls qismat-i khoti. Besides land revenue
(kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house ?ax (ghari) and cattle or grazing tax
1,-hnrnih I n r i A ~ n t a l l v t h /*hntlrlht~ri
~ m i o h t nrlt h a w e hppn A i t p r t l v invnlverl i n t h o
I d a n Pdity :Tbe sultanate ' collection of the revenue because, according to Ibn Battuta, he was the head of
"hundred villages" (paygana): this inference is reinforced. by the fact that Barani
always employs terms 'like haqq-i khoti or niuqaddar~ii,but never haqq-i chaudhrai.
W.H. Moreland, howdver, uses the term intermediaries for all the three groups; and
we shall be doing the Same henceforth.
What motivated Alauddin Khalji in introducing stern measures is explained by
Barani in detail (see Block 6 Unit 20). In short, the intermediaries had become
intractable-always in readiness for rebellion. The Sultan levelled the following main
charges against them:
a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was
not exempted from assessment; rather they shifted their 'burden' onto the
peasantry, that is, they realised additional levy from the peasants besides the
fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues.
b ) They did not pay the grazing tax.
c) The ill-gotten 'exass of wealth' had made then4 so arrogant that they flouted the
orders of the revenue officials by not going to the revenue office even when
summoned to iender accounts. -
As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political
reasons. The measures taken by him were as follows:
i) The magnitudi of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The
land was'to be measured (masahat), and the land revenue fixed on the ~ i e l dof
each unit of the area. The term used was la fa-i biswa (rvafa = yield; hisrc.a =
1120th of a bigha). Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of
each individual cultivator.
ii) The intermediaries and the peasants alike were to pay the same standard of the
demand (50%) without any distinction, be they intermediaries or 'ordinary
peasant' (balahar).
iii) The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed.
iv) The grazing and the house tax were to be taken from the intermediaries'also.
a
It can be seen, then, that one objective was to free the peasants from the illegal
exactions of the intermediaries. That is exactly what Barani means when he says that
the sultan.'^ policy was'that the 'burden' (bar) of the 'strong' (aqwi,*a) should not
fall on the 'weak' (zuaja). We know that this 50% demand was the highest in the
agrarian history of India. On the other hand, though the peasanis were protected
now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former had to pay a
higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense it
was a regressive taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries,
leaving the peasants in the lurch.
Such peasants as were weak and without resources were completely made prostrate,
and the rich peasants who had resources and means, turned rebels. Whole regions
were devastated. Cultivation was total& abandoned. The peasants of distant .
regions, hearing of the ruin and destruction of the peasantry of the D,oab, fearful
that the same orders might be issued for them as for the latter, turned away from
obedience and fled to the j u d e s . The two years that the Sultan was in Delhi (c.
1332-4), the country of the ~o&;%win~to the rigours of revenue-demand and the
multiplicity of abwab,(additional cesses), was devastated. ~ & Hindus
6 set fire to the
grain heaps and burnt
ordereq the shiqqdar$
.
a ~ drove
d away cattle from/their homes. The Sultan
(revenue collectors and commanders) to lay
waste and plunder the country. They killed many khots and muqaddams, a n d p n y
they blinded. Those who escaped gathered bands and fled into jungles; and the
country became ruined. The Sultan in those times went to the district of Baran -
. (modern Bulandshahr), on a hunting expedition; he ordered that the entire district
of Baran be plundered and Ia5d waste. The Sultan himself plundered and laid waste
from ~ a n a u j ~ Dalmau.
to Whoever was captured was killed. Most (peasants) ran
away and fled into the jungles. They (the Sultan's troops) surrounded the jungles
and killed every one whom they found within the jungles. ,
I . Ziauddin Barani's account of the oppression of the peasantry during Alauddin Khaljl's reign. English
translation is from, The Cdmbryge Economic History oilndia, Vol. I. ed. Tapan p a y Chaudhun and Ir&n
Habib, London, 1982, p. M.
I t is 'true that the intermediaries were eliminated from-direct revenue collection. but Administration of the Sukuuri
fhey'were still expected to maintain law and order in the countryside and help the
revenue officials without any remuneration or perquisites. The state's direct ;elations
with the peasants resulted in an expansion of revtnue officials called variously
'ummal, mutasarrij, mushrij, muhassilan, navisindagan, etc. Soon, large scale
corruption and embezzlements surfaced among the revenue officials for which they
were ruthlessly punished by the naib wazir, Sharaf Qaini: about 8 to 10 thousind
officials were imprisoned. The process for discovering the deceit was simple: the bahi
or the ledger of the village [mtwari was meticulously scrutinised by the auditors. The
'bahi contained every payment, legal or illegal, made to the revenue collectors, and
these payinents were then compared with the receipts. Corruption occurred in spite
of the fact that Alauddin Khalji had raised the salary of the revenue collectors.
Barani gives an indication of the extent of the area where these measures were
operative: it was quite a large area, covering the heart of his empire. But Bihar,
Awadh, Gujarat and parts of Malwa and Rajputana are not mentioned. At any rate,
it must be borne in mind that these measures were largely meant for the khalisa
("crown" or "reserve" land). (Also see MAP at the end of the Block.)
As for the mode of payment. Moreland thinks that ordinarily payment in cash was
the gendral practice during the 13th century, and it had become quite widely
prevalent by the 14th century. However, Alauddin himself preferred collection in
grain. He decreed that the whole revenue due from the khalisa in the Doab should
be realized in kind, and only half the revenue due from Delhi (and its suburbs) in
cash. The reason for his preference for collection in grain was not only to have a
large reserve of grain stofed at Delhi and other areas for contingencies (such as
scarcity owing to drought or other factors), but also to utilize the storage as a lever
for his price-fixation measures in the grain market.
Two important changes were introduced by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq:
a) The intermediaries got back their haqq-i khoti (but not qismat-i khoti). They were
also exempted from the house and cattle tax.
b) the procedure of measurement (masahat) was t o continue along with observation
or "actual yield" (bar
...
2
hukm.hasi1).
As for Muhammad Tughluq, there is a confusion that he enhanced the rate of land
tax beyond 50%. It is also thought that after the death of Alauddin Khalji, the rate
was reduced by the Khalji rulers which was later raised to the previous level by
Muhammad Tughluq. Both these views are incorrect: the rate fixed by Alauddin was
never sought to be tampered. What Muhammad Tughluq actually did was to im;ose
new cesses (abwab) as well as revive the older ones (for example, charai and ghari on
the intermediaries). Apart from this, it seems that measurement alone was retained
for assessment purpose. The matter aggravated when assessment in kind (grain) was
carried out not on the principle of the "actual yield" but on the officially decreed
yields (wafa-ifarmani) for each unit of the measured area. Again, for payment in
cash, commutation was not done according to the market prices but on the basis of
the rates as "ordered by the Sultan" (nirkh-ijarmani). And, then, as Barani says, all
these taxes and cesses were t o be realized rigorouslv. The area covered under these
regulations was the khalisa land in the Doab. The result was obvious: an
unprecedented rebellion of the peasants, led by the intermediaries, occurred which
led to bloody confrontations. Feroz Shah claims to have abolished twenty three
cesses including charai and ghari.
Another development that took place, especially under the Tughluqs, was the-
practice of revenue-farming, that is, the task of collecting the revenue of some areas
was sometimes given to contractors who perhaps gave a lump sum in advance for the
right of revenue collection for a certain period. Under Feroz Shah, 'water tax' (haqq-
i sharb) was taken from those cultivators who irrigated their land from the water
supplied from the canals constructed by the state. It must be pointed out that in case
of bad harvest, the state tried to adjust the land tax, and also gave agricultural loans
to the peasants called sondhar in Muhammad Tughluq's reign.
What was the total estimated revenue during any period of the Delhi Sultanate? No
such attempt seems to have been made before the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah
Tughluq. 'Afif tells us that a t t & w r c k d ~ g l t a n , Khwaja Hisamuddin Junaid
Indm PoUty :tbe Sultmate determined the jama (estimated revenue) of the kingdom according to the "rule of
inspection" (bar hukm mushahada). It took six years to do this job, and the figure
arrived at wac six krar and seventy-five lakhs tanka.t (a silver coin: see Block 6 )
which continued t o bf valid for the entire reign of the Sultan. For further details 04
Revenue Administration during the fourteenth century see Moreland's Appendix 'C':
"Some
- Forteenth Cenrury Passages" in BlocK 6.
Check Your 'Progress 3
I ) What measures did Alauddin Khalji take to eliminate the intermediaries?
L d) Sondhar
1 . .
16.6 IQTA SYSTEM AND PROVINCIAL
-
...............................................:.........................
ADMINIBTRATION
The territorial expansion and cdnsolidation of the Sultanate was a process which
continued throughout the 13th and 14th centuries. It involved varying kinds of
control in terms ~f~territories:
those brought under direct administration and those
which paid tribute and remained semi-autonomous. The expansion of the Sultanate
and'& difficulties involved in administering areas that were far away from the
I
centre shaped different kind$ of control.
16.6.1 Iqta System
The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13th century d.isplaced many local chiefs
(whom the contemporary sources refer to as rai and rana). In order to conso~idat~,
the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments (iqta), in lieu of cash,'to their nobles
(umma). The assignees (known as rnhqti and wcrli) collected revenue from these
areas, defrayed their own expenses, paid the troops maintained by them and sent tbe
surplus uawozil) to the centre. lqta is an Arabic word and the institution had been in
force in the early lslamic world as a form of reward for services to the Sthte. It was
used in the Caliphate iqdministration as a way of financing operations and paying
civil and military officers. The grant of iqta did not imply a right t.0 the land nor was
it hereditary though the holders of jqta tended to'-acquire hereditary rights in Feroz
Tughluq's reign. These revenue assignments were transferable, the iqta-holder being
transferred from one region to another every three or four years. Therefore, iqta
should not be equated with the fief of medieval feudal Europe, which were hereditary
and non-transferable. The assignments could be large (a whole province or a part).
Assignments even to nobles carried administrative, military and revenue collecting
. responsibilities. Thus, provincial administration was headed by the muqti or wuli. He
had to maintain an army composed of horsemen and foot soldiers.
"They.(the muqtis) should know that their right over the subjects is only totake the
rightful amount of maney or perquisite (mal-ihqq) in a peaceful manner... the life,
property and the family of-thesubject should be immune from any harm, tbe muqtfs
have no right over them, if the subject desires to make a direct appeal to the Sultan,
the m h t i should not prevent him. Every mu# who violatea there laws should be
dismissed and punisW... the muqtir and wulfs are so many supyintendentsover
them aa the king is sup!erintenbent over other muqtid... After three or four years, the
umih and the muqtis should be transferred so that thw may not be too strong"
,
2. A pwrO from N i m u l ! Mulk Tusi'r slycwrnama on the rights of nnrq~lr.Endub (nnurtmn from
12 A.B.M. HabibuU.b, The Fowdcrrkm 01Murlbn Rukln Inr#o'AILb.bd,~1976pp. r n 1 0 .
16.6.2 provincial and Local Administration Admhirtrrtion of the Sultanate
I
, As the State became more settled and efforts were made fbr greater centralization,
provincial administration also underwent a change. A separation between fiscal and
i fiilitary responsibilities started evolving. During the reign of Muhammad Tughluq,
1 fiscal responsibilities were partially withdrawn from the muqris or walis and placed
b under central officers. According to Ibn Battuta, the iqra of Amroha was placed
I
I , . under two officers, one called aniir (possibly in charge of the army and
iI , administration) and the other as ruli-ul kharai (in charge of revenue collection).
l
11 Muhammad Tughluq also brdered that the salary of the soldiers maintained by iqfa-
holders be paid by the diwan-i wizarar to prevent fraud by the officers.
J Greater control also came to be exercised over fiscal matters. The diwanS office, at
I the centre, received and examined detailed statements regarding income and
expenditure in the provinces. It supervised the work of the revenue officials in the
provinces. The provinces had a sahib-i din+an,whose office kept books of account
..........................................................................................
......................................................................................... , .
i
3) What steps were takcn to curb the powers of thc rr~iryriin the 14th century?
I
I 4) Define the following:
a) shiyy ".......... "" ............................................................
1
b) korn,cll ........ ' . " " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I
Indian Polity :The Sultanate
I.
*A 16.7 LET US SUM UP
We pave seen how the Delhi Sultanate was shaped by its historical experience of
being a part of the wider Islamic world and how it changed and evolved as a result
of its needs and circumstances during the 13th century. We have studied the
administrative framework of the Sultanate at the cerltral and local levels. The need
of maintaining a large army (for defence and expansion) and maintaining an
administrative apparakus shaped many of its institutions, such as the iqra. Greater
centralization brought about changes 1n the nature of administrative control.
,
16.8 KEY WORDS
Abwab : Cesses
Amir : Officer
Bahi t Ledger/ accounts books
Balahsr : Village menials/ ordinary peasants
Biswa r 1120th part of a bigha
Charai Grazing-tax
Chaudhuri Head of Hundred villages or pargana
~agh Branding (of Horses)
Diwm-i Wizarat Finance Department
Fawazil Surplus amount
Ghari House-tax
Hashm-i qalb Central/ royal cavalry
Hasil Actual reveAie,,,
ldrar Revehue-free land grant
Idaq Draft, assignment order
Jama Estimated Revenue
*
KhaUPa YCrownn("resthe") land whose revenue was reserved for the
Sultan's treasury'
\.
Khot Village officia1,lrevenue collector
Khutba A sermon recited in mosques on Fridays wherein the
name of the ruler was included
Measurement
Revenw collectors
Muqaddam Village headman
Muqti or Wali Iqta-holder/ governor
Revenue officer
Auditor
Navhindagan Clerk
Nirkh-i farmani 0fficially.decreed prices
Patwari Village-accountant
Qbmat-i khoti Perquisites
and Hnqq-i khoti
. Rais and Rams Chiefs
Shariat Islamic law
.4
EXERCISES~
I
In Unit 16, y e have discussed the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. In
this Unit we will analyse the nature of the Sultanate ruling class taking into
consideration the following :
its role as an appqopiiator of surplus,
the composition of the ruling class,
changes in the ruling class, and
the interests that bound it together.
17.1 INTRODUCTION
The most important ptoblem of the Sultanate in its early stages, and even later, was
to consolidate the conquered territories. To this end, the ruling class served as an
important pivot who shared the resources of the country. The Turks brought with
them the institution of the iqtas (see Sec. 16.6), which helped in the centralization of
authority to a great extent. As greater.ceotralization was sought to be effected,
changes could be seen in the institution of the 'iqta'as well as in the composition of
the ruling class.
At the time of the Ghorian invasions, north India was divided into a number of I
principalities r u l d by rais and ranas (local chiefs). At the village level, khots and
muqaddams (village hadman) stood on the borderline of the rural aristocracy. In
between, the chaudhursi can spotted as the head of hundred villages.
. \
Atany rate, we can accept a broad definition of the position of the pre-Ghorian
ruling class as one which appropriated the surplus produce of the peasants, by
exercising superior rights over land. In analyzing the formation of the ruling class in
the Sultanate, some pertinent questions arise : How did the new ruling class supplant
this older ruling class? What measures did it adqpt for appropriating the surplus
revenue? How was it different from the class that it supplanted?
'. i
/
of the Sultuute
~orktbn
17.3 COMPOSITION OF THE RULING CLASS R u h g Clan
Throughout the thirteenth century, the Turkish armies furthered the political and
military control over North India. By the mid-fourteenth century, it spread to the
Deccan. A large alien territofy had to be pacified and governed and the ruling class
had to be maintained and sustained. The early Turkish ruling class was very much in
the'nature of a co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans. In the
beginning, the nobles (amirah) were practically independent in distant areas of the
conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors. The latter
were designated muqti or wqli agd their territories were known as iqtas. Gradually,
the practice began of transfekring muqtis from one iqta to another (a detailed
discussion on iqta system is given in Unit 16). The pre-Ghoriar! political structure
seems to have continued, wiyh tribute being realised from the rais and ranas, who
were expected to collect taxis as they had done before.
From our contemporary historians, like Minhaj Siraj and Barani, we learn that the
most important nobles, and kven the Sultans, in the early stages of the foundation of
the Sultanate, were from the families of the Turkish slave-officers. Many of the early
Turkish nobles and Sultans (such as Aibak and Iltutmish) had started their early
career as slaves but they reckived letters of manumission (khat-i azadi) before
becoming Sultans. One such was Qutbuddin Aibak. On his death in A.D. 1210,
Ilturmish, one of his favoured slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan. He
created his own corps of Turkish slaves-the Shamsi maliks, called by Barani
turkan-i chihilgani ("The FO;~~"). Iltutmish's nobility also included a number of
Tajik or free-born officers. That this element of free-born immigrants continued to
form a part of the ruling class is noted by Minhaj at the time of Nasiruddin
Mahmud's accession (1246 A.D.). The problem of succession after the death of
lltutmish brought into light the division within the nobles.
In spite of the internal quarrels within the ruling class, there was a basic solidarity
which manifested itself in it$ hostility to outsiders. For example, Raziya's (1236-4240
A.D.) elevation of an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the post of amir-i akhur
("master of the royal horses'? caused great resentment. Similar was the case of
Raihan, a Hindu covert to Islam. Thus, the nobility was seen as the preserver of the
certain groups, sometimes under the principle of 'high birth', as reflected in the
policies ascribed to Balban by Barani.
Now you can understand how an identity of interests bound the dominant groups.
Race and perhaps religion, too, played important role in the formation of ruling
groups. Actually, the ruling class was not a monolithic organization. There were
numerous factions and cliques, each trying to guard their exclusive positions
jealously. The Turkish military leaders who accompanied and participated in the
Ghdrian invasion formed t i e core of the early Turkish ruling class: they acquired
most of the key-posts at the centre and provinces.
I
I
17.3.1 The Ilbarites
Qutbuddin Aibak who sucdeeded to the Indian territories of Muhammad Ghori,
had no greater right than the other nobles like Yalduz and Qubacha who asserted
their independenqe and autonomy at Ghazna and Sind respectively. This was to be a
feature of the early history pf the Sultanate. The Sultans needed the support of the
nobility to establish and maintain themselves in power. For instance, lltutmish came
to the throne with the support of the nobles of Delhi. The Turkish nobles played an
important part in elevating Sultans to the throne and supporting contenders to the
throne. According to Baradi, the older Turkish nobility used to tell each other :
"What are thou that I am not, and what will thou be, that I shall not be."
I
The early Turkish nobility kought to emphasize their exclusiveness and their
monopoly to rule. Efforts by other social groups to challenge their monopoly were
resented and resisted. The hobles of Iltutmish called turkan-i-chihilgani ("The
Forty") wielded considerable power-after his death. They were an important group,
and efforts by the Sultans to incorporate other groups were met with much
resistance. As already mentioned,. Raziya Sultan had to face stiff opposition from the
Indian Polity : nc Suitmmte Turkish amirs, when she elevated an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the office of
- amir-i akhur. Efforts of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266 A.D.) to break the vested
power of this group by dismissing Balban (who was one of the 'Forty') from the
court and replacing him by an Indian cbnvert, Im'aduddin Raihan, did not meet with
much success. Minhaj ioiced the anger of the " ~ u r k sof pure lineage" who "could
not tolerate lmaduddin Raihan of the tribes of Hind to rule over them." The
opposition of the Turkish ruling class forced the Sultan to remove Raihan and
reinstate Balban.
On his accession to ths throne, Balban (1266-1286 A.D.) took measures to break the
power of the turkon-i ~hihilgoniby various measures. He himself was the creation of
a group of nobles loyal to him. Barani states that Balban had several of the older !
Turkish nobles killed. This was an effort to intimidate the nobility, who could and
did pose, a challenge to the Crown. Balban himself, according to Barani, kept Sultan
Nasiruddin as a "puppet" (nomuno); therefore, he was vary of the leading old nobles.
nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols (the 'New Muslims?, Indians
and Abyssinians (for t h t latter, the example of Malik Kafur is well-known). This
trend towards a broadehing of the composition 'of the ruling class continued during
the rule of the Tughluqs.
It may be incidentally mentioned here that there was a very small group called
kotwolion (pl. of kotwol) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khalji.
Infact, this was a family group, headed by Fakhruddin who was the kotwol of Delhi.
This group appears to have played some political role during and aftQr Balban's
death.
, I
i (ref. Shamsuddin Iltutmish). Balbani and Alai amirs. But one thing was quite certain:
every group tried to capture the kkention of the Sultan-whether weak or strong-
Fornrtba of the S u b a t e
Rmlbg Clnr
I
because all privileges andpower issued forth from the sovereign. This, in turn, went
to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the Sultan himself if he
was a man of strong will.
I The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of the Delhi
Sultanate. With the coming of the Lodis (145 1-1526), the Afghan predominance got
enlarged.
I '
Check Your Propess 1
1) ~ x a m i n ethe composition of the ruling class under the Ilbarites.
2) What changes were brought about in the composition of the nobility under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs? Write in about five lines.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
3) Mark ri,oht ( v .or) wrong ( X ) against the following statements :
a) In the thirteenth century the Turkish nobles were paid in cash.
b) Muhammad Tughluq incorporated different social groups into his nobility.
-
c) Barani regards the Khaljis as Turks.
17.5 ULEMA
The u l m the theologtcal class; had an important position in the Sultanate. It was
from them that important legal and judicial appointments were' made-the sadr-us
sudur, shaikh-ul Islam, qrui, mujti, muhrasib, imam and khorib. The ulema can be
seen as an adjunct of the ruling class, maintained by revenue grants from the Sultan,
and often by members of the ruling class. The ideological significance of the ulema
was great as they provided legitimacy to the ruling class. They exercised an influence
which was not only reli&ious but sometimes political, too.
a-
1 - --
CbtcL Your Prograr 2
1) Write two main characteristic features of the iqra system.
..........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
I
........................ . *. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..........
!
C) Fawazil was :
i) Extra payment met to the nobles.
ii) Excess amount paid to the exchequer by rhe iqredars.
iii) Revenue assigned in lieu of salary.
and not only the Turks, but Indian Muslims, non-Muslims and even foreigners
(Abyssinians, etc.) were incorporated into its fold. The ulema can also be seen as an
adjunct of the ruling class who were primarily maintained by revenue-free land
grants or wazifa (cash).
DECLINE
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Nature of Kingship
Conflict between the Nobility and the Sultans
C r i e fn Revenue Administrption
Rise of Regiond States
The Mongols
Let Us Sum Up)
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
18.0 OBJECTIVES
The Sultans of Delhi faced many political and administrative problems. With the
passage of time, these problems became so critical that they generated political
crgis and eventually led to the decline of the ruling dynasties. This Unit attempts to ,
consider the following aspects :
Nature of kingship,
Conflict between the Sultan and the nobles,
Crisis in the Revenue Administration;
Rise of Regional Stbtes, and.
The Mongols.
18.1 INTRODUCTION
During the Sultanate period (1206-4526'A.D.), five dynasties ruled India. Since the
Turks came from Central Asia, they,b&cinitial stage, were unaware of the Indian
political and economic systtnf:To maintain their rule, the Turks introduced many
administrative practice which, by and large, continued for a long time with some
changes. A study of the political history indicates that the rulers had to cope with
internal strife and external dangers, especially the running struggle between the
nobility ancfthe Sultans which contributed towards the gradual decline of the Delhi
Sultanate.
followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban, Iltutmish's slave
of the "Forty" fame, assumed power in 1266 A.D. You have already seen how Prdan. Crbb and Dcdhe
Balban attempted to give a new shape to the concept of kingship to salvage the
prestige of the office of the Sultan, but the struggle for power that started soon after
.
Balban's death confirms again that the 'sword' remained the main deciding factor.
Kaiqubad was installed at the throne agaipst the claims of Balban's nominee,
. Kaikhusrau. Later, even he was slain by the Khalji Maliks (1290 A.D.) who laid the
foundation of the Khalji rule. In 1296 A.D. Alauddin Khalji, killed his uncle,
Jalaluddin Khalji and occupied the throne. Alauddin Khalji's death signalled civil
war and scramble for power. Muhammad Tughluq's reign weakened due,to the
rebellions of amirs. Rivalries that followed after Feroz Tughluq ultimately led to the
.rise of the Saiyyids (1414-51 A.D.).
With the accession of the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.) a new element-the Afghans was
added. The Afghans had a certain peculiar concept of sdvereignty. They were
prepared to accept the position of a Sultan over them, but they sought to partition
the empire among their clans (Farmulis, Sarwanis, Niyazh, etc.). After the death of
Sultan Sikandar Lodi (1517 A.D.), the empire was divided between Ibrahim and
Jalal. Even the royal privileges and prerogatives were equally shared by the clan
members. For example, keeping of elephants was the royal privilege but Azam
Humayun Sarwani is reported to have possessed seven hundred elephants. ~esides,
the Afghans entertained the concept of maintaining tiibal militia which in the long
run greatly hampered the military efficiency of the Central Government. It is true
that Sikandar Lodi tried to keep the ambitious Afghan nobles in check, but it seems
that the concept ?f Afghan polity was more tilted towards decentralization that
created fissures in the end.
The reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 A.D.) saw a broadening in the composition
of nobles. He did not admit of monopolisation of the state by any one single group
of nobles. State office$ were open to talent and loyalty, to the exclusion of race and
creed. Besides, he controlled them through various measures (see Unit 17).
Moreover, the enhancement of land revenue up to 50 per cent of the surplus produce
(see unit 16) must have pacified the nobles because an increase in the revenue of
their respective iqta wbuld have raised their salarjf, too. Territorial expansion also
provided enough resources towards recruiting persons with talent. The case of MaIik
Kafur, an Abyssinian slave, is well-known. But this situation was shortlived: the
death of Alauddin Khalji brought out once again the dissensions and conspiracies of
the nobles, leading to the elimination of the Khaljis as rulers.
As for the Tughluqs, you know (see Unit 17) how Muhammad Tughluq made
attempts to organize nobles again and again, with turns and twists. But all his efforts
failed to put them under check. Even the Khurasanis, whom he used rn call "Aizzah"
(the dear ones), betrayed him. The problems created by the nobles can be gauged
I
from the fact that twenty-two rebellions took place during his reign with the loss of
a t least one territory, later known as Bahmani kingdom.
The crisis set in motion after Muhammad Tughluq's death seems to have gone out of
hands. Under these circumstances, Feroz Tughluq could not be expected to be stern
with the nobles. They were given many concessions. They succeeded in.making their
iqtas hereditary. The appeasement policy of fultan pleased the nobles, but in the
long run, it proved disastrous. The army became inefficient because the practice of
branding (dagh) of the horses introduced By Alauddin Khalji was almost given up. It
was not possible, henceforth, for his descendants or later rulers to'roll back the tide
of decline of the Delhi Sultanate.
Under the Sayyids (1414-51 A.D.) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.), the situation did,
not appear to be comfortable: the former were not at all fit for the role of saviours.
Sikandar Lodi made the last attempt to prevent the looming catastrophe. But
dissensions among the Afghans and their unlimited individual ambitions hastened the
final demise, actually its murder, with Babur as the executioner.
.........................................................................................
I ,.
2) How far did'the absence of law of primogeniture contribute to the decline of the ,
Sultanate?
3) Discuss the chief characteristic features of the Afghan theory of kingship. Problem, Crisis and Dedinc
....................................................................................
.......................................................................................
.........................................................................................
......................................................................................... i
-.
18.4 CRISIS IN REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
lltutmish had introduced a sound system of revenue assignments (iqta) through
which the vast bureaucracy was maintained. Feroz .Tughluq's reign, however, saw
deterioration in its working. During his reign, revenue assignments tended to be
hereditary and permanent. This applied even to the (royal ?) soldiers (yaran-i
hashm). "If a person died," says Afif, "his office would go permanently to his son; if
he had no son, then to his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, then io his slave; if he
,had no slave then to his women." Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517 A.D.) stopped to
/ dclaim the balance Cfawazil). The tendency of the principal assignees to sub-assign
2) To what extent risp of the regional states led to the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate?
LET US $UM UP
One political reason fot the decline of the Sultanate was the absence of any well-
established and universally accepted law of succession. This was in line with the
entire history of the Ishmic polity. As long as a Sultan was strong and was able to
gain the suppo~tof some groups of'nobles, he could continue with some superficial
semblance of dynastic stability. Dissensions and conflicts amongst the ruling groups
might remain apparently dormant in such circumstances; but at the slightest
opportunity their internal struggle would come to the force often in a viblent
fashion. Initially, the iqta system served the central authority: its elements of transfer
and non-permanence elsured the Sultan's power. On the other hand, the gradual
disappearance of these principles, especially during Feroz Tughluq's rule, paved the
way for the steady dissipation of the state's authority. The Lpshot was the emergence
of autonomous and, then, independent political centres in different regions. The
Mongols might have hammered the Sultanate off and on but, on the whole, their
forays did not affect the Sultanate's political and economic fortune.
KEY W O R D S
Aiz2.k : "Dear Ones" (Khurasani nobles under Muhammad Tughluq).
Umara : Nobles (plural of amir)
yuan-i hashm : Soldiers
.
Problan, Crisb and Dedine
18.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your P r o b e s 2
1) See Sec. 18.4
2) See Sec. 18.5
I
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK
b
A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India.
W.H. Moreland,.The Agrarian System of Moslem India. (Chapters I1 & 111;
Appendices A, B and C).
R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration.
K.S. Lal, History of the Khafiis (Chapter XI).
klohammhd Habib & K.A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India, Vol V.
Tapan Ray Chaudhuri & lrfan Habib, The Cambridge Economic History oj
India, Vol, I , pp. 45-82.)
- -. .
APPENDIX
A REPRODUCTION FROM W.H.MORELAND,
AGRARIAN SYSTEM O F MOSLEM INDIA
Provincial Governors in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries
The words "Province; and "Governor" are used in Chapter 11 to represent two
groups of terms, which 1 take to be either precisely synonymous, or else
distinguished only by minor differences, of no practical importance for'our present
purpose. The first group is wilayat, wali. The word wilayat is used in the chronicles
in various senses, which can almost always be recognised with certainty from the
context: it may mean (1)a definite portion of the kingdom, that is, a province; (2)an
indefinite portion of the kingdom, that is, a tract or region; (3) the kingdom aS a
whole, (4) a foreign country; (5) the home-country of a foreigner .(in which last sense
a derived form has recently become naturalised in English as "Blighty"). Wali
occasionally means the ruler of a foreign country, but the ordinary sense is Governor
of a*province of the kingdom, that is to say, a localised officer serving directly under
the orders of the Kin8 or his Ministers.
So far as 1 know, it has never been suggested that the Wali held anything but a
bureaucratic position a t this period, and the word Governor represents it precisely,
as is the case throughout the history of Western Asia. The position is different in
regard to the second g o u p of terms iqta, muqti (more precisely, iqta, muqti).
Various translators in the nineteenth century rendered these terms by phrases
appropriated from the feudal system of Europe; their practice has been followed by
some recent writers, i& whose pages we meet "fiefs", "feudal chiefs", and such
entities; and the ordinary reader is forced to conclude that the organisation of the.
kingdom of Delhi was heterogeneous, with some provinces ruled by bureaucratic
' Governors (Wali), but most of the country held in portions (iqta) by persons
(Muqti), whose position resembled that of the barons of contemporary Europe. It is
necessary, therefore to examine the question whether these expressions represent the
facts, or, in other words, whether the kingdom contained any element to which the .
nomenclature of the feudal system can properly be applied. The question is one of
fact. The nature of the European feudal system is tolerably well known to students:
the position of the Muqt~sin the Delhi kingdom can be ascertained from the
chronicles; and comparison will show whether the use of these archaic terms brings
light or confusion into the agrarian history of Northern India.
The ordinary meaning of Jqta in Indo-Persian literature is an Assignment of revenue
conditional on future service. The word appears in this sense frequently in the Moghul
period as a synonym (along with tuyuf) of the more familiar jagir; and that it might
carry the same sense in the thirteenth century is established, amqng several passages,
by the story told by Barani (60, 61) of the 2000 troopers who held Assignments, but
evaded the services on which the Assignments were conditional. The villages held by
these men are described as their iqtas, and the men themselves as iqtadars. At this
period, however, the word iqta was used commonly in a more restricted sense, as in
I
the phrase "the twenty iqtas", used by Barani (50) to denote the bulk of the
kingdom. It is obvious that "the twenty iqtas" points to something of a different
order from the 2000 iqras in the passage just quoted; and all through the chronicles,
we find particular iqtas referred to as administrative charges, and not mere
Assignments. The distinction between the two senses is marked most clearly by the
use of the derivative nouns of possession; at this period, iqtadar always means an
assignee in the ordinary sense, but Muqti always means the holder of one of these
charges. The question the^ is, was the Muqti's position feudal or bureaucratic?
T o begin with, we may consider the origin of the nobility from whom the Muqtis
were chosen. The earliest chronicler gives, us the biographies' of all the chief nobles
1-T. Nasiri, book xxii, p. 229 ff. 1 follow the Cambridgc History in usingthe form lltutmish for the name usuallj
written Altamash.
ProvhcLI Govemon
of his time, and we find from them that in the middle of the thirteenth century practicafly
in the Thirteenth and
every man who is recorded as having held the position of began his career as a Fourteenth Centuries
royal slave. Shamsuddin lltutmish, the second effective king of Delhi, who had himself
been the property of the first king, bought foreign slaves in great numbers, employed them
in his household, and promoted them, according to his judgement of their capacities, to
the highest positions in his kingdom. The following are a few sample biographies
condensed from this chronicle.
Taghan Khan (p. 242) was purchased by Shamsuddin, and employed in succession as
page, keeper of the pen-case,' food-taster, master of the stable, Muqti of Badaun,
and Muqti of Lakhqauti, where the insignia of royalty were eventually conferred on
him.
Saifuddin Aibak (p. 259) was purchased by the king, and employed successively as
keeper of the wardrobe, sword-bearer, Muqri of Samana, Muqri of Baran, and
finally Vakil-i dar, apparently, at this period, the highest ceremonial post at Court.?
Tughril Khan (p. 261) also a slave, was successively depuQ-taster, court-usher,
master of the elephants, master of the stable, Muqti of Sirhind, and later of Lahore,
Kanauj, and Awadh in succession; finally he received Lakhnauti, where he assumed
the title of king.
Ulugh Khan (p. 281), afterwards King Balban, is said to have belonged to a noble
family in Turkistan,3 but was enslaved in circumstances which are not recorded. He
was taken for sale to Baghdad, and thence to Gujarat, from where a dealer brought
him to Delhi, and sold him to the King. He was employed first as personal
attendant, then as master of sport, then mkter of the stable, then Muqti of Hansi,
then Lord Chamberlain, and subsequently became, first, deputy-King of Delhi, and
then King in his own right.
It seems to me to be qliite impossible to think of such a nobility in terms of a feudal
system with a king merely first among his territorial vassals: what we see is a royal
household full of slaves, who could rise, by merit or favour, from servile duties to
the charge of a province, or even of a kingdom-essentially a bureaucracy of the
normal Asiatic type. The same conclusion follows from an examination of the
Muqti's actual position: it is nowhere, so far as I know, described in set terms, but
the incidents recorded in the chronicles justify the following summary.
1. A Muqti had no territorial postion of his own, and no claim to any particular
region: he was appointed by the King, who could remove him, or transfer him to
another charge, at any time. The passages proving this statement are too numerous
to quote: one cannot usually read ten pages or so without finding instances of this
exercise of the royal authority. The biographies already summarised suffice to show
that in the thirteenth century a Muqti had no necessary conhection with any
particular locality; he might be posted anywhere from Lahore to Lakhnauti at the
King's discretion. Similarly, to take one example Erom the next century, Barni (427
ff.) tells how Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, on his accession, allotted the iqtas among his
relatives and adherents, men who had no previous territorial connection with the
places where they were posted, but who were apparently chosen for their
administrative capacity. Such arrangements are the antithesis of anything which can
properly be described as a feudal system.
I Da~sat-dar.The dictionary-meaning of "Secretary of State" does not seem to be appropriate here, for we are
told that on one occasion Taghan Khan was sharply punished for losing the king'sjewelled pen-case, and 1 take
the phrase to d'enote the official responsible for the care ofthe king's writingmaterials. In later times the Chief
Dawatdar was a high officer.
2 Th'eexaa status of the vakil-idar at this period isa rather complex question, but its discussion is not necessary
for the present purpose.
I 3 The chronicler is so fullsome in his praise of Balban, under whom he was writing, that this statement may b. '
i merely a piece of flattery, but there is nothing intrinsically improbable in it, having regard to the circumstances
of the time. Writing in the next century, Ibn Batuta recorded (iii 171)a much less complimentary tradition; it is
unnecessary for me to enquire which account is true, because both are in agreement on the essential point, that
Balban-was brought to India as a slave.
I
I
I
I
-
Indim Polity :The
- -- S u h--.
nat~ 2. The Muqti was essentially administrator of the charge to whichqhe was posted.
- - - - > -
This fact will be obvious to any careful reader of the chronicles, and many examples
could be given, but the two following are perhaps sufficient. Barni (p. 96) tells at
some length how Balban placed his son Bughra Khan on the throne 'df Bengal, and
records the advice which he gave on the occasion. Knowing his son to be slack and
lazy, he insisted specially on the need for active vigilance if a king was to keep his
throne, and in this connection he drew a distinction between the position of King
(iqlimdari) and that of Govefnor (wilayatdari) a King's mistakes were, he argued; apt ,
to be irretrievable,.and fatal t o his family, while a Muqti who was negligent or
inefficient ip his governorship (wilayatdari), though he was liable to fine or dismissal, '
need not fear for his life or his family, and could still hope to return to favour. The
essential function of a Muqti was thus governorship, and he was liable to fine o r
dismissal if he failed in his duties.
As an instance from the next century, we may take the story told by Afif (414), how
a noble named Ainulmulk, who was employed in the Revenue Ministry, quarrelled
with the Minister, add was in consequence dismissed. The King then offered him the
post of Muqti of Multan, saying, "Go to that province (iqta), arld occupy yourself in
the duties (Karha wa kardarha) of that place." Ainulmulk replied: "When I
undertake the administration (amal) in the iqta, and perform the duties of that place,
it will be impossible for me t o submit the accounts to the Revenue Ministry; I will
submit them to the Throne." On this, the King excluded the affairs of Multan from
the Revenue Ministry, and Ainulmulk duly took up the appointment. The language
of the passage shows the position of a Muqti as purely administrative.
3. It was the Muqti's duty to maintain a body of troops available at any time for the
King's service. The status of these troops can best be seen from the orders which
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq issued! to the nobles "to whom he gave iqtas and wilayats."
"DO not," he said, "covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the tropps. Whether you
give or d o not give them a little of your own rests with you to decide; but if you
expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops, then the title
of noble ought not to be applied to you; and the noble who consumes Any portion of
the pay of servants had better consume dust."This passage makes it clear that the
strength and pay of the Muqti's troops were fixed by the King, who provided the
cost; the Muqti could, ij he chose, increase their pay out of his own pocket, but that
was the limit of his discretionary power in regard to them.
4. The Muqti had to collect the revenue due from his charge, .and? after defraying
sanctioned expenditure, such as the pay of the troops, to remit the surplus to. the
King's treasury at the capital. To take one instance (Barni, 220 ff.), when Alaud$in
Khalji (before his accession) was Muqti of Karra and Awadh and was planning his
incursion into the Deccan, he applied for a postponement of the demand for the
surplus-revenue of his provinqs, so that he could employ the money in raising
additional troops; afid promised that, when he returned, he would pay the postponed
surplus-revenue, alohg with the booty, into the King's treasury.
5. The Muqti's financial transactions in regard to both receipts and expenditure were
audited by the officials of the Revenue Ministry, and any balance found t o be due
from him was recovered by processes which, under some kings, were remarkably
severe. The orders of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, quoted above, indicate that under his
predecessors holders of iqtas and wilayats had been greatly harassed in the course of
these processes, and he directed that they were not to be treated like minor officials
in this matter. Severity seems to hpve been reestablished in the reign of his son '
Muhammad, for Batni insists (pp. 556, 574) on the contrast furnished by the wise
and lenient administtation of Firuz, under whom "no Wali or Muqti" came to
ruin from this cause. The processes of audit and recovery thus varied in point of
severity, but they were throughout a normal feature of the administration.
This statement of the Muqti's position indicates on the face of it a purely
bureaucratic organisation. We have officers posted to their charges by the King, and
transferred, removed, or punished, at his pleasure, administering their charges under
his orders, and subjcicted to the strict financial control of the Revenue Ministry.
I Barni. 431.
'- .
None of these features has any counterpart in the feudal system of Europe; and, as a Provinci. nl Governors
student of European history to whom 1 showed the foregoing summary observed, the inathe T hirfemih and
analogy is not with the feudal organisation, but with the bureaucracies which rulers Fourtetrih pnturirs
like Henry I1 of England attempted to set up as an alternative to feudalism. The use
of feudal terminology was presumably inspired by the fact that some of the nobles of
the 'Delhi kingdom occasionally behaved like feudal barons, that is t o say, they
rebelled, or took sides in disputed successions to the throne; but, in Asia at least,
bureaucrats can rebel as well as barons, and the analogy is much too slight and
superficial to justify the importation of feudal terms and all $he misleading ideas
which they connote. The kingdom was not a mixture of bureaucracy with feudalism
its administration was bureaucratic throughout.
The question remains whether there were differences in status or functions between
the Wali and the Muqri. The chronicles mention a Wali so rarely that it is impossible
to prepare from them a statement similar to what has been offered for the Muqri.
The constantly recnrring double phases, walis and Muqris, or iqras and wilayats,
show that the two institutions were, at any rate, of the same general nature, but they
cannot be pressed so far as to exclude the possibility of differences-in detail. A recent
writer has stated that the difference was one of distance from the capital,' the nearer
provinces being iqras and the remote ones wilayats; but this view is not borne out by
detailed analysis of the language of the chronicles. Looking at the words themselves,
it is clear that Wax is thecorrect lslamic term for a bureaucratic Governor; it was
used in this sense by Abu Yusuf (e.g. pp. 161, 163) in Baghdad, in the eighth
century, and it isstill familiar in the same sense in Turkey at the present day. I have
not traced the terms Iqra or.Muqri in the early Islamic literature-to which I have
access through translations, but taking the sense of Assignment in which the former
persisted in India, we may fairly infer that the application of iqra to a province
meant originally that the province was assigned, that is to say, that the Governor
was under obligation to maintain a body of troops for the king's service. It is
possible then that, at some period, the distinction between Wali and Muqri may have
lain in the fact that the former had not to maintain troops, while the latter had; but,
if this was the original difference, it had become obsolete, at any rate, by the time of
I
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, whose orders regarding the troops equally to both classes, to
I "the nobles to whom he gave iqras and wilayats."'
...
, The chronicles indicate no other possible distinction between Wali and Muqri, and
I the fact that we occasionally read2 of the Muqri of a Wilayat suggests that the.terms
were, at least practically, synonymous. The possibility is not excluded that there were
1 minor differences in position, for instance, in regard to the accounts procedure of the
Revenue Minktry, but these would not be significant from the point of view of
I agrarian administration. In my opinion, then, we are justified in rejecting absolutely
I
the view that the kingdom of Delhi contained any element to ivhich the terminology
of the feudal system can properly be applied. Apart from the regions directly under
the Revenue Ministry, the entire kingdom was divided into provinces administered
f by bureaucratic Governors; possibly there may have been differences in the relations
between these Governors and the Ministry, but, so far as concerns the agrarian
administration of a province, it is safe to treat Wali and Muqri as practically, if not
absolutely, synonymous.
I Qanungo's Sher Sh& p. 349, 350. Baini, however, applies the term wilayat to provinces near Delhi such as
Baran (p. 58), Amroha (p. 58). or Samana (p. 483); while Multan (p. 584) and Marhat, or the Mafathacountry
(p. 390) are described as iqra. Some of the distant provinces had apparently a diffaent status in parts of the
fourteenth antury, beingunda a minster (Vazir) instead of theGovcrnor (Barani, 379,397,454. & C.), but they
cannot be distinguished .either as wlhjwts or as iqrm.
2 For instance, T. Nasiri; Mugti of the Wila yat of Awadh (246,247); Muqriof the Wilayat of Sarsuti (p. 256): As
has been said above, Barani (96) describes the duties of a Muqri by the term Wilayatdari.
!dim PoWy : The Sukanrte It may be added that the latter term did not survive for long. In the Tarikh-i
Mubarakshahi, written about the middle of the fifteenth century, the title is
preserved in summaries of earlier chronicles, but in dealing with his own times the .
writer consistently uses the term Amir. This term had already been used by Ibn
Batuta a century earlier; he speaks of Indian Governors sometimes as Wali,
sometimes as Amir, bCt never, so far as I can find, as Muqti; and possibly Amir was '
already coming into popular use in his time. Nizamuddin Ahmad, writing under
Akbar, usually substituted Hakim, as is apparent from a comparison of his language
with that of Barni, whom he summarised; Firishta occasionally reproduced the
word Muqti, but more commonly used Hakim, Sipahsalar, or some other modern
equivalent; and Muqti was clearly an archaism in the time of Akbar.
STATE AND ECONOMY
Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Distribution of Revenue Resources
19.2.1 Iqta and lrhPtlsl
' 19.2.2 The iqta System in Operation
19.2.2 Land Grants
19.3 Land Revenue and its Extraction
19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalii
19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq
19.4 Alauddin Khalji's Market Control
19.5 Currency System
19.6 Slavery and Slave Trade
19.7 Let Us Sum Up
19.8 Key Words
19.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
This Unit discusses how the Ghorian conquest and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate affected the Indian ecoriomy. It also attempts to highlight the changes that
occurred during the course of the Sultanate.
After-going through this Unit you will be able to learn about:
the nature of land revenue system and its extraction,
the mechanism of distribution of revenue resources,
price control measures of Alauddin Khalji,
the use of slaves in urban economy and sources of enslavement, and
- thk increasing use of money in economy and the currency system.
19.1 INTRODUCTION
'-
The conquest of,Northern India by the Ghorids and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate not only changed tfre existing political structure but also brought, economic
change?. The conquerors came with fairly well-defined concepts and piactices , ,. -
regarding tax collection and distribution, ahd system of coinage, etc. But the existing
systems could'not be changed altogether immediately: in the beginning, these were
superimposed on the older systems, and modifications and changes were introduced
by different Sultans uptb the close of the 15th century.
The new rulers wanted luxuries and comforts according to their taste and habits. The
slave labour was thus a great help to provide these.
In the opinion of Muhammad Habib, the economic changes that occurred as a
consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created an organisation
considerably superior to the one that had existed before. He felt that the changes
were drastic enough to deserve the designation of 'Urban Revolution' and 'Rural
Revolution'. D.D. Kdsarnbi recognised that 'hidebound customs in the adoptation
and transmission of new techniques' were broken down by the 'Islamic raiders', but
he regarded the changes no more than intensifying elements already present in Indian
.-
'feudalism'.
In this Unit we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Delhi
Sultanate introduced.
4
under,Alauddin Khal". But the k h d h did not appear to consist of shifting territories
scattered throughout he country. In all probability, Delhi along with its surrounding
district, including parts of Doab remained in khalisa. In Iltutmish's time, Tabarhinda
(Bhatinda) too was in khalisa. Under Alauddin Khalji, the. khelisP.cdvered the
whole of middle Doab and parts of Rohilkhand. But during the days of Feroz
Tughluq, the khalisa perhaps had reduced considerably in size.
Iltutmish (1210-36) is reported to have assigned in lieu of salaries "small iqtas" in the
Doab to the soldiers bf the Sultan's army (hashm qalb). palban (1266-86) made a
half-hearted attempt tit' their resumption without success. It was Alauddin Khalji
(1296-1316) who established firmly the practice of payment of salaries in cash to the
soldiers. A practice that was again altered by Feroz Tughluq who began to assign
villages to soldiers in lieu of their salaries. These assignments were called wqjh and
the holders wajhdars, These assignments tended to be not only permanent but
hereditary.
You have already read about the Iqta system in Block 5. Here, we are adding a few
more aspects. In the tarly years of the foundation of the Sultanate, neither the
revenue income of these assignments was known nor the size of the contingent of the
assignee was fixed. However, certain modifications and mild attempts at introducing
central control to some-extent were made by Balban (1266-86) when he appointed a
khwaja (accountant) with each muqti: this may imply that the Sultanate now was
trying to find out the actual income of the iqta and muqti s expenditure.
'I'he real interventiorl in the iqta administration came under Alauddin Khalji. The
central finace department (diwan-i wizarat) perhaps prepared some sort of an
estimated revenue inicome from each iqta. The audit was stringent, punishments
severe, transfers frequent and enhancements (taufir) were often made in the
estimated revenue i w m e of theiqta on various pretexts.
Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l u q(1320-25) introduced some moderation. The enhancements in
the estimated revenup income by the central finance ministry wds not to be more than
1/10 or 1111th annually. The muqtis v:ere allowed to keep 1110th to 1120th in excess of
their sanctioned salqies.
The auempt at centre1 intervention reached its climax during the timi of Muhwmad
Tughluq (1325-51). h several cases. a walk and an Pmir was appointed to the same
temtory. The wali wbs to collect revenue and, after deducting his pay, to send the rest
to the treasury. or commander had nothing to do with revenue realization
anrl thn ealnmr nf h i e t r n n n e in ,-sch nrmcmnmghlv Fmm th..
reign the troops of the iqta holders were paid in cash by the state's treasury. This State and
. Eammv
possibility infuriated the commanders and created political problems for Muhammad
Tughluq. Feroz Tughluq, therefore, decided to make concessions. He enhanced the
cash salahes of the nobles and got new estimates of revenue (mahsul) prepared which
I
was designated jama. ,
There was no attempt to restore central control by the successors of Feroz. Under the
Lodis (1451-1526),'the administrative charges and revenue assignments were
combined together and these were no more called iqta but were simply called sarkars
and parganas. A system of sub-assignments came in vogue particularly under
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). The main assignees used to sub-assign portions of their
assignment to their subordinates who in turn made sub-assignments to their soldiers.
..........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
4 .
.........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
, .
3 Mark ( d )against the correct and (x) against the wrong statements given below:
(a) Alauddin Khalji allowed the muqtis to keep the excess income from their
.iqtas. . .
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq handed over iqtas to revenue-farmers.
(c) The jama under Feroz Tughluq meant the estimated revenue income.
realization of kharaj.
2) Indicate the correct and wrong statements given below hy marking ( d )or ( x ) .
(a) The areas which did not pay kharaj without the use of force were called
mawas.
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq imposed tax on the cultivation and cattle of khots and
muqaddams.
(c) Ibrahim Lodi ordered for the collection of revenue in cash.
2. Barely 4 8 4
3. Paddy 5 14 ..
4. Pulses 5 .. 4
5. Lentils 3 4 4
6. Sugar (white) 100 80 .- I
7. Sugur (soft) 60 64 120,140 -
8. Sheep (mutto*) 10-12 64 ..
9. Ghi (clarified butter) 16 .. 100
Table of prices is reprodpced from K.M.Ashraf, Life Pod Conditiolloft& people o,-f Delhi.
1970, p. 160. The table copplied from dierent sources shows that the prices of these commodities
went up'under Muhammakl Tughluq but dropped under Feroz Tughluq to the price level of Alauddin
Khalji's relgn.1
A
Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could
get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason
that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that
the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the h a n i a n (the grain merchants)
at the side of the field (Reg. 6).
The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax
from the khalisa in the Doah was realised in kind. T h e grain went to the state
granaries (Reg. 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of
tankas as advance loan to purchase and bring cloth to the market.
The Sultan succeedekl in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as
reported by all our authorities. But there are varying reascns mentioned for why the
Sultan introduced tHe market control and in what region it was enforced. The poet
courtier Amir Khusrau considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for
the welfare and comfort of all, the elite as well as the public at large. The Chishti di-
vine Nasiruddin Mapmud (Chiragh Delhi) attributes it to the Sultan's effort to do
good to all the people. But the historian ~ a i a n i ' view
s was totally different. He did not
credit it to Sultan's btnevolent intentions but gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan
was anxious to have1 a large army and to take other precautions such as building of
forts at strategic plaues, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol inva-
sions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed ar&e pre-
vailing salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries
could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.
Barani's reasoning abpears of course, more valid. Since the main lmhkargak (army
\
. encampment) was id Delhi and most bf theroyal troops were to be stationed in or
around Delhi, the mpin area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the
sl~ppliesof cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the
surroundirlg districm of the oo?h, the low prices ought to be prevalent there as well.:
The market control did not sbrvive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after
Alauddin Khalji's tiMe. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for
the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for its not surviving could
be the lack of sufficiantly competent administration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a
different reason for t@ abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin
Khalji. Since the prevalence of low prices implies lower revenues from the low-price
zone, the price contr?l was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and
most of the expenditqre was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more
, remaining a threat, the army and the expenditure was t o b e dispersed Fore widely
and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone. The interest of hstate
f r = a s ~ m nnw in AirrnantIinn thn --;- ---+--I
Check Your Progress 3 State and Economy
1) Discuss the measures taken by Alauddin Khalji to introduce 'price control'.
.........................................................................................................
2 ) Explain briefly the reasons for:
.(a) Introduction of price control according to Barani.
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
- .
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
2) Mark (y)
against the statement if it is true and ( X ) if false.
(a) Alauddin Khalji established the currency system of the Sultanate.
(b) One silver tanha was equal to 48 jitals in North India.
(c) The main sourae of silver for coinage in the Deccan were the treasure hoards 9
of the local rulers.
-
'"t
(d) Silver coins in Feroz Tughluq's reigh outnumbered gold coins.
-- -
20.0 OBJECTIVFS
III t l ~ i s\ ! ~ ~ i wc
t . will iliscuss tllc. ;I~~;II:~;III t ~ ~ I~l ~
c c o ~ ~tl11ri11g l~13111-
y 14111c c . ~ ~ l ~ ~We-
rics.
will ;IIWt l y t~ g;lugc ill wllilt W;IYS tllc C S I ~ I ~ ~ ~ S ~ I I I I ~ . I ~of
~ t l l I
~ ) ~ l SUII;III:IIC
l~i ,:~l'l'cc.tetl
1l1c. : ~ g r i c ~ ~ l ~~u>r ;rroI c l u c ~;111tl rc.l;rlio~ls.Al'lcr going tllrough this \ Init. yo11
i o ~;rgr;rri;~l~
~
~ l \ i ~ t l I t l ;ll>lc~to Ic;1r11;1I>ot11:
tllc cxlc-111ol' c.ulliv:~lic~~~, lllc crops grown by Illc. IX:IS;III~,ir~igilti011
~;III;I~ ils
;III~
~II>;ICI, :IIICI
..........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on canal irrigation.
..........................................................................................................
.-
3 ) Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark or X )
i) Muhammad Tughluq built a number of canals for irrigation.
ii) Double cropping was practised during the Sultanate period in the Doab.
iii) ~ericulturewas practised by Indian pEasants during the 13th-14th centuries.
20.3.1 Peasants !
1!
Cultiv;~tionwas hascd o individu;~lpc;~s;~t~t.
not at ;III c g ~ l i t i ~ r i ;1'
farming. Hut this pc;t.s;lnt economy was
~ nc. sizc of land cultiv;~tcdby 1hc.111prci111y varied in sizc. From
Barani's i~ccountit i ~ p pars tli:~l a1 one cstrcmc werc the khots anti muqaddams
.
'
,
.
1
having large holdings ;II cl enjoyilig superior rights on ordinary pasants; and at tlic
oihcr was the habhar, t c vill;lgc nicnial holding i1 petty plot of land. Hclow tlic
Ixasilnt. thcrc must h;l\.iF hCc~i a tn;iss of landlcss labourers hut their presence col~ltl
only he disccrncil from Ihc Ixtcr sources. since wc did 1101 find any mention in
. ,
.
contcmpcjrar~accourltxj
!
In spite o f tlic ahundan+c 01' ct~l~iv;~lrle Ii~ntl.there was no proprietary right o f the
peasant over the I;lnd Ilk tillccl. 0 1 1 the contrary. .cven on his producc there wmc
claims of the supcrior c[;~sses.71'licpeasant. though recognised n 'free horn' at times
was deprived of the frrcedom t o Ic;~vethc I;~lidat will or t o change the domicile.
. ,
According to Afif. ;I vill;~gcIi;~tl2lY) to 3(H1 nialt' nic~nhcrsand Rariini says that each
villagc hid a patwari tti keep accounts. I-lishnhi (;~ccountregister) was scrutinized to
discover every p;~vnicnti.Icg;~lor illegal. made hy the peasants t o the revenue officials.
Thc patwari was not n hovcrnment officiill hut a vill;lgc official. fle was certainly not
a creation o f thc I)clhi bult;ln;~tc..l'lic prcscnce of ;I village clerk for.njaintaining
accounts may sbppcst thi~ttlic vill;~gcwas an administrative unit outside the
adniinistr;~tivoS!lstc~i~({l'the Sult;~~i;~tc. I t seems th;~ltlic villase was collectively a tax
paying unit othcrwiac $h!. ;I clerk to keep villugc j~ccountswas needed. The presence .
1
of patwnri ; I I I ~the 11:1tu c o f his duties thus indicate cxistcncc of village community. It
sccms that in spite of A itudclin ~1ialji's.cf'orts'toasstsss the tax on individual peasant,
in pri~cticcthe villi~gcc+ntinuccl to rcliiai~ithe unit of land r h e n u e payment: Barani's
complaints qhout the 'ldurdcn of tlic rich fallins on the poor' further indicates that the
uilliigc commu~iit!.w;~slnota n ide;ll i~istitutic~n hut itself a machinery of exploitation.
'1
1
Aniong these rural In er~iiediaric~,
the chaudhuri seems to have emerged during the
14th century. Hc is no mcntioncd hy Minhaj br any other source of the 13th century.
It is during the middl c ~ the
f 14th century that he makes hls appearance in Barani's
account. Ibn Battuta efines him as the 'chief of a group of l(H! villages' he c a f l s w . )
However. the usual tdrm from the middle of the 14th century for a group of villagesis
par gana. lrfan Habi suggests thar the chaudhuri was in fact a successor. though
$
much reduced in aut ority, of the head of the c h r u r d (group of eighty four villages)
of Gujara-Pratiharas bnd Chalukyas.
From the time of Ferbz Tughluq. all thcse intermediaries werc given a blanket
Check Your Progress 2 Agrarian Structure
1) Write 50 words o n each of the following:
(a) Village Community
(b) Chaudhuri /
....................................................................................................
(c) Patwari
Structure
21.0 Objectives
21.1 introduction
21.2 Growth of Towns
21.3 Urban ~ a n u f a c t u r e s
21.4 Trade and Commerce
21.4.1 Inland Trade
21.4.2 Foreign Trade: Seaborne and Overland
21.4.3 Commercial Classes
21.4.4 Transport
21.5 Let Us Sum U p
21.6 Key Words
21.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
21.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will study the development of urban economy and expansion of
trade during the 13th-14th centuries. After reading this Unit, you should be able to
learn that in the Delhi Sultanate three interrelated developments occurred :
a considerable increase in the size and possibly in the number of towns,
a marked rise in craft production, and
a corresponding expansion in commerce.
21.1 INTRODUCTION
The available evidence suggest that the urban economy on the eve of the Ghorid
conquest waq on a low ebb. The towns were fewer in number and smaller in size in the
centuries preceding the establish'ment of the Delhi Sultanate. D.D.Kosambi shows
that even the capital was a camp city on the move. The higher ruling class wandered
from place to place along with the army while the lower ruling class was almost
completely ruralized. This view of urban decline has been supported by R.S. Sharma
who has cqnvincingly reasserted his theory of urban decay with the help of enormous
archaeological data painstakingly collected.
This theory of decay of towns is further corroborated by the evidence of sluggish
trade: The near complete disappearance of gold and silver currencies and the almost
total absence of foreign coins in the Indian coin-hoards of the period are indicators
that the foreign trade was at a very low scale. Moreover, the fact that not even the
coins of various regional dynasties are found in the coin-hoards of other regions
,suggests that inland commerce was not widespread. All this scenario changed almost
immediately with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The archaeological and
numismatic evidence corroborate the literary evidence of growth of towns and
- increase in commerce. This led Muhammad Habib to postulate a theory of 'Urban
Revolution' as mentioned earlier in Unit 19.
t . . . . . ....................................
.................................................................
..........................................................................................................
2) Briefly d k u s s thelvarious forms of labour organisation in uiban centres. '.
1
their position. Feroz Tughlu had abolished rlslnlrt-i bezPrh. (a tax on broker's
licence; a cess on brokers). esides, even if a deal between the buyer and t'he seller
4
failed to materialize, the bro ers were not supposed to retwn the commission money.
This also shows that during t e Tughluqs 'brokerage' became a fairly well-cstablished
institution.
i
S a d s were yet another m e b n t i l e group whose economic role was no less
important than the brokers. b s money changers, they were most sought after by the
merchants, especially the foreign ones who came to India with their native coins. The
sarrPfs tested the metallic pabty of the coins (indigenous and foreign) and established
the exchange-ratio. They alsq issued bills of exchange (Hindi: huadi: Persian: sldbj.)
or letters of credit, thereby qcting as "bankers". The introduction of paper by the
Turks into India accelerated the institution of bill of exchange. For all these troubles,
the sarraf naturally charged his commission.
Thus, both the brokers and the sarrafs occupied pivotal position in the commercial
world of their period; they were the custodians of several basic economic institutions.
Indeed, no merchant could have dispensed with their services.
21.4.4 Transport
It appears that the goods weae transported both by pack animals and on bullock-carts.
Perhaps the share of the pack animals was more than the latter. Ibn Battuta mentions
30,000 mans of grains being transported on the backs of 3,000 bullocks from Amroha
to Delhi. Bullock-carts were also used, according to Afif, for carrying passengers on
payment. The pack-oxen were of course a cheap mode of transport travelling slowly,
grazing as they went and mdving in large herds, thus reducing the cost of transport
specially along the desert routes. Ibn Battuta describes that highways ran through the
empire marked by minarets spaced at set distances. On the testimony of Shahabuddin
a1 Umari, the author of the kasalik ul Abser, we may infer that efforts were made to
create conditions conducive ko trade. Inns were built at each stage (mruudl). In
Bengal, Iwaz Khalji built long embankments to safeguard from floods. Boats were
employed for riverine routes to carry bulk goods, while large ships used for seabrone
trade.
Check Y w r Progress 3
1) Write notes on:
a) Banjaras
. .
..........................................................................................................
b) Multank ,
Rise of U r b m Ecoaomy
and Trade and Commerce
......................................................................................................
c) Goods of import and export
........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
d) 'Induced Trade'
..........................................................................................................
e) Brokers and sarrafs
...........................................................................................................
.
..........................................................................................................
. .
3) Describe the means of transport.
..........................................................................................................
4) List major inland and overseas trade'-routes of the 13th-14th centuries.
..........................................................................................................
Domestic Production : Production in which tools as well as raw materials were owned
by the artisans
Entrepot :Trading centrelport for import and exports
Mal : Land revenue
Putting-out system : Production in which the tools were owned by the artisans but
,. c<?\h \\.a\ \upplicd - I,,.
,hct Incrctl.int.
. Structure
22.0 'Objectives ,
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Agricultural Technology
22.2.1 Plough
22.2.2 Sowing
22.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing
22.2.4 Irrigationat devices
'22.3 Textile Technology
22.3.1 Ginning, Carding and Spinning
22.3.2 Weaving
I 22.3.3 Dyeing and Printing
22.4 Building Construction
22.4.1 Lime Mortar
I 22.4.2 Arch and DomeNautted Roofing
22.5 Papermaking and Bookbinding
22.6 Military Technology
22.6.1 Stirrup
22.6.2 Horseshoe
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-arms
22.7 Tincoating
22.8 Glass Manufacture '
22.9 Shipbuilding
22.10 Distillation
22.11 Let Us Sum U p
22.12 Key Words
22.13 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
This unit introduces you to major crafts and technology that existed during the Delhi
Sultanate. Afterxeading this Unit, you would learn about the following:
Agricultural technolbgy,
Textile technology,
Building Construction,
Papermaking and Bookbinding.
. Military technology,
Tincoating,
Gl;l\\ manufacture,
r \ l ~ \ l ~ l ~ t ~ i l dand
ing.
*-l '
l l l i 0 1 1 i
There has never been any human settlement which did not use some kind of technique
- or craft for its survival. In fact, the history of technology is no less important than
political o r economic studies. Technology is an inseparable part of the material culture
of a society.
In this Unit, we are offering you a few glimpses of the state of Technology in India
during the Delhi Sultanate.
The most remarkable aspect is the introduction of new articles of technology and new
,-.-nKte h., t h o ;--in---+ h , f ~ , c l ~ - ~ -t h ~ ~t Q oAi t h ~ -r 4 ~ ~ , o l c . ~A-
~ Ao x r n l . , o A tho I c l * m ; ~
Economy of Delhi Sultanate Therefore, our methodology is t o juxtapose the indigenous crafts and techndogy
along with the new importations.
One thing that will strike p u is that by and large the tools, devices and implements
were made of wood and earth, while iron was employed only when most necessary.
Ropes, leather and bamboo, too, were used when the need arose. That is why they
were inexpensive.
We have not gone into the'details of tools and implements used by different
craftsmen. For example: hhmmer, saws, basola (adze), randa (plane), awl, axe,
barma (bow-drill), pick-axt, shovel, chisel (tesha) and anvil, etc. I
We have also left out mining and metallurgy. For the latter, it may be pointed out that -
smelting of ore was carried out by using wood and charcoal. There was no "blast"
furnace, but bellows served this need. Salt and diamond mining were very important '
industries. Salt was also procured by the natural evaporation of the saline sea-water
collected systematically. I
For sowing, the method of broadcasting was known. The practice was to scatter seeds
manually by taking them out from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders. The time-scale of
seed-drill in India is controversial :some would trace it back to the Vedic Age. At any
rate, the only positive evidence for its use along the western coast of India comes from
one Portuguese -Barbosa (c. 1510) -in connection with the wet-cultivation of rice.
Much controversy has ctopped up about the origins of saqiya: did it exist in India
prior to the advent of the Muslims, or was it a foreign importation through the agency
of the Turks? In India, Its earliest form was one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay
attached around the rim of t h e wheel It wnc r n l l e d slrnohatta n r nrnhntts in CancGAt
'Technology and Crans
1
towns. it is practica le to convey water by digging channels (driq). this is not done. For
not doing it there m y be several reasons, one being that water is not at all a necessit*
cultivating crops an@orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains
themselves; and strbnge it is that spring crops grow even when no rain falls. T o young
trees water is made t o flow by means of buckets o r a wheel. They are given water
constantly during two o r three years; after which they need no more. Some vegetables
are watered constahtly.
In Lfthor, DibBlpGr and those parts, people water by means of a wheel. They make two
circles of ropes long enough t o suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between -
them. and on thesefasten pitchers. T h e ropes with the wood and attached pitchers are
put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle a sacond wheel is fixed, and close
( q b h ) t o it anothev on an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch
I in the teeth of the skcond. and thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set.
wherc thc water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed
evfrywhcrc.
In Agra. Chandwiit. Bilna and those parts, again, people water with a bucket; this is a
laborious and filthy way. At the. well-edge they set up a fork of wood. having a roller
adjusted between tfie forks, tie a rope t o a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and
tle its other end to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty tlie
bucket. Every timelthe bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well, that
. rope lies on the bulllock-track, in pollution of urine and dung, before it descends again
into the well. T o same crops needing water. men and women carry it by repeated cfforts
in pitchers.
Technology and Crrns
The first fou;belong to the former and the fifth to the latter category. Again, .
depending the nature of the operative source, that is, human power and animal
power, the. first and the fourth fall in the human power category and the others were
driven by animal power. Since the water had to be lifted from wells, all the devices
except the fifth, shared two things amongst them: rope and buckethags, the latter
varying in size commensurate to the 'power' used.
[There were many implements like shovel, pick-axe and scraper (khurpi), etc. that
were used not only in agricultural processes but in gardening, too.
1 The most important techrwlopical revolution in the textile sector was the introduction
of the spinning-wheel (chbrkha) through the agency of the Muslims during the
13th-14th centuries. Charkha did not exist in Ancient India. The first literarv
reference to charkha conits from Isilmi'sFutuh-us Salatin (A.D. 1350). This new
contribution. however. did not displace the spindle: it only accelerated the latter's
rotation. The spindle was,attiiched to the wooden frame of the charkha at its one end
to be set in motion'by the "belt" which wils wrapped over the wheel at the other end
of the frame. connecting iti to the spindle. Thus. the charkha combined within itself
the element of power-tranbrnission (through belt-drive) and the principle of flywheel
resulting in differentla1 spqeds of rotation. There is a controversy about the date as to
when a handle or crank-hdndle \vas attached to the device. But this controversy can
he llow settled with the hqlp of a pictorial evidence (c. A.D. 1530) in the Mittah-ul
Fuzala where il spinning-\\heel has heen shown being operated wi.th a handle attached
to the frame.
According to one estimate. a spinning-wheel could produce yarn six-fold more than
the spindle during the sam4 unit of time. This must have resulted in greater output of
yarn and. constantly. morq cloths. It must be pointed out that the yarn from spindle
was of il very fine quality whereas the charkha produced coarse yarn for coarse cloths.
I
22.3.2 Weaving
Horizontal loon1 of thron-shuttle type was used for simple or tabby weave. It is
difficnlt to determine uhether the pit-loom (treadle loom) was in use In Ancient
Indin.'but \\e get the first egidcnce of this loom in the Miftah-ul Fuzala (c. A.D. 1469)
illustrated in c, 1530. This Ihom allowed the weaver to employ his hitherto idle feet to
lift and depress the sets of +arp threads. while his hands worked mainly upon the
shuttle iind the shed. This speeded up the pace of weaving. For.patterned weave (of
different colours ~imultane~usly). one scholar suggests that draw-loom for this ,
purpose r~lighthave ex~stediin South India around A D. 1001. But this view has been
questioned by arguing that Ferhaps it \vas brought to Indla by the Muslims late in the
17.1. ....
r.....
' I ' C C ~ M I O ~ ~ slid ('rafts
9. dt-loom, a 16th century Mughal painting (Kablr)
...........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on spinning-wheel.
Technology and Crafts
..........................................................................................................
3) Discuss the techniques used by the weavers during the 13th- 15th centuries.
(9
I 10. ( a ) IDilIar-and-Iwam
(1)) ( ' o r M k u l
(c) Arch a ~ ni l s ~ w r ( \( a ) V t n n d r c (h) h r y \hm.
- - - -- -- - -- --
t s d i t ' l a s i o ~L)r
Now yoa k ~ r ) wl l o b tllc inlrnipr;~ntM u s l i n ~ silrtccl ;a ; ~ g c ~ l (;I ~ Ilamcaws
tcch~iiclucsi ~ ~ lilr./iclcs
cl 01 tccllnology th;~t hircl clcvcl(~pccl01. cvolvcd i n the lslrlnlic
culture ;Irc;l. l?lldrIn;lking w;~syet i ~ n o l l l c cr o l l l r i h ~ t i ~ ~ .
j
'I'hc writing ~ n i ~ t c r t i i ~n l A
s ~ l c i c ~Ilnt d i i ~wcrc Inirny: stones. coppcr p l i ~ t ~silk
s . iulcl
'
cotton c l o l h ~ ,ancl spccii~llyprepared p i l l m - l c i ~ v c(talptrtl)~ and birch-bi~rk
(burjapatrtl). 'l'hd latter two were cmployccl li)r writing htn,ks.
The Indiilns pcrhi;tps knew ahout papcr i n r h c 7 t h century A.D.. but thcy Rcvcr w c d
i t as writing matqriill. Whcn thc Chincsc trirvellcr LC'lultt:visited Indi:t, Iw c o t ~ l d1101
find papcr t o ccqy thc Silnskrit manuscripts I'or k i n g taken t o Chimir. Since he had
exhausted his o d n sttxk, he sent a rncssigc t o his f r i c d s in ('hinit t o send P p c r to
-;.I
\
22.6.1 Stirrup
It is now'an established fact that iron-stirrup (rikab) was unknown in India. For that
matter, there is no Sanskrit word for stirrup. Perhaps surcingle, 'big toe stirrup' and
'suspension hooks' were used in India, but stirrup proper was the contribution of the
Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around 6th century A.D., and later it
diffused into Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. A Persian
... r--- :1-A J..2-- .La --:--- C 11. ..*-l..L ---I -... .L- r--- 2,--L
Fxonomy of Delhi Sultanate
(For the military advantages of stirrup, see the passage in the box)
Thc history of thc usc d thc horse in battle is divided into three periods: first, that of the
chariotcer; second. that of the mounted warrior who clings to his steed by pressure of the
knces: and third, that ~f the rider equipped with stirrups. The horse has always given its
master an advantage over the footman in battle, and each improvement in its military use
has been rclatcd to fartrcaching social and cultural changes.
Before the introductioo of the stirrup, the seat of the rider was precarious. Bit and spur
might help him to control his mount; the simple saddle might confirm his seat:
ncvcrthclcss. hc was still much restricted in his methods oifighting. He was primarily a
rapidly mobile bowmad and hurler of javelins. Swordplay was limited becauserwithout
stirrups your slashing hbrseman, taking a good broadhandedswipe at his foe, had only to
miss to find himself on the ground'. As for the spear, before the invention of the stirrup
it was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered with the strength of
shoulder and biceps. The stirrup made possible -although it did not demand -a vastly
more effective mode of attack: now the rider could lay his lance at rest. held between the
upper arm and the body, and make at his foe, delivering the blow hot with his muscles
but with the combined weight of himself and his charging stallion.
The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition to the front and back support offered by
pommel and cantle, effectively welded horse and rider into a single fighting unit capable
of a violence without precedent. The fighter's hand no longer delivered the blow: it
merely guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power, and
irnmensely increased the warrior's ability to damage his enemy. Immediately, without
preparatory steps, it made possible mounted shock combat, a revolutionary new way of
doing battlc.
22.6.2 Horseshoe
While.some scholars 04 Medieval India look at the stirrup as a contributory
factor to the series of hilitary successes that the Turks achieved in India--at
least in the initial stage# of their invasions-horseshoe (d) has been treated as
its poor cousin.
Domestication of h o r s ~was not enough. With the view of controlling the horse
for riding, some equipments were called-forth: viz., simple'bridle, bitted bridle,
saddle with pommel and cantle and, of course, the stirrup.
Nailed horseshoe was a late come;. It is interesting o note that horseshoe is the
k
only equestrian accoutrement which does not have irect bearing on controlling
the animal like other autfits. If so, then, why shoeing was needed? The answer
lies in the hoof, the mhst vulnerable part of the equine anatomy: The horse's
hoof is a constantly grdwing horny structure like the human nails, susceptible to
breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep
their feet worn down And, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and
domesticated horses when in use, require shoeing, specially in moist latitudes.
A horse with footsore will limp and, hence, of little use to the rider. Shoeing
offeq two advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly,
the hooves get protection on rough ground. It is in this context that we can
appreciate the worldwide axiom of horsemen: "No foot, no horse". A lame
cavalry horse may oftkn be worse than no horse at all.
Horseshoes have not been reported from any archaeological site excavated in India.
It is now an incontroertible fact that horseshoes were foreign importations, brought
by the Turks when they came to India. The ArabicJPersian word for the shoe is na'l
(the farrier or s h o e s ~ t his na'lband and shoeing is nn'lbandi). Sanskrit literature on
horses (Mihotra) do not mention shoeing(a case similar to stirrup and
spinning-wheel). It is p o accident, then, that shoeing in the past was largely
monopolized by MusHm artisans. At any rate, our sourds yield imformation for
cold-shoeing only - not hot-shoeing as it was practised in Europe.
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-Arms Technology and Crafts
Many decades ago, some scholars, both European and Indian, were keen to prove
that gunpowder and fire-arms were used in Ancient India. Among the Sanskrit
sources; the Sukraniti became the focal point from which support was drawn.
However, sobriety and maturity prevailed when other scholars dismissed their
inferences, especially after careful examination of the Sukraniti. Again, untenable
' attempts were also made to show that the Muskims who came to India following the
22.7 TINCOATING
Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to acid poisoning from sour food
k e p t h them. A coating of tin is given t o them frequently, specially inside, to protect
thent-from the chemical action of acid food. This craft came to India along with the
Turks. ~ h e r e ' i sno reference to this technique in Ancient India. Apart from literaiy
sources, the archaeological evidence comes from an excavation site in the South (near
Kolhapur) where a copper container with tincoating both on its interior and exterior
was discovered. Since, this vessel was found in association with the coins of the
Bahmani dynasty (A.D. 1347-1538), it must belong t o that period.
The craftsman who does tincoating is called @a6igar (qalai=tin). Tin (ranga) is a
highly malleable and ductile metal, and its coating over metallic vessels protects the
latter from corrosion and chemical poisoning. The craftsman first cleanse? the utensils
to remove dirt, etc. After-this, the vessels are mildly heated over a small furnace with
charcoal. Small bellows are used to maintain the required degree of heat. The next
process is to apply a mixture of pure tin and salammoniac (nosadar) with a cotton
pad. The salammoniac vapourizes leaving a metallically clean surface. Meanwhile the
tin melts and by constant rubbing of the pad it is evenly distributed over the whole
vessel - outside and inside.
Abul Fazl refers to tincoating in the Ain-i Akbari. He says that copper utensils of the
royal kitchen are tinned twice a month, but those of the princes, etc. once.
d
Then they were sewn ith ropes made from the coconut husk. Sometimes wooden
nails were also used. ut iron nails and clamps to j o i n ~ h eplanks was a later
development under th4 influence of European shipbuilding after A.D. 1498. Anchors
were made of stones: k e r , Europeans introduced iron anchors.
For navigation, magnetit compass was a great contribution which the Muslims
diffused in India.
22.10 DISTILLATION
i
There has never been any society that did not produce intoxicating drinking
substances. Soma in the )/edit Age was one such intoxicants. There are two ways to
get wine: fermentation and distillation. The first was widely known in the world.
Wine was procured by fehnenting rice, sugarcane juice, mahuwa flowers, etc.
Distillation was a late comer. Some think that it was first discovered in Italy in the
12th century A.D. For India, there is an opinion that distillation was a contribution of
the Turks.
This view is not acce'ptable. Excavations at Sirkap (Taxila) and Shaikhan Dheri, now
in Pakistan, have yieldedldistillation apparaius like t&e condensers and parts of
still, many of which are nbw lodged in the Taxila Museum. This apparatus belong to
the period from 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., much before the Turks came
to India. However, we may give credit to the Turks for its eastward diffusion.
Technology and C r q h
I Horseshoe
I
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
2) Fill in the blanks:
a) Gunpowder was invented in ..........
b) Fire-arms were first used in India during the ..........
c) Technique of tincoating in India was introduced by the ..........
I
d) To join the planks .......... method was used.
e) Distillation technique was known in India during
II
22.11 LET US SUM UP
You must have learnt from this Unit something about the techniques or methods by
which the people during the Delhi Sultanate fabricated o r produced articles of daily
use. Concerning agriculture now you know about ploughs with iron share, methods of
sowing, irrigational devices, harvesting, threshing and winnowing. In the section on
textile crafts, you have read about ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing and
printing. As regards building construction, lime mortar, true arches and
doheslvaulted roofings are most important. Papermaking and bookbinding were new
crafts. Similar is the case of military technology with reference to stirrup, horseshoe
and Tincoating, too, was a new technique. Glass te'chno~og~ was on a low
- .-. ....... .-
level in this period. Now you know that iron was not used in shipbuilding prior to the
. .
Economy of k l h i Sul(ainate At the end, let us sum up the new techniques o r crafts brought by the Muslims to
India: saqiya, spinning-wheel, pit-loom, lime mortar, true arches, dome, paper and
bookbinding, stirrup, hdrseshoe, gunpowder, tincoating and mariner's colnposs. The
Indians accepted all these without hesitation or opposition.
Voussairs : Stones used in making an arch (other than the key stone) '
!
1
/ ('heck
\'isst:. I '
1) Set S,,;;->..c.. 2.2.2 4
2) See Sub-sec 71.2.3 ,
Check Y w r Progress 2
1) See Sub-sec. 22.3.1
2) See Sub-sec. 22.3.1
1\ C,.- Q..L .--- ?? 1 1
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sub-sec. 22.4.1, 22.4.2
2) See Sec. 22.5
t Check Your Progress 4
1) See Sub-sec. 22.6.1, 22.6.2
2) (a) China (b) Second half of the 15th Century
(c) Turks (d) rabbeting (e) 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D.
Economy of DeUli Sultanate APPENDIX*
SOME FOURTEENTH-CENTWRY PASSAGES
Some of the most important passages bearing o n t h e agrarian system of the fourteenth
century are difficult to follow, and extant translations. where any exist, a r e not always
exact. T h e renderings of these passages offered below a r e meant t o be strictly literal,
any departure from the driginal being indicated by brackets; t h e technical expressions
a r e discussed in the not& which follow t h e translations. T h e clauses are set o u t , '
punctuated, and numbered for convenience of reference; the texts a r e continuous,
and as a rule are not punctuated.
1. ALAUDDIN'S REVENUE DECREE
(Text, Barni, 287, Tranglations, Elliot, iii. 182, and J.A.S.B. vol. xxxix. p. 382, the
last with Blochmann!~notes).
1 . Sultan Alauddin deinanded from learned men rules and regulations, s o that the
Hindu(1) should b e g r o u n d down,
2. and property a n d p ~ s s e s s i o n s which
, are the cause of disaffection a n d rebellion,
should not remain in his house;
3. and in the payment of the Demand o n e rule should be made for all alike from
Chief to sweeper(2);
4. and the Demand o n the strong should not fall o n the weak;
5. and s o much should not remain to the Hindu(1) that thby should ride on
horseback, and carry weapons, a n d wear fine cloths, and enjoy themselves;
6. and t p make two regulations(3) in pursuance of the aforesaid object, which is t h e
chief of all objects of government.
7. T h e first [regulation],-that thbse w h o cultivate whether small o r g r e a t , shall ,
cultivate according t o the rule of measurement and the biswa-yield(4),
8. and shall pay half without any deduction;
9. and in this paying tbere should be n o distinction between Chiefs a n d sweepers(2);
10. and not a jot should be left to t h e Chiefs by way of chiefs' perquisites(5).
.J
(The text goes on t o the second regulation, imposing a tax on grazing.)
APPENDIX
NOTES . \ .
1) "Hindu." Barni uses this word in a narrow sense, to denote the-classes above the ordinary
peasants, so that in fact it is almost a synonym for Chiefs and headmen in this context.
2) "From Chief to sweeper." Az khuta wa balahar. Balahar is not a Persian word, and it is
quite safe rh$)~!ow Blochmann In identifying it with the common Hindi name for a
low-caste men&& employed in the village as a general drudge. In the Upper Doab, which
was Barni's '*&try, the balahar is almost always a sweeper by caste, and, since the word is
obviously used to deqote the lowest rank of the rural population, the rendering :'sweeperv
piobably gives what *as in the writer's mind; there is no actual English equivalent.
The word transliterated provisidna~~y as khuta has not been found elsewhere in the
literature, and has to be ~nterpretedfrom the parallel passages, which are fairly numerous
in Barni. It appears indifferently as khut and khuta, and these cannot be distinguished. The
antithesis to balahar ihdicates that the khut must be looked for among the rural aristocracy,
and all the passages wnfirm this. Khut is commonly coupled with the headman or
muqaddam (e.g. 288,291,324,430,479,554),while in two passages (288) he is linked with
the chaudhari, or parlgana headman, as well as with the muqaddam; and his perquisites
were on the same f d t i n g (430) as those of the muqaddam.
Barni does not use thp. word zamindar for a Chief (subject to the King) until nearly the end.
of his book (539, 5890, and it never appears in his discussions of agrarlan policy; we find
khut wherever we should expect to find zamindar, and the only reasonable interpretation is:
that the latter word was coming into use during his lifetime, and gradually superseding
khut, so that the twa are in fact synonymous. If we read zamindar in every passage where
khut pccurs, we get perfectly good sense; if they are not synonyms, then we must hold that ,
the important class af khuts as known to Barni, had become absolutely extinct when the
next chronicler wrotq, and that the equally important class of zamindars had mysteriously
come into existence, a hypothesis as unreasonable as unnecessary. !
The identity of the dord khut is doubtful. Blochmann took it as the rare Arabic word, .
' rendered by Steingas as "a limber twig; a corpulent man, yet handsome and active," but '
did not indicats . .such a word could come to denote a Chief. The MSS. I have seen d~
not show th, ,uzls, and it is possible that the pronunciation was different, and that we are -
dealing with a word formed indepenhently in India; but, whatever be the origin of the Appendix
word, its meaning in Barni is clearly that of Chief. Blochmann arrived by analysis a t the
correct result, that the phrase indicates the extremes of rural society, but the rendering
"landowners and tenants" which he endorsed involves both a logical non-sequitur and an
historical anachronism. .
The suggestion has been made that the word under discussion is really Indian in origin,
being identical with the Marathi word khot, which is familiar in the Konkan; but the fact
that Barni wrote the word with two Arabic letters (u
and t) makes its derivation from any
L
sanskritic language highly improbable. T h e word khot has not been traced further back
than the sixteenth century kingdom of Bijapur, and a possible explanation of it is that the
, Arabic khM passed into the Deccan at the time of Alauddin's conquest, and became
naturalised there as khot. That there were khots in Gujarat also, before the Mogul
conquest, appears from a document published by Professor Hodivala (Studies in Parsi
History, p. 204), but their position is not explained; it is possible that the Arabic word,
which quickly became obsolete in the North, survived in Gujarat, as in the Konkan, in an
Indianised form, but more documentary evidence is necessary on this point.
3) This clause is ungrammatical as it stands. It would easy t o read awardand for awardan,
putting a fun stop at the end of clause 5. The translation would then be: "And two
regulations were made in pursuance of the aforesaid object," which makes grammar and
, sense. Barni's grammar, however, is not immaculate, and the text may show what he
actually wrote.
4) "The rule of Measurement and the biswa-yield," hukm-i madhat wa wafa-i biswa.
Barni mentions two "hukms" o r rules for assessment, Masahat and HBsil, i.e.
"measurement" and "produce"; he does not describe the methods, but the passage which
follows will make it clear that Masahat involved allowances for crop-fa~lure,which were, ..
not required in Hasil Unless we take these two terms to denote methods which have
become entirely forgotten, we must identify them with the two which I have called
Measurement and Sharing, which, as we have seen, were equally familiar to Hindus and
Moslems at this period, which reappear, though with different names, in the sixteenth
century, and which persisted into the nineteenth. The word Masahat gives place t o jam% or
paimaish in the official records of the Mogul period, but it seems t o have survived in local
use, for as late as 1832 the "native measuring s t a f f was known as the "masahut .
establishment" (Rev. Sel., ii 378). Hasil can be read quite naturally as denoting the process
of sharing the produce,_and, s o far as I can see, it can carry n o other suggestion.
The phrase "wafa-i biswa" does not occur except in Barni, and can be read here merely as
a repetition or duplication of what precedes it, "reliance on the unit of area," "biswa"
denoting the smaller unit, 1120th of the bigha. Passages in the next two chronicles,
however, indicate that the word wafa had acquired the technical meaning of "yield of
crops," and this is probably the meanlng here; "biswa-yield" would then indicate the
standard outtuin per unit of area, which was a necessary datum .for the method of
Measurement. The decisive passage is in T. Mubarak- shahi (Or. 5318, f. 34r.), where, In a
description of the oppression in the River Country under Muhammad Tughlaq, we read
kisht-hi mi-paimudand wa waffi-hfi farmsni mi-bastand; "they used to measure the fields
and fix the yields by ordinance." Here it does not seem possible t o take wafaha in any other
sense. The same sense is required in Afif, 180, where the word occurs twice; and taking
these examples into account, it is permissible to infer that Barni also was familiar with this
technical use of the word. I have not found this use in the Mogul period, and presumably it
became obsolete.
5) "Chiefs' perquisites"; huqiiq-i khiitrln. Ir can be inferred from the passage which follows
that these perquisites consisted of exemption from revenue of a proportion of land, allowed
to the Chiefs in return for the services they rendered; Ghiyasuddin considered that they
should be satisfied with this allowance, so its amount must have been substantial, but there
is no record of the extent of land allowed. The same passage shows that the Chiefs w'ere
suspected of levying revenue for themselves from the peasants: th!s is probably the
implication of Clause 4, that the peasants were in fact paying revenue which ought to fall on
the Chiefs or headmen.
G H I Y A S U D D I N ' S A G R A R I A N POLICY
, a t , B a r n i , 429, c h e c k e d by Or. 2039. Translation, J.A.S.B., vol. XI. p. 229. T h e
vanslation i n Elliot, iii. 230, is very incomplete.)
. applied t o M r . R. P a g e t D e w h u r s t f o r h e l p with this exceedingly c r a b b e d passage,
a n d h e generously furnished m e with t h e following translation. T h e n o t e s m a r k e d [Dl
are also his; t h e o t h e r s are mine.
1. He fixed t h e r e v e n u e o f t h e territories of t h e k i n g d o m e q u ~ t a b l yaccording t o t h e
"rule of t h e produce"(l),
2. a n d relieved t h e ~ e a s a n t s o tf h e territbries a n d t h e kingdom f r d m innovations
Economy of Delhi sdtanato 3. and with regard to the provinces and country of the kingdom he did not listen t o
the tales of spies and the speeches of enhancement-mongers(3) and the bids
(literally, acceptdnces) of revenue-farmers.
4. He also ordered that spies and enhancement-mongers and revenue-farmers and
land-wreckers should not be allowed to hang (literally, wander) round theoffice
of the Ministry,
5. and he instructed~theoffice of the Ministry not to make an increase of more than
one-tenth or oneteleventh on the provinces and country on surmise and
guess-work o r on the reports of spies and the representations of
enhancement-mohgers,
6. and that efforts should be made that cultivation should increase every year and
the revenue be enhanced very gradually,
7. and not in such a way that the country should be ruined all at once by heavy
pressure and the bath of increase closed.
8. Sultan Tughlaq Shah frequently remarked that the revenue should be taken
from the country,in such a way that the peasants of the country should extend
cultivation,
9. and the established cultivation become settled, and every year a small increase
should take place.
10. He used to say that you ought not to take all at once so much that neither the
established cultivation should be maintained nor any extension be made in the
future.
11. When kingdoms bre obviously ruined (literally, are ruined and show themselves
ruined) it is due m the oppressiveness of the revenue and the exces'sive royal
demand,
12. and ruin proceeds from destructive Muqtis and officials.
13. Also with regard to the exaction of revenue from the peasants Sultan Tughlaq
Shah used to give instructions to all the Muqtis and governors of the territories
of the kingdom,
14. that the Hindu should be kept in such a condition that he should not become
blinded and rebellious and refractory from excessive affluence,
15. and that he should not be compelled by poverty and destitution.to abandon
cultivation and tillage.
+ 16. The observing of the standards and principles mentioned in collecting the
revenue can be carried out by typically eminent statesmen and.experts,
17. and the essence af the art of statesmanship in regard to Hindus(4) is the
fulfilment of the aforesaid instruction.
18. Further in regard to the collection of revenue it is related of Sultan Ghiyasuddin
Tughlaq Shah, who was a very experienced, far-sighted, and prudent sovereign,
19, that he urged on the Muqtis and governors investigation and consistency in the
collection of revemue,
20. so that Chiefs and headmen should not impose a separate assessment on the
peasants apart fr4m the king's revenue;
21. and if their own cultivation and pasturage be not brought under assessment,
perhaps their er uisites as Chiefs and headmen, on the supposition that they
P
pay nothing on this, may suffice them and they may make no additional demand.
22. It cannot be denied that abundant responsibilities rest on the neck of Chiefs and
headmen, so that,if they too contribute a share in the same way as the peasants,
the advantage of being Chief or headman would disappear.
23. And as for those among the amirs and maliks (5) whom Sultan Ghiyasuddin
advanced, and t o whom he gave iqtas and provinces,
24. he used not to hald it permissible that they should be brought before the
Ministry just like (ordinary) officials(6)and that the revenue should be
demanded from them as from officials with rudeness and sevetity,
25. but he used to give instructions to them saying,
26. "If you wish to be exempt from the burden of being summoned before the office
of the Ministry aod that you should not be exposed t o pressure and discourtsey,
27.1 and that your c r d i t as an nmir or malik should not be changed to humiliation
f! and discredit,
28. make slender demands on your iqtas,
29. and reserve out df that slender demand something for your own agents,
30. and do not covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the troops.
'21 \lRatLn- .,,-...
&
.,a ,-.- A,-. -,t .r:.ra'n I:ttI, ,-.E ..,-...-,-...,-
+,-. + L a +-,-.,re wart- ..Ark .,.
32. But if you expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops,
then the name of amir and malik ought not to be employed by the tongue in
respect of you,
and the amir who devours a portion of the pay of servants had better consume
dust.
But if maliks and amirs expect from their own country and provinces a half-tenth
or half-eleventh and the one-tenth o r one-fifteenth of the revenue,
and take the perquisites of iqta-holding and governors,
no occasion has arisen t o forbid this to them, and t o demand it back and t o exact
It by pressure on the amirs would be altogether deplorable.
Similarly if the agents and deputies(7) of the country and provinces should
appropriate a half or one per cent, in addition to their salary,
they ought not to be disgraced for this amount, and it ought not t o be recovered
from them by beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters.
But if they appropriate considerable sums(8) and write off deductions from the
revenue demand, and carry off large sums by way of mutual sharing from the
provinces and country,
such treacherous persons and thieves should be given disgrace and humiliation
with beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters, and what they have
abstracted should be taken from them together with their family stock."
TEXT-NOTES
CI 3. "Bids." Paz raftanihi in text is clearly a blunder for paziruftanihs [Dl.
4. "Land-wreckers." reading mufiarribin for muhazzibsn. Or. 2039 can be so read.
7. "not in such a way." reading na for tB, as Or. 2039.
26. "If you wish." reading e w i h e d for bwihad, as Or. 2039.
"not to be exposed," reading nayuftad for biyuftad, as Or. 2039.
38. "should appropriate," reading isiibat for isayat, as Or. 2039.
NOTES
1) "Rule of the produce," hukm-i hhil. See note 3 to the preceding passage.
2) "Crop-failure." bud wa nabud-hl. The technical force of this phrase, literally "existence
and non-existences," is fixed by Akbar's assessment rules (Ain, i. 288), in which the clerk
1s d~rectedto deduct the nabud and record the bud, that is, to exclude from the measured
area the area on which the crop had failed. Presumably the word apportionments, qismlt,
refers to the process of classifying the area of failure. The word "nabood" surv~vedinto the
nineteenth century in the wider sense of a deduction from the gross assessment (Rev. Sel.,
i. 305).
3) "Enhaocement-mongers." muwaffiriin. This word, which is not in the dictionaries, may '
safely be referred to the technical sense of taufir as any secret profit derived from land. In
a later passage (574). Barn1 uses the equivalent taufir- ntimiyln, i.e. discloser of secret
profit. It is clearly a bit of office jargon, and Mr. Dewhurst adopted the expression
"enhancement-monger." which I coined as a rough equivalent,
4) "Hindu" in this passage has obviously the same restricted meaning as in that which
precedes it.
5 ) "Amirs and maliks." At this time there were three recognised titles of nobility, Khan,
Amir. and Malik; here the words are best read loosely as denoting "nobles."
6 ) "Officials," %milin,'umm81. The word '%milhad not yet been specialised to denote a
definite post, but meant any executive official.
7) "Agents and deputies." krirkunin wa mutasarrifsn. Karkun is etymologically an agent. I
am not clear whether by this time it had become spec~alisedas "clerk," the meaning it
usually bcars in the sixteenth century; some passages can be read in this way, but others are
doubtful, and perhapsspecialisation was in progress, but was not complete. I have found
no passage to indicate whether or not mutasarrif denoted a particular post; the word occurs
in connection with the local bureaucracy. and may mean either subordinates in general, or
a particular class of subordinates.
8 ) "Considerable sums." mu'tadd-ha. I take this to mean "a considerable sum." literally "a
thing counted," and henceUathing worth counting." [Dl
The words iqta and Muqti, which are prcscrvcd in the translatipn: h ~ been c discussed in
Appcndix B. Thcir preservation is intcndcd to bring out thc fbr'k; of thc rccuraingduplications.
I I I. 1.1 KUZ S I l A t i ' S SLC'OND KEGULA'I'ION
l i .
(Text, Barni. 574; no published translation has come ttr my notice. The chapter
containing this Rqulation. along with several others, is highly fulogistic and
rllctorical, ,and too great weight must not be given to all:thc i\sk&rtic>ns which it
(*ontainc hilt there ic nn rpncnn tn r i i r t r . n n c t tha . I n r f i . . n r .h 1h- ..--..-..I ,-I:-.. ..A--.-A
I ) Second regulation. It was ordered that the revenue-Demand and the poll-tax(1)
shall be collected a+cording t o the "rule of the produce";
2) and "apportionmedts." and "increase o f demands,"and "crop-failures," and
"large demands b a v d o n surmise," were entirely removed from among t h e
peasants(2); I
4
2. T h e excellent Khw ja. having spent six years in the kingdom.
3'. (and] having settle the Demand according t o the "rule of inspection,"(2)
4. determined the "a4gregatew(3) of t h e kingdom a t 675 lakhs of tankas in
n
o accordance with the principle of sovereignty.
5. During forty years fluring t h e reign of Firuz Shah t h e "aggregate" o f Delhi was
t h e same.
I
NOTES
I) "Demand," mehsul. Afifoccasiona~~~ uses this word in the sense of revenue Demand, that
is. as a synonym for k e a j , never. so far as I can find. in the other sense of "produce of the
soil." which occurs inlsome later writers.
2) "Rule of inspection."l hukm-i mushahada, occurs. so far as I know. nowhere else in the
literature. Barni tells Cs in the preceding passage that Firuz. at his accession, adopted the
"rule of the produce." Afif s account refers to the same period. for this appointment was
made very soon after the King's first arrival at Delhi; either then one of the writersmade a
mistake, or the two ekpressions mean the same thing. A mistake is improbable. for old
bureaucrats like the Writers do not misuse technical terms: on the other hand. Afif's
.
vocabulary differs froh that of Barni in several cases. such as "khut" or "pargana." so that
verbal divergence neqd not suggest error. The general idea conveyed by mushahsdp 15
"witnessing," "observing"; and in order to reconcile the two statements, all that is
necessary is to take this word as denoting Sharlng-by- estimation, the reference being to
the persons who obsefve or inspect the condition of the growing crop in order to estima~e
the yield. We may sayithen that. while Barni telts us that Sharing wasprescribed, Afif tells
I
us that it was Sharing by Estimation. not actual Division. On :.)is interprctittion thc
disappearance of the erm mushahada can be rcadlly undcrstood. because the official
literature of the MoNI period employs the Hind1 name kankiit I*) denote thc proccss in
question.,
The rcvcnue-~cmandundcr this systcm v;iric?fr(&n season to season with thc itre:; sown,
and the produce reapkd, so that the phrase "to settle." bastan, must not bc rcad in thc
scnsc of fixing beforehand the number of tankas to I,c pitid; I take the mcanirlp to hc ,II;II
the ;Irr:lnormPntr for hrrpcrmcnt r 0 , \ r , . . , ~ ; ~ , ~..$I;.-
U)..~.-S ,4 1h.. ..
,nC..;.- ...I-:..%.I.... I
Appendix
Objectives
Introduction
Malwa
Jaunpur
Bengal
Assam
23.5.1 Kamata-Kamrup
23.5.2 The Ahoms
Orissa
Let Us s u m UP
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4
23.0 OBJECTIVES
In the present Unit, we will study about regional states in Central and Eastern India
during the 13-15th centuries. After reading this Unit, you would learn about:
the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India,
territorial expansion of these regional kingdoms,
their relations with their neighbours and other regional states, and
1 their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
23.4 INTRODUCTION
You have already read (in Block 5, Unit 18) that regional kingdoms posed severe
threat to the already weakened Delhi Sultanate and with their emergence began the
process of the physical disintegration of the Sultanate. In this Unit, our focus would
be on the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India viz., Malwa,
Jaunpur, Bengal, Assam and Orissa. We will study the polity-establishment,
expansion and disintegration-of the above kingdoms. You would know how they
emerged and succeeded in establishing their hegemony. During the 13th-15th
centuries in Central and Eastern India, there emerged two types of kingdoms:
a) those whose rise and development was independent of the Sultanate (for example : the
kingdoms of Assam and Orissa) and b) Bengal, Malwa and Jaunpur who owed tHeir
existencr ru the Sultanate. All these kingdoms were constantlyat war with each other.
The nobles, ci,' ;s or rajas and local aristocracy played crucial roles in these
confrontations.
23.2 MALWA
The decline of the Sultanate paved the way for the emergence bf the independent
kingdom of Malwa. Dilawar Khan Ghori, (d. A.D. 1406), the Tughluq governor of
Malwa, assumed independence in the year A.D. 1401-2 and declared himself the king
of Malwa. He extended the boundaries of his kingdom by occupying Nimar, Sauyar,
Damoh and Chanderi. Dilawar Khan married his daughter to Ali Sher Khalji, the
son.of Malik Raja Faruqi of Khandesh, and took his (Faruqi ruler's) daughter for his
son Alp Khan. These matrimonial alliances helped him in safeguarding his south-
eastern frontier. B$ maintaining friendly relations with M.uzaffar Spah of Gujarat, he
The R e g l d P o w a : successfully saved Malwa from attacks, But soon after his death in A.D. 1407,
13tbl5th Cedury
m l w a fell a prey to the imperialistic designs of Muzaffar Gujarati. But in 1408,
\
Hoshang Shah (1406-35) succeeded in regaining control over the Malwa throne (for
further details see Unit 24). Very soon he occupied Kherla, and Gagraun. He also
had his eyes over kwalior, but realizing the might of Mubarak Shah, he finally
withdrew in 1423 after causing some damage in the countryside. Hoshang Shah had
entered into matrimonial alliance with the Muslim ruler of Kalpi to use the latter as
buffer between Jaunpur-Malwa and Delhi-Malwa.
Hoshang Shah's successor Muhammad Shah proved incompetent. During his brief
reign bf one year, the court of MalCa became a hotbed of ifitrigues leading to
disastrous results. The chaos,culminated in his murder (1436) by his nobleSMahmud
Khalji. Thus camel the end of the Ghorid rule itself.
At the outset, the position of Mahmud Khalji was threatened by the old Ghorid
nobility. In the beginning, Mahmud followed the policy of appeasement and
1 ,
distributed iqta and high posts to them but he failed to elicit their support. He had
to face a series of revolts of high' ranking nobles. Ultimately, Mahmud Khalji
succeeded in tackling the recalcitrant nobles. After consolidating his internal
position, Mahmud Khalji now had the time to look for further extension.
Mewar was the foremost state to attract his attention. You would read in Unit 24
that Mewar unde6 Rana Kumbha followed an aggressive policy in subduing and
assimilating the bordering Rajput chiefs into Mewar. This posed a direct threat to
the kingdom of Malwa. Mahmud Khalji had to face the mighty Rana as early as
1437. Rana Kumbha promised Umar Khan, son of Hoshang Shah, to install him in
place of Mahmud Khalji. In the baitle of Sarangpur (1437), Mahmud Khalji was
defeated ajnd taken prisoner. Later, Mahmud Khalji took advantage of the confusion
that emerged in Mewar after Ranmal's death : he attacked Mewar in 1442. He
destroyed the temple of Banmata, but he had to retreat without much gains. Since
then, Mihmud Khalji undertook almost yearly campaigns against Rana Kurnbha.
Though Mahmud had occupied Gagraun (1444) and Mandalgarh (1457), Rana
Kumbha was able to keep his territory intact and well-defended. This rivalry
continued unabated. Kalpi was the bone of contention between Malwa and Jaunpur.
Hoshang Shah earlier had helped his nephew Jalal Khan in installing him on the
throne of Kalpi. But after Jalal Khan's death (1442), Nasir Khan Jahan succeeded in
getting hold over Kalpi. However, he was soon expelled by Mahrnud Sharqi. This
increased the hold of Jaunpur over Kalpi which was not to the liking of Mahmud
Khalji. It resulted in a clash between the two (1444). Finally, a treaty was signed.
Mahmud Sharqi agreed to hand over Kalpi to Khan Jahan which resulted in cordial
relationship between the two.
Another important power which Ma!wa rulers had to tackle with was Gujarat. You
will read in Unit 24 that Muzaffar Gujarati once succeeded in imprisoning Hoshang
Shah.
After Ahmad Shah's death (1442), Mahmud Khalji got an opportunity to occupy
Sultanpur and Nandurbar (1451) on account of the weak position of Muhammad
Shah Gujarati. While Mahmud Khalji was still campaigning against Muhammad
Gujarati, the latter died. His successor Sultan Qutbuddin entered into an alliance
with Mahmud Khalji. Both parties agreed to respect each other's territorial
boundaries. An understanding was also reached between the two to have a free hand
in Mewar. However, similar understanding could not be maintained for other areas.
Mahmud Khalji's intervention in Bahmani politics was always severely dealt with by
Mahmud Begarha (for further details see Unit 28).
Ghiyas Shah (1469-1500), the son and successor of ahm mud ~ h a l j i paid
, more
attention to consolidation rather than.conquest. As a result, with the exception of a
brief tussle with the Rana of Mewar (1473), the period was of a long peace.
23.3 JAUNPUR
'Afif informs us that the city of Jaunpur on the banks of ri<er Gomti' was founded
by Feroz Shah Tughluq during his second Bengal campaign (1359-60). 1his city
became a strong power-base, and it soon evolved as a rival to Delhi for some time.
Malik Sarwar, a noble of Feroz Shah Tughluq, took full advantage of the succession
tussle among the sons of Feroz and rose to the high position of wazir under Sultan
' Muhammad Shah (1390-94). Malik Sarwar got the charge of the eastern districts
along with the title of Sultan-us Sharq. The invasion of Timur, which virtually'
shattered the kingdom of Delhi, gave Malik Sarwar a n opportunity to declare his
independence in Jaunpur. He extended his hold over Kol (Aligarh), Sarnbhal and
Rapri (in Mainpuri district). Malik Sarwar's ambitions led to furious armed clashes
, with Delhi, Bengal, Orissa and Malwa. Though he did not succeed against them, he
brought the rulers of Jajnagar and Gwalior under his sway. Mubarak Shah Sharqi
(1399-1401), his son and successor, could hardly get time to consolidate the gains.
However, his younger brother and successor, Ibrahim Shah Sharqi (1401-a),
efficiently expanded the territories of the kingdom. He took Kanauj in 1406 (which
was under Sultan Mahrnud Shah Tughluq). This enhanced his prestige greatly and
paved the way for further achievements. In 1407, Ibrahim aspired to occupy Delhi,
but in spite of initial success, the attempt finally failed. TAough he was able to lay
his hands on Kalpi (1414), its ruler Qadir Khan continued to create problems for
I him. Ibrahim also subdued Ganesh, the ruler of Bengal, in 1414. During the closing
years of his reign (1437), he again turned his attention towards Delhi and captured
some of its neighbouring parganas. The Delhi Sultan Muhammad Shah, ultimately
had to sue for: peace, ;ie agreed to marry his daughter, Bibi Haji, to Ibrahim's son
Mahmud Khan. ibrdhim's energetic zeal and his successes increased the prestige of
the king1 om of Jaunpur. The latter earned the title Shiroz-i Hind.
During his successorb' reigns, Mahmud Sharqi (1 140-54), Muhammad Sharqi (1457
58) and Husain s h G q i (1458-1505), clash: with the Delhi Sultans were frequent.
Finally, Bahlol Lodi,annexed Jaunpur in 1483-84 and placed it under the charge of
. Mubarak Nohani. Husain Shah did attempt desperately to recover Jaunpur but
failed. Bahlol finally placed his son Barbak Shah on the throne of Jaunpur, thus
ending the era of the Sharqi rulers.
2) LSid the Lodi-SMrqi struggle finally seal the fate of the Sharqi'kingdom?
Examine' in about five lines the decline of the Sharqis in the light of the above
statement. '
3) Which of the following statements are right.Tick off ( d ) the correct answers.
i) Dilawar Khan was the Tughluq governor.
ii) Gagraun seflved as buffer state between Malwa and Sharqi rulers.
iii) Rana Kumbha sided with Umar Khan in his clash with Mahmud Khalji. ,
iv) Ibrahim sharqi earned the title of Shiraz-i Hind.
-
23.4 BENGAL
The geopolitical condiltions of Bengal, especially the long distance from Delhi, met
constraints on its cony01 by the Sultans of Delhi. The governors took fuli advantage
!I
of distance. As the cetltral power weakened or rulers got involved ewhere, the
nobles used to act aldost de facto rulers in the region. Earlier, Iltu mish had to
march in person to asdert his authority (1225) and it too, almost t ree years for
Balban in crushing t M rebellion of Tughril Beg, the govt rnor of Bengal. To assert
Delhi's hold over Bensal, Balban appointed his son Pughra Khan as governor (1281).
But after Balban's death, Bughra Khan decided to sf y in Bengal rather than'contest'
the Delhi throne (1287). Later, we see Ghiyasuddin Tughluq marching towards
Lakhnauti. However, it was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that more effective
policy was adopted. be latter appointed his trusted nobles,at Lakhnauti, Sonargaon
and Satgaon to establjsh a balance among various powerful factions. It greatly
helped in reducing the power of the local magnates and increased the hold of De1,M.
However, Delhi was challenged at various intervals.
, Ilyas
Shah (1342-57), k h o emerged as a powerful ruler in Bengal, occupied
Lakhnauti, and Sonargaon, and marched as far as Baliaras.
.
Sultan Feroz Tughluq
-
Again in 1359, Feroz Tughluq marched against Sikandar Shah (1357-89) to break his C m .ad E n t m India
power. After Feroz Toghluq's death (1388). the Sultanate became too weak to
subdue the recalcitrant rulers of Bengal.
' 7
HUSAIN SHAH1 BENGAL
MAP 2
7
in the south. The militia of the'Abyssinian slaves played a ucial role in the
expansion, but Barbek's policy of patronising them later on proved fatal. In 1487,
the Abyssinian commander Saifuddin Feroz succeeded in occupying the Bengal
thione. But he failed to consolidate his position and, in 1493, Alauddin Hussain
Shah (1493-1519) got power: He not only succeeded in subduing Abyssinian slaves
but also adopted a rigorouk expansionist policy. Under him, the Bengal frontiers
reached to Saran and Bihar in the north-west, Sylhet and Chittagong in the south-
east, Htjo on the northcast and Mandaran on the sobth-west. In 1495, Hussain
Shah had to face SultanSikandar Lodi's wrath as he'had given shelter to the.Sultan
Tbe Redlmd Pmrr : of Jaunpur, Hussain Shah, Later,. a n o n - a m s i o n treaty +wassigned and Hussain
13tblstb C a l m Shah promised not t o give shelter to such fu@tives.
v
Check Your Pro q s 2
'i
I) How far did he geopolitical conditions of Bengal help in maintaining its
, independent chqrctctef?
2) What was the rale of Abyssinian nobles in the politics of late 15th century
Bengal?
23.5 ASSAM
GeogrKphically, medieval Assam covers the entire Brahmaputra valley as far as river .
Karatoya in the west, while Mishmi Hills and Patkai Bum formed the northeastern
boundary. The bouMary of the state of Burma parallel t o its east. During the
13th-15th centuries ih Assam, a number of tribal polities-the Chutiya, the Tai-
Ahoms (or Ahoms),lthe Koch. the Dimasa, the Tripuri, the Manipuri, the Khasi and
the Jaintia--existed. Finally, the Chutiya add the Ahom emerged most powerful.'
Besides, there also existed the kingdom of ~ a m a t d ( ~ a m r u p ) .
\
Kamata ruler Sindhu Rai (1260-1285). The latter is reported to have accepted the
suzerainty of Sukapha, but his successor Pratapdhvaj(1300-1305) ceased t o pay tribute
to the Ahom kings: as a result Sukhangpha (1293-1332) again invaded the Kamata
kingdom. After a longdrawn battle and heavy loss, Pratapdhvaj sued for peace and
gave his daughter Rajani in marriage to Sukhangpha.
An important feature of the 14th century Kamata kingdom was the great uprising of
the Bhuyan chiefs who took advantage of the unstable conditions. A war of
succession followed between the twa cousins-Dharma Narain and Durlabh Narain.
In the beginning, Bhuyan chiefs failed in their designs as Durlabh Narain (1330-50)
and Arimatta (1365-85) were more than a match to their power. However, after
Arimatta's death (1385), his successors were too weak to face the Bhuyah onslaught
and around mid-15th century Rai Prithu's line was supplanted by a new Bhuyan
dynasty (Khyan) with Niladhvaj (1440-1460) as ks founder. Nilambar (1480-1498)
was the most powerful king o i the Khyan dynasty who succeeded in extending his
frontier from Karatoya t~ Barnadi. He also took advantage 'of the political turmoil
created in Bengal (Gaur) by the Abyssinians and succeeded in occupying north-
eastern part of Bengal. However, later, Alauddin Hussain Shah (1493-1519) was able
to crush the power of Nilambar. With this came the end of the Khyan dynasty.
23.6 ORISSA
I
On the eve of the Turkish invasion, Orissa was under the cotitrol of the Eastern
Ciangas. The Tabaqat-i Nasiri records that Bakhtiyar Khalji had sent two brothers,
Muhammad and Ahmad, to invade Jajnagar (modern Orissa) immediately before his
death (1205). At that time, Rajaraja 111 ( 1197-121 1 ) was the ruler. The next invasion
took place under Ghiyasuddin lwaz soan after Anangbhima Ill's accession (1211-38).
Though the ~ a b a ~ a tNasiri'applauds
-i the success of Iwaz, the Chatesviri .
inscription, however. mentions the success of Anangbhima 111 in the clash. 1't
appears that perhaps Iwaz's invasion was repulsed.
Narasimha 1 (173-64) also had to face lkhtiyaruddin Yuzbek who got success in his J
first two attacks. but his later attacks were foiled by Narasimha I. The latter also
succeeded in extending his frontier to Midnapur, Howrah and Hooghly. However,
by the close of the 13th century (1296). :atgaon fell into the hands o f the Delhi
Sultans. You have already read in Block 4 how during Ghiyasuddin Tughluq's reign
(1320-25). Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) captured Jajnagar and made its
ruler their tributary.
The Rcgbnrl Powm : From Bhanudeva IlI'q (1352-78 A.D.) reign onwards, the power of the Ganga kings "
13th-15th Ccatw started declining. Taking advantage of thie situation, the neighbouring states invaded
Orissa.
................................................................................................................................
L
23.7 LET U S S U M U P
In this Unit, you have studied the emergence of independent kingdoms of Malwa,.
Jaunpur and Bengal. These kingdoms emerged as a result of the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate. We have also studied the territorial expansion of each state and their
relations with the Sultanate and the neighbouring state. Apart from these kingdoms,
we have also d.iscussed the kingdoms of Assam and Orissa. Their development was
independent of the Sultanate. In Assam there existed two kingdoms, the
Kamatit-Kamrup and the Ahoms. The latter was still in the process of state
formation and was mainly based on tribal organisation.
Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Kashmir
24.3 North-West Rai~utana
24.3.1 The O u i b and the S i i
24.3 2 The Gubilols of Vagad
24.3.3 The Rarhors of Marwar
24.3.4 M ~ n o itajput
r Principalities
24.4 Gujarat
24.4.1 Relatioqs with Malwa
24.4.2 Relations with Rajputana
24.4.3 Relatl* wlth Bahmeni end Khandah
24.5 Sind - .,
24.6 Let Us Sum1Up
24.7 Key Words I
24.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
24.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this bnit you will know about :
the regional powers that emerged in Northern and Western India.
the territorial eNpansion of these kingdoms,
. their reiationship.with neighbours and other regional powers, and
iheir relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
24.1 . INTRODUCTION
In the preceding Unit (23) you have seen how regional powers emerged in Central
and Eastern India. In this Unit, our focus would be on the emergence of regional
powers in Northern and Western India. We will discuss in this Unit the territorial
expansion of the qgional kingdoms of Kashmir. ' ~ a j ~ u t a n Sind
a . and Gujarat.
Some of these regi~nalpowers were the result of the decline of the Delhi Sultanate
while others' devebpment was independent. Kashmir developed independently of the
Sultanate while Gqarat was the outcome of its decline. Sind and Rajputana, though
all the time were fallling prey. to the Sultanate and at times even formed part of it,
succeeded in retaining their regional features.
,
24.2 KASHMIR
Geographically, Kaphmir valley is surounded by Pir Panjal ranges in the south and
south-west, KiShtwbr valley in ihe south-eask'and the wrth, and north-ast and
. north-west region i$ covered by the mighty central and north-westem Himalaian
ranges. The Kashmir valley mainly consists of, on the one hand, alluvial plaiqs of
Jhelum and its tributaries and, on the other, of plaieaus. While the alluvial plains arc
Northern and Western lndia
fertile and extensively cultivated, elevated plateaus arc less fertile and either laid
waste, or if cultivated yield poor crop. Since the Kashmir valley is surrounded by .
mountain terrain, passes (Zojila, Banihal, Budil, Pir Panjal and Toshamaidan)
occupy great importance and they had great impact on the development of political
and socio-economic processes. However, the southern passes remain inaccessible till .
the time of the Lodis; the northern ?nd western passes (Baramulla, Pakhli and Swat)
were always accessible.
The invasion had its long lasting impact. It paved the way for the establishment of
Muslim rule in Kashmir. The way Raja Sahadeva tackled the Mongol problem, and
the large-scale destruction and devastation struck by the Mongols, created great
dissatisfaction ainong his subjects. This was exploited well by Rinchan, a Bhautta
Prince of Laddakh, to usurp the throne in 1320. Soon after he accepted Islam and
assumed the title of Sultan Sadruddin. His subsequent murder was followed by a
long period of internal strifes. Later, Shahabuddin (1356-74) tried to put the state on
strong footing. When Timur (Timurlane) invaded lndia in 1398, he sent his envoy
Faulad Bahadur and Zainuddin to Sultan Sikandar of Kashmir and asked for a huge
sum. This resulted in large-scale anarchy till Zainul Abedin ascended the throne in
1420. He ruled the country with utmost vigour for 50 years (d. 1470). He extended
his frontiers up to Western Tibet and occupied Ladakh and Shel. But his deeds were
soon undone by his successors. His death created internal feuds. Finally, the
-. Saiyyids
succeeded in assuming power in the beginning of the 16th century.
No clashes seem to have occurred between the Delhi Sultans and Kashmir rulers till
the Saiyyid rule. But strained relations between the two appeared during the reign of
Bahlol Lodi. The Tabaqat-i Akbari reports that during the war of succession that
' followed after Haider Shah's death (1470-72). Tatar Khan, the governor of Punjab,
a t the instruction of Bahlol Lodi, sided with Bahram Khan, the uncle of Sultan
Hasan. Sultan Hasan succeeded in killing Bahram. Tatar Khan's act t o help Bahram
antagonised Sultan Hasan. He sent Malik Tazi Bhatt to invade Punjab. Tazi Bhatt
not only succeeded in defeating Tatar Khan, but he also occupied Sialkot. Following
Sultan Hasan's death (1484) at the call of Saiyyid Muhammad, the son of Saiyyid
Hasan, Tatar Khan again mobili~edforces against Kashmir. This time again Tatar
Khan had to face defeat a t the hands of the united force of the rulers of Jammu and
Kashmir.
I -
Check Your Progress 1
1 ) Analyse the role of geography in the emergence of Kashmir a s a n independent
Kingdom.
t
I
.................................................................................................................................
2) Who was Zainul Abedin?
................................................................................................................................
....... .......................................................................................................................
1
24.3 NORTH-WEST : RAJPUTANA
The present ~ o r t h k e s region
t of India comprises Rajasthan and a p r t of Gujarat
and Punjab. From+he geographical point of view, this region consists of a vast Thar
desert in which Bibner, Jaisalmer and Barmer lie. In the South-wet region are the
Kutch plains in wtd<h Nagar Parkar state flourished. The states of Mewar,
Dungarpur, Banswara, Chittor and Ranthambhor flourished at the foot-hills of the
Aravalli ranges.
Before the rise of tribal monarchies of the Rajputs, there were local tpbes, namely,
Bhils, ~ e e n a s Mers
, and Jats. These tribes spread over different regions. For
instance, the Bhils were dominant in Mewar, Dungarpur and Banswara states while
Meenas, Mers and Jats were dominant in Jaipur, Jodhpur and Bikaner respectively.
These'local tribes, however, could not succeed in establishing monarchies as
subsequently foundkd by other Rajput tribes who came from the north-west part of
India.
The ~ h a i i sof ~aisalmkrcame from the vicinity of the Sutlej river in Punjab and the
Sisodias from the Marmada in South India. The Kachhawahas moved from Central'
India (Narwar), a d the Rathors of Jodhpur and Bikaner had their links with
Kannauj region. he immigration of the Rajputs indicates some interesting points.
Initially, they settled around the banks of rivers where they had access to water and
rich soil for agricultural purposes. When the population grew and disputes over
succession or on other matters took place, the weaker section moved to the regions
which were spar_sely populated and had no political authority to resist the settlement
of newcomers in .thdir regions. The newcomers were advanced in warfare technology
and political organisation compared to the aboriginal tribes. Since the newcomers
were few in numbers, they adopted two-pronged measures to control the local tribe!
one was the use of force, and the other was socio-religious measures.
In the coercive method, first they strengthened their position by erecting forts to -
show their military prowess. The second one is significant from socio-religious poin
of view. The migradt clans established a practice of putting tika on the forehead of
every succeeding chief by a local tribal. For instance, the Bhils of Mewar,.the
Godara Jats of Bihner and the Meenas of Jaipur used to put tika on the forehead
of the succeeding chiefs of these regions. Without performing this ritual, the
succeeding chief was not considered as legal head of the region and its people. Even
after the acceptance of the Mughal suzerainty by the Rajput clans in the 16th-17th
century, this social function of marking tika by a local tribal continued. However, at
the political level, the Mughal emperoi exercised this privilege of bestowing
succession rights on one of the family members of the ruling clan. But at the local
level, the social rituil of putting tika by a local tribal was carried out. It was
symbolic in the sense that while the real power rested with the aboriginal tribe, they
had delegated this power to a chief whose duty was to protect the region and its
people from external aggression and also to look after the welfare of the people. In
the beginning, this sbcial custom was followed to assuage the feelings of the local
tribes, but with the passage of time it simply became a ritual. Gradually, the Rajputs
became defacto and dc jure chiefs of the regions and the local tribes simply became
peasants. Further, the chiefs in order to maintain'soldiers and also themselves
extracted surplus frbm the peasants. A religious colour was given to this act: the
surplus was taken a$ bhog. The word bhog signified religious sanctity: the offering
rnade to a deity was also called 'bhog'. Moreover, the king was considered a
representative of God. Therefore, it-was the religious duty of the peasants to make
offerings (bhog) to the chief and his officials. It further strengthened the authority of
the chit,& and the chances of revolt of the local people were minimised. It became
obligatory for a chid to protect his political authority from outside aggression. Thus,
the suzerain power enjoyed chief within a certain territory gave birth to the N o r t h and Watcm Indd
' tribal-cum-territorial
Besides the above mekioned Rajput principalities, there arose a number of small
'chiefdoms' in R a j p u t h a during the 13-15th century. Foremost were the Bhatis of
Jaisalmer who migrate/d from Punjab t o the Thar desert in the beginning of the 1 Ith
century. Throughout tbe 14-15th century, Jaisalmer rulers had frequent clashes with
the rulers of Mewar, Multan, Umarkot and Bikaner.
Next came the Kachhwahas who migrated t o Dhundhar from central India. They
were the feudatories o t the Gurjara-Pratihara rulers. During the-1 l t h century, the
Kachhwaha chief ~ u l $ hRai migrated from ~ a r w a r t oEastern Rajasthan where he
subdued the ~ a r ~ u j a r s l a nlaid
d the foundation of the ~ h u n d h a state
r (Amber,
modern Jaipur). The gachhwahas controlled Amber, Med, Bairat and Shaikhawati
region during the 15th century. However, they rose t o prominence during the
I
Mughal period.
We have already seen in Unit 9 that the Chauhans were the main power t o reckon
with when the Turks tbme t o India. But after Prithviraj's defeat at the hands of the
Turks (1 192: second bbttle of Tarain) the Chauhan power declined. There emerged a
number of petty powed-centres at Jalor, Ranthambhor, Nadol, Sirohi and Haroti
which a t one point of time formed part of the Sultanate (see Unit 14) or were too
weak t o face the onslabght of Mewar and Marwar.
The Yadavas of Karavqi and Sodhas of Umarkot add Barmer also rose to
prominence during t h e 13-15th century. However, they could not play a prominent
role in the 13-15th century regional power formations. .
\
'I
- Check Your Progress 2
1) How did the Rajput tribes succeed in establishing their monkrchies in north-west
India?
..................................................................................................................................
. ,
, 24.4 GUJARAT
1 You have already read (in lock 3, Unit 9) about the emergence of the Chalukya
state in Gujarat during 8-12th century. The Chalukya hold continued over Gujarat
P throughout the 13th century in spite of the establishment of the Sultanate. You have
also seen (Block 4, Unit 15) how in 1299 Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, laudd din
Khalji's generals, succeeded in overthrowing Raja Karna Baghella, the Chalukya
b ruler and thus laid the foundation of the Sultanate rule in Gujarat. The Delhi
Sultans enjoyed subremacy over Gujarat throughout the 14th century. However,
symptoms of decline became evident from Feroz Shah's reign onwards who entrusted
the governorship of Gujarat to Shamsuddin Damghani. Timur's invasion (1398)
provided the much sought for opportunity to the governors to break away with the
centre. Soon after, in 1407, Zafar khan (who later assumed the title of Muzaffar
Shah), the then Governor of Gujarat, established a n independent kingdom i n
Gujarat.
The Kingdom of Gujarat since its incep~ionhad been constantly clashing with its
neighbouring territories-Malwa, Rajputana, Khandesh and the Bahmarii kingdoms.
I
24.4.1 Relations with ~ a l w a '
The Malwa rulers were their traditional enemies. In 1408, Muzaffar Shah attacked
Malwa and made its ruler Hoshang Shah captive. Though Hoshang Shah had to
accept the suzerainty of Muzaffar Shah, he was jealous of the rising power of
Gujarat. To undermine its power, the rulers of Malwa used to join hands with the
enemies of Gujarat. But Ahmad Shah of Gujarat sdcceeded in crushing Hoshang
Shah's power. Later during Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah 11's reigh (1451-59), ~ a h k u d
Khalji of Malwa attacked Qujarat but he was repulsed. Later, Mahmud Khalji allied
with Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah I1 to confront Rana Kumbha of Mewar. But this
move was purely a diplomatic one as Mahmud Khalji never left any opportunity to
undermine the prestige of the rulers of Gujarat.
I The Bahmani ruler Feroz Shah maintained cordial relations with the Gujarati rulers. .
But after his death (1397-1422), radical change came about with the accession of
Ahmad Bahmani (1422-1436) who formed matrimonial alliance with the ruler of
Khandesh. When-Rai Kanha of Jhalawar fled (1429), Khandesh and Bahmani rulers
gave asylum to him. Thia infuriated Ahmad Shah Gujarati and he had to use force
against them. He subjected them to a crushing defeat and occupied Mahim. k
However, during M a h m d B&uha*s reign cordialitia revived. When Mahmud
Khalji of Malwa'attacked the Bahmani kingdom, Mahmud Begarha came twice to ita
rescue.
Mahmud Begarha also mbihtained friendly relatiodwith the Khandesh rulers, bUt
Adil Khan I1 ceased to pay tribute and joined hands with Ahmadqgar and Berar. As
a result, Mahmud Begarhp a t F W Khandesh and.finally Adil Khan was compelled
to a m p t suzerainty of MBhmud Begarha. But the latter did not annex either
Kiunde~h~or Daubtabad; instead, he confirmed their rulers on payment of tribute.
Mahmud Begarha also had close ties with the Jam Nizamuddin of Sind. Since he
was Mahmud's maternal grandfather, Begarha rushed to support him when the tribal
of Sind rebelled aminst the Jam.
I
Mahmud Begarha also slzicceeded ir! suppming the rising Portuguese Mwcn in
Indian waiers. He receivad help from the rulers of Egypt and the Ottoman who sent
their generals Amir ~ u s $ i nirnd Sulaiman Rais. The combined force at fmt
sucaeded in defeating thq Portuguese flotilla at 'Chaul in 1508 but, lateh-c509,
Albuquerque cornpletdy.bushed them. _ a result, in 1510 Mahmud Begarb
...- --. As
entered into an alliance with the' Pony'guese and extracted assurance for the safety of u o r t b a a d Watcra
the Gujarati ships in the Arabian sea.
In 1508, the Delhi Sultan Sikandar Lodi sent an embassy to Gujarat. The embassies
of Sikandar Lodi and that of Ismail Safavi of Iran greatly increased the pre&ige of
the Gujarati ruler. It also suggests the important place Mahmud ~ e ~ a r occupied
ha in
the contemporary national and international scene.
24.5 SIND
Sind was another independent state on the western border of India. The history of.
the foundation of Muslim powe-r in Sind goes back to A.D. 71.2, when ~ u h a m m a d
bin Qasim attacked Sind. The Sumirahs seem to have established their power
sometime in the 10th century in Sind. We do not have 'much information regarding
their rule and their relation with the neighbouring states. But stray references suggest
that their influence extended as far a's bebal and Makran Coast. They also had parts
of Kutch under their control. Acpording to the Tarikh-i Jahangusha, the
Khwarizmian ruler Jalauddin Mangbarni defeated Chanesar, the Sumirah prince, in
1224 and occupied Debal and Damrilah. During Iltutmish's region, Nizam-ul Mulk,
Jlinaidi, the wazir of Iltutmish, occupied it in 1228 and its ruler Chanesar was sent
to the court of Iltutmish. Later, Muhammad Tughluq attacked Thatta in 1350-51 in
pursuit of Taghi, the rebel noble.
I
MAP 4
e . .
anal Powers : Later, the Sammahs succeeded in overthrowing the Sumirah in 1351. They ruled for
.h Century 175 years. The Chachnama mentions Sammahs as residents of Sind even before the
conquest of Muhammad bin Qasim. They originally belonged to the Yadava branch
of Rajputs and were later converted to Islam. They were mainly agriculturists and
held land under the Siumirahs. When Feroz Shah Tughluq in 136061, and again in 1362,
attacked Jam Jauna and Banbaniya of Thatta, the Jam had to sbrrender. But soon.
after the death of Feroz Shah Tughluq (1388), the Sammahs threw off the Sultanate
yoke and became independent under Jam Tughluq. The Jam rulers of Sind
maintained cordial relations with the rulers of Gujarat. Jam Nizamuddin had married
his two daughters to-the Gujarat ruler, and Mahmud Begarha was the son of his
second daughter, Bibi Mughli. We have already seen how Mahmud Begarha came all
out in 1472, to the help of Jam Nizamuddin when the tribal pirates threatened the
latter's authority. Jqm Nizamuddin (1460-1508), the greatest of the Jams of Sind.
also had close ties with Sultan Husain of Multan. During the closing years of his
reign (1493), the Arghuns who were the descendants of the Khans of Persia.
threatened Jam's pqwer. But s I long as Jam Nizamuddin was alive, the Arghuns'
attacks were not successful. After his death (1508), the Arghuns succeeded in
t +ablishing their Mwer in Sind in the 16th century.
&
Your ~ r o ~ r c 3b s
i
1) ~liiicallyexamine relations of Gujarat with Malwa rulers.
Structure
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Characteristic Features of the Regional States in North In&
25.3 North Indian Kingdoms as Successof States
25.4 Succession Issue
25.5 Legitimization
25.6 Administratiw Structure
25.7 Revenue Administration.
25.8 Nobles and Landed Aristdcracy
25.9 Economy: Gaeral Remarks
25.10 Let Us Sum Up
25.1 1 Key Words
25.12 ~ n s w e r sto Check Your Progress Exercises
25.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss the state, administration, and economy in the Northern
States. After reading this Unit, you should be able to learn:
the characteristic features of the regional states,
how the succession issue was decided,
the ways in which the regional kings legitimized their powers,
about the adkinistrative machinery, and
what role did the nobles and landed aristocracy in the regional polity play in the
revenue and economic set-up.
25.1 INTRODUCTION
'
In the present Unit, khe term North India is used to denote the entire region north of
the Vindhyan ranges, i.e. Kashmir in the north; coming down to North-West-the
Rnjputana, Sind, Multan and Gujarat; the aminland-Malwa and Jaunpur; further
in the East-Orissa, Bengal, K a a t a and Ahom regions of Assarn. Since our focal
point is to discuss regional powers, Delhi and its environs, which geographically
form very much a part of North India, fall outside the purview, of our discussion. In
this Unit, an attemgt is made to analyse the characteristic features of the regional
kingdoms, their adniinistrative structure and the role of nobility in the regional
politics.
the 13-15th century. But, as Schwartzberg has rightly p'ointcd out. wt find more
frequent and fierce stnrggk between the Muslim-Muslim and Hindu-Hindu rulers
rather than between Hindu-Muslim rulers. For example,?Gujarat*straditional
enemies were Muslim rulers of Malwa and J a u n p u ~there was continuous warfare
between Kamata and Ahom rulers; Orissa rulers contin~ouslyfaced the might of the
Vijaynagr rulers and in Rajputana quarrels took inter-clan character. They never
showed unity even in dire needs. In fact. in framing political alliances, the need of
the time and circumstances played more crucial role rather than religion. Mahmud
Khalji I of Mrlwa sided with Ganga Das, the ruler of Champann, against Mahmud
Shah Gujarati in 1450-51; later. Mahmud Khalji joined hands with the Gujarati ruler
Qutbuddin-against Rana Kumbha of Mewar realizing the latter's strength.
The foremost feature of the 1515th century polity. was 'vertical' penetration rather
than the 'horizontal' one, i.e. horizontally the area under their control was smaller
compared to the Sultanite but within iheir area of influence they 'vertically* '
penetrated deep into the rural areas (for further detaiis see Units 23 and 24).
I
Under regional rulers, the maximum area lay outside their effective control; even
where they exercised a good measure of control, there, too; they often faced some
difficulty. On this basis, we can divide their domain into three kinds:
i) Where land revenue was extracted from the peasants directly through revenue
officials, the state's influence and control.was of a high order.
ti) Aeas where revenue was collected through lbcal chiefs, the state's control was
still good enough.
iii) T& states that were satisfied with the tribute only. the degm of control was
minimal. This relationship had direct bearing on regional rulers' relations with
the nobles, tributary chiefs or rajas and local aristocracy (the so-called
umindirs. muqaddams, etc.). We would take up this aspect in greater detail
while dealing with the nature of the ruling.class under various regional
kingdoms.
In Rajputana, too, the law of primogeniture was not strictly adhered to. In the case
of the Guhilas and Sisodias, we find that after Rana Lakha's death, instead of
Chunda (the eldest son of the Rana), the throne passed into the hands of his minor
son Rana Mokal. Similarly, Uda usurped the throne by killing his father Rana
Kumbha. Paimal's accession was also nor smooth. He was challenged by Uda's sons
Sahasmal and Surajwl.
In Kashmir, too, no succession rules could develop. As early as 1323, Shah Mir,
usurped power following his master's death. His eldest son Jamshed's accession
(1342), too, was followed by a long-drawn war of succession. Zainul Abedin himself,
assumed power after killing his elder brother Ali Shah in 1420.
In Ahom, the 'council df great nobles- Bar Gohaih and Burah Gohain played an
important role in appointing and nominating kings. In fact, no one could becbme th
king without their appoval. It was only'in the kingdom of Orissa where succession
rules were respected uqder the Ganga rulers. But, later, when the power was
transferred from the Gdnga rulers to the Gajapati rulers, there seems to have
emerged some lapses: we find that after Kapilendra's death, his younger son
Purushottama usurped the throne by setting aside the claims of his elder brother
Hamir.
The King was at the helm of affairs, and he was the final authority in all matters.
But, as you have already read, in the Islamic world there was no legal sanction for
the Sultan's authority and it was-the Caliph who was the political head of the
Muslims. The Delhi Sultans used to recite khutba in Caliph's name and inscribe his
name on their coins to get legal sanction for their authority. For the regional states,
the need for legitimization, not only in the eyes of the masses but also their
competitors, became more important, for every accession was usually preceded by
clashes and wars. For those regional states which were situated too far away to get
the legal sanction from the Caliph at Baghdad, the ulema and the sufis were more
potential legitimizers.
To pacify the orthodox Muslim opinion, the rulers of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal and
Jaunpur always showed their eagerness to get the support of the ulema and SUE,by
offering them lucrative ~ f f i c eand
s revenue-free land grants (madad-i-maash). T4.-
also used to pay frequent visits to the hhanqahs of the Muslim saints. The legal
authority of the C a N h pas explicitly recognized by the Bengal rulers Iwaz Khalji,
Mughisuddin, Ruknbddln Kaikaus, Shamsuddin Feroz, etc. who all engraved the
Abbasid Caliph's name On their coins. Under Ibrahim Sharqi's patronage flourished
famous Muslim mystics Makhdum Asaduddin Aftab-i Hind, Makhudum Sadruddin
Chirgh-i Hind, Saiyyid Alaul Haqq of Pandua, etc. The Malwa ruler Hoshang Shah
made special efforts to encourage the ulema and mashaikhs to come and settle in
Malwa. Hoshang Shah had profound respect for .Makhdum Qazi Burhanuddin and
, , \ * '
,e became his disciple (murid). Mahmud Khalji received khilat from the Abbasid State, Adminbtrrtlon and
Economy In North India
Caliph at Egypt. It helped greatly in enhancing the prestige of the Malwa ruler. The
famous sufi Saiyyid Usman, the disciple of Burhanuddin, was greatly respected by
the Gujarati ruler Mahmud Begarha. He built a mosque and rauza (tomb) in his
memory at Ahmedabad immediately after his death in 1459. Burhanuddin's son Shah
Alam also enjoyed great prestige and patronage of the Gujarati rulers, Qutbuddin .
And Mahmud Begarha. In Kashmir, too, the sufis enjoyed great honour and favour
of the Kashmiri rulers. In Rajputana, the rulers lavishly distributed revenue-free
land to the Brahmans to win their favour to justify their various political acts. You
have already read in Unit 9 that this was the prevalent trend during the 8th-12th
century. The same trend continued during 13-15th century as well.
I In Orissa, Lord Jagannath was believed to be the real ruler. Therefore, the Brahmans
gained great political influence: They legitimized the usurpation of the Ganga throne
by Kapilendra Deva (1435 A.D.), and the accession of Purusottama Deva to the
exclusion of Harnir.
I
-Check Your Progress 1
I) What do you understand by 'horizontal' and 'vertical' penetration under the
regional states?
..................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
)
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
2) Can the regional states may truly be called the successor states of the Sultanate?
Comment.
..................................................................................................................................
Since most of the regional statek emerged as a result of the disintegrqtion of the
Delhi Sultanate, they copied the administrative model of their parent state. Though
the states of Kashrnir developed independently, there, too, the working was by and
large along the Sultanate administrative set-up. In Rajputarla and Orissa, however,
we find certain changes in nomenclature. The Ahorn kingdom also went through an
t entirely dffferent set-up, primarily because of its tribal nature.
. .
In Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, Jaunpur and Kashmir, the central machinery was headed
by wazir followed by ariz-i mumalik, shaikh-ul Islam and qazi. Besides, there were
hajib, dabir (department of correspondence), amir-i dar (master of ceremonies), amir-
i-akhur (chief of royal stable; in Kashmii he was known as mahasvasala), etc. For
the maintenance of royal household (haram), there was a separate administrative
' machinery. Kingdoms were divided into a number of provinces. In Bengal, provinces
' were called iqlim, arsa and diyar. The provincial governors were called sar-i lashka;
wa wazir (i.e. in them combined the military and financial powers); while in Kashmir
and other regiqnal states-they were known as hakim: In Kashmir, these hlkims were ,
generally recruited from the royal family.
1 Provinces were further subdivided into shiqs (in Bengal), and paraganas with villages
forming t h smallest
~ unit. Like the centre, in the prpvinces also qazis dispensed
justice, muhtasibs looked after morals, kotwal was for the maintenance of law and
he Regional Powers : order in the towns. while shiqdar was the overall incharge of the prmincc. At the
13th-15th Century ,
village level, there 4 r e village headmen (muqaddams) and accountant (patwari).
I
f'
As for their army oq nisation, the rulers maintained standing army but they largely
depended for the su ply of armed personnel on their provincial governors and
'chiefs'. Infantry an4,cavalry was the main fighting force, but elephants. too, had
their own role. Them were constant efforts on the part of the rulers of Malwa and
Jaunpur to maintain;regula~supply of elephants. In Bengal 'and Gujarat, navy also
formed a n important wing of the army.
In Orissa. at the centlre there were rajaguru (royal priest). mahapradhani (prime
minister), mahasandt/ivigrahi (secretary for peace and war), mahasenapati
(commander-in-chief](. mulabhandaramuna mudrahasta (chancellor of the privy
purse), mahadandadsi (inspector-general of police), mahnmandalika (governor-
general) and mahapabra, etc. The kirigdom was divided into mahamandahs, which
were sub-divided into mandalas and mandalas into nadus or visayas or bhogas. The
lowest unit was the dillage. These divisions were headed by maharanaka, mnaka,
visayapati and gramika respectively. To assist the gramika. there were karana
(accountant), purohqa, dandapasi (policeman), uritavali (village watchman) and
gramabhata (village ~ervant).Towns were headed by puravari. He was assisted by
dandanayaka (magisrlrate) and dandapasi (police inspector). T o administer the affairs
of the capital, there +as a separate official called kalinganagaraadhyaksha.
C
As for the Oriya milikary organisation, the members of all castes and communities
were asked to render military service at the time of emergency, though the Brahmans
seem to have been e ~ e m p t e dfrom compulsory military service. But there were some
exceptions, too. The Chatesvara inscription mentions Vishnu, the Brahman minister
of Anangabhima 111 (121 1-38), who led an expedition against the Kalachuris. The
majority of the soldiers were cultivators who used to cultivate their land during
3 .
peace time.
The Ahom polity wab quasi-feudal with a tribal base. The king was the tribal chief
who shared powet with his two-member council (patra-mantri). Both were supposed ,
t o keep check over each other. The counsellors elected the king and, he, in turn, used ,
to nominate the courisellors. Generally, hereditaty rule prevailed in civil
appointments, though other persons of knowledge and repute could-also be
appointed. The male adults of each family had to perform periodic service to the
king (state). Howeveq, it was difficult for the king to exploit his subjecis.
The Ahoms had devaloped a unique system of militia brganisation. The militia was
known as paiks. Tholentire male population between the 1540 age group was
organised in gots (umlts). Each got consisted of four adult males. The members of
*each got used to repdrt on duty by rotation. They were supposed to perform at least
one man-year of service. An important aspect'worth mentioning here is that their.
\
services were not coNfined to military only. For example, ohe of their important
functions was to build and maintain the infrastructure for the wet rice economy.
Besides, they also helped in reclaiming cultivable lands from forests and swamps.
'Ibu Battuta (14th c.) informs us that land-tax in Bengal was 112 of the produce. But
the Chinese travellerlWang-ta Yum, writing about the same time. mentions that the
I
State,A
state demand was 115th. Generally, in Bengal, crop-estimation was followed and Ecoamry b N d hh
measurement was not insisted upon. Peasants used to pay directly to the state in
(instalments) eight months. In Bengal, there was also a class of majmuadars
(revenue-farmers) who used to pay fixed amount of land-revenue to the state after
collecting it from the peasants. Tributary chiefs used to pay lump sum to the state.
They appointed their own machinery to extract the land-revenue. All the religiou~
endowments were free from the payment of land,-revenue and other taxes.
In Orissa, the revenue-demand was 116th of the produce.-The entire territory was
divided into numerous circles known as bisi and khanda. Each division was placed
,under bisi and khanda-adhipati. The latter, besides revenue collection and keeping
1 fhe accounts, also possessed police powers. They were assisted by khandait and
boimul, the latter being the accountant. Besides.these officers, the~ewere high-
i ranking military officers (mahanayak, bhupati, bhuyan, etc.) who were hereditary
chiefs. There were also civil qnd religious officers like purohit, rajaguru,-etc. who
were granted extensive unassesed lands as their emoluments. An interesting feature
in Orissa and Gujarat was the hereditary religious grants known as
bhurni~hhidra~idhanyaya. The whole'village along with craftsmen, workers, etc. were
given to the donees. Thus, the artisans and peasants had become semi-serfs. The
purohit class generally enjoyed privileges of free lands; only in contingency a tax
(tanki) used to be imposed on them. In Orissa, the ownership of land vested in the ' .
state.: Besides land-tax there were other tar *sas well.
The ownershipof land, under the'Ahoms, vested with the statelclan. The land used
to be: divided into plots (based on the size of the family) and were distributed
amongst individual householders (paiks) in lieu of their services. It was subject'to
redistribution after their death.
' C k k Your Progress 2
I ) Do you think that theadministrativestructure of regional states wassimilarto that of
the Delhi aultanate? Write.in 60 words.
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.................................................................................................................................
( 2) Write five lines on Ahom militia organization.
......................................... >...... ................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
......................................................................................... :.....: .....................',....: .....
a.......... ................................................... :.......................................................
2
Kharaj ......................................:..............................................................:..................:.
Bhumichhidrapidhanyaya ..............................................................................................
Landed Aristocracy ,
You have already studied in Block 6 about the role played by the landed aristocracy
in revenue collectiola' and maintenance of law and order under the Sultanate. In
regional kingdoms also there existed such a class. Geopolitically, 'we ca'n divide them
into two categories: [i) landed aristocracy located in the peripheral (frontier) area. In
this<ategory come the 'chiefs' or 'rajas'-the so-called intermediary zamindars;
(ii) landed class who' lived within the mainland-the s o a l l e d primary zamindara.
I
Agriculture was the backbone of the regional states. Bengal, Assam, Kashmir and
Orissa were predominantly rice producing areas while wheat formed the staple crop it .
Rajputana, Malwa, Gujarat anU Jaunpur. Malwa, with rich and fertile soil, produced
good quality wheat, paddy, gram, peas, pulses, cotton, excellent betal-leaves,
mangoes, etc. These products were supplied to the Delhi Sultanate.
In the medieval economy of Kashmir, Bengal, Assam, Gujarat and Orissa,.t+de
played a very crucial role. The Kashmiri merchants maintained their trade relations
with Patna, Banara$ Lhasa, Kathmandu and Peking. Kashmir's trade with Punjab
was through the Pir Panjal ranges. Kashn~irwas connected with Leh thiough Zoji-la
pass. Salt (from ~ur?jab) and shawl (from Ladakh and ~ a r ~ a i were
d ) the major
imports. Kashmir exported shawls, musk, crystals, silks, saffrbn and dry fruits.
Zainul Abedin took ~pecialefforts to encourage silk industry in Kashmir by
introducing better techniques and designs. Silk-worms were reared on mlberry .
. leaves. The credii fd introducing paper industry in Kashmir'also goes to Zainul
, Abedin. Trade in Behgal was conducted through, both the land and the sea-
routes, the latter more significant. There were two important sea-routes: south-
easterly route connedting East Indies and China, and south-westerly mute connecting
;
Orissa, oro om an deli 3nd ~ i l a b a to
r Arabia and Abyssinia. Textiles, rice, wheat,
30 silk, sugar, etc. wereithe chief items of export. Ibn Battuta mentions that eunuch and
'I State, A-ba Md
slave trade was also conducted in 14th century Bengal. During the Sena rule, trade Economy Jn N u t b Jdb
was in a state of decline. Minhaj Siraj noticed the cirdulation of sea-sffells (kauri)
and the absence of metallic currency in the 13th a n t u r y kngal. With the
establ~shmcntof the Sultanate rule. important ports like Satgaon. Sonargaon and
Chittagong began to come into existence. Rcsidcs, there emerged a number of mint
towns like Lakhnauti, Sonargaon, Fathabad, Muhammadabad etc. Thus the Muslim
rule crkated conditions of urbanization in Bengal. The Arab and Persian merchants
, had complete control over the eastern seas. anbthe Bengali merchants played a
, secondary role. mostly ,as middle~men.Gujarat with a fine sea-coast enjoyed
flourishing trade with the Arabian and Persian countries via Red Sea and Persian
Gulf. Cambay (Khambayat). Patan. Somnath and Broach were the most important
ports. We hear of as much as 84 ports along the Gujarat Coast in the contemporary
, accounts. Barbosa gives the names of 12 important sea-ports of Gujarat. Varthema,
who visited Gujarat in 1506, tells us that about 300 ships of various nations used to
come annually to Bengal and supplied Persia, Turkey, Syria and Barbary with silk
and cotton stuffs. In Gujarat, both the Hindu and Muslim merchants played
important role. Trade formed the chief source of revenue in Gujarat economy. Barter
was the main form of exchange in the Ahom economy. Even the bureaucracy
received land with a quota of paiks to serve. The villages were self-sufficient but they
had to depend for certain items on other regions, e.g. salt. Rice was the staple crop.
The Tai-Ahoms had developed excellent technique of wet-rice cultivation which
made them distinctly superior to their local counterparts:'
25.10 LET U S S U M UP
In this Unit, we have discussed the characteristic features of north lndian regional
rtates. They penetrated 'vertically' deep into the rural areas, though 'horizontally' the
area under their control was not very large as compared to the Sultanate. Regional
states are represented as 'successor states' of the Sultanate. But it is not true in its
strict sense. In their administrative structure, most of the Sultanate features
continued to work in the regional kingdoms with some adjustments according to .
their own needs and circumstances. Local variations and the influence of local
culture is evident. Regional States economically and culturally do not present a
dismal picture as it is generally projected. We would deal with the cultural
devel~pmentof these kingdoms in Block 8.
25.11 KEY W O R D S
Arm :province
Bar Cohain and Burah Cohain :originally it was the name of two great officers
The R e g b d Powm : appointed by Sukaphi, who exercised powen second only to t h o s e 4 the king
13tblStb Century himself. Gradually thqjr office assumed hereditary character and the council came to
be known after them.
D i y u :a s m a
Gots : a uni4'of four adult males
Hakim : provincial gqernors
iqlim :as arsa I
Structure
0bjectives
Introduction
Tbe Four Kingdoms
26.2.1 The Yadavas and the Kakatiyas
26.2.2 The Pandyas and the Hoysalas
26.2.3 Conflict between the Four Kingdoms
Southern ~ i n ~ d o m
and
s Delhi Sultanate .
26.3.1 First Phase: Alauddin Khalji's Ingasion of South
26.3.2 Second Phase
Administration and Economy
26.4.1 Administration
26.4.2 Economy
Rise of Independent Kingdoms
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
26.0 OBJECTIVES
- .
This unit deals with the polity of South lndia from the 13th century t o mid-14th
century. After reading this unit you would learn about:
the political set-up in Scuth India,
the,conflicts among the Sauthern kingdoms,
the relations of the Southern kingdoms with the Delhi Sultanate,
their administration and economy, and
the emergence of new independent kingdoms in the South.
26.1 INTRODUCTION
In Block 3, we have already discussed the polity. society and economy of the Indian
subcontinent till the beginning of thirteenth century. Now we would discuss the
history of the region in the subsequent period. For our purpose, South India
includes the region to the south of the Vindhyas which includes the Deccan and
peninsular south. In Units 1.l and 12, we have already discussed the physical
geography of the region in general.
The h~sroryof South India from the 13th to the 15th centuries presents two distinct
phases :
i) The beginning of the 13th century is marked by the disintegration of the'chola
and the Chalukya empires. On their ruins emerged four independent kingdoms
in this region. There were the Pandyas and the Hoysalas in the south, the
Kakatiyas and the Yadavas in the north of this region. These kingdoms lasted
for more than a century.
ii) 'In the >econd phase, beginning from the 2nd quarter of the 14th century, there
emerged two powerful states: the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar. These two
controlled almost the whole of South lndia for about two hundred years.
Our discussions for the first phase will centre on the history of the four kingdoms;
tt.eir relationship with each other; their polity, society and economy. In the 2nd
pilase, we will discuss their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
TheRegldPowcrr: .
13tblSth C
- 26;2 THE FOUR KINGDOMS
The decline of the Chola and the Chalukya empires gave rise to a number of smaller
kingdoms and princi~litiesin the South. The f+r important ones were:
i) the Yadavas
ii) the Kakatiyas .. 1
During the 14th centuty, the Yadavas and the Kakatiyas succeeded in establishing
their hegemony over ah area almost equal to the modern kndhra Pradesh and the
Deccan.
The Yadavas
The history of the Yabva dynasty may be traced to the 9th century.. For around 300
years, they ruled as t w feudatories of the Rashtrakutas and the Chalukyas. With the
decline of the latter, t k y emerged as independent rulers with a big territory under
their control.
'\
BhilIama V, the feudatbry of the Chalukya ruler, Somesvara IV, acquired
independent status in A.D. 1187 and laid the foundation of the Yadava rule. During
Simhana's reign (121046), the Yadava boundaries extended to southern Gujarat;
Western Madhva Pradesh and Berar; parts of Maharashtra, Karnataka, the Western
half of Hydera, d State and the northern districts of Mysore. Krishna (1246dOA.D.)
and Ram Chandra (1271-131 1 A.D.) were other important d e r s of the Yadava
dynasty. With the latter's death came the end of the ~ a d a v apower itself
(1311-12 A.D.).
The Kakatiyrs .
Q e Kakatiyas were the feudatories of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. Kakati Rudradew
(Prataprudra I), the founder of the Kakatiya state, succeeded in overpowering the
Chalukya ruler, Tailapa:111, during the w n d half of the 12th century (c. 1162AD.). He
also succeeded in capturing Kurnool district from the Velananti chiefs sometime
around 1185. Ganapatl (I 199-1262), Rudrambe (126296) end Prataprudra I1 (1295-
1326) were other impottant rulers of the dynasty. Their rule extended over most of
the Andhra region up to Godavari, Kanchi, Kurnool and Cudappah districts. Uugh
Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) overran the whole of Telingana in 1322 and thus
sealed the fate of the Nakatiya rule.
The Pandyas I ,
The Pandya kingdom bcluded parts of modern Tamil Nadu and almost the whole of
the present Kerala. Th$ kingdom enjoyed the independent status around the,fiAt
quarter of the 13th cedkury and came to an end by the first quarter of the (4th
. century. The first independent king was Maravaraman Sundara Pandya (1216-1238).
Other important rulers of the dynasty were Maravaraman Sundara Pandya I1 (1238-
51), Jatavprarnan S u n h r a Pandya 1 (1251-68), Maravaraman Kulsekhara Pandya
3i (1268-131fJ) and jtavribm Sundara Pandya 11 and Jatavaraman Vir Rndya 11. .
Regiaaal Pmar b
f 26.2.3 Conflicts between the Four Kingdoms South Indh and.-
During this period, all the four kingdoms were at war with one or the other. We will
not go into the details of these conflicts. Here we would mention in brief the nature
of these struggles.
.e The main conflict was between the ~ a k a t i ~ aHoysalas
s, and the Pandyas for
supremacy over the Chola territories.
The Yadavas were constantly a t war with the ~ a k a t i ~ a ' In
s . these struggles none
1
could completely overwhelm the other. Similar was the case with the Yadavas and
the Hoysalas, and also with the Kakatiyas and the Pandyas.
Apart from the conflicts between these kingdoms, there were other wars also. The
most prominent expeditions across the south were undertaken by the Yadavas and
the Pandyas. The founder of the Yadava dynasty, Bhillama V, led expeditions to
I Malwa and Gujarat. The Yadava king'simhana and Ram Chandra also waged
wars against Malwa (R.D. 1215). and Gujarat without any decisive victories.
The Pandya king Maravaraman Kulasekhara sent expeditions to Ceylon (1283-
1302). King Parakramabaha I11 (A.D. 1302-1310) of Ceylon submitted to the
Pandya king and the relations between the two remained peaceful thereafter.
You have already read in detail in Unit 15 about the Sultanate's expansion under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs in the Deccan and the deep south. Here our emphasis will
be on the main features of the expansionist policy of the E l h i Sultans and its impact
on the Deccan pnlit. . d e will discuss the relations of southern kingdoms with the
Sultanate in two phases:
'i) Devagiri
Alauddin depllted his trusted commander Malik Kafur to invade South in 1306-07'
since the Yadava king had ceased to pay tribute. Malik Kafllr defeated Raja Ram
Chandra. After collecting a large booty, he returned to Delhi with the Raja as
captive. The Raja was later reinstated as king on the promise of paying regular
tribute to the Sultan.
ii) Warangal
,In 1309, Malik Kafur. invaded the Kakatiya kingdom. The purpose of the campaign
was just to subjugate the king as is clear from Alauddin's instructions to Kafur as
described by Barani :
''You are going to a far off land; do not remain there long. You must put in all our
efforts to capture Warangal and overthrow Rai Rudradeva. If the Rai giver$ his
treasures, elephants and horses, and promises a tribute for the future, accept this
. arrangement." ' . .
The ruler sent his trpasures to'the Delhi and promised a reglilar tribute.
7
iii) Dwarsamudra
The next target of attaqk was Dwanfamudra, the Hoysala kingdom (1310-1 1). The
ruler Ballala Deva submitted without much resistance and arrangement was made on
the lines of the two o t k r southern kingdoms.
iv) Madura I
it. Vir Pandya after caB@uringthe throne had expelled Sunder Pandya. The latter
sought the help of Ala ddin Khalji. After devastating the Hoysala kingdom, Malik
Kafur marched to Ma&a and inflicted a defeat on Vir Pandya and collected-heavy
booty. ' I
-
In 1312, Malik Kafur dttacked the Yadava kingdom. Once again, since Ram Deva's
death, his son Sankar Deva ceased to pay tribute. Sankar Deva was defeated and
almost the whole of the1 territory between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra was
captured by Kafur. When Alauddin called Kafur hack tn Delhi, he handed over the
charge to Ainu1 Mulk.
11
Alauddin during his last years had given the charge of the Dc can kingdoms to
Malik Kafur. Alauddinb successor Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20) took an
expedition to Devagiri annexed major portions. The Sultan appointed his
officers there and gave territories (iqta) to them. These officers were called
sadah amirs or ' c o m m a ~ e r sof 100'. These amirs were asked to collect land revenue
and maintain law and d d e r in their territories. Besides, he also ordered them to
invade Warangal. ~ f t e'{he
r defeat of the.Raja Prataprudrai Deva, some portions of
his kingdom were annexed.
After the death of Mubarak Khalji, the tribute from Warangal was again stopped.
~ a large army under the command of his son Ulugh
Sultan Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l usent
Khan (Muhammad Tughluq) to conquer the region of Telingana. After some
setbacks, Ulugh Khan dqfeated the king of Warangal, Prataprudra Deva. Now the
whole of Telingana was Annexed to the Delhi .Sultanate. Ulugh Khan divided the
region into several administrative units and placed them under Sadah amirs who
were under the direct coatrol or the Sultanate. Ma'bar was also conquered i? 1323,
and Sharif Jalaluddin ~BCsanwas appointed its governor with Madura as the
headquarters. When M q a m m a d Tughluq became Sultan, he realised that the
soufhern portions of his kingdom were not being managed efficiently. He, therefore,
decided to develop Deyqgiri as second administrative centre of ihe Sultanate on the
lines of Delhi (1327-28). bevagiri was named Daulatabad and large number of
nobles, merchants, learn& men and other sections of the popularinn were
encouraged to settle the .
T
The Deccan policy of M hammad Tughluq was distinct from Alauddin Khalji. He
annexed large portions the Deccan and set-up the Sultanate land revenue and
administrative system.
Check Your Progress 1
I) Name the kingdoms and their regions that emerged on the debris of the Chola
and the Chalukya empires.
I
...............................................................................................................................
,
I'
3) What was the major shift brought about by the Tughluqs in Alauddin Khalji's
Deccan policy? Discuss in five lines.
26.4.1 Administration
Monarchy was the usual politicaI institution of these kingdoms. Along with this, the
practice of feudatories, too,'was a common feature.*In the Deccan region (the
Yadavas and the Kakatiyas), the provincial heads were selected from the successful
mhitary chiefs called nayakas. They generally controlled the feudal chiefs bf lower
status, collected iand revenue and maintained iaw and order. According to one
source, the king assigned only small villages to the samantas or the nnyakas. The big
ones were kept aside to maintain the army. The Kakatiyas were always apprehensive
about the growing powers of the nayakas. They, therefore, did not allow the'nayakas
t o remain at one place for long and strike local roots. It seems that the nayankara
system, which became very prominent under Vijaynagar, had come into existence
during this time.
There were a number of ministers to look after the various departments of the
kingdom. The smallest unit of administration was viliage which was run by the
village panchayat under a headman. Groups of villages were at-0 7rganised into
administrative divisions (called sthala under the Kakatiya, and groups of sthala were
called nadu). All these administrative units and administrative heads were. called by
different name: in different kingdoms. The brahmadeya system still continued and
the temples also played some role in administration and economy.
26.4.2 Economy
The tax on agricultural produce continued to be the main source of state income.
Efforts were made by the state to bring more land ? ~ ~ c icultivation.
kr Tanks (called
samudrams in the Kalqatiya kingdom) and dams were constructed for irrigation.
There is no definite information available on the magnitude of land revenue demand.
with the establishmend of the Sultanate's control over Daulatabad, a number ofcnew
practices were i n f r o d u d in the l a ~ drevenue system (for details see Unit 28). The
state also claimed ownership of pastures, forests and mines and taxes were collected.
from them. Customs and taxes on merchandise were other sources of state income
(called sunkams under the Kakatiyas). Under the Kakatiyas, taxes were imposed on
possession of certain goods such as carriages (bandi), slaves (bani-) and horses. The
Pandya kingdom"was famous for its pearl-fisheries which is testified by Marco Polo.
Pearl divers had to p410 per cent of the finds as royalty to the king. With the
coming of the Arab merchants and later the Europeans, trading activity in many
parts of south lndia was accelerated. The income from these trading activities
contributed to the richhess of the southern kingdoms in a big way. The merchant
guilds played an impomant role: they helped the state in deciding the policies on
taxation and related nihtters. The Chettis were the most important group of
merchants in the whole of southern region.
i) The Ma'bar
ii) The Bahrnani
i i i ) ' ~ h eVijaynagar
These kingdoms emeraad after a long period of instability and conflicts. The contact
of the Delhi Sultanate With the south played a significant role in their rise. In this
section, we will discuss'the process of the emergence of the kingdom of Ma'bar while
the emergence of the ~bhm2r.iand the Vijaynagar kingdoms would be discussed in
the subsequent Unit? 21 and 28.
3 Ma'bar
As you know, Ma'bar +as conquered in 1323 and was placed under Sharif
Jalaluddin Ahsan as Gbvernor. For some years, Jalaluddin remained loyal to the
Delhi Sultans. Taking advantage of the distance and poor communication network,
he declared himself indipendentby 1333-34 and assumed the title of Jalaluddin
Ahsan Shah. Because of the fughluq Sultans' problems with othqr parts of kingdon
no serious effort was made by the Tughluq Sultans to recapture it. The indephdent
kingdom survived for d o r e than four decades and was finally conquered by
Vijaynagar in 1378.
Structure !
27.0 Objectives
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Establishment &d Consolidation
27.2.1 Early Phase, 1336-1509
27.2.2 Krishnadcva eaya, 1509-29
27.2.3 Period of InatBbility, 152942
27.2.4 The PortuguMe
27.2.5
27.2.6 3
Vijaynapr's elations with the Deep South
The Dcccan ushm States
27.3 Religion and Pqlitics
27.3.1 Ritual KingsS/p
27.3.2 Political Rolt of the Brahmans
27.3.3 Relationship between Kings, Sects and Templea
27.4 Local Administation
27.4.1 The Nay- System .
-27.4.2 The A p g u
27.5 Economy
27.5.1 Land and lno$ne Rights
27.5.2 Economic R0)b of Templea
27.5.3 Foreign Triad61
27.5.4 Internal Tradtl and Urban Life
27.6 Society
fi.7 Let Us Sum Up
27.8 Key Words
27.9 Answers to Cheqk Your Progress Exercises
4
27.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will know about:
the emergence of the Vijaynagar kingdom,
the expansion of Vijbnagar power during 14-16th century,
Vijaynagar's relatiods with the Bahmani rulers and deep south, . ,
thk process of consalidation and decline, and
the administrative set-up, economy and society'with special reference to naflnknra
and ayagnr system.
27.1 INTRODUCTION
-
In the present Unit, we bill discuss the process of the emergence, expansion and
consolidation of the Vijbynagar power over the South lndian macro-region as well as
its disintegration. In thk previous Untt, you have read about the process of the
emergence of four kingdoms in the South Indian macro-region on the ruins of the
Chalukya Hnd Chola empires. In the South the Pandya and the Hoysala whereas in
the north the Kakatiya and the Yadava kingdoms rose to prominence. The invasion
of the Deccan and Soutb India by the Delhi Sultans weakened the power of these
kingdoms and made t h t p subservient to the Delhi Sultanate. yhis was followed by
the emergence and expshsion of the Bahrnani and the Vijaynagar kingdoms in the
second quarter of the fdbrteenth century. Harihara and Bukka, the sons of Sangama
(the last Yadava king), bad been in the service of the Kakatiyas of Warangal. After
the fall of Warangal at the hands of the Delhi Sultans, they shifted to Kampili. Aftel
the'conquest of Kampilj, the two brothers were taken to Delhi where they embraced
Islam and became favoukites of the Sultan. Soon the Hoysalas attacked Kampili with
the support of the locrl,people and defeated the governor of Delhi. The Sultan at .
7
I1
'this pdint sent Harihara and Bukka to govern that region. They started t& Tbe V b y n a p r Em+
restoiatioq of Sultan's power but came in contact with Vidyaranya who converted
them back to the Hindu fold. They declared their independence and founded the
state of Vijaynagar with Harihara as its king in 1336. Soon this state developed into
a powerful Vijaynagar empire.
I
.Rivalries in this period ensued among Vijaynagar, Bahmanis, the Reddis of
Kondavidu (in the reaches of upper Krishna-Godavari delta), the Velamas of
Rajakonda (in the lower reaches of Krishna-Godavari delta), the Telugu-Chodas
(between Krishna-Godavari region) and the Gajapatis of 0nssa over the control of
the Krishna-Godavari delta, Tungabhadra doab and Marathwada (specially
i Konkan).
I
On account of constant clashes, the Vija;nagar boaqdaries kept on changing.
Between 1336-1422, major conflicts took place between Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis
with Telugu-Choda chiefs siding with the latter while the Velamas of Rajakonda and
the Reddis of Rajahmugdry joined hands with Vijaynagar. This tilted the balance
largely in favour of the latter.
During 1422-46, clash uver the annexation of Raichur doab started between the
Vijaynagar and the Bahmani rulers which resulted in Vijaynagar defeat. This greatly
exposed the weaknesses of the Vijayimgar arms. It forced its rulers to reorganise the
army by enlisting Muslim archers and engaging better quality horses. The muslim
archers were given revenue assignments. During this period the entire Kondavidu
region was annexed to the Vijaynagar empire. ,
Between 1465-1509 again, the Raichur doab became the cockpit of clashes. In the
beginning, Vijaynagar had to surrender the western ports, i.e. Goa, Chaul and
Dabhol to the Bahmanis. But, around 1490, internal disintegration'of the Bahmani
kingdom began with the establishment of Bijapur under Yusuf Adil Khan. Taking
advantage of the situation, Vijaynagar succeeded in occupying Tungabhadra region
(Adoni and Kurnool). Earlier, the loss of western ports had completely dislocated
horse trade with the Arabs on which Vijaynagar army depended for its cavalry.
'
However, occupation of Honavar, Bhatkal, Bakanur and Mangalore ports led to the
revival of horse trade. This ensured the regular supply which sustained the efficiency
of the Vijaynagar army.
The Gajapatis of Orissa were an important power in-the eastern region. They had in
their possession areas like K~ndavidu,Udayagiri and Masulipatam. The Vijaynagar
rulers succeeded in expelling the Gajapatis as far as Godavari and occupied
Kondavidu, Udayagiri and Masulipatam. But soon'r in 1481, Masulipatam was lost
to the Bahmanis. Vijaynagar had a!so to contend Lwith the constant rebellions of the
chieftains of Udsvaairi. Ummatur (near Mvsore) and Scrimamtam.
27.2.2 Krishnaderra Raya, 1509-29
This phase is markedlby the achievements of VijaynaGrls greatest ruler Krishrladeva
Raya (1 509-29). Duribg this period; the power of the Bahmanis declined, leading to
the emergence of five kingdoms: the Nizam-Shahis of Ahmadnagar; tbe Adil Shahis
of Bijapur; the Imad, Shahis of Berar, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda and the Barid
Shahis of Bidar on thle ruins of the Bahmani empire. This helped Krishnadeva Raya
greatly in capturing Kovilkonda and Raichw from the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and
Gulbarga and Bidar ftom the Bahrnanis. Krishnadeva Raya also recovered Udayagiri,
Kondavidu (south of fiver Krishna), Nalgonda (in Andhra Pradesh) Telingana and
Warangal were taken ,from the Gajapatis.
By 1510, the Portugdse also emerged as a strong power to reckon with in lndian
waters. Occupation of Goa and sack of Danda Rajouri and Dabhol provided them
monopoly in horse trdde since Goa had been the entrepot of the Deccan states for
horse trade. Krishnadeva Rayanmaintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. On
Albuquerque's requeai, Krishnadeva Raya permitted the construction of a fort at
Bhatkal. Similarly, tHk Portuguese soldiers played a reasonable role in Krishnadeva
Raya's success again& lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur.
MAP 5
The Vijaympr Em*
27.2.3 Period of Instability : 1529-42
Krishnadeva Raya's death generated internal strifes and attracted external invasions.
Taking advantage of the internal situation, lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur seired
Raichur and Mudgal. The Gajapati and Golconda kings also, though unsuccessfully.
attempted to occupy Kondavidu. During this turbulence, Krishnadeva Raya's brother
Achyut Raya (152942) succeeded in usurping the Vijaynagar throne. But the latter's
death once again led to the war of succession between Achyut Raya's son and
Sadasiva, the nephew of Achyut Raya. Finally, Sadasiva ascended the throne
(1542),.but the real power remained in the hands of Rama Raya, the son-~n-lawof
Krishnadeva Raya.
He followed the policy of admitting Muslims in 'the army and conferred important'
offices on them which greatly enhanced the efficiency of the army.
The Vijaynagar rulers exercised direct territorial sovereignty over the Tungabhadra
region. In other parts, the Vijaynagar rulers exercised ritual sovereignty (overlordsip)
through the Telugu warriors (nayakas) and the local chiefs who had metamorphosed
into nayakas and also through the sectarian groups, i.e. the Va~shnavas(You will
read about their political role in the next section).
TLc R- ?sum shortlived. Ahmaanabr was defeated a~ruralyani had to bc surrendered to Bijapur
13tbIstb Cmmy Aroung this time, h m a Raya also violated the security agreement by attacking .
Bidar. The ruler ofod30kgndajoined hands with A h r n a d ~ m and
r attacked Kalyani. '
Rama R ~ y senta hls forces against Golconda for recapturing the fortress of Kalyani:
On the other hand. Vijaynagar and Bijapur joined hands (which was again e
transitory alliance) &gainst the aggksion of Ahmadnagar.and Golconda. Finally,
Ahmadnagar had t61 surrender the forts of Kovilkonda. Ganpura and Pangal. During
this phase, R a m Riya's policy was of playing off one Muslim state against the
other to secure a balance of power in favour of vijaynag&. Later, Golconda,
Ahmadhagar. Bidar and Bijapur rallied together against Vijaynagar. The final
showdown was at Talikota (1565). a town located near Krishna river. It spelt utter
doom for Vijaynagar which was sacked. Rama Raya was killed. Though the
Vijaynagar kingdom continued to exist for almost hundred more years. its size
decreased andihe Rayas no longer remained important in the politics of South
India.
v >
Check Your Progrtss 1
I) Discuss the cohflict bciween the Vijaynagar and Bahmani kingdoms for the
control over K'rishna-Godavari delta, Tungabbdra doab and Konkan.
................................................................................................................................
2) Write in 50 words relations of the Portuguese with the Vijnynagar .rukrs;
.................................................................................................................................
3) The struggle with the Deccan Muslim states finally scaled the fate of thc
Vijaynagar ruk. Comment.
The successful military deeds of the Vijaynagar rulers led them to assume the title of
digvijayans. Vijaynagar kingship was symbolic in the sense that the Vijaynagar rulers
exercised their control through their overlords over a region beyond the prime centre
of their authority. This symbolism was manifested through the instrument of religion
which was used to ensure loyalty fromthe people. For example, ritual kingship is
best exemplified in the mahanavami festival. This was an annual toyal ceremony
lasting for nine days between 15 September and 15 October. It culminated in the
dusserah festival on the tenth day. Important personages (e.g., military commanders)
from the peripheral parts participated in the festival. Through this festival,
recognition of the sovereignty of Vijaynagar rulers by peripheral parts of the
empire was strengthened. Though the Brahmans participated in the festival, their role
was not predominant/ The ritual rites of the festival were largely performed by the
king himself.
sought the help of the Vaishnava sectarian leaders who hailed from the Tamil
country. For legitimising their power in this region, it was necessary for the rulers,
who were aliens in the Tamil region, to establish contacts with the basic Tamil
religious organisation-the temples.
The relationship between kings, sects and temples can be explained in terms of four
assertions :
' I ) Temples were basic for sustaining kingship.
2) Sectarian leaders were the connecting links between kings and temples.
1 3) Though the routine supervision of the temples was done by local sectarian
groups, the task of solving disputes concerning temples was in the hands of the
king.
4) he intervention of the king in the above matter was administrative, not
legislative.
During 1350-1650, numerous temples sprang up in south India. Through grants or
gifts to the temples in the .form of material resources (a part of the agricultural
produce of specified villages), a particular type of agrarian economy evolved under
the Vijaynagar rule. (This will be discussed in the section on Economy.)
I -
The Region8l Powur : The rulers of the early Sangama dynasty were Saivas who made additions to the Sri
13thlSth Century Virupaksha ( P a m p a ~ a ~temple
i) of Vijaynagar. The Saluvas were basically
Vaishnavas who gave patronage to both the Siva and Vishnu temples. Krishnadeva
Raya (the Tuluva'ruler) constructed the Krishnaswami temple (Vaishnava shrine)
and also gave grants to Siva temples. The ~ r a v i d ukings also gave gifts to Vaishnava
temples.
You have alreddy read, in Block 3 about the locai institutions of the earlier period
(e.g., sabha, nadu and lur). The powers of the territorial assembly (nadu) as well as
the village assemblies $abha and ur) were weakened during the time of the later
Cholas. During the Vijaynagar period, these institutions did not completely
disappear when the nagaka and ayagar systems came into prominence.
-
infeudation were absent in the nayaka system. D.C. Sircar similar!.^ refutes the
feudal theory; instead he explains it as a kind of landlordism, a .riant of feudalism
in which land was allmed to the amaranayrrkas for military st=-- ces rendered by
them to the king.
Thus, D.C. Sircar, and T.V. Mahalingam consider the nayakas of Vijaynagar as
wamors holding an office (kara) bestowed on them by the central government on
condition of rendering bilitary service. Amarenayankan was a designation. conferred
on a military officer o r chief (nayakal who had under his control a specified number
of troops. These n a y a m possessed revenue rights over land or territory called
amaram (amaramakara or amaramahali). In the Tamil country and also in the
Vijaynagar empire, the area of land thus alienated under this tenure was about
314th. The obligations 8nd activities of the nayakas were among others, giving gifts
to temples, repair and building of tanks, reclamation of wasteland and collection of
dues from temples The Tamil inscription*, however, do not refer to dues given to
the king or his officials by the nayakas. .
Krishnaswami, on the bksis of Mackenzie manuscripts, bpines that the comriianders
of Vijaynagar army (formerly under Krishnadeva Raya). later established independent
nayaka kingdoms. T o gpard against such dangers, the Vijaynagar kings tried to
establish greater control over coastal markets dealing in horse trade. They attempted
to monopolise the purchase of horses of good quality by paying a high price for
them. They also built strong garrisons fortified with trustworthy soldiers. Thus, on
1 the one halid, the Telugu nayaks were a source of strength for the Vijaynagar empire The Vijaynagar Emplre
and, on the other, they became jts rivals.
I
...................................................................w...............,...........................................
) Define the following.
Amaram .
....................................................................................................
Bhandaravada ...........................................................!........................................
....................................................................................................
Durga Dannaiks ....................................................................................................
...................
................................................................................ J
Ayagan ....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
I 3) ~ i s c u s the
i .nayankara system in ten lines.
................................................................................................................................
Tbe RigbMl F m a r :
13tblStb C
- .
ECONOMY
In this section, we will discuss the various land and income rights and the economic
role of temples. We *ill also take into account aspects related to foreign and internal
trade a'nd urban life.
production. Land-reuenue was the major source of state's income. Rate of revenue
demand varied in difierent parts of the empire and in the same locality itself
according to the fertility and regional location of the land. It was generally 116th of
the produce, but in some cases it was even more ranging up to 114th. But on
Brahmans and temples it was 1/ 20th to 1/ 30th respectively. It was payable both in
cash and kind. We find references to three major categories of land tenure: amara,
bhandaravada and nianya. These indicate the way in which the village income was
distributed. The bhmndarvada was a crown village comp1;ising the smallest category.
4 part of its income was utilised to maintain the Vijaynagar.forts. Income from the
manya (tax-free) villages was used to maintain the Brahmans, temples, and mathas.
The largest category was of the amara villages given by the Vijaynagar rulers to the
amaranayakas. Their holders did not possess proprietary rights in land but enjoyed
-privileges ever its i ~ b m only.
e The amara tenure was primarily residual in the sense
that its income was distributed after deductions had been made for support of the
Brahmans and forts. Threequarters of all the villages came under this category. The
term amaramakni is iconsidered by most historians as refemng to an 'estate' or a
'fief,.but it literally means one-sixteenth share (makani). Thus, it points to the fact
that the amaranayabs could claim only a'limited share of village income. The
mpnya rights underwent a transformation during this period. Land tenures continued
.
" t6'be given by the state to individual (ekabhogan) Brahmans and groups ~f -
Brahmans as well as to mathrs including the non- Brahman Saiva Slddhantfand '
Vaishnava gurus. Bllt theie was a great increase in devadana grants (conferred o n. "
temples) made by the state as compared to other grants.
Besides land-tax, many phfessional taxes a h were imposed. These were on
shopkeepers, farm-qrvants, shepherds, washermen, potters, shoemakers, musicians
etc. There was also tlax on property. Grazing and house taxes were also imposed.
Villageis .were also sbpposed to pay for the mainteynce of the village officers.
Besides, sthala dayaln, marpdayam and manula dayam were three major transit
dues.
Another citegory of eland right through which income was derived was a result of
investment in irrigation. ft was called dasavanda in Tamil,country; and Kathr-
Kodage in Andhra aind Karnataka. This kind of agrarian activity concerning
irrigation was undertaken in semi-dry areas where hydrographic and topographic
features Cere condubive for canying out developmental projects. The dasrvanda or
Kattu-Kodage was a share in the increased productivity of the land earned by the
person who undertabk such developmental work (e.g. construction of a tank o r
channel). This right Lo income was person%l and transferable..A portion of income
accruing from the increased productivity also went to the cultiv~torsof the villa;
where the developmentail work'was undertaken.
The contemporary foreign accounis show that local and long distance trade increased
t under the Vijaynagar rulers. Roads and roadside-facilities for travellers between
iowns were excellent. Carts were used for the transport of grains over short
distancd. Riverine shipping especially the backwater-system on the west-coast has
also been referred to. Pack-animals were used for long distance transport. In some
?he ~tglond
Powar : places armed guards for long distance transport were employed. Local magnates
13th15th Century realised the importance of trade and gave encouragement to town based trade and
auxiliary trade in regular and periodic fairs. Regular and periodic fairs took place
along the main roads leading to big temples during festival times. These fairs were
conducted by trade associations of a nearby town and under the-supervision of the
leader of trade assoQiation called pattamswami. Fairs which gavr impetus to urban
trade were also held at the orders of the local magnates, e.g. gaud. or chief of a
nadu. The literary afid inscriptional evidences of the 14th to 16ttrcenturies reveal the
existence of 80 majar trade centres. Some towns were religious; others were
commercial and adntinistrative centres. Inside these towns were many bazars where
business was carried on by merchants. They paid rents to the towns. There were
separate markets for particular commodities. Markets for agricultural and non-
agricultural products were separate in accordance with the left and right hand caste
affiliations. Trade in consecrated food for pilgrims and the sale of the right of ritual
functions and officd were important aspects of temple-related urban commerce.
The merchants and artisan organisations in Andhra got identitled with &rtain cities,
e,g. the Te1.ugu oil-pressers and merchants were associated with the city of Berwada
(in Krishna district). In these towns, the transit duties, shop and house-rents
provided income to.the towns. The temple-records refer to the prosperity and
prestige of merchant^ and artisans. The Vijaynagar state possessed an urban quality
which is not witnessed in any other South Indian state of the time. The capital city
integrated within its precincts markets, palaces, temples, mosques, etc. This urban
quality was, however, completely destroyed by the middle-16th century.
,
27.6 SOCIETY
The Brahmans livei in localities where they controlled land, and their prestige and
power was also derived from their control over those dependent on land. They also ,
enjoyed prestige due to their sacral functions as a priestly class. The emergence of a
large number of Vedic temples endowed with villages (devadanas) gave the Brahmans
as temple functionaries the power to exercise ritual control over all other castes and
religious institutions. As managers of these religious centres, the Brahmans enjoyed
great secular authority.
Territorial segmentation of society ipplies that social groups in the Tamil country.
were divided on the basis of natural sub-region and occupational patterns associated
with them. Social groups in South India had less interaction with groups a t some
distance from their locality. They gave preference to cross-cousin and maternal
uncle-niece marriages.
Another characteristic of the social structure was the dual division of lower castes
referred to by the ri&ht and left-hand designations (Vaishnavas corresponding t o t h b
right hand division and the Saivites corresponding to the left hand castes). In most
cases, the right-hand'castes were involved primarily in Agricultural production and
local trade in agricultural commodities whereas left-hand castes were engaged in
mobile artisan production and extensive trade in non-agricultural products.
During the V i j a y n a ~ rperiod, the peasant was the basis of the social order,on whom
all other sections of the society depended. The satkams, the Tamil poetic genre,
regard the leading .pcpeasantry as pure sat-sudras. They claimed ritual purity and
respectable secular raink for them.
Temples played an important role in delineati.ng or determining spcial space of
groupings who were the participants in the worship of a paiticular deity. An
important characteristic of lineage in the South Indian kingship is marked by the The Vi]aynagar,Emplre
common devotion to the lineage tutelary. The non-Brahman priests of the peasants'
tutelary shrines (e.g. amman) also participated in the management of great shrines'of
Siva and Yishnu where the Brahman priests predominated. The matha the seat of
sectarian organisation located at great shrines, consisted of persons of both the
Brahman and non-Brahman orders. Thus, the social organisation of this period
comprised of the Brahmans, the left and right-hand castes which included respectable
agricultural castes, namely vellals and lower castes like the weavers.
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
2) Describe the development of trade and commerce under the Vijaynaga! rulers
with special reference to foreign trade.
Structure
28.0 Objectives
28.1 Introduction
-28.2 Rise"of the Bahmani Power
28.3 Conquests and Consolidation
28.3.1 First Phase, 1347-1422
28.3.2 Second Phase, 1422-1538
28.4 Conflict between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis and their Relations with the
King
28.5 Central and Provincial Administration
28.6 Army Organization
28.7 Economy
28.8 Society and Culture
28.9 Let Us Sum Up
28.10 Key Words
18.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
28.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will learn about :
the emergence of the Bahmani kingdom, .
the conflict between the old Dakhni nobility and the newcomers (the Afaqis) and
how it ultimately led to the decline of the Bahmani Sultanate, and
the administrative structure, society, economy and other cultural aspects.
28.1 INTRODUCTION
You have seen that the Delhi Sultanate first intruded into the South during the time
of Alauddin Khalji. I t was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that significant
conquest of the South was effected. In this Unit, we will trace the story of the end of
the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and its replacement by the Bahmani Sultanate. It
will also take into account the conquests, consolidation, administrative system and.
the culture of the period.
- - -
he embarked upon a pr)licy of suppressing them which in turn sounded the death-
knell of the Tughluq rdle in the Deccan. We will briefly take note of the various
rebellions which broke out during this period and how they contributed to the rise of
a new kingdom and a flew dynasfy.
The earliest ~eccan'rebellionagainst the centre took place in 1227 at Sagar in
Gulbarga. It was headed by Bahauddin Gurshasp and supported by local chiefs and
amirs. The revolt was crushed but it paved the way for the need to establish the
capital at a place more centrally located than Delhi from where the southern
provinces could also be kept in check. Muhammad Tughluq, thus, made Deogir the
second capital of the empire in 1328. But the scheme failed as the very nobles who
were sent to stabilise tht Tughluq rule in the Deccan weakened the control of Delhi.
The first major successhl rebellion occurred in Ma'bar. The governor of Ma'bar :
alliance with certain ndbles of Daulatabad raised the banner of revolt..In 1336-37,
the governor of Bidar 3 s o rebelled but was suppressed.
Muhammad Tughluq fdlt that the danger to the Tughluq rule in the Deccan was
from the scions of the old nobility whom he had sent to the South from Delhi. He,
therefore, adopted the I)olicy of replacing them with a new breed of nobles who
would be loyal to him. but this was not of much help due to the recalcitrant
behaviour of the amirM-i sadah who ultimately carved out an independent kingdom
in the Deccan.
Around 1344, the amount of revenue due from the Deccan had fallen sharply.
Muhammad Tughluq divided the Deccan into 4 shiqs and placed them under the
charge of neo-Muslims whom Barani calls 'upstarts'. This was not liked by the -
amiran-i sadah. In 1345, the nobles posted in Gujarat conspired and rebelled against
Delhi. Muhammad TugJ~luqsuspected the cpmpilcity of the amiran-i sadah in the
Gujarat insurrection. Q e viceroy of the Deccan was ordered by Muhammad
Tughluq to summon t& amirs of Raichur. Gulbarga, Bijapur, etc. to Broach. The
amiran-i sadah, fearing drastic punishment at the hands of Muhammad Tughluq,
decided to strike a blow at the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and declared themselves
independent at Daulatabad by'electing Nasiruddin Ismail Shah, the senior amir of
Deogir: as their SultanclGulbarga was the first region to be taken after the
establishinent of their file in Daulatabad. Those opposing the Delhi Sultanate
consisted of the R a j p u ~ Deccanis,
, Mongols, Gujarati amirs and the troops sent by
the +ja of Tanjore. They emerged victorious in the end. But Ismail Shah abdicated
i!
v
in favour of Hasan Ka u Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah) and, thus, was laid the
.(
foundation of the Bahqanl kingdom in the Deccan in 1347. The new kingdom ,
I
comprised the entire redion of the Deccan. For the next 150 years, this kingdom
dominated the political! pctivities in the South.
Pradesh) were subjugated. The Bahmani rule covered Mandu in the north to Raichur
in the south and from Bhongir in the east to Dabhol and Goa in the west.
* The Raya of Telingana and Raya of Vijaynagar were the main rivals of the
i Bahmanis in this period. In one engagement with the Raya of Telingana Golconda
was handed over to the Bahmanis. However, war with Vijaynagar did not prove to
be decisive and the Tungabhadra Doab continued to be shared between the two
powers.
Very soon the Bahmanis lost Goa to Vijaynagar in the late 14th century. In one
campaign launched by the Bahmanis against the Raja of Kherla ( ~ a h a r a s h t i a )who.
,
was being encouraged by the rulers of Vijaynagar, Malwa and Khandesh to rebel
against ah man is, he was forced to submit. In Telingana, two rivals-Vema (of
Rajahmundry) and Velama (of Telingana) (Andhra factions) -were supported by
Vijaynagar and Bahmanis respectively. The Bahmanis tried t o intrude into Telingana
but were repulsed by the Vemas. The Bahmanis continued t o side with one Andhra
faction against the other for territorial gains. An important factdr for the Bahmani
lpsses in the campaign against Vijaynagar in the early 15th century was the fact that
the Velamas who had earlier supported the Bahmanis had shifted their allegiance to
\' Vijay nagar.
Between 1436-1444, two clashes occurred between the Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis.
In the first one, the Bahmanis had to face defeat. However, the second one,
according to Ferishta, ultimately proved to be advantageous for the Bahmanis. The
Rajas of Sangameshwar and Khandesh were subjugated. In the Gujarat campaign, :
the major cause of the defeat of the Bahrnanis was the internal strife betwken the two
factions of the nobles, the Deccanis and the Afaqis (you will read about this in the
subsequent section). The Deccanis had betrayed the Bahmani cause. Therefore, in the
campaign against Khandesh, the Deccanis were excluded which brought serious
repercussions. In 1446, t o suppress the Raja of Kherla and Sangameshwar (Konkan),
the Deccanis and the Afaqis were sent. The exped~tionended in disaster forsthe
Bahmanis. The Deccanis blamed the Afaqis who were consequently punished. bm
the Afaqis pleaded their case and regained ascendancy In the court. These strifes
proved harmful for the empire. This was the period when Mahmud Gawan came
into prominence a s the Bahmani minister. The ruler of Orissa in alliance with the
.king of Telingana attacked the Bahmanis but they were repulsed by Mahmud
Gawan. The ruler of Malwa also made a bid t o conquer the Bahmani territories
(e.g., Bidar). However, he had to retreat when Gujarat came to the rescue of the
Bahmanis. Another attempt of Malwa also failed. Mahmud Gawan conquered Hubli,
Belgaum and Bagalkot. The Bombay-Kafnatak zone came under the Bahmani sway. '
Under Gawa's able guidance, the empire extended from 0 r E s a to Goa (Konkan).
Finally, Mahmud Gawan, a n Afaqi, became a victim of group rivalry and was
The Regional Powm :
13th-15th.Centwy
BAHMANI KINGDOM
--
Approximate boundary- --.-
murdered a t the hands of the Deccani party. After this, the kingdom rolled down the
path of disintegrat~on.Wars undertaken against Vijaynagar ended in disaster and
ultimately,by 1538 the oahmani dynasty came to an end and the kingdom broke up
into 5 states-Berar, Bidar, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda.
..- .
Check Your Progress
I) is cuss the role of the amiran-i sadah in making the Deccan independent of the
Tughluq rule. Answer in about eight lines.
We have seen in Block 5 that nobles played a crucial role not only a; consotidators
but also as kingmakers in the Sultanate. Every Sultan's interest was to win the
loyalty of his nobles. The same tradition continued in the Bahmani kingdom as well.
. i s early as Alauddin Bahman Shah's reign we see as many as three factions: one
which helped Alauddin Bahman Shah in establishing an independent kingdom in the
Deccan; the other was the Tughluq faction and the third faction comprised of local
chiefs and vassals who had personal interests.
From Alauddin Mujahid's reign (1375-78) onwards, a new factor was introduced in
the composition of the nobility, i.e. the Afaqis. This word means 'universal'-persons
who were uprooted and hence did not belong to any region. They were also called
gharibud diyar, that is, 'strangers'. These Afaqis had migrated from Iran,
Ttansoxiana and Iraq. But it was during Ghiyasuddin Tahamtan's reign, in 1397,
that the real clash between the Dakhnis and the Afaqis h e ~ a nwhen the Sultan
appointed many Afaqis to higher posts: for example, Salabat Khan was appointed
the governor of Berar, Muhammad Khan sar-i naubat and Ahmad Beg Qazwini as
peshwa. Appointment of the Afaqis to such high posts which were earlier held by the
Dakhnis greatly raised dissatisfaction among the old nobility and the Turkish faction
under the leadership of Taghalchin. ~ a ~ h a l c h succeeded
ih in reducing their influence
as early as 1397 wRen he successfully conspired the murder of Ghiyasuddin and
placed Shamsuddin Dawud ll (1397) as a.puppet king and assured for himself the ,
post of Malik Naib and Mir Jumla. It was Ahmad 1 (1422-36) who for the first time
appointed Khalaf Hasan Basri, an Afaqi (with whose help he got the throne), to the
highest office of wakil-i Sultanat and conferred on him the highest title of malik-ut
tujjar (prince of merchants). This phenomenal rise was the result of the continuous
expression of loyalty shown by the Afaqis compared to the Dakhnis. It was the
Afaqi Syed Hussain Badakhohi and others who helped Ahmad 1 in his escape during
his Vijaynagar campaign in the early years of his reign. As a result, Ahmad 1
recruited a special force of the Afaqi archers. Similar other favours were also
showered on them. This policy created great resentment among the Dakhnis. Clashes
between these two groups can be seen during Ahmad's Gujarat campaign when, on
account of the n~n-cooperationof the Dakhnis, the Bahmani arms had to face defeat
urider the leadership of Malik-ut.tu&r. This gulf'widened further during Ahmad 11's
reign. At the time of the attacks of Khandesh army on account of the non-
cooperatiod of the Dakhnis, only the Afaqir could be despatched under Khalaf
Hasan Basri. Humayun Shah (1458-1461) t r . 4 to maintain equilibrium between the
two factions. During Ahmad Ill's reign (1461-b5 A.D.), the Dakhnis felt that much
power was concentrated into the hands of the Afaqis with Khwaja-i Jahan Turk,
Malik-ut tujjar and Mahmud Gawan at the helm of affairs. On the other hand, the
Afaqis were dissatisfied because the power which they enjoyed under Ahmad 11's
reign was greatly reduced under the latter's successor. Mahmud Gawan, the chief
minister of Muhammad I11 (1463-1482), also tried to maintain the equilibrium
between the two. As a result, he appointed Malik Hasan as sar-i lashkar of
Telingana and Fathullah as sar-i lashkar of Berar. But Mahmud Gawan himself fell
prey to the conspiracy of Zarif-ul Mulk Dakhni and Miftah Habshi. Once the
equilibrium was disturbed, the successive weak kings became puppets in the hands of
- - \
The Regional Powem : During Shihabuddin Mahmud's reign (1482-Ma), the clash reached its climax.
13th-15th century While the king showed his distinct inclination for the-@aqis, the Dakhrlis joined
hands with the H a ~ b h (Abyssinian)
i faction. The latter, in 1487, in a-desperate bid
attempted to kill the king but failed. It resulted in a large-scale massacre of the
Dakhnis which continued for three days. All these factional fights weakened the*
centre. Shihabuddin" reign itself was marred by continuous rebellions and intrigues
of Qasim Barid, Malik Ahmad Nizamul Mulk, Bahadur Gilani, etc. Shihabuddin's
death (1518) providhd these nobles almost a free hand in their provinces. in ally,
lbrahim Adil Shah df Bijapur was thefirst to claim his independence in 1537. Thus
began the'physical d~isintegrationof the Bahmani Sultanate.
During Mutiammad 1's reign, the Bahmani kingdom was divided into four atraf or
provinces, i.e. Daulgltabad, Berar, Bidar and Gulbarga each ruled by a tarafdar.
Since Gulbarga was the most important province, only the most trusted nobles were
appointed who werd,called mir naib (viceroy)-distinct from the governois
of other provinces. hater on, as the boundaries of the kingdom expanded, M hmud )
Gawan divided the empire into eight provinces. Certain parts of the empire were put
Yar
-
-
under the direct control of the Sultan (khassrr-i Sultani).
The amir-ul umara yas the commander of the army. The army mainly consisted of
, soldieis and cavalry. Elephants were also employed. The rulers maintained a large
number of bodyguaaqls known a s khassakhel. Muhammad I is stated to have had four
thousand bodyguardq. Besides, there were silahdars who were incharge of the
'personal armoury of the king. In times of need, barbardan were asked to mobilize
troops. Another characteristic feature of the Bahmani army was the use of
gunpowder that gave them military advantage.
Niccolo Conti, a n ltdian traveller, who visited lndia in the 15th century, writes that
their army used javelins, swords, arm-pieces, round-shields, bows and arrows. He
adds that they used 'Iballistae and bombarding machines as well as siege-pieces'.
Duarte Barbosa wha'visited lndia during 1500-17 also made similar remarks that
they used maces, badle-axes, bows and arrows. He adds: "they [Mgorish] ride on
high-pommelled saddle.. .. fight tied to their saddles..... The gentios .... the larger part
of them fight on foot, but some on horseback ..." Mahmud Gawan streamlined the
military administration as well. Earlier,'the tarafdars had absolute authority to
appoint the qiladars bf the forts. Gawan placed one fort under one tarafdar's
jurisdiction, the rest f the forts within a province were placed under the central
1
command. To check i orruptio?, he made a rule that every officer should be paid a t ,
a fixed rate for ever41500 troopers maintained by him. When he was given revenue
,
assignments in lieu OK cash, the amount incurred by the officer in the collection of
revenue was to be PT;hto him separately. If he failed to maintain the stipulated
- soldiers, he had to rdund the proportionate amount to the exchequer. P
2) ~ e f i n ethe following:
a) Afaqi ............................................ .................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
c) Malik-ut tujjar .................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
d) Munihians ......................................................................................................
.3) What were the major changes brought about by Mahmud Gawan in
i
, administration and army organization? Write in 60 words.
.................................................................................................................................
28.7 ECONOMY
Mahmud Gawan ordered for systematic measurement of land fixing the boundaries
of the villages and towns. Thus, in this regard he was the forerunner of Raja Todar
Mal. All this greatly helped the exchequer. First, the income of the empire was
ensured and became known in advance; secondly, it also curbed the corruption of
the nobles to the minimum, thereby increasing the state*$income.
1n"the Bahmani kingdom, trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. Nikitin, a
Russian traveller, who was in the Deccan during 1469-74, provides ample
information regarding the commercial activities of Bidar. He says that horses, cloth,
silk, and pepper were the chief merchandise. He adds that at Shikhbaludin Peratyr
and a t kladinand bazar people assembled in large numbers where trade continued
for ienldays. & also'iii^entionsthe Bahmani seaport Mustafabad-Dabul as a centre
of:commercial activity. Dabul was wellconnected not only with the Indian but also
with the African ports. Horses were imported from Arabia,,Khurasan and
Turkestan. Trade and commerce was mostly in the hands of the Hindu merchants.
Musk and fur'were imported from China. ,~''-+.--.,,
28.8 SOCIETY AND CULTURE
The social structure df the Bahmanis was cosmopolitan in character. There were
M uslifns, Hindus, 1anians, Transoxonians, l raqis and Abyssinians (Habshis). The
Portuguese came during the early 16th century. This heterogeneous character
becomes more prominent if we'look at its linguistic pattern: Persian, Marathi,
Dakhni (proto-UrdlES;, Kannada and Telugu languages were widely spoken in various
parts of the kingdom.
Broadly, two classes existed in the society. According to Nikitin, there were poor,
and <he nobles who were "extremely opulentn. He says that "the nobles were carried
on their Silver beds, preceded by twenty horses caparisoned in gold and followed by
three hundred mkn ah horseback and five hundred on foot along with ten
torchbearers." Nikitin also gives a graphic account of the grandeur of the Bahmani
wazir, ~ a h m & jGawan. He mentions that everyday along with him 500 men used
to dine. For the ,safetk of his house alone, everyday 100 armed personnel kept
vigilance. In contrast, the general population was poor. Though Nikitin mentions
only two classes, the% was yet another class-the merchants (the so-called middk
class).
The sufis were great& venerated by the Bahmani rulers. Initially, they migrated to
the Deccan as religiaus auxiliaries of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs. The infant
Bahmani kingdom rqiluired the support of the sufm for popular legitimization of
their authority. The sufis who migrated to the Bahmani kingdom were chiefly of the
Chishti, Qadiri and Shattari orders. Bidar emerged as one of the most important
centres of the Qadiri order. Shaikh Sirajuddin Junaidi was the first smfi to receive
the royal favour. The Chishti saints enjoyed the greatest honour. Syed Muhammad
Gesu Daraz, the famous Chishti saint of Delhi, migrated to Gulbarga in 1402-3.
Sultan Feroz granteq la number of villages as innm for the upkeep of his khmqab.
But during the later pieriod of his reign dissensions between the two developed on
account of the sufi's.slpport for the Sultan's brother Ahmad as his successor. It
finally led to the expulsion of Gesu Daraz from Gulbarp.
With the large influxabf the Afaqis in the Bahmani kingdom, the Shias also found
their place under Fadullah's influence. Ahmad 1's act of sending 30,000 silver tankas
for distribution among the Saiyyids of Karbala in Iraq shows his inclination for the
Shia doctrine. The mbst influential wazir of Ahmad 111 was also a Shia.
Hindu traditions and p l t u r e also influenced the Bahmani court. Sultan Feroz's
(1397-1422) marriage with a daughter of the royal family of Vijaynagar helped
greatly in the Hindu-Muslims cultural harmony. There is a. legend that Feroz even
once went to Vijaynagar in the guise of a Hindu faqir. Even in the most important
ceremony like the celebration of urs, Hindu influences are to be seen. During the
urs celebrations, the Janprn (the head of the Lingayats of Madhyal in Gulbarga
district) would perfom the ceremony in typical Hindu fashion-conch-blowing,
flower offerings, etc. What is interesting is that the Jangarn wore Muslim apparel
with the usual cap th&t the Muslim danvesh (hermit) used.
You will read about Other cultural aspects like architecture, education etc. in
Block 8.
...........................f,....,.........,....
................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
II
iI
2) Mark right ( ) or wrong (X) against the following statements :
i) Nikitin was an Italian traveller who visited India during the 15th century.
ii) Under Mahmud Gawan, systematic measurement of the land was done.
iii) Gesu Daraz was a famous Suhrawardi saint.
3) Discuss Nikitin's observation on the Bahmani sokiety.
28.9 LET US S U M UP
T o sum up we saw how the amiran-i sndah gradually succeeded in carving out an
independent Bahmani kingdom. In their formative phase, they were constantly at
war with the Vijaynagar; Malwa and Telingana rulers. We have also seen how the
clashes between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis ultimately led to the decline of the
Bahmani Sultanate. As for the administrative structute, we do not find it much
different from that of the Delhi Sultanate with the exception of designations and
nomenclatures and Mahmud Gawan's reforms concerning the measurement of land.
28.10 KEY W O R D S
Afaqi: (literally 'Universal'; from afaq); Newcomers (from Iran, Iraq and
Transoxiana)
Amiran Hamrah: nobles of one thousand
Chaudhri: see Block 5
Dakhni: old Deccani nobility
Darwesh: muslim hermit; saint
Iqllm : provinces
Inam: revenue free grants
Jangam: head of the Lingayat sect
Karkun: see Block 5
Khanqah: Muslim m o n a s t h
Khassakhel: bodyguards of the Sultan
Mank-ut tujislr :prince of merchants
Mir naib: viceroy
Moorish : Muslim
Mutasnrrif: see block 5
Shiq: administrative unit similar to that of a district
S hlqdar : holder of shiq
Silahdar: incharge of the armour
rarafdar: provincial governors,
' Wakil : see block 5
I
According to Schwartzberg :
. .
: . . ..
"The key to this progressive decline'in the average size and duration of major
powers appears to lie in the secularly increasing degree of d o l l s competition
which major powers had to face from other major of comparable strength. ,
Hence there was a long range tendency towards a rise in the Bequeney and
intensity of n u s between or-among major powers throughout the Sultanate
I
per~od.This would have resulted in increasing instability within the power system
as a whole and seriously inhibited the growth potential of all states within the ,
system."
/
By medieval period, in fact, settlement over the best av&lableagricultural land seems to have
almost been completed; this led t o intensive agriculture; that in turn gave way to greater
intensity of settlement vis-a-vis population growth and population pressure. The latta two
factors helped greatly in increasing the strengh of thearmy in both ways-the fighting power
as well as resistance power. Thus, according to Schwartzberg, geographical features made the
conflicts inevitable and contributed t o the emergence of regional states.
Richard G. Fox, Bernard Cohn and K.N. Singh have interpreted the emergence of
regional powers in socio-political-anthropologicalmodel where kinship, clan and
'lineages were the main organising factors. For Richard Fox, such groups, though served
as guarantor or the preserver of the political authority, were also prone to frequen~
rebellions which led t o fragmentation and weakening of the central authority specially
when the central control seems to be in doldrums. The Rajput clan-organisation is a
glaring example. In Rajputana, these chiefs or njrs,o r p i s e d on the basis of clan, used
to wntrol small principalities of the same lineages. You have already read in Unit 9 how
closely the Rajput social organisation was knitted through clan, caste and lineages.
Their area of influence wuld be through matrimony and migration of disgruntled sub-
lineages. These 'unilineal kin-organisations' performed many political and military
functions relating to revenudpllection and maintenance of law and order. They used to
get 'legitimization' by the state. The 'mandate' of the state was the 'mandate' of the kin
allegiance. On account of this 'internalcohesion' and 'external recognition', their
position became so stfong at the local level that neither the state nor the clan members
could throw them off.
After Timur's invasion, the political vacuum created at the centre provided these chiefs
or njm opportunity to strike deep r o o F the local level. Thus started internecine
warfare throughout the 1345th century between power centres trying to exploit the
situation t o their respective interests.
1 I Segmentary State
Burton Stein regards the Vijaynagar state as a stzmentary state (for its characteristic
features see Sub-sec. 8.3.2). For him, in the Vijaynagar state, absolute political
sovereignty rested with the centre, but in the periphery 'ritual sovereignty' (symbolic
control) was in the hands of the nayakas and the Brahman commanders. The
relationship of these subordinate units-segments-in relation t o the central authority
was pyramidally arranged. The more far removed a segment was from the centre, the
1 greater its capacity to change loyalty from one power pyramid t o another.
1 .) Feudal Model .
II
Some scholars try to explain the character of the Vijaynagar state in the backdrop of
feudal structure. They argue that the practice of giving fresh land grants to Brahmans
was an Importarw racror which led, t o the rise of feudal segments. The frequency of such
land grants enhaaced the position of the Brahmans. As a result, they enjoyed a large
measure of autowmy, possessed administrative powers and controlled revenue resources
within their settlments. Scholars filrther argue that since the rulers of Vijaynagar
The vassals in t#n started giving land grants to their slbordinates, thus giving way to
sub-infeudation, T h e large extent of the empire and the absence of adequate means of 1
I
transport and cbknmunication made it necessary for ihe rulers to entrust power to these
feudal segmentslbr the governance of the empire. In the process of conquest and 1
I
consolidation, r b l c i t r a n t chieftains were subdued and their territory distributed among
new chiefs. Nevertheless, some old chiefs were also permitted to continue in the new I
k
scheme. I
ther 1nterl)retations
N.K. Shastri s& the Vijaynagar state in the light of essentially a Hindu kingdom
performing the ideological (religiopolitical) role of the defender of Hindu culture against
the Muslims of be Bahmani kingdom and its successor states. From this stems the
i
theory of the m $taristic character of the Vijaynagu state. For him, the Vijaynagar state
was a war state.,
1
W h y these kingHoms remained confined to 'secondary' status and could not assume the
'Imperial' one?.'bn Schwartzberg's terms, why they remained 'Supra-regional powers'
a n d could not &ch to the status of 'Pan-Indian powers? There were certain
geopolitical, stdctural and circumstantial factors behind this. Foremost is their
Iperipheral locadbn, States of Kashmir, Gujarat, Rajpytana, Sind, Orissa, Assam and
Bengal d o not lie in the heartland of the empire to aksume the central status.
Mountaneous tkrrain also obstructed their smooth expansion. Kashmir's expansion was
mainly obstructwd by the inaccessible mountains. Similarly, the iocreasing aridity of the
great Indian destrt in the north-west obsthcted the growth of Sind and Rajputana
kingdomq. ThoMh Malwa and Jaunpur were situated in the core and the most fertile
plain$. they had~'anw-frontie~-klrrollndedby hostile states. Each state attempted to
get control ovetl their rich resources, so constant waifare was the main feature of the
regional syndrd$e which hampered expansion.
frequently chaqeed sides-sometimes with Malwa, and sometimes with Gujarat as the
opportunity arbse. Increasing feuds of the Rajputs among their clan members was the
main reason why the Rajput state could not assume the 'Pan-India' status. T o add t o
this, unlike Gujarat and Bengal, other regions being land-locked (specially Jaunpur and
Malwa), did ndt have opportunity to develop Jverseas trade and commerce which
further curtail& their income and provided little ,cope for 'extra' resources required for
expansiori ,
The B.hm.nk
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK
Muhammad Habib and K.A. ~ i z a m :i Delhi Sultanate.
A.B. Pandey: Early Medieval India and Later Medieval India.
Ishwari Prasad : Medieval India.
T.V. Mahalingam: Administration and Society under Viiqvnagar.
Nilakanta Sastri : A History of South India.
UNIT 29 SOCIO-RELIGIOUS
MOVEMENT: BHAKTI
MOVEMENT
Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Background : Bhakti Movement in South India
29.3 Bhakti Movement in North India
29.4 Emergence of Bhakti' Movement
29.4.1 Political Factors for the Rise ofthe Bhaktt Movement
29.4.2 Socio-Economic Factors
29.5 Main Popular Movements and their Characteristics
29.5.1 Monotheistic Movements of North lndia
29.5.2 Common Characteristic Features
29.5.3 Vnbhmva BhakU Movement 'in North lndia
29.5.4 Vaishmva BhakU Movement in Bengal
29.5.5 BhakU Movement in Maharashtra
29.5.6 BhakU Movement in Other Regions
29.6 Influence of Other Traditions and Movemerits
29.6.1 Popular Monotheistic Saints and Mmananda
29.6.2 Influence of the N.tbpntM Movement on Monotheistic Saints
29.6.3 Influence of Islamic Ideas and the Role of Sufism
29.6.4 'Ibeory of Islamic Challenge to Hinduism
29.7 Let Us Sum U p
29.8 Key Words
29.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.
29.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you would be able to :
understand the background of thebhakti movement,
identify the main political and socio-economic
.. factors for the rise of bhakti
.movement in North India,
list the main popular branches and the saints of this movement,
know the main characteristic features of the bhrrkti movement, and
learn about the influence of other traditions and Islam on this'movement.
The sai- Nayanar saints and vaishnava .Alvar saints of South India spread the
'
doctrine of bhakti among different sections of the society irrespestive of caste and
sex during the period between the syventh and the tenth century. Some of these
saints came from the "lower" castes and some were women. The saint-poets
preached bhakti. 'in an intense emotional manner and promoted religious
egalitarianism. They dispensed with rituals and traversed the region several times
singing, dan~ingand advocating bhakti. The Alvar and Nayanar saints used the
Tamil language and not Sanskrit for preaching and composing devotional songs. All
these features gave the movement a popular character. For the first time bhakti
acquired a popular base. The South Indian bhaktil saints were critical of Buddhists
and Jains who enjoyed a privileged status at the courts of South Indian kings at that
time. They won over many adherents of Buddhism and Jainism both of which by
now had become Ejgid and formal religions. At the same time, however, these
poet-saints resisted the authority of the orthodox Brahmans by making bbaktl
accessible to all without any caste and sex discrimination. But the South Indian
bhakti movement had its limitations as well. It never consciously opposed
Brahmanismor the varna'and caste systems at the social level. It was integrated with
the caste system an8 the "lower" castes continued to suffer from various soeial
disabilities. There Was no elimination of Brahmanical rituals such as worship of
idols, recitation of the Vedic mantras and pilgrimages to sacred placesin spite of the
ovemding emphasis on bhakti as the superior mode of worship. The Bbddhists and
Jains were its main targets, not the Brahmans. This perhaps was also the reason why
the Brahman dominated temples played an important role in the growth of South
Indian bhakti movement. Since the ideological and social foundations of caste
system were not qllrbstioned by the South Indian saint-poets, the bhakti :movement
of the South in the long run strengthened it rather than weakening it. Ultimately,
after the movemeno reached its climax in the tenth century, it was gradually
assimilated into the conventional Brahmanical religion. But despite these
limitations, the Sodth Indian bhakti movement in its heyday succeeded in
championing the cause of religious equality and, consequently, the Brahmans had to
accept the right of the "low-caste" to preach, to have access to bhakti as a mode of
worship and io have access even to the Vedas
Ramananda (late 14thpnd early 15th century) and Vallabha (late 15tb and early
16th century). Since both of them lived mostly in North India during.the Sultanate
period and gave new orientation to the vaishnava bhakti, they will be discussed in
the section dealirig with North India.
Nimbarka ...........................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
Vallabha ...........,...............................................................................
I
29.5 MAIN POPULAR MOVEMENTS AND THEIR
CHARACTERISTICS
In this section, we will discuss some of the main monotheistic and vaishnava
, movements in North India, including Maharashtra and Bengal quring the period
under review.
wy
either of themland criticised the superstitions and orthodox elements of both
the religions. launched a vigorous ideological assault bn caste system and
idolatry. They rejected the authority of the Brahmans and their religious
scriptures. Kabr, in his harsh and abrasive stylq uses ridicule as a powerful
method for debouncing orthodox Brahmanism.
v) The mvnvthcists composed their poems in popular la&uages. Some of them
4
used a langua t Ghich was a mixture of different dialects spoken in various
parts of North India. The monotheistic saints preferred this common language
to their own native dialects because they considered it fit for the propagation of
their non-conformist ideas among the masses in various regions. The use
common language is a striking feature of the movement considering that t e
saints belonged to different parts of North India and spoke different dialects.
IP
The monotheists also made use of popular symbols and images to propagate
their teachings. Their utterances are expressed in short verses which could be
e a d y remembered. Thus, for instance, Kabir's poetry is unpolished and has a
rustic, colloquial quality but it is essentially a poetry of the people.
vi) Most of the monotheistic saints were not ascetics. They led worldly life and
were married. They lived and preached among the people. They had aversion
to and disdain for professional ascetics.-They frequently refer to professional
caste groups in their verses which would suggest that they continued to pursue
their family professions. They were also not like the medieval European
Christian saints who were recognised as "holy" by the Church. The
expression which has been used for them and by which they themselves
referred to each other is sant or bhagat. In the adi Granth, ~abi;, Raidas,
Dhanna, Pipa, Namdev, etc. have been listed as bhagat.
vii) m e monotheistic saints travelled widely to propagate their beliefs. Namdev, a
14th-century saint from Maharashtra travelled as far as Punjab where his
teachings became so popular that they were later absorbed in the Adi-Granth.
Kabir, Raidas and other saints are also believed to have travelled widely.
viii) The ideas of Kabir and other monotheists spread to Larious regions and
became popular among the "lower" classes. The popularity of the monotheists
broke territorial barriers. This is clear from the high position accorded to Kabir
in the Sikh tradition and in the Dadu panthi tradition of Rajasthan. Their
continuing popularity even almost twohundred years after their time and in a
distant region is clear from the way a mid-17th century Maharashtrian saint
Tukaram looks upon himself as an admirer and follower of Kabir, Raidas, Sen,
Gora, etc. A 17th century Persian work on comparative religion
Dabiitan-i Mazahib testifies to the continuing popularity of Kabir among the
people of North India.
ix) Despite the widespread popularity that the teachings of monotheists enjoyed
among the masses, the followers of each one of the major figures in the
monotheistic movement like Kabir, Raidas and Nanak gradually organized
themselves into exclusive sectarian orders called panths such as Kabir panth,
Raidasi panth, Nanak panth, etc. Of all these panths, the Nanak panth alone
eventually crystallised into a mass religion while most of the others continue to
survive till today but with a vastly reduced following and a narrow sectarian
base.
..................................................................... r . . . . . . ........................
...................................................................................................
Guru Nanak ..:................................................................................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
- t y culture : ~ j t b
~ ~ d c.ad to 15th
' 3) What are the characteristic features of monotheistic bhakti move~~lent?
thenames af three saints belonging to this'movement.
........................................................................... .
i..?.....................
Chaitanya disregarded all distinctions of caste, creed arld scx to give a popular bdse
to Krishna-bhakti. His followers belonged to all castes and communities. One of his
most favourite disciples was Haridas who was a Muslim. He popularized the practice
of sankirtan or group devotional singing accompanied by ecstatic dancing.
However, chaitanyi did not givk up traditional Brahamanical values altogether. He
did not question the authority of the Brahmans and scripturcs. He upheld the caste
prejudices of his Brahman disciples against the "lower" caste disciples. Six
Sanskrit-knowing Brahman Goswamins who were sent by him to Vrindavan near
Mathura established a religious order which recognized caste restrictions in its
I devotional practices and rituals. These Goswamins gradually distanced themselves
from Chaitanya's teachings and from the popular movement that had grown around
him in Bengal.
I
I But Chaitanya's movement had a great impact on Bengali society. His disregard for
-caste distinctions in the sphere of devotional singing promoted a sense of equality in
I
Bengali life. In Bengal and in Puri in Orissa, his movement remained popular. In
these places, his followers were not always scholarly Brahmans but included,
I
common people. They wrote in Bengali, propagated his bhakti and looked upon
1 Chaitanya as the living Krishna or as Radha and Krishna in one body.
It is clear that the b u t i movement of the Sultanate period cannot be linked in any
way with the older sdbth Indian bhakti. But they were influen'ced in one way or
another by certain existing traditions and movements whose history goes back to the
'pre-Sukanate peripd. These i,ncluded the bhakti tradition of the Bhagavat Purana,
religious ideas and activities of scholar-saints such as Ramananda, andsuch
heterodox movements as that of the nathpanthis.
' h e doctrine/ of bhakti is fully developed in the most famous of the PurPhas--the
dhaga~atPurana, a Vaishnavite work composed around the 9th century. Its most
"k;lportant feature is its emphasis on the bhakti of Vishnu in his various incarnations,
especially in the form of Krishna. The Bhagavata accepts the orthodox Brahmanical
theory of the origin of the v m a system but does not accept the superiority of the
Brahmans simply on the basis of their status or birth. For it, bhakti 4s. the main
.c;riteria. I t has been pointed out that Bhagavata Purana is the link between various,
vaishnava bhakti movements of the medieval period. However, the influence of thk
Bhagavata tradition on monotheistic saints such as Kabir and Nanak was not exerted
in a direct manner. Most of these saints were illiterate and did not have any direct .
access to the Bhagavata and other scriptures. Kabir's concept of bhakti is
characteristically different from thatzof the Bbagavata. Kabir and other
non-conformist saints did not believe in incarnations either and rejected the
Brahmanical and scriptural authority altogether.
I
I
Nathpanthi influence on Kabir is clearly seen in his non-conformist attitudes, in his
independent thinking, in the harsh style of his utteran&*s;in his "upside-down"
language (called ulatbasi containing,paradoxes and enigmas) and partly in his
mystical symbolism, However, Kabir and other monotheists, in their
, characteristically critical and innovative manner adopted the ndpanthi ideas on a
selective basis only and everl when they did so,they adapted these i'yleas to their own
purpose. Kabir rejected their asceticism and esoteric practices and also their
physical methods such as breath control. Thus, the influence of the nathpanthis on
the monotheistic saints of medieval period can be seen more in their heterodox'
P attitudes towards the established Brahmanical religion than in their pactices.
It
inspiration in any pa icular religion. However, Islam did influence the bhakti cults
and, in particular, t popular monotheistic movements in other ways.
Non-conformist saibs such as Kabir and Nanak picked up some of their ideas from
Islam. These includM their noncompromising faith in one God, thkir rejection of
incarnation, their cdhception of nirguna bhakti and their attack on idolatry and the
1
caste system. But ky did not uncritically borrow from Islam and rejected many
elements of orthod k Islam. The vaishnava bhakti movements, on the other hand,
cannot be interpret& in terms of ouch an influence of Islam as they neither
denounced idolatryilnd the caste system nor the theory of incarnation. They
believed in saguna 4hakti. The relationship between monotheistic bhakti movement
and Islam seems to have been one of mutual influence and sufism p~ovidedthe
common meeting gtbund. Sufi concepts of pir and mystic uniop with the "beloved"
(God) coincided in hany respects with the non-conformist saints' con'cepts of guru . *
and devcltional sudnder to God. Kabir is even believed to have had affiliations
with Chiihti sufi saipts, though concrete historical evidence is lacking. Guru Nanak's
encounters with sufis are described in the janam-sakhis. Though the sufism and the
monotheistic moveteenf were historically independent of ea& other, t h ~ r ewas
remarkable simila* in many of their basic ideas, including their common rejection
of Hindu and Musllin orthodoxies. The interactiori between them, however indirect,
must have given impetus to both of them.
' ii) The Hindu pkpulation continued to observe their religious practices and to
celebrate theji religious festivals. In fact, the overwhelming majority of
population rdbrained Hindu even in the vicinity of Delhi, the capital of the
Sultanate.
iii) - The monothdbtic saints denounced the aspects of both orthodox ~rahmaniim
- and orthodox lslam and their ritualistic practices.
iv) To assume thlt all mondtheistic and vaishnava bhnkti saints were reacting on
+
behalf of the Hindus to Islamic threat is not convincing because kabir and
other "low cdte" saints hardly saw any unity of purpose with the saints
belonging to !be vsishnava bhakti cults.
and the teachings of the vaishnava'bhakti-dant;or dl the-
not concerned with Islamic influence or at b4st show
regard. In fact, it has been pointed out that Hindus and
Muslims both stoo&ide by side among Chaitanya's disciples, as they had done
~ ~ n ~di r~ nr a ~ nK
c al h i r f N a n a l nr narlll n a v n l
Check Your Progress 4
1) In what way the bhakti saints were influenced by the oathpanthi doctrine?
? Structure
.
"0.0 Objedtives
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Salient Features of Sufism
r 30.3 Growth of Sufi Movement in Islamic World
30.3.1 The Formative Stage (Upto 10th Century)
30.3.2 Growth of Organised Sun Movement (10th-12th Century)
L,
30.3.3 Formation of Sufi Orders or Sibilah (late 12th and 13th Centuries)
- 30.4 Growth of Sufism in India
I
30.5 Sufi orders in 1ndia During the Sultanate Period '
30.5.1 The Subrnwardi ~~
30.5.2 The Chisbtl SUsikb
30.5.3 Other Sull Orders
30.6 The Causes of Chishti Popularity
30.7 Social Role of The Sufis
30.7.1 The.Sulls and the State
+ 30.7.2 The S w and ~ the Ulema
:
; 30.7.3 The Sufla and Conversions
s
-
.
30.7.4 Material Life in Su6 ~b.aq.hs'
30.8 The Impact of Contemporary MysSicIdeas of Islamic Countries on
Indian Sufism
30.9 The Sufi and the Bhakti Movements and Cultural 'Svnthesis
30.10 Let Us Sum U p
30.11 Key Words
30.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
30.0 O~JECTIVES
I
In this Unit, we will discuss sufi movement and ideas in medieval India. After going
through this unit, you would be' able to learn about :
' the salient features of Sufism, e
-3 the growth of Sufism in the Islamic World,
0,. its development in India during the period of Delhi Sultanate
: the main sub sllsilahs that flourished in India during the period,
the reasons for the popularity of Chish dlsilah in India, and ,
m ,
i
Khanqah was no longer a loose organization of individual.sufis but a more effective
and institutionalized centre of sufi teaching. However, the bond between the master
and his disciples was still purely personal and had not yet acquired a ritualistic and
1 esoteric character. Moreover, sufi orders had not yet begun t a take concrete form.
But khanqi~hshad now developed from mere hostels for s u f i into popular and
well-established centres of organized sufi teaching and practice with their own
spiritual masters and circles of disciples.
The ulema continued to show their suspicion of sufism in general and were
particularly hostile to such non-conformist practices as sama'to.inducegcstasy.
However, certain sufis, with their background of orthodox Islamic learning, tried to
effect a compromise between the ulema land the sufls. Most prominent of such sufi
scholars was Abu amid al-Ghazzali (A.D. 1058-1111). He was an Alim
(theologian) but later led the life of a sufi. He stressed on the observance of extemal
and formal aspects of Islamic law in sufi practice. However, orthodox and'sufi
tendencies in Islam continued to follow separate and divergent paths.
This stage is also characterized by the appearance of sun literary texts which argued
and codified the sufi ideas and doctrines. Al-Ghazzali was the most outstanding sufi .
author. One of the most authentic and celebrated manual of sufism was Kashful
Mahjub written by al-Hujwiri (d. c. 1088).
II
Another salient feature of sufism during this period was the emergence of sufi
poetry in Persian. While Arabic literature on mysticism is in prose, Persian
. literature is in poetry. Sufi poetry in Persian in the form of narra'tive poems
(masnavis) reached its peak during the 12th and 13th centuries. Two of its greatest
exponents were Fariduddin-Attar (d. 1220) and Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273).
I i) A few decades before sufism began to exercise influence on Indian society and
religious life, organized sufi movement reached its peak in the Islamic world in
the form of various tariqa (paths) or sufi orders. These orders began to
crystallize when from the end of the 12th century each one of the sufi centres
i
began to perpqtuate the name of one particular master end his spiritual j.
amxstq and facussed on its own tariga consisting of-gieculiarpractice~~and '.
rituals. A sdi+order (sllsilah) developed as a lineage system or continuo&
chain through which suciessivemiritual.heirs (Kbafila! traced their spiritual
inheritance to 4he found& of the order.
ii) The relationsw between the spiritual head of a sllsilah and his hisciples ,
because the disciplef were now linked to.the
initiatory rituals and vow of allegiance. Each one of
institutional rules to regulate the day-to-day life of the
The spiritual director (murshkl) now came to be ,
regarded as prQtegeof God (wali). The murid (disciple) was obliged to
surrender himlklf completely to the murshid. The mumhid, in turn, bestowed
'the tariqa, its Secret wird (a phrase of patterned devotion), formulae, and
symbols on hisirnurid. I
iii) The founders df various silsllabs accepted the Islamic law and iitual practices
of Islam. The Ppk &tween orthodox Islam and siisilah founders is also clear
from the fact t b t many of the latter were professional jurists. However, they
gave an esoteria ~rientation~to orthodox Islamic rituals and introduced many
innovations, pqticularly in their religious practices, which were not always in
consonance with the orthodox outlook. Though the silsilah founders laid
emphasis on sMct adherence to'Jslamic law, many silsilahs later did develop
many heteroddx beliefs and prackices.
The sllsilahs which became popular in Iran, Central Asia and Baghdad ana
played signifidnt role in'the growth of sufism in various parts of the Islamic
wor& included!the Suhrawardi founded by Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi
(d. 1234); the oM&i formed by Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani (d. 1166); the'
Chbhti of Muimddin Chishti (d. 1236) and the Naqshbandi first known as
Khawajagan, but later came to be associated with the name of Bahauddin
Naqshbandi (d, 13981. The sutls who had teceived their training in these
silsilabs began to establish their branches in their countries or in new countries
such as India. Gradually these branches became independent sufi schools wilh
their own characteristics
and tendencies.
As sufism grew'through these three broad stages in different parts of the
Islamic world, Iran, Khurasan, Transoxiana and India, etc. it came under the
influence of v a k u s mystic tendencies in other religions and philosophies slich
as Christianity,,Neoplatonism,Buddhism and Hinduism. These influences
were assimilated within the Islamic framework of the movement.
......................................................................................................
.t 2) W h s the c o . t of p ind , prid:.in
:< . . sufi terminology?
, '
a ',
...................................
-., r............................................................'..
- .
%
r . J \
...................................................................................................
3) W r i t e w lines on each of.the following;--
i) - Khanqah 'I
' ........:.......:,.... ..................... .......................................................
\
i:
i
;
......... ...........'ic..............................................................
\,\
< ?..........?..
, .
4.) Write three lines on each of She following early suile.
-: i) Al-Junaid
........................... .........................................................................
i
/
'X
. .
ii) Mansur ~al-Hallaj
...................................................................................................
a
...................................
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
...
....................................................................................................
b
30.5.2 The Chishti;Silsilah '
The growth of the Chi&ti order in India during the Sultanate period took place in
two phases. The first phase ended with the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin (Chiragh-i-
Delhi) in 1356. The seldond phase is marked by its initial decline during the later part
of the 14th century foljbwed by revival and expansion in various pans of the'country
during the 15th and ldth centuries.
First Phase
The Chishti order whiuh later became the most influential and popular sufi order in
India, originated in H k a t and was introduced in India by Khwaja Muinuddin
Chishti (d. 1236) who Was born in Sijisian in c. 1141. He came to India at the time of
the Ghori conquest. finally settled in Ajmer about 1206 and won the respect of
. authentic record of his activities is available. .
both Muslims and n o n ~ u s l i m s No
During the later period, qany legends projected him as an ardent evangelist.
However, he was not actively involved in conversions and his attitude towards
non-Muslims was one af tolerance. His tomb in Ajmer became a famous centre of
pilgrimage in later centpries.
The successor of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Delhi was Khwaja Qutbuddin
Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235). Shaikh Hamidduddin Nagauri (d. 1274), another Khalifa
of Shaikh Muinuddin (Chishti, made Nagaur in Rajasthan centre of his activity.
Shaikh' Hamiduddin NtJgauri established the silsilah in Nagau! where he lived like
an ordinary Rajasthani peasant and dissociated himself from those in authoriv. He
was a strict vegetarian. He and his successors trans!ated many Persian sufi verses in
the local language called Hindavi : these are earliest examples of translations of this.
kind. II
Khwaja Qutbuddin Balchtiyar Kaki was succeeded in Delhi by his Khalifa, Khwaja
Fariduddin Masud (1175-1265) known as Ganjshakar and more popularly as Baba
Farid. Baba Farid left Oelhi 'for Ajodhan in Punjab and lived in his khanqah'there.
He despised associatiom with the ruling class and rich persons. Nathpanthi yogis also
visited his khanqah and discussed with him the nature of mysticism. His popularity
in Punjab is clear fromsghe fact that more than three hundred years after his death,
verses ascribed to him Were included in the Adi Granth compiled by the fifth Sikh
Guru, Arjun, in 1604. Yis tomb at Pakpatan soon developed into a centre of
pilgrimage.
The most celebrated ditciple of Baba Farid and the greatest sufi saint of the 14th
century was Shaikh Ni&muddin Auliya (1236-1325). He made Delhi the most
famous centre of the C#shti order. Two historians Ziauddin Barani and Amir
Khusrau, who were hisltontemporaries, testify to his eminent position in the social
and religious life of ~ o t t h e r nIndia during the late 13th and early 14th centuries.
Later. his successors spkad the Chishti order in various parts of the country. His
teachings and conversations (malfuzat) are recorded in Fawaid-ul Fuwad written by
Amir Hasan Sijzi. This work serves more as a guide to practical aspects of Sufism
than as a treatise on its metaphysical and theosophical aspects.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya saw the reigns of seven successive Sultans of Delhi. But
he always avoided the company of the kings and nobles and never visited the court.
The langar (an alms-house for the distribution of free food) of his khanqah was open
to Hindus and Muslims alike. In his khanqah, he had many conversations with the
Nathpanthi yogi visitors. He adopted many yoga.breathing exercises and was called
a sidh (perfect) by the yogis. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was a aevoted disciple of
Shaikh Mizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had many spiritual successors or Khdifas. One of them
was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib (d. 1340) who was one of those sutis who were
forced by Sultan ~ u h a m m e d~ u ~ h l to
u qmigrate to the Deccan. He made
Daulatabad centre of his activities and introduced the Chishti order there.
The most famous of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's Khalifas and his successor in Delhi
was Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud (d. 1356) who came to be ki~ownas Chiragh-i Delhi
(Lamp of Delhi). He andsome pf his disciples discontinued some of those practices
of early Chishtis which could clash with Islamic orthodoxy and, in turn; persuaded
the ulema to soften their attitude towards the Chishti. practice of sama.
Decline of the Chishti Order in Delhi During the Later Tughluq and Saiyyid Periods
Some scholars hold the view that the decline of Delhi as a centre of the Chishti order
was due to the attitudes and policies of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. However, it
must be pointed out that the Sultan was not opposed to the sufis per se. Some sufio,
including Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag-i Delhi, remained in Delhi though the'y were
compelled by the Sultan to accept state service. Moreover, sufi activities in many
khanqahs were restored after the death of Muhammad Tughluq when his successor
Feroz Shah Tughluq showered gifts on them. However, Delhi was left with no
commanding Cbishti figure after the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin in 1356. He died
without appointing a sp~ritualsuccessor. One of his chief.disciples, Gesudaraz left
-
Delhi for a safer place in the Deccan at the time of Timur's invasion (A.D. 1398). As
the Delhi Sultanate began to decline and disintegrate, the sufis dispersed to the
more stable provincial kingdoms and established their khanqahs there. This
dispersal of the Chishti order in different parts of the country during the later 14th
and 15th centuries was accompanied by significant changes in the attitudes and
practices of the Chishti sufis.
Second Phase
The second phase in the history of theChishti dsilah during the Sultanate period
began with its decline in Delhi following thk death of Shaikh Nasiruddin and its
subsequent dispersal in various regional kingdoms. Though the sufis had begun to
arrive in the Deccan from the late 13th century, it was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib
who introduced the Chishti order there during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
Later, several Chishti sufs migrated to Gulbarga, the capital of the Bahmani
kingdom (1347-1538). In Gulbarga, these sufs developed close relations with the
court and accepted state patronage, thus causing a change in the attitude of the
Chishti order towards the state. The Bahmani kings, on their part, purchased the
political loyalty of these sufw and gave land grants to them. The most prominent of
these Chishtis was Muhammad Banda Nawaz, Gesudaraz (c. 1321-1422).He left for
the Deccan and received land grant of four villages from Bahmani Sultan, Feroz
Shah Bahmani (1397-1422). He was an orthodox sufi and declared the supremacy of
lslamic law (Sbariat) over all sufi stages. Gisudaraz discontinued many practices of
early Chishtis which clashed with the attitudes of orthodox ulema. Unlike the early
Chishti masters, he was a voluminous writer on tasawwuf. After his death, the
Bahmani Sultans continued the land grants in favour of his fanlily descendants. His
tomb or dargahin Gulbarga later developed into a popular place of pilgrimage in
the Deccan. But the transformation of his descendants into a landed elite and their
indifference towards Chishti teachings led to the decline of living Chishti tradition in
Gulbarga. The change of Bahmani capital from Gulbarga to Bidar in 1422 also
contributed to the decline of the Chishti order in Gulbarga. It has been pointed out
that the Bahamani Court at Bidar, owing to its pro-foreigner and anti-Deccani bias,
encouraged the immigration of foreign sufis' and did not patronise the Chishtis who
- .-7
SaWACdd'
-
were considered "iqo Indian". However. the Chishti tradition begw to thrive again
in the Deccan from4 the end of the 15th century and it continued to grow during thk
16th and 17th centuries. Its new centre was a place popularly known as Shahpur
Hillock, just outsidel the city of Bijapur-the capital city of the Adil Shahi Sultans.
The Chishti traditibp of Shahpur Hillock was different from most of the later CMehtl
traditions such as thht of Gulbarga in that it maintained distance from the court and
the ulema and dred its inspiration from local influences. The Ch&ti~aints df
Shahpur Hillock wdte thus much closer 3x1 their attitudes to the early Chlshtl sufb of
Delhi, though it mdst be pointed out that the Shahpur Hillock Chishti tradition
developed indepen&nt of both the Delhi and Gulbarga traditions.
I
In Northern India, lhe resurgence of the Chiahti order took place during the later
15th and early 16th Identury. T h e , ~ l h t h is* be'longed to three different branches
of the Chishtl order4- Nagaurlya (after the name of Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri),
Sabiriya (after the b&me of Shaikh Alauddin Kaliyari).and N i d y a Yafter the rl-
of Shaikh ~ i z a m m d d i nAuliya). Another important Chishti centre in Northern
India during the i a J r half of the 15th century and in the beginning of the 16th
century was ~ a u n ~ uthe d . capital of the Sharqi Sultans. From the beginning of the
15th century, a C
(in modem Uttar 3 centre flourished in Rudauli near Lucknow. Later, Bahraich
I
The Shattnri drder wkch was introdu?d in India in the 15th century,by Shaikh
- Abdull* Shattari, w#b also an orthodox order. The Shattari centres here \-
established in Bengal, Jaunpur and the Deccan. Like the Qadiris, the Thattari adtp
. hwai'close tieswith thd court and accepted state patronage. 2-
frequ-y P
normal social behavi r. They were considered reprehensible a@ above the
law. 'They had no rec nized spiritual master and organization. Many
-7 .cp
visited& &(i khanqahs andbecame absorbed into the
q d b d a r s had with the Nathpahhi yogis,and adopted
cu tomyand practices ch as earpiercing.
' I
The RIshi order-if suf/$mflourished in Kashmir during \he 15th and 16th centurieti.
~ e f o r ethe emergend bf this order; a religioui preacher from Hamadan, Mir
Saiyyid Ali Hamadanif[1314-1385) had entered Kashmir with a groupof followep tc
II
spread Islam. The mis$ionary zeal of Hamadani, his sons and disciples made little
impact on the people 4f Kashmir. The RisN order, on the other y
\
d,was an
!
1 indigenous one eszblished by Shaikh Nuruddin Wali (d. 1430). It prospered in the
rural environment of Kashmir and influenced the religious life of the people during ,
~ ~ M 0 r C y . t :
SdM.nrclll
L
the 15th and 16th centuries. The popularity of the ~ i s horder
i was due to the tact
and it drew inspirafion from the popular Shaivite bhakti tradition of Kashmir and
was rooted in tkq wcio-cultural milieu of the region.
t
...................................................................................................
t
2) *(a) List the names of five sufis of Chishti silsilah.
I ....................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
,
1
4) Write a brief note on the Chishti saints who settled outside Delhi.
developments in sufistn in the Islamic world. The d thought of great masters sudh '
as al-Ghazzali continued .to influence successive generations of Indian suils k*
belonging to various dldahs.The ideas and poetic imagery of the Persian mhs like
Faiduddin.Attar (d. Q20) and Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273) also inspired Indian suUa
of the Sultanateperiq. The Chishtb of this period are'generally believed to have
been influenced by t k work of the Spanish-born mystic,.ibribArabi(d. 1240) who
propounded the docttCne of wPbdatsl wujud (unity of the phenomenal and
noumenal world) whiflh w q opposed by the uiema andorthodox sufts. However, it
should be noted that Most of the sufls, including the ~bishtiji,did not consider
doctrines such as w-t-a1 wUjud of primary importance in the sufi way of life. For
them, sufism was not so much a doctrine but a practical activie of traversing the ad
path.
The ideas of Alauddaihla Simnani (1261-1336), an Iranian who opposed Ibn Arabi's
doctrine; also influenced some Indian mfEs.Gesudaraz came under the influence of
Simnani's orthodox ideas and denounced the views of Ibn Arabi and Jalaluddin
Runii.
..
30.9 THE SWI AND THE BHAKTI MOVEMENTS AND/i
CULTUWL SYNTHESIS
The impact of Islam and sufism on the monotheistic bhakti movement has been
discussed in Unit 29. The interaction between the two is clear from the remarkable
similarities between the two. These similarities included emphasis on monotheism,
on the role of the spiltiitual guide (pir or guru), and on mystical uniop with God.
Moreover, both the makti saints and many ad orders were critical of the orthodox
elements in Hind~ism~and Islam respectively. o n e prominent example of the
influence of the bhaktt movement on sufism is offered by'the Rlehi .order of the wltls
in Kashmir. Here, the non-conformist ideas of the famous 14th century women ,
bhakti-preacher, La1 P e d , exercised profound influence on the founder of the order
Shaikh Nuruddin Wdi.
The interaction between the Chishti sufls and the nathpanthi y@ during the
Sultanate period is a .*ell established fact. The movement of the n a b j k t h i s had
attained considerable' popularity in Northern India, in particular among the hwer
sections of the society, during the 13th and 14th centuries. The nathpanthi y q h
frequently visited theikhaoqahs of the leading C e S h a i b and had discussions
with them on the nature of mysticism. The translation af the Y - treatise
~
Amrit-kund into Perjian from Sanskrit even before the advent 01sufism in India led
to the adoption df m a y meditativepractices by the sulls.'3"he 6kly Chishtis'
approved some of thd ethical values of the nathpanthi yogis and their'corpratpway,
of life. Like the Chishtis, the nathpanthis had opened their doors to all sections of '
society, ir;respZctive df caste distinctions. The common outlook of the two popular
moyeqeim provided*a basis for mutual understanding bemeen Muslims and
noiiMuslims. .I
4) Write a note on the interaction between sufism and the bhakti movement.
...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....#....................................................................,.....*,..................
......................................................................................................
..........................)..........................................................................
Beshara : be=without, shara=Shariat i.e. those who do not strictly adhere to the
Shariat (Itdamic law)
Dargah : sufi shrindtomb
Futuh : income received gratuitously
Khanqah : place w h a e sufi saints lived
M d i i w t : sufl literature
Qalandar : Muslim mpndicant who abandon everything and takes to a wandering life
Ribat : frontier pbsts
Sama : a sufi gathering- where music is played and songs are recited.
i
31.0 Objectives
31.1 Introduction
31.2 Architecture
31.2.1 New Struaural Forms
i
31.2.2 StyliQc Evolution
31.2.3 Public Buildings and Public Works
31.3 Painting
31.3.1 Literary Evidence for Murals
31.3.2 The Qumaic Calligraphy
31.3.3 Manuscript Illustration
31.4 Music
31.5 Let Us Sum Up
31.6 Key Words
31.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
In Unit 14, you read about the establishment and consolidation of the ruledf the
~urkishSultans in India. The new rulers established a regime thatwas in some'
profound respects different from the old. India now witnessed the emergence of a
culture which combined elements of both indigenous and Islamic traditions. The
most effedve and distinct manifestation of this synthetic culture is to be seen in the
art and architecture of this period.
After going through this Unit, you should be able to :
distinguish between the pre-Islamic and Indo-Islamic styles of building,
identify major architectural styles of the period,
R r i w the traditions of painting prevalent in the Delhi Sultanate, and
learn the major developments in qusic during this period.
31.1 INTRODUCTION
Art and architecture are true manifestations of the culture of a period as they reflect
the mind and approach of that society. It is here that the ideas aql techniques of a
society find visual expression. The adient of the Turkish rule in India is significant in
more than one respect;xWhile it gave rise to a new socio-political system which you
read about in Units 29 and 30, it also marked the beginning of a new expression in
art. The style of architecture that evolved during this time is called Indo-Islamic.
Unlike architecture, the art of painting as practised in the Delhi Sultanate is not
properly documented. We know that calligraphy and book-illumination in the
Islamic world had achieved supreme heights by the close of the 12th century; there
also existed a developed tradition of figural murals in the Ghaznavi kingdom.
Possibly the same tradition was camed to Delhi by the early Turkish Sultans where
it flourished in the 13th and 14th centuries.
31.2 ARCHITECTURE
The most important source 'for the study of architecture is the surviving remains of
buildings themselves. Thdugh these enable us to grasp architectural techniques and
styles peculiar to our period, it offers little help in understanding other related
aspects of architecture such as the role of the architects and the drawings and
estimates and accomts ~f the buildings.
The result of the intioduction of the new technique was that the pre-Turkish forms;'
lintel and beam and norbelling, were replaced by true arches and vaults and the
spired roofs (shikhad) by domes. Arches are made in a variety of shapes, but in India
the pointed form of the Islamic world was directly inherited. And sometime in
second quarter of the 14th century, another variant of the pointed form, the
four-centred arch, was introduced by the Tughluqs in their buildings.'lt remained in
vogue till the end of Ihe Sultanate. (These forms have been illustrated in figure 2.)
+
~sd~mwedumaf
The pointed arch was adopted in the Islamic world quite early due to its durability Delhi Sultanate
and ease of construction. The usual method of raising apointed arch was to erect a
light centering and place one layer of bricks over it. This layer supported another
thin layer of flat bricks over wtiich radiating voussoirs of the arch were fixed in
mortar. These two bottom layers of brick-work would, if needed, act as permanent
shuttering for the arch (as shown in Figure 3). It may be noted here that the
employment of bricks instead of an all-wood centring was a feature typical of regions
deficient in reserves of wood such as West Asia and even India.
But the construction of dome demanded especial techniques. The problem was to
find a suitable method for converting the square or rectangular top of the walls of
the room into a circular base for raising a spherical dome. The best way to overcome
this problem was to convert the square plan into a polygon by the use of squinches
across the corners (shown in figure 3). Later, in the fifteenth century, stalactite
pendentives came to be used for the same purpose. (Shown in photo 1 : Bara Fig. 3
Gumbad Mosque, New Delhi.)
Photo 1
Fig. 5
ii) Building Material :It is a curious fact that there are very few instances of early
Turkish buildings in India where newly quarried material has been employed by the
architects. The fashion was t o use richly carved capitals, columns, shafts and lintels
from pre,-Turkish buildings. In India, towards the beginning of the 14th century
when the supply of such matetial had exhausted, buildings were raised by using
1 originally quanied or manufactured material.
t
In the masonry work, stone has been used abundantly. The foundations are-mostly
of rough and small rubble or, wherever it is available, of river boulders, while the
superstructure is of dressed stone or roughly shaped coarsed stonework. However,
.in either case, the buildings were plastered all over. Percy Brown (Indian
Architecture : Islamic Period,Bombay, 1968) has noted that in the buildings of the
Khalji period a new method of stone masonry was used. This consisted of laying
stones in two different courses, that is headers and stretchers. This system was
-
retained in subsequent buildings and became a characteristic of the building
technique of the Mughals.
The material commonly used for plastering buildings was gypsum. Apparently
lime-plaster was reserved for places that needed to be secured against the leakage of
water, such as roofs, indigo-vats, canals, drains, etc. In the later period, i.e. around
15th century, when highly finished stucco work became common, gypsum mortar
was preferred for plaster work on the walls and the ceiling (as shown in photo 2
below).
uildings served the purpose of
revealing it. Since the depiction
of living beings was b;bnerally frowned upon, the elements of decoration were, in
most cases, limited t ~ :
a) calligraphy, b) B e b e t r y , and c) foliation.
It was by their manid lation that a rich and sumptuous effect was obtained in the
'
Sultanate buildings. Ikut characteristically enough no one type of decoration was
reserved for a particalar type of building; on the contrary, these pan-Islamic
decorative principle8 were used for all kinds of buildings in the Delhi Sultanate.
Calligraphy is an imI)ortant element of the decorative art in the buildings of this
period. The Qurania sayings are inscribed on buildings in an angular, sober and
monumental script, Yeown as kufi.They may be found in any part gf the
building-frames of the doors, ceilings, wall panels, niches etc., and invariety of
materials-tone, stdcco and painting (See the photos 3 & 4 for suetifftens of stone
and stucco calligraptjf respectively).
I
Geometric shapes in abrstract form are used in these buildings in a bewildering Art and Architecture of
Dclhi Sultanale
variety of combinations. The motifs indicate incorporation of visual principles :
repetition, symmetry, and generation of continuous patterns. It has been suggested
5y Dalu Jones (Architecture of the Islamic World,ed. George Michell, London,
1978) that the generating source of these geometric designs is the circle, which could
be developed into a square, a triangle or a polygon. These forms are then elaborated
by multiplication and subdivision, by rotation and by symmetrical arrangements
(see, for example, photo 2 supra).
Of the foliations, the dominant form of decoration employed in Sultanate buildings,
is the arabesque. It is characterised by a continuous stem which splits regularly,
producing a series of leafy secondary stems which can in turn split again or
reintegrate into the main stem. The repetition of this pattern produces a beautifully
halanced design with a three dimensional effect (see figure 4 and photo 5).
..
Pig. 6
...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
Identify the problem to make a dome.
...................................................................................................
.............................................:.....................................................
.....................................................*............................................
...................................................................................................
............................................................................................ ?.......
3) What were the *in elements of decoration in the Sultanate architecture? \
1
The history of Indo-I larnic architecture proper commences with the occupation of
Delhi by the Turks in A D . 1192. The Tomar citadel of Lal Kot with its Chauhan
extension, cailed Qil pai Pithora, was captured by Qutbuddin Aibak. Here he
began the constructio of a Jami Masjid which was completed in 1198. According to
an inscription on the osque it was known as Quwwatul Islam and was built from
the wreckage Of twen -seven Hindu and Jain temples demolished by the
conquerors, Again, iq 1199, an expansive screen with lofty arches was raised across
the entire front of thel$anctuaxy of the.mosque. In both these constructions, the
hand of the local architect is quite evident. The lintels, carved-columns and slabs,
have been used liberally by only turning their carved sides inwards or using them
upside down. The arches of the screen have been built by employing the method of
corbelling. And the obamentation of the screen, is emphatically Hindu in
conception (see photd 16 below).
However, the borroW4$d elements of Hindu architecture were soon discarded and
relatively little was retained by the maturing Indo-Islamic style. In later buildings of
this phase, such as Qgtab Minar (built 1199-1235), Arhai Din Ka Jhoupra (built c.
1200) and Iltutmish's tomb (completed 1233-4), though corbelling'could not be
replaced as the princi#al structural technique, decoration became almost fully
Islamic in detail. In this connection, the principles employed in the constructioq of
the domical roof of I1 tmish's tomb (built 1233-4, not extant now) are also of great
?
interest. Though the ,bme was raised with the help of corbelled courses it was
supported on squinch&$bullt at the corners of the square chamber (sbown in phbto
7 ) U P T Pn ~ r h a n cis th# pnrlipct attpmnt CRVC P ~ r r vRrnwn n f crllvino t h n~r n h l ~ mn f
Photo 7
The culmination of the architectural style designated by us as the Early Form was
the mausoleum of Balban built around 1287-88. It is in ruins now but occupies an
important place in the development of Indo-Islamic architecture, as it is here that we
notice the earliest true arch. (Eastern arch shown in Photo 8).
ii) The Khaljis
With their architecture, as revealed in Alai Darwaza (built 1305) at the Qutub
complex, and the Jamat Khana Masjid (built 1325) at Nizamuddin, a marked change
.
ig, style appears. In the evolution of Indo-Islamic architecture, this phase occupies a
key position as it exhibits a distinct influence of the Seljuq architectural traditions (a
Turkish tribe ruling- over Central Asia and Asia Minor in 11-13 centurv) ., as also
certain salient features of composition which were adopted in the succeeding styles. photo 8
The characteristic features of'this phase may be listed below :
a) Employment of true arch, pointed horse-shoe in shape (photo 9).
1
I
b) Emergence of true dome with recessed arche? under the squinch (photo 10).
I Photo 9 Photo 10
ud Cdhve :13th B 15th
Sofk(~
c) Use of red sandstohe and.decorative marble reliefs as new building materials
Qnlurg (photo 11).
d) Appearance of '104~s-bud'fringe on the underside of the arch - a Seljuq feature
a) Stone rubble is the /principal building material and the walls are in most cases
plastered.
b) The walls and bastens are invariably battered, the effect being most marked at
the comers (see pqfto - 13).
c) A hesitant and possibly experimental use of a new shape of arch- the four
centered arch-necessitating its reinforcement with a supporting beam. (see
'
photo 14). This arch-beam combination is a hall-mark of the Tughluq style.
The pointed horse-shoe arch of the preceding style was abandoned because of
its narrow compass and therefore the inability to span wider spaces.
Photo 14
. -
' d) Emergence of a pointed dome with clearly visible neck in c o ~ t r a swith
t rather
stifled dome of the preceding style. (see photo 13 suhra).
Yet some of these structures are important from architectural point of view and can
be considered as heralding a distinct style. The more important of these
tomb-buildings took two separate forms, the distinguishing features of which are
given below :
a) Mausoleums designed on an octagonal plan incorporating the following .
elements :
-main tomb-chamber surrounded by an arched verandah.
. --one storey high.
-verandah with projecting eaves supported on brackets
b) The other type was built on square.plan. These were characterised by the
following elements :
-absence of verandah around the main tomb-chamber.
-exterior comprised ot two, and sometimes three storeys.
-absence of eaves and supporting brackets Fig. 8
f
architecture in the pre ding two Sub-sections, 31.2.1 dfid 31.2.2, we made
references mostly to ro bl structures like palace-citadels, tombs or mosques. This,
hoyever, is not to suggqst that other kinds of buildings were non-existent or thai
they were insignificant. j '
Contrary to the populad &nion that the number of structures other than royal
buildings was abysmal, we in fact notice that such structures far outnumber royal
buildings. The majorityibf these buildings comprised sarai, bridges, irrigation-tanks,
wells and baoli, dams, lfschehri (atlministrative buildings), prison-houses, k d w d
(police-stations), dak-c$buki (post-stations), hammam (public baths), and katra
(market places), etc. Silyce almost all these types were intended for public and civic
purposes, we group them collectively under public buildings and public works. They
were available to the g&eral public regardless of their religious affiliations.
1
S d is perhaps the mojt conspicuous of these public buildings. It was introduced in
India by the Turks in thH 13th century. The earliest mentipn of the existence of sarai
is from Balban's time ($66). Among late rulers both ~ n h a m m a dTughluq and .
Feroz Tughluq are known to have built a large number ocsarais in Delhi as d s o
along the major land-routes of the Sultanate. The main features of these sarais may
be listedrhus :
Square or rectangulat disposition, enclosed on all four sides by masonry walls, with
entry through one of sometimes two gateways.
Series of rooms f r o n t h by small vaulted spaces along all the four sides inside the
enclosure. Wareho.u*s in the corners of the enclosure.
Existence of a small &osque and one or more wells in the open courtyard within
the enclosure. (These; features may be seen ih figure 5 and in the plan of a sard
of Sher Shah's time),
Fig. 9
I
B3dges were anotherimkrtant category of public buildings. However, only small
and medium sized rivers were provided with masonry bridges. Major rivers such as
the Ganga and the Yamjna were provided with bridges mada of boats. We are
fortunate in having at leagt two masonrv bridees made of boats. We are fortunate in
having at least two masonry bridges of this period surviving even today. One is ~ u d ~ m u e ~ t r e d
located at Chittorgarh over the Gambheri river (shown in photo 15 below). The mh~mblb.rc
other was built over Sahibi, a tributary of Yamuna, at Wazirabad Delhi (shown in
photo 16).
.-
Pbooo 16
Sarais and bridges are only the two most cotnmon specimens from a rather rich and
,miscellaneous order of public buildings of the Sultanate period. Weirs and
step-wells, too, are a part of the Delhi Sultanate architectwe. For example, gandhak
ki baoli built by Iltutmish at Mehrauli (DeJhi) is one of the step-wells.
ii) How are the walls and bastions of Tughluq period different from
the preceding structure's?
........................i;.................................'.....
........................1L ..........................................................................
j
5) Define a public bui{bing and list some of the important public buildings
of the Delhi Sultan$te.
I:
................................................................................................... "
........................I1 ':
. .
L'............................................................................
The history of paintinglin the Sultanate period is obscure compared with its
architecture. This is d u primarily
~ to the non-availability of any surviving specimens
for at least the first huddlred years of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate.
Equally surprising is thk! absence of illuminated books, an art carried to supreme
height in the Islamic world by 1200. However, the researches during the last 20-25
years have unearthed rlew and some crucial evidence, forcing the scholars to change
their opinion radically. We now know that not only book illumination but murals
too were executed durifig the Sultanate period. The art of painting may thus be
divided into the following three categories each of which will be discussed separately.
I
'The most important sidgle reference to painting in the Delhi Sultanate occurs in the
P
context of un-Islamic o servances of earlier rulers inviting a ban by Feroz Tughluq
(Tarikh-i Ferozshrhi b I Afif). It indicates the existence of a continuous tradition of
figural painting on the Falls of the palaces of Delhi, which was sought to be banned
by Feroz Tughluq. 1 . _ -
This tradition of painting was not confined to the murals alone. In a reference hull SPltrutc
relating to the entertainment parties thrown by Qutbuddirl Mubarak Khalji .
(1316-20), mentio; is made of a profusely painted open-sided tent: The decorations
would therefore appear to be on painted cloth (Nuh Siphr by Amir Khusrau).
In contrast, there did survive a tradition of wall painting in the houses of the
common people, especially the non-muslims. It is testified by :
a stanza from a 14th century Hindi poem Chandayan written by Maulana Daud in
1379-80, which describes the painted decoration of the upper rooms ,of the house
were Chanda, the leading lady of this poem, sleeps with her female companions.
an actual painting from one of the illustrated manuscripts of this poem belonging
to tbe 15th century and showing the bedchamber of Chanda, on the walls of which
are painted scenes from the Ramayana (see photo 17).
. .
The state of book-art in the 15th century, under the Saiyyid and Lodi dynasties,
remained a sad shadow of its former self as it became incapable of supporting artistic
endeavour on a large scale. The initiative seems to have been wrested by provincial
dynasties.
!
31.3.3 ~anuscri&Illustration .
Manuscript illustration in the Sultanate peridd is a hotly debated and disputed
subject. There is very little concurrence among scholars on terminology and
provenance. Thus, deciding the traits of Sultanate manuscript illustrations is a
cumbersome job. On the contrary, though a good number af illustrated manuscripts
in Persian and Awadhi from the period between 1400 and the advent of the Mugt als.
are now known, some of these manuscripts appear to have been produced at -
provincial courts. However, there is a distinct, althopgh small, group of manuscripts
which was probably not connected with any court. They seem to have been
produced for patrons, presumably independent but located somewhere in the
Sultanate. They have sometimes been termed as representing a 'bourgeois' group
and are attributable to the period 1450-4500. Given below are brief notes on two of
these manuscripts forming t t e 'bourgeois' group.
Hamzanama (Berlin)
This manuscript is dafed to about 1450'and depicts the legendry exploits of Amir
Hamza, one of the cothpanions of the prophet (one leaf shown in phato 19).
Chandayan (Berlin)
I t is datable to 1450-70 and illustrates the romance of two lovers Laur and Chanda.
It was composed in the Awadhi dialect of Hindi by Maulana Daud of Dalmau near
Rai Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh in'1389 (one leaf shown in photo 20).
Photo 20
-
31.4 MUSIC
The development of music as an art form in Delhi Sultanate took a back seat
compared with the growth of architecture and painting. Moreover. the history of
music during this period suffers from a serious handicap- the lack of
documentation. Historical references are scattered and scanty and most of the
modern day writings are speculative rather than historically substantive. They are
replete with fables and legends about music in the Sultanate period.
The 14th century is perhapsthe most important period in the histoy of the Delhi
Sultanate from the point of view of music, That music in some form was practised in
the courts of the early Sultans is, however, not improbable. Kaiqubad had built for
himself a magnificent palace at Kilugarhi. The courtly 'revels included dancing and
singing of Persian and Hindi songs by beautiful girls. But it was Amir Khusrau who
has left an enduring mark on the music not only of the Sultanqte but of India as a
whole. Amir Khusrau was the disciple of the great sun saint Shaikh Nizamuddin
Aulia of Delhi. He was also the court poet of Alauddin Khalji who was himself very
fond of music. The genius of Amir Khusrau in the sphere of music was mainly
utilised in innovating new compositions as well as in assimilating different forms of
music prevalent in his time. He is credited with having introduced :
the qawwali mode of singing into the countryside for the first time.
several of our modem rags like Zilaph, Sazgiri and Sarparda, etc., produced by
combining Persian and Indian tunes.
Khayal form of singing by abandoning the traditional dhrupad.
a new musical instrument called sitar by combining the old Indian vina and the
Iranian tambura.
modifications in the onventional percussion instrument mridang t o bifurcate it
7
into two and call t h e p tabla.
1 I
....................
C.....)...... .........................................-..........................
O n the basis of the feature ' discussed above, it is evident that the development of art
&li
and architecture in the D e Sultanate followed an uneven pattern. While growth of
Art ud Arcbltecturc d
architecture occupied t#fe paramount position, other art forms like painting and Ddhl Sultanate
music did not get equal attention. Individual initiative, a full-blooded support for
their growth is found missing. Much of the artistic impulse came to be expressed in
architecture enriching it both structurally and stylistically. It also gave rise to a rich
heritage of civic buildings-the public buildings and public works. Informed interest
in these constructions is relatively recent, but they must claim a place in any
comprehensive survey of Indo-Islamic architecture.
Much of this architecture appears within the urban setting, the main building types
being mosques (masjid), tombs (maqbara), palace-citadels as well as structures of
public utility, such as sarais, bridges, step-wells, and water reservoirs.
There are no specific architectural forms for specific functions. Most can be
adopted for a variety of purposes. A s an illustration of this feature one could think
of the four-cloistered courtyard structure which served equally well as palace,
mosque, sarai and madrasa.
An important element of this architecture is the emphasis on the enclosed space
generally defined by walls, arcades and vault.
The decoration in-the architecture is mostly of a kind which suggests spaces existing
beyond the decorative frames-atectonic in nature. Its chief elements are
arabesque, geometry and foliation, the depiction of animate forms was popularly
thought of having been prescribed under Islam. But there is nothing in the Quran
t o support this popular view.
The history of music in the Delhi Sultanate suffers from lack of reliable evidence.
The only definite information relates to the musical genius of Amir Khusrau and a
list of some prominent musical instruments given by Ibn Battuta.
4. Gandhak-ki ~ a o l iIlltutmish's
, reign (1210-36), New Delhi
51
I . - 6. W h a r m , A.D. 1305, New Delhl
I 9. Khirki Masjid, c. 1375 A.D., New Delhi.
I .,
11. Moth Ki Masjid, A.D., 1505, New Dtlhi.
I
UNIT 32 ART AND ARCHITECTURE
OF REGIONAL STATES
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction
32.2 Architecture
32.2.1 Eastern India
32.2.2 Western lndia
32.2.3 Central India
32.2.4' Deccan
32.2.5 Vijaynagar
I 32.3 Painting
32.3.1 Western Indian Style
3z.3.2 Caurnpaneaaika Style
32.3.3 Provincial Developments
32.3.4 The Deccani Painting
32.4 Music
32.5 Let Us Sum Up
32.6 Key Words
I 32.7 Answers to Check y o u r Progress Exercises
32.0 OBJECTIVES
The present Unit oversteps the political boundaries of the Delhi Sultanate and
attempts a study of the development in art and architecture in regions outside the
Sultanate. Its purpose is to :
emphasize the character and development of architectural styles in the buildings
in the regional states,
highlight the traditions and forms of painting, mainly of manuscript illumination,
outside of the realm of the Delhi Sultanate, and
account for some of the major developments in the musical forms in North and
South-Indian styles.
32.1 INTRODUCTION .
The development of art and architecture in the regional states follows diverse
course. While architectuie adheres mainly to the technological principles evolved
under the Indo-Islamic style, painting, particularly manuscript illumination, scales
new heights due mainly to the substitution of paper for palm-leaf as the writing
material. Music adopts a syncretic'approach. It must be understood that this
multiplicity of form does not conforni to any set geographical pattern, but
sometimes, as in the case of painting, takes cross-regional course.
The different sections of this Unit take into account the developments in
architecture, painting and music in Eastern, Western and Central India, the Deccan
and the Vijaynagar kingdom.
52.2 ARCHITECTURE
'The regional styles of architecture came into vogue usually after these states had
thrown off the allegiance to Delhi and proceeded to develop a form suiting their
individual requirements. They were distinct from the Indo-Islamic style practiced at
Delhi and often displayed definitely original qualities. In the areas which had a .
stron$ indigenous tradition of workmanship in masonry, regional styles of Islamic
architecture produced the most elegant structures. On the other hand where these
traditions were not so pronounced, the buildings constructed for the regional states
were less distinctive. In some cases totally novel tendencies, independent of both the
indigenous and the imperial Sultanae traditions. are also visible.
~ a c ~jtbtotsth
~ ~ ~ Eastern
32.2.1 : Indb
c--J 'I
, It is interesting that theideve~o~mentoffhe earliest regional stvle in architecture
should have taken plactl at the other end of the subcontinent, in eastern ~ n d i a In.
fact there did emerge two major strands of architectural style in this region viz., in
Bengal and in Jaunpur, both of which witnessed the rise of regional states.
a) Bengal :The establishment of an independent Muslim power in Bengal rook place
within a gap of five yeaT since the capture of Delhi by the Turks. But an
independent building style, distinct from the one prevalent at Delhi, developed at
the beginning of the forneenth century and lasted for a period of nearly 250 years.
Bengal style spread in all parts of the region, but most of the prominent buildings
were located within therboundary of the Malda district which had been the strategic
centre of the region due, to the confluence of the two rivers, the Ganga and the
Mahananda. Here lie the remains of the two principal cities - Gaur and Pandua -
which, in turn, enjoyed nhe status of the capital seat of the regional ruling power. In
our effort to understand the distinctive features of the architectural style of this
region we have to depelbd mostly on the buildings extant in these two cities and a few
important examples elstwhere.
The building art of Benbal is generally divided into the following three phases of
which the first two are donsidered preliminary stages and the third its ultimate
develbpment into a specific style.
The first phase is fratn A.D. 1200-1340 (During most of this time Gaur was the
capital seat. Only in later years it was shifted to Pandua).
The second extendeh from A.D. 1340 to 1430, and
The .third phase f r o 7 A.D. 1442 to 1576 when the Mughals captured the province.
During this phase t+ capital was shifted back to Gaur.
The data in the form ofkxtant buildings forthe first phase is scanty. Even where tSJo
or three structures survive they are in a badly ruined state. It is, nonetheless, evident
that the buildings raised during this period were wholesale conversions of the
existing Hindu structures.
Similarly, the second pHase is also deficient in data as it is represented by a solitary
example. But this b u i l b g -
Adina Masjid .at Pandua (built 1364) - surpasses all .
other Islamic structures) in Bengal in size. It introduces two new features in the
architectural style : .
the "drop" arch, haying ;span greater than its radii, and centres at the import
level, and
' the method of raisini the roof in a system of arched-bays whQe small domes
supported by bri~k-~&ndentives in over-sailing courses were raised over each bay.
The bricks in these pqndentives were set diagonally in each alternate course in such
a manner that their homers project and help in the transition from a square to a
circular base (figured 1 & 2 show Adina Masjid).
54 Fig. 1 I Fig. 2
I The third phase is the most remarkable as it depicts the emergence of a
semi-indigenous style in tune with the peculiar environment and local condition in
. Bengal. The result was to translate the native bamboo'structures into brick. In the
course of time this special form of curved roof became a fixed convention (see
figures 3). In most of these buildings, moreover, an indigenous form of decoration.
i.e. terracotta tiles, was adopted.
A r t M d ~ w e d
R e -
Fig. 3
. _It thus becomes ckar that nowhere in lndia did climate and local conditions as well
as indigenous building styles affect the development of architecture as profoundly as
in Bengal. Its merit lies in its dynamic ability to transform itself by adoption and
adaptation.
b) Jaunpur : The Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur was founded by Malik Sarwar, a noble
of Feroz ShahtTughluq,in 1394. In the wake of Timur's invasion and sack of Delhi,
Jaunpur took over from the capital as a centre for scholars and writers. The
surviving architecture of Jaunpur consists exclusively of mosques. Moreover, all the
surviving buildings produced under the Sharqis are located in the capital city
Jaun~ur.
I The Sharqi architecture of Jaunpur carries a distinct impact of the Tughluq style, the
I battering effect of its bastions and minarets and the use of arch-and-beam
I combination in the openings being the two most prominent features. However, the
r
most striking feature of the Jaunpur style is the design of the facade of the mosques.
1 It is composed of lofty propylons with sloping sides raised in the centre of the
sanctuary screen. The propylons consist of a huge recessed arch framed by tapering
I square minars, of exceptional bulk and solidity, divided into registers (see figure 4)
The best examples can be seen in the Atala Masjid (buit in 1408) and the Jami
Masjid.
Fig. 4
Evidently, the propylon was the keynote of ~ a u ~style
~ u and
r occurs in no other
' manifestation of lndo-lslamic architecture.
m3.5 Fig. 6
Fig. 8
I
1 The most striking impressions conveyed by Malwa style are not structural but t$e
result of decorative properties. In these buildings, the element of colour assumes
a significant role. We noti,= the use of two separate methods for obtaining this
colour effect. The first is the use of various.coloured stones and marble, and the
second is by means of encaustic tiles.
This architectural impulse died in 1531 with the defeat of the last Malwa ruler
Mahmud I1 at the hands of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. Malwa was temporarily
brought under the Mughals by Humayun in 1535 and was finally conquered by
Akbar in 1564.
32.2.4 Deccan
The Indo-Islamic architecture that developed in the Deccan from 14th century
onwards under the Bahmanis acquired a definitely regional character quite early in
its growth. But this architecture followed a different pattern in evolution than other
regional styles. As opposed to the growth of regional styles in Northern India,
architecture in the Deccan seems to have ignored to a very large extent the
pre-Islamic art traditibns of the region.
In practice, the Deccan style of architecture consisted basically of the fusion of :
a) the architectural system in vogue at Delhi under the Sultans, particularly the
Tughluq form, and
b) an entirely eqtraneous source that is, the architecture of Persia.
The architectural developments in the Deccan may be divided broadly into three
phases corresponding on each occasion to a change in the seat of the government.
The first phase begins in 1347 at the capital city of Gulbarga. Second phase begins in
1425 when the seat of power is transferred to the city of Bidar. And finally, with the
change of capital again in 1512 to the city of Golconda, begins the third phase lasting
till 1687, the year of Mughal conquest.
a) Gulbarga : Gulbarga became the seat of an independent kingdom in 1347 under
Alauddin Bahman. With this began the first phase of architectural development in
the Deccan. The early structures, however, did not as yet represent a distinctive
style of the Deccan Islamic architecture. For the most part they followed the
I
contemporary Tughluq architecture of the North. The Jami Masjid (1367) inside the
I Gulbarga fort was, howeyer, different and unique. This structure was conceived and
designed by an ingenious 14th century architect named Rafi. He was a ~ a t i v of
e
I
Qazvin in Northern Persia and had taken to service under the Bahmani ruler of
I
Gulbarga. The central designing idea lay in reversing all the architectural principles
of mosques with a courtyard. Thus, in the Jami Masjid of Gulbarga the conventional
clesign of the courtyard was filled with small cupolas supported by arches placed
I
Socie(~.adc.lluc:rmtots(b close together (see figure 9 & 10). But this design was never repeated. Possibly the
Century
I unorthoctox plan of this mosque did not find favour with the traditionalists.
Fig. 9 Fig.10
1
The fall of the Bahmani Sultanate towards the beginning of the 16th century brought
the first phase of the D can style to a close. Soon, however, under the Adil Shahi
kingdom of Bijapur, a d w phase of architectural activity was to take over from
where the Bahmanis hadl left. But this style developed contemporaneously with the
Mughal style and thus forms the subject of study in a separate course.
Vijaynagar has an extraoidinary history. It was born out of the incursions into the
Deccan and even furthef south of the Delhi Sultanate. The capital., the famous
Vijaynagar, was founded in about 1336 on the banks of the river Tungabhadra.
i
Vijaynagar, now desert*, is one of the most important historical and architectural
sites as it is the only Hingu city from the pre-modern period of which extensive
remains still exist above~$round.The Vijaynagar style of architecture was
distributed throughout iouth India, but the finest and most characteristic group of
buildings is to be seen in the city of Vijaynagar itself. This city, in fact, had a great
advantage as a site for lwge scale building activity in that it.abounds in granite and a
dark green chlorite stony, both used extensively as building material. The use of
monolithic multiple pierb~in the temple at Vijaynagar testify this fact.
The expanse of the city ~f Vijaynagar at the height of its glory meayured some 26 sq.
km., and it was enclosediwith a stone wall. Besides palaces and temples, the city had
extensive waterworks andl many secular buildings such as elephaht stables and the
Lotus Mahal. The basic dements of Vijaynagar style are listed thus :
The use of pillars for larchitectural as well as decorative purpose is on an
unprecedented scale.
Numerous cornpositi&s are used in raising the pillars, but the most striking and
also the most frequent is one in which the shaft becomes a central core with which
~ud~raeched
is attached an unpraised animal of a supernatural kind resembling a horse or a w-
hippogryph (see figure 11).
Another distinguishing feature is the use of huge reverse-curve eaves at the
cornice. This feature has been borrowed into the style from the Deccan and gives
the pavillions a dignified appearance. (see figure 12).
As noted above, pillars form an integral part of Vijaynagar architecture, almost
all of which have ornamental brackets as their capitals. Usually this bracket is a
pendant known as bodegai in local parlance. This pendant, in Vijaynagar style, is
elaborated into the volute teminating in an inverted lotus band. The occurrence of
this pendant is a index reliable of the building in the Vijaynagar group. (see
Figure 13).
!
Fig. 11
-
Fig. 12 Pi.13
The glory of the Vijaynagar empire ended in A.D. 1565 at the battle of Talikota
when the combined army of the Sultans of the Deccan inflicted a crushing defeat on
the Vijaynagar ruler Ram Raya.
I
3) In which region foreign architectural influence is evident on the bnildings,
I and what was this influence?
The age-old traditionbf painting in India continued in the regional states in the
medieval period despite having suffered a setback in its growth in the Delhi
Sultanate. Larger do4mentary material in the form of paintings survives for the
regional states. HoweMer, these paintings defy geographical classification;they are
best understood in te+s of the stylistic evolution they follow. The following
Sub-sections are therefore arranged according to various styles of painting that came
in vogue in different +gions.
32.3.1 Western Inhian Style
a) Jain Painting :The kestem Indian style is generally considered to have
originated in the 12th dentury since the earliest surviving illustrated manukripts in
this style date from the1 parly period of this century. They were discovered in Jain
bhandars (libraries) p&cipally in Gujarat and Rajasthan. It is, however, important to
note that by no peans ill the tern are Jain, or even religiau in nature, nor is this
style isolated and regional in character. It has come to be designated Western Indian
style as most of the maduscripts are discovered in Gujarat and parts of Rajasthan
and Malwa. The Jains, however, were not confined to Western India; we also get
some splendid illustrateb manuscripts from as far a place as Jaunpur and Idar. I
The early specimens of the Western Indian style are palm-leaf manuscripts. They
follow the pothi format with two or three columns df text depending on the wfdth of
the leaf and the numberibf necessary stringholes to hold the leaves together. In the
13th century, the materib1 was gradually changed from palm-leaf to paper. This
opened up great possibilFties of illumination in the margins. The format of the new
paper manuscripts was at'first kept to the proportions of the palm-leaf, before
gradually increasing the height of the folio. No attempt was made, however, to
abandon the pothi format.
The Western Indian style was fully formed by the end of the 14th century. Paper
manuscripts begin to appear regularly from the middle of the 14th centdry, though
palm-leaf as writing m a t q a l was not abandoned altogether. Some commonly
identifiable traits of this style are given below i
Painting in these manacripts is in a single plane, contained within a sometimes
brilliant but always brittle line. The figures have been drawn on a red or
ultramarine background.
Paper is seen as a surfad to be decorated with colours in patterns, yielding in the
best examples a brilliarlt jewel-like surface. The number of pigments used has
increased- costly pigmnts such as ultramarine, crimson, iold and silver are used
in increasing quantities.
Architectural elements b e reduced to essentials. The hieratic litrle figures, and
sometimes animals as wqll as household furniture, are little more than pictograms
occupyinmg boxes b a leometrical composition.
Mannerisms include the'extension of the further eye, the swelling torso, and a
particularly tortuous arrangement of legs in seated figures. Men and women are
often practically indistinguishable (see figure 14).
Art nnd ArnhltecNre of
A careful study of the illustrated manuscripts in the Western Indian style makes it Regional Sfates
evident that they were apparently mass produced at thk great Jain centres of Pattan
and Ahmadabad and are only superficially rich. Much Mrer and far more beautiful
are maiiuscripts individually created by professional artists fer discerning patrons
(se& figure 15).
There are very few of these manuscripts which give us information about their
.
artists. In most cases, there are indications that the scribe and the artists were
distinct identities. There are notes by the scribes in the manuscripts to instruct the
illustrator about the subject to be painted in the blank space.
b) Hindu Painting :The style of a typically Jain manuscript with its projecting .
bodily distortions, and flat colour planes is also that used for certain Hindu
-
manuscri~tsdating from the 15th century, and also in two instances for Buddhist
manuscripts. Clearly, then, this sectarian nomenclature is inaccurate. In the Fig. 15
absence, however, of an alternative we retain this erroneous name;keeping in mind
that Jain painting was quite frequently the work of the Hindus.
We do not find any illustrated Hindu manuscripts on palm-leaf from the early
centuries of Muslim rule over Northern India. But the existence of such manuscripts
in Nepal argues that they must have been produced in India also.
Fig. 16 Fig. 17
C d W
:IMtLtoa 32.3.3 Provincial Development
a) C~igraphy , ,
i) Jaunpur :The Jaqfipur School of Calligraphy flourished in the latter part of the
15th and first part of the 16rh century. The manuscripts of the Quran calligraphed
under this school use :
a script knowri as dlhari,
crimson colour in the frames for the text rather heavily.
much bolder desig* of arabesque and creeper, with more inventive medallions in
their illuminative cbntent.
ii) Ahmedabad : Tbeikhmedabad School owes its origin to Sultan Mahmad Begarha
a
of Gujarat; it lasted fot about half century (c: 1425-75). The scnpt used for writing
the Quran in this school is known as suluth. It was a serpentine, static script, used
mostly in the Middle %st for writing chapter-headings and inscriptions. When it
came to be adopted in India in the early 15th century, it assumed the form of tall
slanting uprights and qnward-sweeping sub-linear curves and flourishes.
b) Manuscript IUumik?ation :The illumination of manuscripts practiced as an art of
painting flourished in lkan in the 13th-i5th centuries under royal patronage.
The most important gtoup of these manuscripts of suggested Indian provenance
with Irani influence a m dated during the period 1420-50. The most likely place of
their origin seems to be Bengal since Delhi may be ruled out as a provenance and
there is no evidence of the provincial Sultans patronizing artists until later in the
century. The picture, b w e v e r , becomes much clearer by 1500. A group of
~nanuscriptsdated c. 1490-1510 is known from Mandu in which the direct influence
of the Irani' style is visible. (see figure 18 a, b, c.) The Khalji Sultans of Malwa would
seem t o have imported artists ind pokibly manuscripts from Iran, and had the style
copied by their.own ahsts.
I
6 -
18b ' i Fig. I8c
The Deccani style drew on many sources including the Irani tradition. This is clearly '
\
Check Your Progreao 2 Fig. 1%
2) What is the major difference between the Western 1ndian style and
Caurapaxcasika style?
Music is the least dodumented of all the fine arts of medieval India. Whatever little
information we get about the music and its development jn the Delhi Sultanate is
from the works of ~ & i Khusru.
r There is not much change in this situation in
respect of provincial p g d o m s . Historical information is scanty and at times it
becomes difficult to $kt history from legend. We shall, however, prepare a narratk L
account on the basis &piecemeal
I(
records handed down to us by history.
The earliest known tdjetise on music in the n~edievalperiod is Sangeet Ratnakar.
The text has not beenilost and is referred to by the practitioners of music even today.
It was composed by Qharangdev sometime between 1210-47 at the court of the
Yadav ruler of.Devagiti. Besides being a treatise on tqusic - vocal as well as
instrument - Sang@ Ratnakar also delves into the details of the contemporary
dance forms. It describes as many as 264 ragas classified into major and minor
categories, though thd basic of this classification remains obscure. The chief merit of
this text lies in its bein# the first systematic exposition of the various elements of
music From the courq iof Vijaynagar, we get a Sanskrit commentary on
Sharangdev's Sangeet Ratnakar written by Kallinath, a courtier under king
Mallikarjun (1446-65), There are two other Sanskrit commentaries of the same
kind, by Keshav and & Singhbhoopal, but it is not known as to when and where
they were written.
In the 15th century wd (come across two interesting musical treatises from ~ u j a r a t..
The first one is called @ngeet Sudhakar, and is attributed to HaripalDev, the ruler
of Saurashtra. It is herb for the first time that the Indian musical form is divided into
k
the Hindustani and th 'Karnatak styles. The other text is a Persian work kalled
Ghunyat-ul Munya, rn ning literally 'pleasure of desire'. Unfortunately, the '
manuscript copy of thib text is incomplete with its first folio and the last four
Sub-sectlons missing. a u s the name o i the author, if atall was given in the missing
portions, is lost foreveq. We, however, know that the text was compiled at the
instance of Malik Shamsuddin Abu Raja, the governor of the province of Gujarat
under Feroz Tughluq. Ohunyat, as its author claims, aimed at being a compendium
on the art of sangeet inJndia, for the avowed purpose of educating the taste of the
elite of the time and al& tocater to the demands of the Mu'tabiran (the authorities)
and Na'rif (the adept).i (Ghunyat-ul Munya : The earliest known Persian work on
Indian Music, ed. ShabCb Sarmadee, Asia Publishing House, New elh hi, 1978.)
This text has been of g q a t value in several respects. It is the earliest treatise and
commentary in Persian ,on music and some of the Sanskrit texts on music
respectively. Besides tMt, Ghunyat extensively uses some such Sanskrit works on
music which have become extinct now.
In the 15th century, weicome across a text called Raag Tarangini ascribed p o p u k l y
to Lochan Kavi. It contains illustrations from both Jaidev (of Geet Govind) and
Vidyapati, and may thdq be safely placed in the 15th c e n t q . R a w Tarangini is
important for having iniiiated an alternative system of the division of ras-the that
-system. All the variobs forms of music described here are practiced today.
Music got an impetus under the Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur in the second half of the
15tWentury. A connoiaeur and an expert in his own right, Sultan Hussain Sharqi +
(1458-99) promoted v o q l music by introducing a variant form of rendering khayal
th Kalawanti khayal. Ik is also credited with some new rag, such as Jaunpuri
bd
T i, Sindhu Bhairavi, ~$induraand Rasuli Todi,
I
We have noted earlier thht the court at Vijaynagar had become a centre of music
under its more promine& rulers. The most significant treatise on the South Indian
style is the Swarmel ~ a l d h i d h iwritten
, by Ramamatya, the foremost of the
exponents of the South Ihdian style. It is considered as the most authentic treatise of
its kind and is frequently keferred to by the music lovers today.
It iS evident from the dejpription given above that music in the 13th-15th centuries
had grown even if its devplopment seemed located in specific places and Jtas not
indicative o f any coordin)lted attempt to bring all the various forms at one place.
The development of mus{$ had attained the take-off stage when Mughals intervened
and gave it greaterrheights.
' I
Check Your h g r e k 3- .
33.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to know:
.'that decadence had crept into the quality of Sanskrit works produced during the
period under review,
?bout the introduction and growth of Persian language and literature in India,
0 , about theorigin and growth of Urdu language,
thesfactors responsible for the growth of regional languages and literature, and
about the nature of cultural and literary synthesis achieved in this period.
r 33.1 INTRODUCTION
The Sultanate witnessed the flowering of a rich corpus of literature, This was a
period when new languages were introduced with a remarkable growth in the sphere
of culture and literature. This cultural and literary synthesis is manifested in the
origin and growth of a synthetic language like Urdu and in the interchange between'
Persian and Sanskrit. The regional languages and literature which were considerably
'
influertced by Sanskrit and Persian mirrored the religious, social and popular
, attitudes of the period under study. The Hindi works of M u s h writers like Amir
Khusrau and Jayasi as well as the Bengali Vaishnavite poems composed by Bengali
:lk#uslimsalso highlight the process of cultural synthesis operative during this period.
- P
' 33.2. SANSKRT LITERATURE
Itsisgenerally believed that the loss of official patronage caused the decline of
Sanskrit literature during the Sultanate period. While it is true that Persian replaced
I
I
Sanskrit as the official lwguage, there was no quantitative decline in the production
of Sanskrit literary workb as such. The period is remarkable for the immense
production of literary wprks in different branches of Sanskrit hterature - b v y a
(poetical narrative), redgion and photosophy, giammar, drama, stories, medicine,
astronomy, commentaries and digests on the Law Rooks (Dharamasbastras) and
other classical Sanskrit Forks. Nor was the loss of official patronage to Sanskrit
absent for there were sf111many kings who patronized Sanskrit poets--especially in
South India and RajastqBn. ~ u t w h i l e~anskdtworks continued to be produced in
large number, there see@s to be a marked decline in the quality of these works. This
decline had set in befor# the establishment of the Sultanate and became more
pronounced during the flultanate period. There was not much originality in most of
the Sanskrit works that bppeared during this period. Much of the Sanskrit writing
was wearisomely repetitive, artificial and forced. Sanskrit works on religious themes
were often characterisefl by metaphysical speculations. Biographical works were
mainly in the form of heroic ballads which contained hagiographical details and
stories of romance. Stinkkrit lost the patronage of the new Persian speaking ruling -
class but the Sultanate 4 d not interfere with the independent production of Sanskrit
literary works. In fact, the introduction of paper during the Sultanate period gave an
impetus to the literary qctivity of reproduction and dissemination of already existing
Sanskrit texts such as tlje Ramayana and the Mahabbarata.
South India, Bengal, W l a and Western India played the leading role in the
production of Sanskrit 'literary works. The Vijaynagar kings patronised Sanskrit
poets. The Jain scholar$in Western India also contributed to the growth of Sanskrit
literatwe. The most famous Jain scholars of Sanskrit literature in Western India was
Hemachandra Suri whd belonged to the 12th century. Mithila in northern Bihar
developed into yet ano&er centre of Sanskrit. Later, towards the end of the
Sultanate period and d ~ t i n gthe Mughal period, the Chaitanya movement in Bengal
and Orissa contributed b the production of Sanskrit works in several fields -
drama, champu (a mixed form of verse and prose), grammar, etc.
Many Rajput rulers pawonised Sanskrit poets. These poets wrote the family
histories of their patrons in the classical form of a Sanskrit eulogy. The writings of
these family histories fallowed a set formtila and became an established trend during '
this period. Some of thbe Sanskrit works such as Brithvirqjavijaya and
Hammirmahakavya are well known. A number of historical poems are on Muslim
rulers, e.g., Rajavlnoda a biography of Sultan Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat
I--
+
material, too. In additjon to these historical kavyas, a large number of
semi-historical texts w d prabandhas were also written. 'Ihe prabandhas are
replete with legendary d hagiogaphi~almaterial but, some of them, such as
Merutunga's Oraban ha Chintamani and Rajashekhar's htbadmkosba
contain material of his rical significance. On the whole, however, it must be
pointed out that despite voluminous production, the Sanskrit literature of the
Sultanate period had lqst much of its original vitality and creativity, and the bulk of
this literature remained unaffected by the intellectual developments of the age.
i
r Ghiyasuddin Tughluq also patronised him. He lived through the reigns of six Sultans
of Delhi and was connected with their courts.
Arnir Khusrau was a prolific and versatile writer and is said to have composed.half a
million verses and ninety-nine works on different themes. His poetry consisted of a
great variety of forms -lyric, ode, epic, and elegy. His poetry was essentially Indian
in sentiment though he followed Persian models in technique. Thus he created a new .
style of Persian which came to be known as sabaq-i Hindi or the Indian style. Someof
4- .
the works composediby Amir Khusrau have been lost. Five literary masterpieces
composed by him are kutla-ul Anwar, Shirin Khusrau, Laila Majnun, Ayina-i
Sikmdari and Hasht /Bihhpbt. He dkdicated all of them to Alauddin.Khalji. His five .r
diwans (collection od compositions called ghazals) include Tuhfat-us Sighar, ~ a s t - u l i '
historians were Mindrus Siraj (author of the Tabsqat-i Nasiri), Isami (author of thk !
Futuh-us Salatin), Shams Siraj Afif (author of the Tarikb-i Feroz Shah). Among .
the Sultans. Feroz S y h Tughluq wrote the Futuhat-i Ferozshahi. But the greatest
historian of this p e r i d was Ziauddin Barani. His Tarikhdi Ferozshahi is the most '
valuable work of histery written during-thegeriod. Parani completed this work in
1357 when he was s ~ ~ ~ ~n e book:is
~ ~ named
o after
l Feroz
d Shah.
~u~hluqr~;lriiii;-dedh to write this work at m age when his mernorl hag starter '
C
fading and consequently he mgde many chronological errors. Moreover, his
personal, ideological, social and sectarian prejudices ohen colour his interpretation.
I gf various historical events. These shortcomings of his-work notwithstanding,
Barani's contribution to the writing of history was unparakled during the period.
He broke new grounds in history writing and did not confine himself to rulers, courts
J and campaigns..He described and analysed administrative matters and economic
phenomena. He provides an analytical study of co&cts between various social
,groups during his period. Barani wrote dnother book, Fatwa-i Jahandari which
.deals with political theory.
i
4 or the details regarding the life, teachings and miracles of the various sufii. Mir
hwurd's Siyaru-ul Auliya is the earliest known biographical dictionary of sufis
written in India. m e Khair-uLMiajah's is the malfuzat of Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud (Chiragh Delhi). These works often reflect social and economic realities of
.&
the times, apart from spiritual matters.
B
Check Your Progress 1
1) Discuss the contribution of Amir Khusrau to the growth of Persian
literature in India.
SOQL).~-: I~~LCIS(L 2) Mark or x against the statements given below:
=?'-
a) The great ~ r i b i dictionary,
c the Qamus was produced by Sultan
Feroz Tughlq.
b) Kalhan's Raj&ranglni gives an accoupt of the history of Kashmir
kings.
c) Barani's Fad&-i-Jahandari is an autobiographical account.
. d)Zih NakhshaUl was the first scholar to translate Sanskrit stories into Persian.
#
small Brahmanic circle. T'he replacement of Sanskrit by Persian as the official
language during e Sultanate period further intensified the process of the
decline of the ~aqbkritliterature. Once it lost the official patronage it had
enjoyed at the cetltre, many kingdoms during the Sultanate period promoted
the use of regiondl languages since Persian was an unfamiliar language in many
parts of the wuniry. ~egion'allanguages were used, in addition to Sanskrit, for
administrative punrpose in many kingdoms even during the pre-Turkish period.
Jn the territories under the rule of the Sultans of Delhi, there are references to
Hindtlrmwing r&enue officials at the local level.
iii) ThcTnrrkish con4pest of Northern India during the 13th century led to the end
of the Rajput-BrBihman alliance and consequently the influence of the
Brahmans dimini*ed in the society. Once the upper caste domination
diminished, the firimacy of Sanskrit received a setback, and regional
languages which Were spoken at the popular level, came to the fore.
First Phase
S c h o l a ~have placed the origin of the Hindi language between 7th and 10th
centuries -it was in this period that Hindi was evolving out of Apabhramsa. The
period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century (before the rise of the bhakti
poetry) is characterised as 'Veergatha Kala' (age of Heroic Poetry)'by scholars.
Another name used for describing this period is Adi Kala (early period). Much
poetry of this period was composed by bards who were patronised by various Rajput
rulers. The bards glorified such virtues of their patrons as chivalry and bravery.
They also highlighted the element of romance in their poetical narratives. In its
essence, this literature symbolises the values and attitudes of the Rajput ruling
classes. The bards who composed this literature were not concerned with the
aspirations of the common people. Most of the bardic poetical narratives were
composed in the Rajasthani dialect of Hindi. The most famous of them is the
Prithviraja Raso which is attributed to Chand Bardai, the court ministerial of
Prithviraja; the last Rajput king of Delhi. Other heroic poetical narratives includdd
Visaldeva Raso, Hammir Raso, Khumana Raso, etc. The authenticity of most of
these raso narratives in their existing forms is open to grave doubts and it seems that
their contents were expanded during the later centuries. Thus for instance, it is only
the nucleus of the Prithviraja Raso which was written during this period (12th
century), and interpolations were made later in the original draft.
Not all the Hindi literature of the period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century
belonged to the genre of bardic poetry. The Buddhist siddhas and later the
nathpenthi yogis composed religious poetry in an archaic form of Hindi. In Westem
India, the Jain scholars also composed religious poetry in Rajasthani highlighting
various aspects of religious and social life of the people. The contribution of Amir
Khusrau to Persian literature has already been mentioned. But he also composed
- - - -
%-.ad
.*
a- :13h'ta 15th poems in mixed form of Hindi which ultimately developed into Khan Boli or ..
Hindustani. He callefl this language hindavi. Some of his Hindi verses are found in
. :
@
his Khaliq Bad whicai is often ascribed to him but which in all likelihood was written
q .
much later.
. . '
%~ g of
e the Bhsliti Poetry
I
The second phase in b e growth of Hindi literature began in the 14th-15th centuries. '
'
Various streams of tde bhakti movement exercised profound influence on the Hindi
literature of this phas&.This phase of Hindi literature has been characterised a'
Bhakti Kala (Age of bevotion) and it continued till the Mughal period. This phase ,
:
whia began yith Kabir marked the richest flowering of Hindi literature. Thebhakti
poets of the period were two-fold: the saguna poets (who believed in god with
human form and attr&utes) k d nirguna poets (who believed in non-incarnate
Absolllte God). Kabit was the leader of the nirguna bhakti poets most of whom
belonged to lower cages of the society and were poop and illiterate. Kabir's own
mother-tongue was Bhojpuri but he composed in a mixed dialect which could be
understood by peoplel in various parts of North India. Kabir's language is
charaderise4 by what has been termed 'rough rhetoric'. The non-conformist and
unorthodox'ideas of h b i r and other nirguna saints have already been discussed in
the chapter on the bhakti movement. What is important from literary point of view
is Kabir's use of a laneage which combines bluntness of style with potency and
*I
eloquence. He used his strong and rough verses to present a powerful denunciation
of varioys rituals. Another important characteristic of pabir's short poetical J+
utterances is the use d ulatbasi or 'upside-down language' which consisted of a
series of paradoxes a d enigmas. It has been pointed out that Kabir inherited the r
ulatbasi tridition'fronl the nathpanthis and adapted it for an effective rhetorical and
teaching deyice. Kabit and other "low-caste" monotheistic poets (Sen, Pipa, , -
Dhanna, Raidas, etc.):expressed themselTes in oral style. The poetry they
composed forms a part of oral literature. Their vers s were compiled much later -
&
earliest instance of their written compositions'are m the Adi Granth in 1604.
Being illiterate, they had nqdirect access to th$~anskrii literature. They expressed .
themselves in the loial languages of the people. ~hkqiterarygenre in which they
composed most of theif; short but effectiye utterancesvwasboha (3 short rhymed
poem). In short, the *try of Kabir and other nhyjtiira saints of the 15th century
played the most importtint role'in transforming the Hindi vernaculars into a 'literarj"
language. a
The poets belonging to the conventional vaishnava bhakti movement in North India
were mostly Brahmans and were familiar with Brahmanical scriptures and Sansk?it
texts. The vaishnava p e t s believed in the concept of devotion to a personal God
'
and, accordingly, ma to be divided as devotees of Rama and Krishna. The Rama . ..
bhadcti poetry in Hindi flourished mainly during the Mughal period. Its greatest t,:,\i
exponent and perhaps the greatest poet of Hindi literature was Tulsidas (A.D. k. :I.
1532-1623) who wrote {he famous Ram Charit Manas in the Awadhi dialect of "':
Hindi. Among the Kri*na bhakti poets, Vidyapati composed verses about the lo&
of Radha and Krisha iniMaithiliHindi. The influence of his lyrical poetry was felt in ,,
Bengal and some Bengsili poets imitated his songs. Vrindavan near Mathura
emerged as a centre of Craishnava bhakti p o e t j b y the end of the Sultanate period.
These poets .were devotees of Krishna and composedtheir verses in Braj bhasha.
The greatest of these poets was Surdas (c. 1483-1563). Another great name in the
Vaishnava bhakti poetty was that of Mira Bai (c. 1498-1543):She was a'Krishna
devotee ajld composed her songstin Rajasthani but many of these songs were later
incorporated in other Yindi dialects and also in Gujarati.
. .
Sufi Contribution to ~bdi
Literature .
Sufi saints and other scholars of this period contributed substantially to the gmwth
.
of Hindi literature. The Chikhti sut3s made use of Hindi devotional songs i i q m a !
(ecstatic singing and da&ing) sessions. Sufi mystical and allegorical meanings were
given to various Hindi tgrms such as "Gopis", "Raslila", etc. The sufi poets 4
combined Islamic mysti$ism with imaginative use of Indian love tales, popular ; I
Scbl&s have advanced various theories to explain the origin of the Urdu language
) inihe period following the establishment of the Dehi Syltanate. Various opinions
have been expressed on the identity of the dialect of Hindi on which the Persian '
element was grafted resulting in the growth of a new language. The dialects that
have been mentioned are Braj bhasha, Haryanvi"and other dialects spoken in the
neighbourhood of Delhi, and the Punjabi language. All these dialects have
I,
influencedthe Urdu language in its formative stage and it is difficult to pinpoint the
exact dialect which combined with Persian to give rise to Urdu. However, it is an
established fact that by the end of the 14th century, Urdu was emerging as an
independent language. Like Hindi, the basic structure of Urdu consisted of Khari
Boli -a mixture of varids dialects spoken in Delhi and surrounding regions. Delhi,
during this period, was ideally situated for the growth of a synthetic language since,
on the one hand it was surrounded.by people speaking different dialects apd, on the
other hand, it had a Persian speaking ruling elite. Thus, Urdu adopted Persian script
and Persian literary tradition but by incorporating the basic structure of Hindi
dialects evolved an individuality of its own.
I The w o d Urdu is of Turkish origin and means an army or camp. In its initial form,
Urdu appears to have been devised as an improvised speech to enable the Persian
speaking Turkish ruling class and soldiers to communicate with the local people
'. including Mpslim converts. However, it had not yet acquired a literary form. This
new common language tqok a century to acquire a concrete shape and came to be
called "Hindavi" by Amir Khusrau. Hindavi thus forms the,basis of both Hindi and
Urdu. Amir Khusrau composed verses in Hindavi (using Persian script) and thus laid
the foundation of Urdu literature. However, it was in the Deccan that Urdu first
acquired a standardized literary form and came to be known as Dakhini during the
15th century. It developed first under the Bahmani rule and flourished in the
Bijapur and Golkunda kingdoms. Gesu Daraz's Mlraj-ul hhiqin is the earliest work
in Dakhini Urdu. Till the 18th century, Urdu was called by various names such as
"Hindavi" , "Dakhini" , "Hindustani" or "Rekhta" (which means mingling several
things to produce something new). In its developed form, Dakhini Urdu travelled
.* back to the north and soon became popular during ihe Mughal period, It was dbring
the period of the disintegration of the Mughal empire in the 18th century that the
Urdu literature reached great heights.
~33.7.3W a b i Literature
'TWO distinct trends developed in the history of the Punjabi literature during the
period between the beginning of the 13th century and beginnirig of the sixteenth
century. On the one hand, this period was marked by the growth of s&i and bhakti
poetry and, on the other, by Heroic ballads qnd folk literature. Sufi poetical ,
compositions attributed to the famous Chisti sufi master Baba Farid (Shaikh
Fariduddin Ganj Shakar (c. 1173-1265) are regarded as pioneering contribution to
poetry in the Punjabi language. The hymns composed by Guru Nanak in the
sixteenth century imparted a proper literary form to the language. The second Sikh
Guru Angad gave the Punjabi language a distinct script called Gurumukhi. The
hymns composed by Guru Nanak were later incorporated in the Adi G ~ a n t hby the
fifth Sikh Guru A j b n in 1604. His poetry is characterised by chastity of sentiment
and by variety in his style and poetic diction.
the earliest specimens of Bengali language'. The Turkish conquest of Bengal by the : ..
,' middle of 13th c e n t u j contributed-tothe decline of Sanskrit and the importanceof ' . -, '
~-~
Sanskrit scriptures. 68ltan Husain Shah (1493-1519) and his successor Nusrat
Shah (1514-32) patfinised Bengali literature. Two Bengali poets Kavindra and
Srikaranandi renderbd the Mahabharata into Bengali verse during their reigns. In the
early years of the fi'fteenth century, Kritivasa Ojha produced a Bengali poetical
adaptation of ~alrnlki'sSanskrit R a m a y e . Maladhar Basu adapted v a i b a v a
Sanskrit work the Bliagavata Purana into Bengali during the later 15th century and
it came to be known hs Srikrishnavijaya. Another, and the most popular Bengali
rendering of the ~ a b a b h a r a t awas
, produced by Kasirama. These Bengali
4
translations and ada tations played an important role in influencing the cultural and
religious life of the ople in medieval Bengal. The third trend in the Bengali
literature consisted f the emergence of Mangala kavya. These are sectarian'
poktical narratives q d focus on.the conflicts and rivalries among gods and
goddesses. But they 'do contain humanistic elements, too, since they highlight
popular aspirations and sufferings. Manika Datta and Mukundrama were two
notable poets of Mqgala kavya during the later 15th and 16th centuries. '
L!
language and idiom the common people, was the most important Assamese poet
of the 14th century. 's language was less Sanskritized thah that of Hema Sarasvati
and Harihara Kipra hnd was closer to the language of the common people. The.
growth of vaishnava!bhakti movement under Sankaradeva in the second part of the-
fifteenth century mahe considerable contribution to the Assamese literature. i
Kirtana ghosa is regirded as the most important vaishnava religious text written in 'j
Assamese language. It is an anthology of devotional songs, most of which werk
composed by Sankardeva but other poets also made their contributions.
Sankaradeva also wrDte many dramas (Ankiya Nat)jwhich were based on the Purana
episodes. He also composed a new type of devotional poetry called Bargit (Bragita).
Sankaradeva's disciple Madhavadeva (A.D. 1489-1596) also composed maniliterary
works and further e+iched the Bargit form of poetry. ,.
I
E 8. .'
33.7.6 Oriya Literature
It was during the 13th-14th centuries that the Oriya language assumed literary
character. Saraladasl (14th century) was the first great poet of Orissa. He composed
the Oriya Mahabhanlta which is regarded as a great epic by the people of Orissa.
Oriya literature begah to enter into a new phase from the beginning of the 16th -
century when the ~&hnavabhakti movement grew there under Chaitanya's
influence. Many of C$haitanya'sdisciples translated or adapted Sanskrit works on
ad
bhakti into the Oriy language. One of the close associates of Chaitanya was
Jagannath Das who ecame the greatest Oriya literary figure of his time. His Oriya
translation of the Bhqgavata Purana became popular among the people. %
4
part of the 13th cent Iy. .Early Marathi literatux was dominated by saiva
nathpanthis. Two ea liest Maralhi texts - Viveka darpana and the Gorakhagita -
belonged to. the nalhbnthi tradition. The most important poet of this phase was
Mukundaraj who belonged to the nathpanthi tradition and who wrote his Vivek
Sindhu in chaste popular language. Another dominant influence on the Marathi
literature during its formative stage was exercised by the poets belonging to the
( Mahanubhava cult which emerged in the 13th century.
The Mahanubhava saint-poets were among the architects of the early Marathi
devotional literature and made important contribution to Marathi lexicography,
l
commentaries, rhetoric, grammar, prosody, etc.
The Varkari bhakti saint-poet; of Maharashtra further developed the bhakti
literature in the Marathi language. First among them was Jnanadeva (13th century).
He wrote a commentary on the Bhagavad Gita. It was named Bhavartha dipika and
popularly came to be known as Jnanasvari. It is the fundamental text of the
Maharashtra vaishnava bhakti saints belonging to the varkari tradition. Another
saint-poet belonging to the varkari tradition was Namdev (1270-1350). He
, composed large number of Abhangas (short lyrical poems) in Marathi. H e travelled
to the north and later his verses were included in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth.
Twd other great saint-poets of'medieval Maharashtra, Eknath (1548-1600) and
Tukaram (1598-1649) belong to the Mughal period: they also made substantial
contribution to the growth of the Marathi literature.
I
'33.8.2 Telugu Literature
1 Literature in the Telugu language made great progress from 13th century onwards.
d During the 13th and 14th centuries, Telugu translations and adaptations of Sanskrit
-4%;
*
Wbl?
-
',%- works were produced.! ?he most important Telugu poet in the first half of the 14th
' ' Cdmy ,,
* ,.
i
century was Erraprag da. He popularized the Champu genre of literary writing
(mixed form of yerse bd prose). He composed the Ramayana in this genre. He
,translated a part of thd Mahabharata and anothel Vaishnava Sanskrit Work,
Harivamsa into Telu ,.Srinatha (1365-1440) was another great Telugu writer. ~e
3
translated Sriharsha's aishadha Kavya into Telugu. He also composed verses on'
the theme of historica romance and this laid the foundation for the age of classical
prabandbas in the T e l literature.
~ His contemporary, Potana, was a great poet :
who translated the BhSgavata P u m a into Telugu. The Telugu literature achieved '
its highest position in tile sitteenth century during the reign of the Vijaynagar king,
Krishnadeva Raya, wH6 himself was a poet in both Sanskrit and Telugu and who,
wrote Amukta ~ a l ~ ain&Telugu. He patronised many Telugu poets, most famous
of whom was Peddanai~Peddanawrote Manu Charita in .Tklugu. One important
characteristic of the Tdlugu literature of this period was the increasing influence of
Sanskrit on the Telugu language.
The earliest literary codposition was the Rama Charitam, produced in the 14th ,
, century. From sixteenth century onwards, Malayalam began to come under the
dominant influence of Sbnskrit and borrowed a great deal from the latter.'
z
- . .=
I, " &eck your Rogresp: 2 ;,
\r
1) Biscusi the social b4ckground of the rise of regional languages.
. . . .
6
......................................................................................................
........................*............................................
; ..............................
. .
......................+.........................................................................
~f
.r
. :
2) ~ x ~ l athe
i n orikin ahd growth of ~ i d language.
u ' ,
,.'Ir
..........,.............j; .....................:... ......;..........................
,
. , , I . .
:.../...;...........
3) Mark or x against the statements given below:
a) The second phase of growh of Hindi Literature is characterised as
Bhakti kala
b) Kabir was a saguna poet who believed in a God with human form
and attributes.
c) Krishnadgvaraya wrote Amukta Malyada in Telugu.
d) The religious-literary works of Basava in Kannada are known as
Vachanas.
Structure
34.0 Objectives '
34.1 Introduction I
34.2 Life Prior to l$OO
34.3 The New Ruling Classes
34.3.1 Ideologidrll Composition of the New Ruling Classes
34.3.2 Royal Pdtern of Consumption
34.4 The Religious Aristocracy
34.5 The Political Atistocracy
34.6 Lifestyle of the Masses
34.7 Position of Women
34.8 Slaves and Serkints
34.9 Urban Life
34.10 Rural Life 1
34.10.1 Peasants 1 I
34.10.2 The ~ w e ( & n gofs the Peasants
34.11 Games and Arlmusements
34.12 Let Us Sum Up
34.13 Key Words
34.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
I The princes and members of the court lived in great splendour. The wealth of the
great religious establishments was visible during the festivals and elaborate
performance of daily rituals. Considerable amount of artisan and peasant labour
was consumed in the construction and maintenance of the palaces and temples.
Thus, the lifestyle of the pre-Islamic ruling classes in India differed from their
I successors only in matters of detail. The caste structure which continued to stratify
, Hindasociety was protected bqthe Muslim rulers from outside. The new ruling class
(though foreigners) soon realisid that, in the dominant economic form of petty
production, caste system was of great value. Moreover, the dominant ideology that
maintained the caste structure heavily laid down the norm of serving the rulers
whether they belonged to the caste structure or not.
I1
A distinct phase in India's economic evolution.began with the end of a long period of
political fragmentation and the successful creation of a centralised power which was
sustained by the regular extraction of resources from an extensive territory.
I
The head of the new ruling class was the Sultan. He was considered to be
synonymous with the State. From the very.beginning of their rule in India, theTurkish
Sultans considered themselves to be politically independent but culturally a part of
the Islamic world.
I
1 The lifestyle of the new ruling class was comparable to the highest standard of
luxurious living in the entire Islamic world. This was consciously adopted mainly to
I
I
maintain a distance between themselves and the common people whose surplus they
appropriated.
I
II
I
34.3.2 Royal Pattern of Consumption
The Sultans of Delhi wanted to own huge palaces. Almost every-ruler built a new
palace for himself. Later rulers, like Feroz Shah Tughluq, were known to have
increased the number of palaces they considered necessary. A typical description of
I the lavish display that took place in the Sultan's palace has been given by the
I traveller Ibn Battuta during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq. Ibn Battuta wrote
that if a person wanted to visit the Sultan, he had to pass through three lofty gates
1I
which were heavily guarded. He then entered the 'Court of thousand pillars' which.
was a huge hall supported by polished wooden pillars and was decorated with all
kinds of costly materials and furnishing. This was the place where the Sultan held his
public court.
The royal umbrella and the sceptre known as 'chhatra' and 'danda' respectively
' were used by the Hindu rulers and were continued by the Muslims. Muhammad
Tughluq is known to have used a black umbrella following the Abbasids. No one
other than the rulers were allowed to use this umbrella and the sceptre. Even if
given royal permission, the umbrellas of the nobles were of different colours and its
use was strictly confined to the members of the royal family. The Hindu rulers added
the chowri (fly-whisk) to these symbols signifying royal authority.
During processions and other social functions, the Sultan was accompanied by a
standard bearer to be followed by a band of musicians. The Hindu kings had a
tradition of having instrumentalists who carried trumpet and flutes. This musical
band played in the palace everyday. Except for the rulers, no one was allowed to be
either accompanied by these musicians nor were they allowed to play in any other
part of the city except the royal palaie.
The darbar (i.e. the court) was the actual space where the authority of the king was
manifest through a number of rituals. Special assemblies were held there to receive
foreign envoys, or on special occasions like corortation, victory in war and religious
festivals. In royal functions like marriages of the Sultan's sons and daughters there
was a ereat dis~lavof wealth. In annual celebrations of ,the coronation day, the
nobles donned new lothes and placed nazr (presents) before the Sultan and took
fresh oaths of allegi
The Harem :Almost every Sultan had a 'harem', a special space where wbmen had.
their quarters. The 8bltan's mother, his queens and all female servants and slaves
lived here. Separate!accommodations were provided for the women according to
their ranks. The hoqdehold karkhanas catered to their needs.
The huge householdi along with the general expenditure that went to maintain it
was a part of the ostbntatious lifestyle of the Sultans. But this conspicuous
consumption patte indirectly helped domestic manufactures and generated
%
employment within e country. Mmbers of the aristocracy who together with the
S u l h enjoyed the qghest economic and social benefits formed the w r e of the
ruling class. In the ~bltanatepeiiod, they were grouped in two.sectors - the secular
'omnh' and the reqgioy 'dema'.
The Sultanate admiiistration accorded a special place to the ufema. Those among
them who were assdoiated with the administration of justice and religious law were
known as 'dastarbahdan' sihce they were distinguished by a special cap. I
The dema helped t& rule? in theologicd matters. They had to undertake a special
training and follow definite wurse of study which consisted of islamic theory, law,
f
logic, Arabic and r ligious texts such as tafsir, Radis, Qunr'n, etc.
These men, along with a few others, formed the intellectual elite group known as abl
qalam. Their social roles were determined by the needs of the centralised state and
an autocratic emperqr. These men profided moral support to the imperial rule.
ii) Saiyyids....................................................................................
2) Write a note on the power and position of the ulema in the Sultanate
society?
............................................,................................&............................
The usual'religious prwtices of daily worship and ceremonies were followed. The
old forms of [email protected] mamage among the upper castes were
forbidden in the Kali dge. This made the caste division more rigid. However, as the
smriti writers discuss qt length the social position of children born of inter-caste
marriages such marriages must have continued. It seems that the rich and powerful
could choose their wi\n&s.fromall castes and sections with only some restrictions
in spite of the prevailing norms of marriage within one's own caste. '
c
training. We do hear mes of Dewalrani, Rupamati, Padmavati, etc. The example
of Raziya shows that uslim aristocracy did impart education to their daughters as
well. Regarding both,jpidow remamage and sati, there are a number of
controversies. A number of travellers, specially Ibn Battuta, mention with horror of
a woman burning herdelf on the funeral pyre of her husband..He mentions,
however, that pfior pqrmission for one wanting to be a sati had to be taken from the
Sultan. But with the akailable eyidence, it is unlikely that the Rajputs or even other
Hindus would have cdhplied with this injunction. At any rate, the practice of sati
was confined to the ul)per strata of the society. The degraded position of widow
seems to be the most inportant factor that encouraged sati. Among the Rajputs, .
practice of jauhar wad Blso prevalent. In the event of an imminent defeat their
women were set on fih.
I
The commentators upHold the widow's right to the property of a sonless husband,
provided the property was not commonly held. The widow was not merely the
guardian of this p o p e b y but had the full right to dispose it off. Though in the face of
these commentaries, it seems that property rights of women improved in the Hindu
society, but this couldihave hardly applied in a uniform manner all over the country.
An interesting misconception that persists today is regarding the evolution of the
'purdah system'. Custom of purdah was not the novelty of the Muslims, as it is
generally considered. !he, customs prevailed even much before. However, the
I!
present 'elaborate' an institutionalized form of purdah can certainly be credited to
the Muslim rule. At a 9 rate, purdah became a privilege of upper classes. Both
Hindu and Muslim ahtocracy guarded their women by keeping them hidden within
the walled space of thh antahpura and the harem while the poor (Muslim) women
used burqa to h v e r their body. Malik Muhammad Jayasi and Vidyapati do refer to
purdah. But till Muhammad Tughluq's reign no attempt was made by the state to
impose any restriction in this direction.
I ....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
2) Discuss the role played by the slave household in the Sultanate
socio-economic order.
....................................................................................................
............................................................................ ......................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
.
34.9 URBAN LIFE
During the 13th-14th centuries, a number of towns and ports flourished in North
India. Broach, Cambap, Lakhnauti, Sonargaon and Multan flourished as trading
mhlstb centres. Ibn Battuta #ives a detailed description of ~ e l h ; .It was one of the largest
CIlbn
cities in the Islamic wprld with a mixed population of merchants from India as well
as Iran, ~fghanistan,lctc.It is said that overland trade with West Asia was in the
hands of ~ultanis,'wpbowere mostly Hindus. The Gujarati and Marwari merchants.
were extremely wealthy and some of them, particularly the Jains, spent large sums
1
in the construction o temples. They also had large residential buildings. Their
houses were surroun ed by orchards and fruit gardens which had many tanks.
Cambay was a fine pdrt-city where there was an agglomeration of wealthy ,
merchants. Not only did they live in fine houses, they consumed good food and wore
fine clothes. Men dreked themselves in cotton and silk garments, anointed
themselves with sandblwood paste and wore rings, gold-earrings studded with
precious stones and gplden girdles. women wore long flowing cloth (sari) and silken
blouses. Wom,en's je$ellery were made of gold and silver metals. They wore
earrings, anklets and lenty of rings on fingers and toes.
!@
The Muslim mercha* who usually came from Central Asia dressed themselves in '
embroidered garment$ covered with gold and silver works. They also wore thick
boots coming up to their knees.
Many of these towns *ere also centres of craft production. The.towns of Bengal and
Gujarat were famousifor the production of fine clothes. Cambay was also famous for
1
gold and silver works1 There were many other luxury crafts such as leather works, *
metal work, carpet wpaving, etc. Many of these were exported to the Red Sea,
Persian Gulf and So* East Asian Countries.
A s for , Ziauddin Barani mentions the Multanis and Sahas of Delhi,
deal of wealth from the resources of maliks and amirs who
or draft over their iqta.'
Another mercantile s o u p was that of the brokers (dallals) who first make their
appearance in the coQnmercia1 history of the Delhi Sultanate. They operated
between merchants apd customers raising prices when they could. Alauddin Khalji
was specially harsh 04 them but since theywere needed in any large market, they
could never be dispebsed with entirety. Sarrafs or money changers constituted yet
,another mercantile g ) ~ u pwho were quite prosperous.
Apart from these dis inct groups, there were a large number of smaller artisans,
1,
shopkeepers and ven ors who lived in the cities. Except for the regional songs and
folk tales, very little historical details can be gleaned about their daily lives.
34.10.1 peasane
A vast majority lived'in villages. Cultivation was based on individual peasant.
farming and the size (xf land cultivated by them varied greatly from the large holding
of the 'khots' or en to the small plots of 'balahars' or village menials. Below
have existed a group of landless menial castes but little is
known a b u t them id this period.
Peasants generally ?+ed a pair of oxen and the plough. Land was abundant. Wells
were probably the mqjor source of artificial irrigation. Muhammad Tughluq
advanced loans to pe ants for improving agri-mlture. The peasants raised water by
various means from t wells (see Unit 22). Since peasants owned implements
needed for cultivation and sold their crop for payment of revenue in cash, there Lllclt).kdPopllrC*
must have been differentiation among the peasantry. Barani designates men of the.
highest stratum among the peasants as khots and muqaddams (for details, see 'Blocks
5 and 6). Before Alauddin Khalji adopted the measures, the kho& are alleged to
have been exempted from three major taxes. Furthermore, they levied a cess of
I
their. own on the villagers (qismat-i khoti). When Alauddin prohitited them from
levy ng the cess, they became quite poor and their wives worked as maidservants in
i
the houses of Muslims. The khots and muqaddams were peasants, but peasants
who stood on the borderland of the rural aristocracy. When prosperous, they
imitated the ways of-higher chiefs, i.e., rode horsed, wore fine clothes and chewed
betel-leaves. In the reign of Feroz Shah Tughluq, a chronicler describes the general
prosperity of the kh-. Everyone had large amount of gold and silver and countless
goods; and none of the women of the peasantry remained without ornaments. In
every peasant's house there were clean bed-sheets, excellent bed-cots and many
other articles.
requirements for shelter from winter, monsoon or the heat of summer were met ih
their dwellings. Very little furnjture was used : men, women and children lived in
small rooms huddle together. They usually slept on the floor on mats or cottun
quilts. Only the prosperous peasants used metal vessels; the ordinary people used
earthern pots. There was no separate place for bathing except the wells or ponds.
No sense of privacy existed.
The houses of the more prosperous peasants had more land around the main
structure. They usually had more than one room with verandah, a courtyard and
chabutara (platform) and even sometimes second story and the walls were plac:kr?.'
with cowdung and decorated with drawings, Often there was a small vegetat-lr
garden around their dwellings.
t
In terms of food, the ordinary peasant ate bread made out of rice; they also use
lintel, onion and chillies and as luxury they had some little ghee. They used to take
meal twice a day.
I
Geherally, the Hindu peasants went bareheaded and barefooted. They usually wore
a single dhotitcloth. In Gujarat and Rajasthan, they wore a red handkerchief around
their head. Woinen usually wore two kinds of dresses: a sheet of cloth to cover
themselves and a blouse. The second dress consisted of a lehanga or long sk~rta
blouse and dupatta w a big scarf. The latter dress was more popular In i tlr. 17. $1-
I
area.
- -
34.11 GAMES AND AMUSEMENTS -- -- - --
Wrestling was very popular even among villagers. Apart from these, fencing. spear
throwing, horse racing were popular an4ong the aristocracy. Polo (chaugan) was an
aristocratic game.
Religious festivals and fairs offered an opportunity to the ordinary people to enjoy
themselves. These, along with visiting holy places for pilgrimage, were t h e major
diversions in the otherwise drab life of the common people.
The bhakti movement and the works of popular preachers like Kabir, Dadu and
others inspired popular poets and their songs acted as cementing bond between
people of different religious sects. These falklores and songsalso spontaneously
reflected the experience of the people whose lives have in general remained
u1mt:ntioned in the official accounts and rulinr class discc~ursc.
r*qra:u.m
W'
r CbecicYmrRogaq,
1) Write a note on t w lifestyle of the merchant class during the Sultanate
period. I &
I'
...................... jl-:..........................................................................
I!
2) Write short notei/bn the following : .
a) Rural ~rist*cy ............................,... ..........................................
I!
b) Peasants ....1.................................................................................
c) Games and h u s e m e n t s
( 3
................................................................
!
We have seen how wit the coming of the Turks a new ruling class came into existine
replacing the old one. his change did not bring much of a difference in their lifestyle.
Like their predecessorSI they too led a luxurious life. The ulema were also not behind
in copying their ways jn their own limited-ways. The lifestyle of the nobles was also'
similar to that qf the Sultan but on a low level. They used high-sounding titles, lived
k
in luxurious houses, or nised dinner parties, maintained large nurhber of horses and
elephants as symbol of eir prestige. The Hindu society was divided on the basis of
castes. But with the coltling of the Turks, slight improvement in the positions of the
shudras and outcastes as visible. The Hindu woman enjoyed some property rights,
but the custom of pur
$-
was prevalent during this period. The Delhi Sultans
maintained large num br of slaves who were employed in the royal karlrhanas and
bodyguards as well. Mdrchants, too, enjoyed favourable status and lived comfortably.
But the peasants' concfition was not good.
i
34.14 ANSW-S TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
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