CORNELL UNIVm.

JTY
LIBRARY

DS

461.6.l4Tl975'""'"-"'"^

Shah Jahan

3 1924 006 140 374

Cornell University Library

The
tlie

original of

tliis

book

is in

Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright

restrictions in

the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924006140374

snyjAHAN

CONIENTS
PAGE
1.

Padshah-nama, of
Kazwini

Muhammad Amin
...

2.

Badshah-nama, of 'Abdul Hamid

Lahori
...
...

...

3.

Accession of Shah Jahaii

...

...

6
79

4.
5.
6.

Shah Jahan-nama,
Badshah-nama, of
'Amal-i Salih, of

<rf

'Inayat

Khan

...

Muhammad Warns Muhammad

...

...

129

.Salih
...
...

Kamba
7.

123

Shah Jahan-nama,

of
...

Muhammad
...

Sadik
...

Khan
8.

142

Majalisu-s Salatin, of
Sharif

Muhammad
...
...

Hanafi

...

143

9.

Lubbu-t Tawarikh-t Hind, of Rai

Bhara Mai
10.
11..

Shah Jahan's
Illness of

justice

...

...

154 155

Shah Jahan

...

...

HApi'2-

Piii=iS :~AH<3in

PADSHAH-NAMA
OF

MUHAMMAD AMIN KAZWINI

(The author of this work in his preface gives it the title of Padshah-nama, but, like several other histories of the reign ot Shah Jahan, it is often called Shah-Jahan-nama, and sometimes more specifically Tarikh-i Shah-Jahani

The full name of the author is Muhammad Amin bin Abu-1 Hasan Kazwini, but he is familiarly known as Aminai Kazwini, Aminai Munshi, or Mirza Amina. He was the first who received orders to write a history of the reign of Shah Jahan. The orders were
Dah-sala.
,

Shah Jahan, work, comprising the history of the first ten years of the reign, and dedicated it to Shah Jahan in the twentieth year of that Emperor's reign. The Author in his preface says that he has divided his work into an Introduction, containing an account of the Emperor's life from his birth to his accession; a Discourse (makala), comprising the history of the first ten years of his reign; and an Appendix, containing notices of holy and learned men, physicians and poets. He also mentions his intention of writing a second volume, bringing down the history to the twentieth year of Shah Jahan's reign. But he does not appear to have carried out his design, having probably been prevented by his appointment to a busy office, for Muhammad Salih, in a short biography of the author, says that he was transferred to the Intelligence Department. This history of Aminai Kazwini has been the model
given, as
us, in the eighth year of

he tells and he complcLcd

this

of the histories of Shah Jahan have been formed. 'Abdul Hamid, the author of the Badshah-nama, follows its arrangement, and although he

upon which most

MUHAMMAU AMIN KAZWINI

makes no acknowledgment of the fact, his work comprises the same matter, and differs from it only in style. Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a small folio of 297 pages
a copy in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, and three copies in the British Museum.)'^
is

It of twenty-one lines each. rubrics are omitted. There

is

fairly written,

but

all

the

IT his

article

from

Morley's

has been Catalogue of

taken
the

almost

exclusively

MSS. of the Royal

Asiatic Society.).

BADSHAH-NAMA
OF

'ABDU-L
(This
is

HAMID LAHORI
fiist

twenty years of the reigri' 'Abdul Hamid Lahori. Little is known of the author, but Muhammad Salih, in his 'Amai-i Salih informs us that 'Abdu-1 Hamid was celebrated for the beauty of his style, and that he died 'Abdu-1 Hamid himself says in 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.).
a history o the
of Shah Jahan, composed

by

in his preface, that the Emperor desired to find an author who could write the memoirs of his reign in the style of Abu-1 Fazl's Akbar-nama; and that he, 'Abdu-1

Hamid, had studied and greatly admired Abu-1 Fazl's He was recommended to the Emperor for the work, and was called from Patna, where he was living in
style.

His patron retirement, to undertake the composition. was the excellent minister 'AUami Sa'duUa Khan.

The contents of the work are: A Preface, in which the author dedicates his work to Shah Jahan. A descripconcise account of tion of the Emperor's horoscope. A brief review his ancestors, commencing with Timur. of the proceedings of Shah Jahan before his accession to the throne. A detailed history of the first twenty vears of the reign divided into two cycles of ten years each. The work comprises, also, an enumeration of the princes of the blood royal; of the nobles of the Court, arranged according to their respective ranks, from those commanding 9000 to those of 500 horse; and an account of the shaikhs, learned men, physicians and poets who flourished during the period embraced by the history. The Badshah-nama is the great authority for the reign of Shah-Jahan. Muhammad Salih, a younger and rival writer, speaks of the author in the highest term.

ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI

and "Khafi Khan, the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubab, has based his history of the first twenty years of Shah Jahan's reign almost entirely on this work. The greatest objection to the work is the author's style, which is of that adulterated kind introduced into India apparently by the brothers Abu-1 Fazl and Faizi."^
'Abdul Hamid was, as he himself states, a professed admirer and imitator of Abu-1 Fazl's style; and when he is dealing with a subject demanding his eloquence, his style master. is as verbose, turgid and fulsome as that of his is not always in a magniloquent Happily, however, he
vein, but narrates simple facts in simple language, blurred only by occasional outbreaks of his laboured rhetoric.

The work is most voluminous, and forms two bulky volumes of the Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 It enters into most minute details of all the transpages. actions in which the Emperor was engaged, the pensions
and
dignities conferred
titles

upon

the various
to

members
nobles,
their

of the
their

royal family, the

granted

the

mansabs, and it gives lists of all the various presents given and received on public occasions, such as the vernal equinox,
changes of
office,

the

augmentations of

the royal birthday, the royal accession, etc. Thus the work contains a great amount of matter of no interest to any one but the nobles and courtiers of the time. But it would not be fair to say that it is filled with these trifles; there is far too much of them: but still there is a solid substratum of historical matter, from which the history of this reign has been drawn by later writers. MSS. of the Badshah-nama are common, and some

Morley describes one belonging Royal Asiatic Society as "a most excellent specimen of the Oriental art of caligraphy," and Col. Lees "The copy of the second part of the Badshahsays:
fine

copies are extant.

to the

Col. Lees, Jour.

R.A.

I'ol.

Hi.

N.S.

BADSHAH-NAMA

noma which
Indica)
is

has been used for this edition (Bibliotheca the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is written by Muhammad Salih Kambu, the author of the 'Amal-i Salih^ and bears on the margin the autograph of the
-all

Emperor Shah Jahan." The following Extracts have been selected: and translated by the Editor from the
printed
text.)*

EXTRACTS
The Emperor Jahangir* died on the 28th Safar A.H. 10.B7 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty-eight years and one month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriyaip, from his want of capacity and intelligence, had got the nickname of Na-shudani, "Good-fornothing" and was commonly known by that appellation. He now cast aside all honour and shame, and before Shah Jahan had started (from the Dakhin), he repudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot haste to Lahore to advance his own interests. Nur Mahal, who had been the cause of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain idea of retaining the reins of government in hex grasp, as she had held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote to Na-shudani, advising him to collect as many men as he could, and hasten to her. Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan and Iradat Khan, who always acted together determined that, as Shah Jahan

was

far way from Agra, it was necessary to take some steps to prevent disturbances in the city, and to get pos-

session

of

the

princes

Muhammad

Shah Shuja', and

Muhammad Dara Shukoh, Muhammad Aurangzeb,

Tftw article has been compiled by the Editor from 'Abdu-l Hamid's preface, Sir H. M. Elliot's notes, Morley's notice in the Catalogue of the Royal A&iatic Society, and Col. Lees' article in the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, vol.
"

Hi.,

N.S.

His

title

after death

was "Jannat-makani.'^

ABDU-I.

HAMID LAHORI

who were in the female apartments with Nur Mahal. They therefore resolved that for some few days they
would raise to the throne Bulaki, the son of Khusru, who, by Nur Mahal's contrivance, had been placed with Na-shudani, but who had beerj put under the charge of
Iradat Khan by Jahangir when Na-shudani returned to Lahore from Kashmir.

they placed Bulaki on horseback, and, with in whom they had full confidence, they commenced their march, taking care to keep one day ahead of Nur-Mahal .... As the young princes were

... So

a party of

men

Nur Mahal, they removed her from the and took the voung princes under their own charge; but when Bulaki had been raised to the throne, they were placed in charge of Sadik Khan.
not safe with
royal palace,

ACCESSION OF SHAH JAHAN

at

Shah Jahan ascended the throne Agra on the 18th Jumada-s sani, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 1628), with the title of Abu-1 Muzaffar Shahabu-d din
Kiran-i sani.

-Muhammad Sahib

REBELLION OF JAJHAR SINGH

Jajhar Singh was son of Raja Nar Singh Deo Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, the celebrated author of the Akbarnama, when Jahangir was heir apparent ... In odedience to orders from the Emperor Akbar, the Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin with a small escort. Jahangir was jealous of the Shaikh's devotion to his

and was apprehensive that his arrival would inown plans. ... So he incited Nar Singh Deo to kill him as he passed through his territory. This evil-minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force of horse and foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shiakh.
father,

terefere with his

"^^e followers of the Shaikh advised him to fly and ^^ape, but he refused, and fell in the year 10 ll A.H.

BADSHAH-NAMA

'

the to After the accession of Jahangir (1602 A.D.). throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction through this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to bear his prosperity, and towards the end of the

reign of Jahangir he became disaffected, and oppressed He died three all the zamindars in his neighbourhood or four months before Jahangir, and was succeeded by The wealth and property which his son Jajhar Singh.
.

Nar Singh Deo had amassed without labour and without mind of his worthless successor .he left Jajhar, and at the accession of Shah Jahan,
trouble unsettled the
. .

the capital Agra, and proceeded to Undcha. his stronghold, where he set about laising forces, strengthening the forts, providing munitions of war and closing the roads. force was accordingly sent against him, under the com-

Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan. {The Imperial upon Undcha, and) Jajhar Singh, having no hope of escape, waited upon khan-khanan and made his submission. Just at this time intelligence arrived that 'Abdu-Ua Khan had taken the fortress of
of
forces

mand

converged

Irich,^

which had been in the possession of Jajhar Singh.

A.H. (20th DEC. 1628. A.D.)

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN. 1038

anniversary of the accession sani. Aft<;r the death of Jahangir, and before the accession of Shah Jahan, Khanjahan Lodi entered upon a dangerous and disloyal

The

was on the

1st

of

Jumada-s

course.

He

formed an alliance with Nizamu-1 Mulk,

and gave up to him the Balaghat in the Dakhin, the revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krors of dams. But Sipahdar Khan, who held Ahmadnagar, bravely and loyally refused to surrender that city. Khan-Jahan sum-

moned
'

to his presence all the Imperial servants

who were

65 miles S.E. of Gwalior. Khafi Khan says the temptation was pagodas. "Munlakhabu-l Lubab."

six

lacs

of

'ABDU-L HAMIO LAHORI

a small force at Burhanpur undei Dotani. whp was related to the him, while he himself marched with a large force tc Mandu, with the intention of taking possession of Malwa, which province was then under the goverrmient
in those parts.

He

left

command

of Sikandar

Mir 'Abdu-r Razzak, who had received the title of Muzaffar Khan. Shah Jahan proceeded from Ahmadbad by way of Ajmir to Agra, and there ascended the throna The news of this event awakened Khan-Jahan and
of
.
.
.

brought him to a sense of his folly and wickedness. Raja Gaj Singh, Raja Jai Singh, and other distinguished Rajputs who had accompanied him to Mandu, parted from him when they heard of Shab Jahan having arrived Thereupon Khan-Jahan wrote a letter ot at Ajmir. contrition and obedience, in the hope of obtaining forgiveness.

royal farman was sent in answer, informing

him

that he was confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, and directing him to return at once to Burhanpur. He
to Burhanpur and engaged in But when it was reported to the Emperor that the country of Balaghat, which KhanJahan had given to Nizamu-l Mulk, still remained in his possession, and had not been recovered, the Emperor appointed Mahabat Khan to the governorship of the Dakhin. Khan-Jahan then returned to Court. The Emperor paid little heed to the reports and observations about his improper conduct, and for eight months passed no rebuke upon him. He still continued moody and discontented and ready to listen to the incitements and suggestions of mischievous men. One night Lashkari, son of Mukhlis Khan, in a malicious, mischief-making spirit, told the son of Khan-Jahan that he and his father were to be made prisoners on the following day or the next. The son told his father, whose apprehensiops were instantly aroused by this malicious report, and he kept close to his quarters with two thousand Afghan fol-

then retired from

Malwa

the duties of his

ofi&ce.

BAUSH,\U-NAMA
lowers.

His Majesty asked Yaininu-d daula Asaf Khan darbar, the reason why Khan-Jahan did not attend the made, it was ascertained that and after inquiry had been he had fears and suspicions, and he begged for a letter
offences,
. .

under the Emperor's signature, forgiving him all his The and relieving him from all his fears. to his request, and sent him Emperor graciously acceded a kind letter under his own hand. He then came to Court and paid his respects. But Fortune was aggrieved with him, and so his perverse temper prevented him from
.

appreciating the Emperor's kindness. On the night of Safar 26, the

men

of

Yaminu-d
.

daula brought in the intelligence that Khan-Jahan medi After ated flight, and he sent to inform the Emperor. the first watch of the night, Khan-Jahan, with his nephew Bahadur and other relations and adherents, began his flight. As soon as the Emperor was informed of it, he .in pursuit of the sent Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan and fugitive. Unmindful of the smallness of their own force and the numbers of the Afghans, they followed them and overtook them in the vicinity of Dholpur.' The fugitives saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters ol the Chambal were before them and the fire of the avenging sword behind. So they posted themselves in the rugged and diSicult ground on the bank of the river,
.

and, fearing to perish in the waters, they resolved upon

battle. (After many were killed and wounded), KhanJahan, with his two sons and several followers, resolved to hazard the passage of the Chambal, although the water
. .

was running high. He and his followers, wounded and unwounded, in great peril and with great exertion, succeeded in crossing over, thus escaping from the fire of battle and the waters of the stream. Many horses and much baggage fell into the hands of the royal forces.
.

Dholpur is about thirty-fine miles from Agra near the left bank of the Chambal.
^

10

'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI

party gathered to follow up the fugitives, but on reachnot ing the bank of the river, it was found that it could
boats, and an endeavour was made to Rhwaja Abu-1 ^lasan came up when one

be crossed without
collect some.

after consultation it was there for the night, and rest the horses resolved to stay which had made a long and fatigued march. Boats were collected, and the whole force passed over before noon next day, and recommenced the chase. But the fugitives

pahar of the day remained, and

pressed forward with all haste, and threw themselves into the jungles of Jajhar Singh Bundela. When the traitor (Khan-Jahan) entered the territory of Jajhar Singh Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the

Dakhin; but his eldest son Bikramajit was at home, and sent the rebel out of the territory by unfrequented roads. his escape, he If Birkraraajit had not thus favoured would have been either taken prisoner or killed. He proceeded to Gondwana, and after staying there some time in disappointment and obscurity, he proceeded by way of Birar to the country of Burhan Nizamu-1 Mulk.
THIRD YEAR

OF THE REIGN, 1039

A.H.

(1629

A.D.)

On

the 21st

Ramazan Khwaja

Abu-1 Hasan and .... altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to effect the conquest of Nasik and Trimbak,* and Sangamnir. It was settled that the Khwaja was to stay at some suitable position near the fort of Alang' during the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khan from <he province of Gujarat with his provincial levies. After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglana, and, taking with him some of the iamindars of the coun*

Thi'i

name

is

here writien,

"Tirbang" but

afteris

wards "Tirambak" or "Trimbak." The real name Tirambak or Trimbak. It is a little west of Nasik.

The

text

here has

"Lalang"

but

afterwards

Alang".

11

BAUSHAH-NAMA
niake his way to Nasik. The Khwaja marched from days reached the village ot Dholiya^" near the fort of Alang, and there halted until the rains should cease Sher Khan, Subadar of Gujarat, joined with 26,000 men, and the Khwaja sent hnn to attack the fort of Batora, in the vicinity of Chandor, near Nasik and Trimbak. Sher Khan ravaged the country, and returned with great spoil.
try,

Burhanpur, and in eight

.

MURDER Of JASU RAI

Jadu Rai, with his sons, grandand other relations held altogether from the Imperial Government mansabs amounting to 24,000 (personal) and 15,000 horse. He also had sundry jagirs in the Dakhin as tankhwah, so that he lived in wealth and comfort. But he was hckle and unfaithful, and went with his sons and relations to join the Nizam. But the Nizam well knew his perfidy, and resolved to put him in confinement. For this purpose the Nizam arranged with some of his servants to seize Jadu Rai, and he summoned him to his presence. Accordingly Jadu attended the Court with his family. The armed men who were in concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him, his two sons Ujla and Raghu. and his grandson Baswant. Hi? brother Jagdeo Rai, with Bahadur-ji his son, his wife and
sons,

the other who escaped, fled from Daulatabad ghar, near Jalnapur,^^ in their native country.

to

Sind-

CAMPAIGN AGAINST NIZAM SHAH AND KHAN-JAHAN

(Text, vol. i. p. 316). 7th Rabi'u-1 awwal. When the rains were over, 'Azam Khan and the great nobles who were with him left Dewalganw" where they had rested
*

About

half

" Or Jalna, " About 60

way between Burhanpur and Nasik,

S:

east of

miles

Aurangabad. of Burhanpur.

12

'abdu-l hamid lahori

dviring' the rainy season,

and marched against the rebel

Afghans.

At the conclusion o the rains, Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan the vicinity of also, according to orders, marched^ ffom the fort of Alang by way of Baglana towards Nasik and Trimbak. When he reached Baglana, the zamindar of that country, by name Bahar-ji, met him with four hunThe Khwaja entered the enemy's country dred horse. by way of the ghat of Jarahi. He found that the revenue officers and raiyats had left their villages, and had retire ed into the jungles and hills. So the country was desothj royal army late, com was dear, and the soldiers were in want of necessaries. The Khwaja then sent der forces into the hills, and also into the inhabited t ached country, and they returned from each raid with abundance of com and other necessaries, having killed or taking prisoners many of the enemy. The Be-Nizam*^ now appointed Mahaldar Khan with a party of horse and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also directed to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder, and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could get a chance. Shah-nawaz Khan was sent ag;ainst these assailants, and he, making a forced march of twenty kos, attacked them and put them to flight, and returned with great plunder. The Khwaja next sent Khan-zaman to attack the eriemy's camp at Sangamnir. This force made forced marches, and reached the camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the
. .

v-^f

Chandor. At the close of the rains, the royal army left its <}uarters in Dewalganw, and marched forth against the On hearing of this, Nizam-Shahis and the Afghans. Mukarnib Khan and the other rebels left Jalnapur, where

fort of

'

'

;^

" "iVo tuler'. This is the nickname 'which the author invariably uses in referring to Nizam Shah.

13

BADSHAH-NAMA
ihcy had passed the rainy season, and refiicated towards 'Azam Khan, being informed of their retreat, followed them march by march. When he reached the village of Rambhuri, on the Ban-ganga river, he learnt had ascended the Balaghat at that the Nizam-Sli.ihi Dharur,*^ and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, while Khan-Jahan had not yet left his quarters at Bir. Khan-Jahan, having been informed of the movement ot the Imperial army, called in a detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in the dependencies of Bir, and awaited the arrival of reinforcements from Mukarrab Khan, who was at Dharur. 'Azam Khan conceived the design of attacking the forces of the rebel ithan before the reinforcements could reach him; so he marched from Rambhuri to Mahganw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Khan Razwi, commandant of the
Pathri.*'
,

fort of Bir, informing

him

that

Khan-Jahan

was

at

Rajauri, twenty-four kos from Machhli-ganw, employed in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had obtained by plundering the merchants at Kehun and Kiorai. Several detachments which had been sent out to make collections had rejoined him, and as he had heard of the arrival of the Imperial army at Pathri, he had

made up
r,o

his

mind

to

move

off as

soon as

it

came nearer

Bii

a detachment in charge of his camp him quietly while he marched off after night-fall to attack the rebels. Four gharis of night remained when he reached Pipalnir, six kos from
left

at

'Azam Khan Machhliganw

to follow

Bir, when he directed Saf-shikan Khan to make a demonstration with his force on Khan-Jahan's flank, so that he might think this small force to be the whole of

Between the Puma and Godavari rivers, about from their junction. I'' Bir and Dharur both lie on the road east of Ahmadnagar.
''

thirty miles

14

ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI

Safthe royal army, and refrain from moving away. Khan accordingly drew out his force upon a ridge about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken post at the foot of the hills about four kos from Bir. 'Aziz, son of Khan-Jahan, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father's troops, and at this juncture

shikan

the main body of the royal was compelled to fall back in disorder to his father, whom he informed that the force which had Khan's division, and Saf-shikan first shown itself was that the whole of the royal army was coming up with

'Azam Khan came up with

'Aziz,

army, and

all

possible haste.

Khan-Jahan, when he found that his retreat was cut But the royal troops determined to fight it out. forced their way to the top of the hill. Khan-Jahan sent away the elephant litter with his women to Siu-ganw,^* and then rallied his troops for a struggle. He sent his nephew Bahadur, in whose courage and daring he had
off,
. .

great confidence, against

Bahadur Khan and some others

and, resolving to
sell

of the royal army, who, being few in number, were very

hard

pressed.

desperate struggle, and slew many of the enemy. Bahadur Khan received two wounds from arrows, one in his face, the other in his side, and several of his comrades were slain. ^^ Narhar
their lives dearly, they kept

They dismounted, up a

Das

also

right, seeing the state of the battle, took shelter behind a stone wall and kept up a discharge of arrows. Raja Bihar' Singh Bundela now came up from the right wing to support Bahadur Khan. He joined valiantly in the struggle and
hill

others,

and many Rajputs who had mounted the

fell.

Sipahdar Khan and

on the

"

About 40 miles N.E. of Ahmadnagar.

it

" Or as the author, grandiloquently expresses "The field of battle having been made dark as night

by

the clouds of dust his companions cast themselves like moths upon the flames of the fire-flashing swords."

15

BADSH\H-NAMA

many
rajas

in

of his men were killed. Raja Jai Singh and other who were on another part oi the hill', also joined the fight. 'Azam Khan next came up in haste and

ordered a part of the

When many
result

wing to advance. At this time, had fallen, and the seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven fell upon
left

of the Imperial officers

the royal forces.

successive

The

ill-starred

Bahadur, observing the

arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries;! His lost heart, and turned to flee with his A^hans. father also fled. As the discomfited rebels hurried down

they were harassed by showers of arrows and ball struck Bahadur Rhan, and he was unable Paras Ram, a servant of Raja to continue his flight. Bihar Singh's, came up and despatched him with his dagger; then he cut off his head and sent it with his ring, horse and weapons, to Raja Bihar Singh, who forwarded them to 'Azam Khan. The Khan gave the horse to the man who had slain Bahadur, the ring he sent to the Emperor, and the head he caused to be set up as a warning over the gate of Bir. The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, and put many of them to the' sword. But as the victors had been in the saddle from the first watch in the evening of one day to the third watch of the next day, and

the

hill,

bullets.

had marched more than thirty kos, men and beasts were both worn out, and were unable to go further. 'Azam Khan then called a halt, to allow of a little rest, and to
give stragglers time
to

come up.
followers,
to
this

whose horses were improve their distance; but 'Azam Khan sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bir to maintain the pursuit, and he himself, after a brief interval, followed with the main force. When Khan-Jahan learnt that the victors were in full pursuit, he removed his ladies from the howda in which they had been carried by a female elephant, and mountinj^ them on horses rode away with them. Darwesh Muhammad

Khan-Jahan and

his

fresh,

took advantage of

'ABDU-I.

HAMID LAHORI

the elephant and with a party of pursuers, captured number of Afghans and their women howda, and made a Most of Khan-Jahan's men who escaped were prisoners. and in their panic they- Were able to carry off wounded, the horses they nothing but the clothes they wore and few faithful followers, escaped rode. Khan-Jahan, with a
. . .

'Azam Khan halted at Bir, to into the hill-country. Khan-Jahan then proceed his army a little rest. give ed from Siu-ganw to Bizapur^* and Bhonsla, in the Nizam-Shahi territory, with the design of going to Dau.
. .

On hearing of this movement, 'Azam Khan marched from Bir towards Siu-ganw with 20,000 horse. At this time, Sahu-ji Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jadu Rai, the Hindu commander of Nizam Shah's army, came in and joined 'Azam Khan. After the murder of Jadu Rai, which has been mentioned above, Sahu-ji broke off his connexion with Nizam Shah, and, retiring to the districts of Puna and Chakna, he Wrote to 'Azam Khan,
latabad.

proposing to make his submission upon receiving a promise of protection. 'Azam Khan wrote to Court, and Sahu-ji then received orders to accept the proposal. came and joined him with two thousand horse. He received a mansab of 5,000," a khi'lat, a g;ift of two lacs of His brother Mina-ji receivrupees, and other presents. ed a robe and a mansab of 3,000 personil and 1,500 horse. Samaji son of Sahu-ji, also received a robe and a mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Several of their relations and dependents also obtained gifts and marks of distinction.

Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan, when they heard of the march of the Imperial forces towards Siu-ganw, quitled Bizapur and Bhonsla, and went to the village of Lasur, ten kos from Daulatabad. Nizam Shah also, on
being informed of this advance, withdrew from Nizama^*

"

About 26 miles W. of Aurangabad-. "6,000 Personal and 5,000 horse."Khafi Khan.

\7

BADSUAH-NAMA
bad, which be had. built outside of the fort of DauIaUbad, and around which his adherents had built various houses and edifices, and entered into the fort itself. Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan, no longer deeming it safe to remain at Lasur, went to Ir-Kahtala. half a kos from

Daulatabad, and few days later Khan-Jahan removed his family to Aubash-dara, a place within cover of Daulatabad. Darya Khan, with a thousand Afghans, separated from Khan-Jahan, marched towards Chandor, and the ghat of Chalis-ganw,*" with the intention of attacking

Andol and Dharan-Ganw. This movement being reported to the Emperor,. he appointed 'Abdu-Ua Khan, whom he had summoned from the fialaghat, to act against Darya 10th Jumada-1 Khan, and sent him ofE on the awwal. Darya Khan, had ravaged Andol, Dharanganw, and sundry other places of the Payin-ghat of Chalis-ganw; but on hearing of the approach of AbduUa Khan he turned back to the Balaghat. Want of rain and the ravages of the Nizam-Shahis and Afghans, h:^ made provisions very scare about Daulatabad; so 'Azam
. . '

not deem it prudent to advaiu e in that direc^ but thought it preferable to march against Mukarrab Khan and Bahlol, who were at Dharur and Ambajogai, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter from Yaminu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he marched towards the ghat by way of Manik-dudh. {After some fighting) the royal forces ascended the ghat and took the village of Daman-ganw, twenty kos from Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched to Jamkhir,*^ in the Nizam-Shahi territories. Leaving a force there, he next day proceeded to Tilangi. The garrison of the fort there had set in order, and opened fire upon him. But in the course of one watch he took it by assault,^
tion,
.

Khan did

About 25 miles

E. of Chandor,
S.E.

and the same N.W^

of Aurangabad. '^About 30 miles

of Aurangabad.

/8

ABDU-I. H\M1I>

LAHORI

put many of the defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred prisoners, and captured all the munitions ot the fort. When the royal forces reached the banks of the Wanjara,^'^ twelve kos from the fort of Dhariur, confederates they fouiid' that Mukarrab Khan and his had passed down the pass of Anjan-dudh, and had gone to the neighboiurhood of Bir. 'Azam Khaii "Aen sent Bhonsla to take possession of the Sahu-ji districts around Junir and Sangamnir, whilst he himself with the main force, went through the pass of Allam to the town of Bir, and proceeded from thence to Partur, on the bank of the river Dudna. The enemy then fled towards Daulatabad. But 'Azam Khan learnt thai scarcity of provisions prevented them from remaining in that vicinity and that they had moved ofE towards the Balaghat, by way of Dharur. He then determined to intercept and attack them. But he found that the enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage in the fort of Dhanir, had the design of descending the Payin-ghat. So he went through the pass of Anjandudh, and encamped three kos from Dharur.
CAFnjRE OF THE FORT OF MANSUR-GAR
In the course of the past year, to the pass of khera-para, two kos from Chhatardawar. This is a very narrow pass, between the territories of Kutbu-1 Mulk and Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and archers might hold it in security. He ravaged the country round, but when the rains set in, he retired without makiffig any attempt upon the fon of Mansur-garh which a slave of Kutbu-1 Mulk's, named Mansur, had built .about four kos from Khera-para. After the rains, under the royal orders, lie again marched to Khera-para. Sher Muhammad, and other officers of Kutbu-1 Mulk, had

Bakir

Khan had proceeded

-Called

in

the

maps "Manjira."

\9

BADSHAH-NAMA
collected about 3,000 horse

and 10,000

the fort with guns, implements of warfare, they made ready for battle. On the 8th Jumada-1 awwal, Bakir Khan arrived in the drawn vicinity of Mansur-garh, and found the enemy The enemy were up in a plain north-east of the fort. unable to withstand the assault of the royal forces, but broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bakir Khan resolved to attack the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy fire of cannons and muskets, he advanced to the base of the walls, planted his scaling-ladders, and began to ascend. The garrison being ilismayed, took grass between their teeth, as is the manner of that country, and begged for quarter. Bakir Khan allowed them to march out in safety, and then placed a garrison of his own in the fort.

strengthened

and having other muskets, and

foot,
.

FLIGHT OF KHAN-JAHAN

The territories of Nizamu-1 Mulk from the inroads of the Imperial forces in pursuit of Khan-Jahan, and mistrust and differences had arisen between the Nizam and Khan-Jahan; so the latter, in concert with Darya Khan, his chief adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to retire to the Panjab, in order to seek the means of carrying on ^is insurrection among the disaffected Afghans of that country. So he left Daulatabad and proceeded towards Malwa. The Emperor, by his sagacity and foresight, had anticipated such a movement, and had sent 'Abdiv alia Khan to Malwa, in order to chastise Darya Khan. After Darya Khan had returned to the Balaghat, *Ahdu11a Khan was directed to wait at the Payin-ghat, and to "hasten after Darya Khan, whereever he might hear of him. Having got intelligence of his movements, 'Abdu11a Khan went after him and reported the facts to the!
,

had

suffered severely

Court.

On the 24th Tumada-1 awwal. the Emperor ... appointed Saiyid Muzaffar Khan to support 'Abdu-lla

20

'abdu-l hamid lahori

Khan, .... and on the 25th Rabiu-1 awwsil, he marched He was directed to proceed by way of to cross the Nerbadda near Mandu. Bijagarb, and If he found 'Abdu-Ua Khan there, he was directed to join him. He marched with all speedT and crossed the Nerbadda at Akbarpur. 'Abdu-Ua Khan having heard that Khan-Jahan had crossed at Dharampur,'*^ he crossed the river at the same ford, and encamped at Lonihara. There he ascertained that on the 28th Jumada-1 awwal, Khan-Jahan had moved off. He then proceeded ta Dipalpur,''* where he learnt that the rebels were plundering the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and he marched to
towards Malwa.
. . .

Nulahi^" in search of them.

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1040 A. Flight of Khan-Jahan

.

H. (1630 A.D.)

On the 4th, 'Abdu-lia Khan reachedNulahi, and Saiyid Muzaifar Khan, having left Dipalpur, reached Mankod on the 5 th, on his way to Mandisor, when he learnt that the rebels had turned off to the right. On the 6th, he again marched and came to Talganw, and on that day 'Abdu-lla Khan came up from the rear and joined him. There they heard that the rebels were ten kos distant the day before, and had moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in pursuit. On the 10th they encamped at Khiljipur, and ascertained that the rebels were moving towards Sironj. The royal forces reached Sironj on the 14th and foimd had come there two days previously. that the rebels Khwaja Baba-e Aftab got into the city just before their arrival, and joining Khwaja 'Abdul Hadi, who was in the place, beat off the rebels, who only succeeded in carrying off fifty of the royal elephants.
^S.

W.

of

Mandu.

'^Between

Mandu and

Vjjain.

""Noulai" or "Nowlye," 60

miles N. of

Mandu,

21

BAOSHAH-NAMA

Khan-Jaban and Darya Khan now found the

roadis

closed on all sides against them. Every day that came they looked upon as their last, so in their despair they proceeded on the right from Sinroj, and entered the country of the Bundela, intending to push on to Kalpi, Jajhar Singh Bundela had incurred the royal censure because his son Bikramajit hadS allowed Khan-Jahan on his flight from Agra to pass through his territory and so reach the Dakhin. Bikramajit, to atone for his fault, and to remove the disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of the fugitives, and on the 17th came up with the rearguard under Darya Khan, and attacked it with great vigour. That doomed one, under the intoxication of temerity or of wine, disdained to fly, and in his turn attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and his son was also killed. The Bundelas attacked him under the impression that, he was Khan-Jahan, but that crafty one hastened from the field in another direction. Bikramajit cut off the head of Darya Khan, and also of his son, and sent them to Court, thus atoning for his former fault. Nearly four hundred Afghans and two hundred Bundelas were slain in the fight. For this service Bikramajit received the title of Jag-raj, and was advanced to the dignity of 2,000 personal and 2,000
horse.

CAPTURE OF THE FORT OF DHARUR

'Azam Khan, having ascended the pass of Anjan-dudh encamped three kos from Dharuir. He then directed Multafit Khan and others to make an attack upon the town of Dharur and its petta, where
.

once a week people from all parts, far and near, were accustomed to meet for buying and selling. The fort of Dharur was celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the top of a ridge, and deep rivers of difficult passage ran on two sides of it. It was so secure that any effort upon

22

'ABDU-I.

HAMIU lAHORi

by the royal army was likely to prove unsuccessful; Marhamat Khan was directed to plunder the town and petta, but not to make any attempt upon the fort^
it

so

ress.

The
.

garrison
. .

b^ame

disheartened, arid remiss

in their duty.

Khan made
the wicket.
ofiScers,

his

Marhamat way in with a party of men, and opened 'Azam Khan then entered with all his
the 23rd Jumada-s sani
walls

On

and nearly two thousand men scaled the and got into the fort. All the vast munitions, jewels, etc. became spoil of war.
DEATH OF KHAN-JAIIAN LODl

the

Khan-Jahan was greatly disand dismayed by the death of Darya Khan. Having no hope except in evasion, he fled and sought
tressed

The unhappy

obscurity; but the royal forces pursued

him

closely.

On

the 28th Jumada-s sani, on arriving at the village of Nimi, in the country of Bhander,^* the royal army learned that Khan-Jahan was about eight kos from that
place. The long march they had made, and the company of.,many men who had been wounded in Jag-raj's action, prevented the royal forces from marching very early, but they drew near to the rebel. Khan-Jahan, on hearing of their approach, sent oft some of his Afghans, whose horses were knocked up, with the little baggage that was left; while he himself, with

and many fell on both sides. Khan-Jahan was wounded, his son Mahmud Was killed with many of his followers, and further resistance was useless; so he again fled. Being hard pressed, he was every now and then
. . .

nearly a thousand horse, prepared to encounter Muzaffar Khan. The fight was sharp, great valour was exhibited,

caUs
505.

"TAe text has Bandhu. Khafi Khan (vol. it "Bhanduf but a MS. has Bhander,
It lies

right.

N.E. of

Jhansi.Ain-i Akbari.

i p 40) which is vol i ^' a

21
BiVOSHAH-NAMA
obliged to abandon an dephant, so that before reaching Kalinjar twenty elephants had fallen into the hands of the pursuers, and some were caught by Raja Amar Singh. When Khan-Jahan approached Kalinjar, Bandher. Saiyid Ahmad, the commandant of that fortress, came out to attack, him. He killed several men, r and took some prisoners. Hasan, another son of Khan-Jahan, was made prisoner; with him were captured twenty-two oi Khan-Jahan had taken at the royal elephants, which Sironj. Khan-Jahan lost his tugh and banner, and fled with a handful of followers. By great exertion he travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the borders, where he was to end his mortal life. of Sahenda^*'

Khan Bahadur and Saiyid MuzaSar Khan: 'Abdu-lla pursued him closely with their forces in array. Khan-Jahan was much afflicted at the loss of bissons and faithful followers. All hope of escape was cut off; so he told his followers that he was weary of life, that he had reached the end of his career, and there was. no longer any means of deliverance for him; he desired therefore, that every man should make off as best he could. A few determined to stand by him to the last, but many fled. The advanced forces of the royal army under Madhu Singh now came up. Khan-Jahan withhis son 'Aziz, who was the dearest of all, and Aimal, and the Afghans, who remained constant, placed their tworemaining elephants in front, and advanced to meet Muzaffar Khan. They made their charge, and when Khan-Jahan found that they were determined to take him, he alighted from his horse and fought desparately.. In the midst of the struggle Madhu Singh pierced him with a spear, and before Muzaffar Khan could come up.
tank of Sindraha." Khafi Khan, vol. i. p. gives the name as "Sehonda." It liesnorth of Kalinjar on the Ken.Ain-i Akbari, vol. i. p
44.

""The

Blochmann

505.

24

'abdv-i.

haMid lahori

the bravt fellows ait Khan-Jahan. his dear son 'Aziz and hundred of his adherents 'Aimal, to pieces. About a fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped. grandson of Saiyid Muzaffar Khan and twenty-seven other royalists were slain. The he^Cds of Khan-Jahan,

'Aziz and Aimal were sent to the Imperial Court. Farid, a son of Khan-Jahan, was taken and placed in confinement. Another son, named Jan-i Jahan, had fled and taken refuge in Sahenda with the mother of Bahadui Khan. 'Abdu-lla Khan sent for him, and then despatched him in aistody to Court. ._ The heads of the rebels
. .

placed over the ^'^te of the fort. After their victory, 'Abdu-lla Khan and Saiyid Muzaffar Khan came to Court, and received many marks of favour. The
horse,

were

former was advanced to a mansab of 6,000 and 6,000 and he received the title Firoz-Jang. Saiyid Muzaffar Khan was promoted to a mansab o'f 5,000 and
5,000 horse.

He

received the
ATfACaC

title

Khan-Jahan.

ON PARENDA

'Azam Khan was in the neighParenda,^' intent upon the reduction of that fortress, and the capture of the elephants and stores which had been sent there. He sent Raja Jai Singh with a detachment to ravage the town and petta: The Raja first plundered the petta, which was about a kos distant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the town, which was surrounded by a mud (kham) wall five gaz high and three gaz thick, and by a ditch of three
bourhood of
. .
.

cubits (sih zara') broad (?). H^ broke through the walls by means of his elephants, and the musketeers of the garrison then fled into the ditch of the foA. The town

was plundered.

'Azam

Khan

then

arrived,

and

^^Near the Sina river on the route from nagar to Sholapur. It is about sixty miles S. Dharur.

AhmadW. cf

.25

BADSHAH-NAMA
entered the town, to setaire the elephants belonging to the enemy, which had been taken into the ditch of the fortress. Seven elephants were seized and brought out, 'Azam Khan and much other booty was secured. pressed the siege, and the troops drove zigzags*' up to the edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill
.
.

up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of the fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He then pushed his zigzags to the very edge of the moat, and there raised a battery, to which the men
it

in the Sher-Haji*" found it very difficult to reply. Khan, through It now became evident that 'Adil bis tender years, had no real power, but that the reiiu of government were in the hands of a slave named Daulat, who had been originally a minstrel (kulawant), and

the King's father, Ibrahim 'Adil, had ennobled title of Daulat Khan, and had placed in command of the fortress of Bijapur. This ungrateful infamous fellow, after the death of Ibrahim, assumed the government the title "Khawass Khan," and delivered

whom

with the

over to a mischievous turbulent brahman, named Murari Pandit. This same Daulat put out the eyes of Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibrahim 'Adil Khan by the daughter of Kutbu-1 Mulk, and demanded' his daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name

and honour of his indulgent patron. The 'Adil-Khanis and the Nizam-Shahis had now made common cause and
were united.

The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. Provender had throughout been difficult to procure, and now no grass was to be found within twenty kos. So
,

^*"Kucha-e salamat," ways of safety. is not a proper name. There was a Sher-Hdfi It is apalso at Kandahar, and at many other places. parently an advanced work, and probably bears the name
^"This
of
its

inventor.

26

'abdu-i.

hamid lahori
to raise the siege,

'Azam Khan was obliged

Dharur.
.

and

to

go

to

The

'Adil-Khanis, retreated

before 'Azam

Khan, and he encamped on the banks of the Wanjira. Next day he captured the town and fort of Balni, which the inhabitants defended in the hope of receiving assistmarched to place, he the plundering ance. After Mandu^^ and from Mandu to Dharur.
FAMINE IN THE DAKHIN AND GUJARAT
.

fallen in the territories of the Balaghat,

During the past year no rain had and the drought

Daulatabad. In the

had been
present

especially severe about

had been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhin and Gujarat. The inhabitants of these two countries were
year also there

reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a but none would buy; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused
loaf,^^

and every man whose dire and who retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness. The Emperor in his gracious
obstructions in the roads,
sufferings did not terminate in death
.
. .

^^So in

the text; but the

maps

give no such

name

between Parenda and Dharur. ^^"Jane ba nane."

n
liAUSllAU-NAMA

kindness and bounty directed the officials of Burlianpur. Ahmadabad, and the country of Surat, to establish soup in th(; kitcheiis, or alms-houses, such as are called langer benefit of the poor and language of Hindustan, for the day sufficient soup and bread was destitute. Every prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at Burhanpur 5,000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving poor every Monday, that day being dis' tinguished above all others as the day of the Emperor's accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one Ahmadabad lac of rupees was given away in charity. had suffered more severely than any other place, and so His Majesty ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want of rain and dearness of grain had caused great distress in many other countries. So under the directions of the wise and generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were remitted by the revenue officers sum amounting to nearly eighty krors of dams, and amounting to one-eleventh part of the whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who held jagirs and mansabs.

CAPTURE OF THE FORT OF SITUNDA

Siphadar Khan, after obtaining
possession of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the garrison), laid seige to Situnda'^ by command of the EmperioT, and pressed the place very hard. Sidi Jamal, the governor, offered to surrender on terms which were ?greed to; so he and his family came out, and the fort passed into the possession of the Imperialists.

CAPTURE OF KANDAHAR
(p.

374).

Nasiri
fifty

Khan had been placed

in

command

of

^^About

miles N. E. from Aurangabad.

/8

'aBDU-L HAMll) L.AHOkl

kingdom ol instructions to conquer the a force, with Telingana. He resolved upon reducing the fort ol Kandahar," which was exceedingly strong, and the most famous one of that country. It was under the command
of Sadik, the son of Yakut Khudawand Khan, and was On the 23rd Jumada-1 in full state of preparation. awwal he encamped one hos from the fortress. Next day he prepared to attack the town of Kandahar; but before reaching the place he was opposed by Sarfaraz

Khan, the general commanding in that country, who had taken up a position between the fort and the town, and
with artillery, awaited the was protected also by the guns and muskets The royal army attacked with great fortress. of the vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaraz Khan with a few followers fled to the Nizam-Shahis. After this Nasiri Khan pushed on the siege. Randaula, Mukarrab Khan, and others, with a united force of

having
attack.

covered his front

He

camp up to attack him Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his assailants; and although he had also to bear the lire of the gims and muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable loss, and compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos. Out of twenty-one mines which had been opened, six were complete; three were charged with powder, and three were kept in reserve. 'Azam Khan, who had marched to support Nasiri Khan, now approached, aqd Nasiri Khan went forth to meet him, and to bring hiip to see the springing of the mines and the assault upo|i the fortress. The match was applied to the three jnines: one failed, but the other two brought down the wall of
'Adil-Khanis and Nizam-Shahis,
his

in

trenches.

the

np

Sher-Haji with half a bastion. The a discharge of rockets, mortars, stones

''^Ahoiit

garrison kept

and grenades.
Dharur,

seventy-five

miles

E.

of

and

tiventyfive

S.

W.

of Nander.

2?

BADSHAH^AMA
but the storming parties pressed on.
I'he conflict

raged

^lom mid-day tul sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not sufficiendy levelled, and the defenders kept up
such a heavy
lire

that the assailants were forced to retire.

At night the trenches were carried forward, and preparaThe gartions were made for firing the other mines. rison saw that the place must fall, and .... made offers Im^perial accepted and the of surrender, which were
troops took possession of the fortress.
lasted four
.

The

siege

had
fell

months and nineteen

DEA'IH OF

days,

and the place

BEGAM

on the 15th Shawwal.

THE QUEEN
'A1.1YA

On
Nawab

the 17th Zi-1 ka'da^ 1040, died

'Aliya Begam,^^ in the fortieth year of her age, She to the great grief of her husband the Emperor. had borne him eight sons and six daughters. The third
.
.

child forth

and

eldest son

was

Muhammad Dara
Shuja,
the
sixth

Shukoh, the

Muhammad

.Shah

Muhammad

Aurangzeb, the tenth

Murad Bakhsh.
NIZAM SHAH

from Sipahdar Khan informed the Emperor how Fath Khan, feeling that his release from confinement by Nizam Shah had been a matter of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again as soon as his master's mind was at ease, he had resolved to be beforehand with him, and had placed Nizam Shah in confinement, as his faher Malik 'Ambar had done
(p.

395).

letter

before.

Fath

Khan

then

addressed

letter

to

Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan, informing him that he had placed Nizam Shah in confinement on account of his evil character and his enmity to the Imperial throne, for which act he hoped to receive some mark of favour.
^^ Otherwise

childbirth

Khafi

called

"Mumtaz Mahal." She

vol.
i.

died in

Khan,

p.

459.

30

*ABDU-L HAMip LAHORI

prove his Jn answer he was told that if he wished to the world of such a worthless sincerity, he should rid and wicked being. On receiving this direction^ Fatb Khan secretly made away with Nizam Shah, but gave out that he had died a natural death. <He placed Nizam
Shah's son Husain, a lad of ten years old, on the throne Imperial HS his successor. He reported these facts to the iCourt, and was directed to send the jewels and valuables of the late king, and his own eldest son as a hostage-

OPERATIONS AGAINST
.

',\D1L

KHAN

Muhammad
inexperience,

'Adil

Khan

(of Bija-

and evil counsellors, pur), through youth, especially a slave named Daulat (who had assmned the title of Khawase Khan), had shown himself unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless of the allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan to arouse him from, his negligence and Asaf Khan was empowered to disregard of his duty. demand from him a return to obedience and the payment of tribute.^* If he agreed to those terms, he was to be left alone; if not, as much as possible of his territory was to be conquered, and the rest laid waste.
FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1041 A.H. (1631 Campaign against Bijapur
A.D.)

Asaf Khan proceeded on his expedition, and arrived at Nander, where he remained two days. There he left the main part of his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandahar, which he inspected. One stage

on he came to the fort of Bhalki.'' Orders were given for the reduction of the place, and entrenchments were commenced, but it was resolved to attempt
further
. .

^^The Shah-Jahan-nama says that the surrender of the fort of Parenda was to be also required. ^^Twenty-fives miles N. W. of Bidr.

31

BAOSHAH-NAMA
the capture o the place by escalade at rison got notice of this, and evacuated Asaf Khan then cover of darkness. .Kalanor, a flourishing place belonging When he arrived at Sultanpur, near the
.
.

night.

The

gar-

the place ynder

marched towards to 'Adil Khan.

city of

Kulbarga,

the general in command had taken the principal inhabitants into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns, muskets, and other instruments of war. Next day 'Azam Khan, under the directions of Asaf Khan, made an attack upon the town, and caried it, notwith-

standing a heavy fire from the fort. The victors plundered whatever they could lay their hands on, and captured many horses in the ditch of the fortress. Asaf Khan did not deem it expedient to attempt the reduction of the fortress, as it would have been a dii&cult undertaking and a cause of delay; so he Then retired, and encamped near the river Nahnura.
to the vicinity of Bijapur, and encamped borders of a tank between Nauras-pur'* and Shahpur. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain, and there was a warm interchange of rockets, arrows, and musketry. But although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire from the fortifications, they were reg^arly driven back to the shelter of the walls. Asaf Khan used to take every precaution for the safety of the detachments which went out every day to collect fodder, but the army was large and the animals

he advanced
the

on

numerous, so

this

was no easy matter.

constantly on the alert, and struck whenever they got an opportunity. ... At the beginning a man named Shaikh Dabir, one of the confidants of Khawass Khan, came out with overtures of peace and ofiEers of tribute; but as they were not worthy of trust, they were rejected. Afterwards Mustafa Khan, son-in-

The enemy were

"The
corrects
it.

text has "Nttr-siyur," but the index of

Names

32

'abdu-l hamid iaiioki

law of Mulla Muhammad Lahari, kept up a secret correspondence with Asaf Khan, expressing his devotion and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the
fortress.
. .
.

After

much

negotiation,

ir%as agreed

that

Mustafa Khan and Khairiyat Khan Habshi, uncle of Randaula, should come to Asaf Khan and arrange for

and the settlement of the the transmission of tribute terms of peace. Accordingly both came out of Bijapur .... and it was finally agreed that 'Adil Khan should send tribute to the value of forty lacs of rupees in jewels, money, and that he should valuables, elephants, and
ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in these terms was accordingly drawn up. The twonegotiators returned to Bijapur, and Shaikh 'Abdu-r Rahim Khairabadi went in with them to obtain 'Adil Khan's sigTiature to the treaty.
. .

On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message that they would send out their' own wakils with the treaty. Next day the came out with certain propositions that Asaf Khan considered reasonable, and he accepted them. It was agreed that the treaty should be sent out next day. As they were about to depart, one of the wakils, who was a confidant of Mustafa Khan, dropped a letter of his before Asaf Khan without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that Khawass Khan was well aware that provender was very scarce in the Imperial army; that the fetching of grass and fuel from long distances was a work of great toil to man and beast; and that consequence it would be mipossible for the Imperial army to maintain its position more than a few days longer. Khawass Khan had therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and pro-

crastination,

in

the

expectation
the siege

that

Asaf

Khan would

be obliged

to raise

and

retire

baffled.

The
time no
arrival

had lasted twenty days, and during that had reached the army, and before its the enemy had laid waste all the country round
siege

com

33

BADSHAH-NAMA

and
sions

carried oE the grain to distant places.

The

provi-

which the army had brought with it were all exhausted, and grain had risen to the price of one rupee per sir. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was resolved, after consultation, that the royal army should remove from Bijapur into some better supplied part of the enemy's country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the territory of the enemy be wasted at the same time. With this intention the royal arm^ marched along the bank of the Kishan Gang^' to Raibagh and Miraj,*" two of the richest places in that country. Wherever they found supplies they rested, and parties were sent out to plunder in all directions. On whatever road they went they killed and made waste on prisoners, and ravaged and laid jth sides.

From

the time of their entering the territories to the time of their departure they kept up this devastation and plunder. The best part of the country was trodden

under, and so, the forces had recovered strength and the rains were near, the royal army passed by the fort of

Sholapur, and descended by the passes into the Imperial territories. 16,000 men of the enemy, who had followed rhem to Sholapur, then turned back to Bijapur.

RETimN OF THE COURT FROM BURHANPUK TO AGRA

(Text. vol. i. p. 421). The Emperor being tired of his residence at Burhanpur, re olvtd .o return to the capital; and arrived so he set out on the ?4th Ramazan, there on the 1st Zi-1 hijja, 1041 A.H. Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they ought to have been by 'Azam Khan; so a mandate
.
.

^^The Klstna or Krishna. ^'Miraj is on the left bank of the Kistna, about thirty miles E. of Kolapur. Raibagh is about twenty-fivemiles lower to the S.E., and on the other side of the
river.

'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORi

Khan Khan-khanan, informing sent to Mahabat him that the government of Khandesh and the Dakhin bad been conferred upon him, and he was directed to make the necessary preparations as quickly as possible, and start from Dehli to meet flie Emperor and receive Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan, with 'Azam instructions. Khan and other nobles under his command, were directwas
ed to return to Court.

CAPTURE OF THE PORT OF HUGLI

Under the rule of the Bengalis (dar'ahdi 434). (p. Bangaliyan) a party of Frank merchants, who are inhabitants of Sundip, came trading to Satganw. One kus above that place, they occupied some ground on the bank of the estuary.*^ Under the pretence that a building was
necessary for their
transactions in

buying and

selling,

the Bengali they erected several houses in style. In course of time, through the ignorance and negligence of the rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in number, and erected large substantial buildings, which they fortified with cannons, muskets, and other implements of war. In due course, a considerable place grew up, which was known by the name of the Port of Hugli On one side of it was the river, and on the other three sides was a ditch hlled from the river. European ships

used to go up to the port, and a trade was established there. The markets of Satganw declined and lost their
prosperity,

The

villages
river,

both sides of the

force,

and districts of Hugli were on and these the Europeans got

possession of at a low rent.

Some

of the inhabitants by

and more by hopes of gain, they infected with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality ot an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with
**The word used is khur, meaning a tidal river.
'an estuary,"

here ap-

parently

^5

BADSHAH-NAMA
the profits of their trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of the cultivators. These hateful practices were not conbed to the lands they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one they could lay

hands upon along the sides of the river. These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor before his accession, and he resolved to put an end to them if ever he ascended the throne, that the coinage might always bear the stamp of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be graced with its khutba. After his accession, he appointed Kasim Khan to the government of Bengal, and impressed upon him the duty of overthrowing these mischievous people. He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the necessary
their
. .

duties of his extensive province, to set about the exter* mination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both by water and land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and easily accomplished.

Kasim Khan set about making his preparations, and at the close of the cold season, in Sha'ban, 1040 A.H.. he sent his son 'Inayatu-ulla with Allah Yar Khan, who was to be the real commander of the army, and several
other nobles, to
sent
of
effect

the conquest of Hugli.

He

also

Bahadur Kambu, an active and intelligent servant his, with the force under his command, under the
of

pretence

taking

possession

of the

Khalisa lands at

Makhsusabad, but really to join- Allah Yar Khan at the proper time. Under the apprehension that the ingdels.

upon getting intelligence of the march of the armies, would put their families on board ships, and so escape from destruction to the disappointment of the warriors
was given out that the forces were marching Accordingly it was arranged that Allah Yaf Khan should halt at Bardwan, which lies in the direction of Hijli, until he received intelligence of Khwaja Sher and others, who had been ordered to proof Islam,
to attack
it

Hijli.

,36

'abdu-l hamid lahori

"cecd in boats
iiniigis.

from Sripur'the
tiotilia

When

a dahna^"- of the HugU, with all expedition from

to cut ofiE the retreat of the arrived at Mohana, which isi Allah Yar Khan was to marcfi

Bardwan

to

Hugii,
that

and

fall

upon

the infidels.

Upon being informed

Khwaja

Sher and his companions had arrived at the dahnur Allah Yar Khan made a forced march from Bardwan, anU in a night and day reached the village of Haldipur, between Satganw and Hugli. At the same time he was
joined by Bahadur Kambu, who arrived from Makhsusabad, with 500 horse and a large force of infantry. Then he hastened to the place where Khwaja Sher had brought the boats, and between Hugli and the sea, in. a narrow part of the river, he formed a bridge of boats so that ships could not get down to the sea; thus theflight of the enemy was prevented.

On the 2nd Zi-1 hijja, 1041. the attack was made on the Firingis by the boatmen on the river, and by the An inhabited place outside of the ditch forces on land. was taken and plundered, and the occupants were slain. Detachments were then ordered to the villages and places on both sides of the river, so that all the Chris
tians

found there might be sent

all

to hell.

Having

killed

or captured

the infidels, the warriors carried off the families of their boatmen, who were all Bengalis. Four

thousand boatmen, whom the Bengalis called ghrabi, then left the Firingis and joined the victorious army This was a great discouragement to the Christians. The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought, sometimes they made overtures of peace, protracting the time in hopes of succour from their countrymeri. With base treachery they pretended to make proposals of peace, and sent nearly a lac of rupees
**

Serampore.

*^Qy. Bengali dahra, a lake.

37

B.\DSHAH-NAMA
7.000 as tribute, while at the same time they ordered So musketeers who were in their service to open fire. heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove in which a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped
their pioneers to work by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as elsewhere. There they dug chaniiels Mines were then driven on and drew off the water. from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by The centre mine was the enemy and counteracted. carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger than all the other buildings, and where a large number This was charged and tamof Firingis were stationed. ped. On the 14th Rabi'u-l awwal the besieger's forces were drawn up in front of this building, in order to

of their branches and leaves. At length the besiegers sent

upon the

ditch, just

allure the

enemy

to

that part.

When

a large number

were assembled, a heavy fire was opened; and the mine, was fired. The building was blown up, and the many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into

The warriors of Islam rushed to the assaulp of the infidels found their way to hell by the water, but some thousands succeeded in making their
the
air.

Some

way

to

the

.ships.

At

this

up

with the boats, and killed

juncture Khwaja Sher came many of the fugitives.

These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large which had n,early two thousand men and women and much oropertv on board, should fall into thp hand? of the Muhammadans; so they fired the magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on board the frharhs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces
ship,

towards hell. Out of the sixtv-four large dinfras, fiftvseven ghrahs and 200 jaliyas. one frhrah and two iaJivaa escaped, in consequence of some fire from the burning ships having fallen upon some boats laden with oil, which burnt a way through ^the bridge of boats). Wfhoever escaped from the water and fire became a prisoner.

38

ABDU-L HAMIU LAHORI

From

the beginning of the siege to the conclusion,

men

and women, old and young, altogether nearly 10,000 oi the enemy were killed, being either blown up witn powder, drowned in water, or Dumt by fire. Nearly l,00t) brave waniors of the Imperial army obtained the glory 4,400 Christians of both sexes were of martyrdom. taken prisoners, and nearly 10,000 inhabitants of the neighbouring country who had been kept in confinement by these tyrants were set at liberty.
SURRENDER OF THE FORT OF CALNA
After Fath Khan, son of Malik i. p. 442.) 'Ambar, had put Nizam Shah to death, Mahmud Khan,
(Text, vol.
the

commandant
and

of

the fort of Galna,

fortress

repudiated

his

authority,

put the

in a state of

defence,

intending to deliver it over to Sahu-ji Bhonsla, who, unmindful of the favours he had received from the Imperial throne, had strayed from the path of obedience, and had possessed himself of Nasik, Trimbak, Sangamnir and Junir, as far as the country of Kokan. He had got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nizam Shah, who had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He (Mahmud Khan)^* wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khan-zaman, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government of the Dakhin, Birar and Khandesh, when he was informed of Mahmud Khan's proceedings, wrote to Mir Kasim Khan Harawi. commandant of the fort of Aliang, which is near to Galna. He directed him to endeavour by promises ot Imperial favour to win him over, and prevent the sur-

render of the

fortress to

Sahu-ji
to

communicated with
the latter invited the

Mahmud Khan on
Mir

come

Bhonsla. Mir Kasim the subject, and to him. After a good

it is

**This seems to be the sense of the passage, hut

obscure.

39

BAOSHAH-NAMA
deal of talk. Mahmud Khan assented to the position, in the hope of a great reward delivered over the fort the representatives of the. Emperor.

^d
to.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1042

A.H.

(1632

A.D.)

Bhagirat Bhil, chief of the disrrext, vol. i. p. 449). affected in the province of Malwa, relying on the numbei of his followers and the strength of his fort of Khatakhiri,"*^ had refused obedience to the governors of Malwa. He ventured to show his disaffection to Nusrat Khan,

when he was
Sarangpur

governor,

to chastise him.

dier had its effect. ance, and, seeking

his fortress.

the Khan marched from The Khan's fame as a solThe rebel gave up all hope of resistan introduction to Nusrat Khan

and

through Sangram, Zamindar of Kanur, he

surrendered

DESTRUCTION OF HINDU TEMPLES

had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahabad that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares.
(p. 449.)

It

'

CONQUEST OF DAULATABAD Fath Khan, son of 'Ambar Habshi, conceiv(p. 496). ing his interest to lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his son, 'Abdu-r Rusul, with a suitable
offering to the foot of that Imperial throne, prc'"essing obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graci*' "Kuntharkera," in Malcolm's Map of Central India, on the Kalt Sind, about thirty miles N. of Ujjain.

40

'aBDU-L HAMID LAHOKl

ously bestowed
erly

belonged to him,

Sahu-ji

upon him some districts which had formbut had been since given to Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request

This gave of Fath Khan, they were restored to him. great offence to the turbulent Sahu-ji, who went aiid joined the Bijapuris, and induced 'Adil Khan to place him in command of a force lor wresting the fortress of
Daulatabad from the hands of Fath Khart. The latter was much incensed against the Nizam-Shahis, and had no faith in them; so he wrote to Khan-khanan Mahabat Khan, informing him that Sahu-ji Bhonsla was preparing to bring a force from Bijapur against him, and that, as the fortress was ill provisioned, there was great probability

of

its

being taken, unless Mahabat

If

Khan came
would

to his assistance.

the

Khan came

quickly, he

surrender the fortress, and would himself proceed to the Imperial Court. The Khan-khanan accordingly sent forward his son, Khan-zaman, with an advanced force, and he himself followed on the 9th Jumada-s sani. {Khan-zaman defeats a covering army of Bijapur). The Bijapuris were discouraged by the chastisement they had received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrangement to Fath Khan. They offered to leave the fortress in his possession, to give him three lac^ of pagodas in cash, and to throw provisions into the fort. That ill-starred fooli.sh fellow, allured by these promises. broke his former engagement, and entered into an alliance with them. Most of the animals in the fortress had died from want of provender, and the Bijapuris now, at the instance of Fath Khan, exerted themselves

When Khan-khanan. who was at Zafamagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote
in getting provisions. ID Khan-zaman directing him to make every exertion foi the redurtion of the fortress, and for the punishment of the traitor and the Bijapuris. {Skirmishes in the
vicinity).

Khan-khanan, on being informed of the

state

ol

il

BADSHAH-NAMA
affairs,

marched from Zafarnagar to Daulatabad. and reached there on the last day of Sha'ban. Next morning rode out with his son, Khan-zaman, to reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house belonging to Nizam Shah at Nizampur, near the fort(Disposition of his forces.) He placed the artillery ress.

and

siege

material under

the

direction

of

(his

son)

Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should be kept up from a high hill which governs the fortress, and upon which Raghziwara stands. He also ordered Khan-zaman to be constantly on the alert with 5,000 cavalry, and ready to render assistance wherever it might be required in the trenches. The Imperial army having thus invested the place, and formed trenches, pushed on the siege, running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling
ladders.

Fath Khan placed the son of Nizam Shah in the Kala-kot (black fort), which was considered impregnable. He himself took post in the Maha-kot (great port), and the body of the forces were stationed in the omer works called 'Ambar-kot, because they had been raised by Malik 'Ambar to protect the place against the advance of the Imperial power. (Defeat of many attempts to victual and reliene the fortress from without, and of
sorties

from within.)

the 9th Shawwal a mine Which had been formeci from the trenches of Khan-zaman was charged, and the forces having been named for the assault, were ordered
to assemble in the trenches

On

before break of day.

first

The

appearance of dawn, the walls being blown down, the stormers were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was fired an hour before dawn, and before the storming parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls nnd twelve gaz of the bastion was blown awav, and a wide breaqh was made. But the troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The defenders rushed to the
at

mine was and upon

to

be

fired

the

a
'abdu-l hamid lahori
breach,

and kept up such a rain

of arrows, buUets,

and

lead to all the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief would lead the storming He himself act in such a way. party, trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the Khan-khanan directed Mahes Das RathoP Emperor. and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed to the breach, and the defenders made a desperate resistance; but Nasiri Khan, although wounded, forced his way in upon the right, and Raja Bihar Singh and other
lieft. They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Khan Bijapuri and others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and drove the defenders into the ditch ol the Maha-kot for shelter. Great numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the victors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik 'Ambar, which were fourteen gaz in height and ten gaz in thickness, and well furnished with guns and all kinds of defences. The Imperial commander having thus achieved a great success, proceeded with Nasiri Khan to inspect the works, and immediately took steps for attacking the Maha-kot. (Diversion made by the enemy in the direction of Birar. Another attempt by Randaula and Sahu-

take re lockea, that the storming party was obliged to diemselves u> uge in the trenches. Then they exerted The comstop the breach with palisades and planks. Imperial army desired to dismount and mander of the the assult. but Nasiri Khan urged that it was against

Hindus upon the

ji

to relieve the fortress.)

With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under the Maha-kot, and Fath Khan was so much alarmed that he sent his wives and family into the Kala-kot. He himself, with Khairiyat Khan, uncle of Randaula,. and some other Bijapuris, remained in the Maha-kot: The Bijapuris being greatly depressed by the scarcity o food and the progress of the Imperial arms, sought permission through Malu-ji to be allowed to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khan-khanan sent a writ-

43

BADSHAH-NAMA
ten consent, and by kind words encouraged Nearly two iiundred oi: them ing spirits. fall aescended by a ladder fastened to the Kiian-khanan sent for them, and consoled
their

droop

after night-

battlements.

kind words and presents.

relieve the fortress).

{Several

them withmore attempts to

On

the 25th

Zi-1

ka'da,

the

commander-in-chief

visited the trenches.

He went

post was near the mine that the mine should be blown up. Fath Khan got notice of this, and in the extremity of his fear he sent his wakil to Khan-khan an, and with great humility represented that he had bound himself to the 'Adil-Khanis by the most solemn compact not to make peace without their approval. He therefore wished to send one of his followers to Murari Pandit, to let him know how destitute the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed by the besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakils to settle with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. He therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be deferred for that day, so that there might be time for an answer to come from Murari Pandit. Khan-khanan knew very well that there was no sincerity in his proposal, and that he only wanted to gain a day by artifice; so he replied that if Fath Khan wished to delay the explosion for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a

to Saiyid 'Alawal, whose of the Sher-Haji of the Maha-kot,.

and determined

hostage.

When it had become evident that Fath Khan did not intend to send his son out, the mine was exploded. bastion and fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. The brave men who awaited the explosion rushed forward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms which fell upon them from the top of the Maha-kot,. they made their way in. The commander-in-chief now directed that Saiyid 'Alawal and others whir-held the trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposide "the Sher

44

'aBDU-L HAMID LAHORI

in Haji, should go inside and bravely cast up trenches {Defeat of a demonstralion made by interior. the Murari Pandit. Surrender of the fort of Nabati near
Galna).

Fath Khan
ness
resist

now woke up from

his sleep of heedless-

and

saw that Daulatabad could not the Imperial arms and the vigour of the Imperial
security.

He

commander. To save the honour of his own and Nizam Shah's women, he sent his eldest son 'Abdu-r Rusul to Rhan-khanan, {laying the blame of his conduct on He begged for forgiveness Adil-Khanis). Sahu-ji and and for a week's delay, to enable him to remove his and Nizam Shah's family from the fortress, while his son remained as a hostage in Khan-khanan's power. Khankhanan had compassion on his fallen condition, granted hostage. Fath Khan him safety, and kept his son as asked to be supplied with the means of carrying out his family and property, and with money for expenses. Khan-khanan sent him his own elephants and camels and several litters also ten lars and fifty thousand rupees in cash, belonging to the State, and demanded the surrender of the fortress. Fath Khan sent the keys to Khankhanan. and set about preparing for his own departure. Khan-khanan then placed tnistv guards over the gates. On the 19th Zi-1 hijja Fath Khan came out of the fortress and delivered it up. The fortress consisted of nine different works, five upon the low ground, and four unon the top of the hill. These with the ^ns and all the munitions of war were surrendered Khan-khanan went into the fortress, and had the h'lufha read in the Kmperor's name. The old name of the fortress of Daulatabad was
'

.1

Tt stands upon a rock with toor Dharagar. In circumference it measures 5000 legal frnz. nnd the rock all round is scarped so carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of water, that a snake

Dco-trir.
\\'ers

to the skv.

or

an

ant would ascend

it

with

difficultv.

Around

it

4S

BADSHAH-NAMA
a moat forty legal yards (zara') in width, and In the heart of thirty in depth, cut into the solid rock. tortuous passage, like the the rock there is a dark and ascent of a minaret, and a light is required there in broad daylight! The steps are cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is closed by an iron gate. It is by this road and way that the fortress is entered. By the passage a large
there
is

iron brazier had been constructed, which, when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent all progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by
are of no avail against it. the garrison in desired Lo leave a captured fortress, and to go to Burhanpur, taking Nizam

mines, sabats,

etc.,

Khan-khanan

Shah and Fath Khan with him. The Imperial army had many hardships and privations during the endured They had continually to contend against 20,000 siege. ^.lulk, and to struggle horse of Bijapur and Nizamu-1 hard for supplies. Nasiri Vhsu, who had been created Khan-dauran) was always .ady f r service, and he offered itress. So Khan-khanan to take the command of the left him and some other officers in change, and marched tha<" After reaching with his army to Zafamagar. place, Murari Pandit and the Bijapuris sent Farhad, the father of Randaula, to treat for peace; but Khan-khanan knew il ir artfulness and perfidy, and sent him back again. The Bijapuris, in despair and recklessness, now turned back to Daulatabad. They knew that provisions were very scarce and the garrison small. The entrenchments which the besiegers had raised were not thrown down, so the Bijapuris took possession of them, invested the fortress and fought against it. Khan-dauran, without waiting for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and attacked them repeatedly. By kind treatment he had conciliated the raiyafs of the neighbourhood, and they supplied him with provisions, so that he was in no want. As soon as Khan-khanan heard of these proceedings he
'
. .
.
'

45

'ABDU-L HAMID lAHORl

marched for Daulatabad. The enemy finding that they could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they heard of the approach of Khan-khanan, and then ^ retreated by Nasik and Trimbak.
CHRISTIAN PRISONERS

on the 11th Muharram, (1043 A.H.), 400 Kasim Khan and Bahadur Kambu brought. and female, young and old, Christian prisoners, male
(Text, vol.i.p.534)
.

with the idols of their worship, to the presence of the faith-defending Emperor. He ordered that the principles of the Muhammadan religion should be explained to them, and that they should be called upon to adopt it. few appreciated the .honour ofiEered to them and embraced the faith: they" experienced the kindness of the Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the amirs, who were directed to keep these despicable wretches

in rigorous confinement. When any one of them accepted the true faith, a report was to be made to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for him. Those Who

refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such of their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown into the Jumna, the rest were
it

broken to

pieces.

LAST OF THE NIZAM SHAHS

bringing with him

Khan returned to Court, Nizam Shah and Path Khan, whom Khan-khanan Mahabat Khan had sent together with the plunder taken at Daulatabad. Nizam
(Text, vol.
i.

p.

540.) Islam

the captive

Shah was placed in the custody of Khan-Jahan, in the of Gwalior. The crimes of Fath Khan were mercifully pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial service, and received a khil'at and a grant of two lacs of rupees per annum. His property also was relinquished to liim, but that of Nizam Shah was confiscated.
fort
. . .

47

BADSUAU-NAlfA

SEVENTH YEAR Ot REIGN, 1043

A.H. (1633 AJk.)

one ot <p. 545.) The Emjperar had never visited Lahore, his chief citiesi, since his accession. He now detennined to proceed thither, and also to pay a visit to the peerAccordingly he set out from Agra less vale of Kashmir. on the 3rd Shalun. 1043 H. . . JHis Majesty's sense of
Justice
far his subjects induced him to order that the Bakhshi of the ahadis with his archers should take charge of one side of the road, and the Miratish with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so fhat the growing crops should not be tram|ded under foot

and consideration

follonrers of die royal train. As. however, damage be caused, daroghas, muskrifs and amins were appointed to examine and report on the extent of the misrhirf, so that Toiyots, and japrdars under 1000. mi|^t be compensated Cor the individual loss they had

by the

m^t

sustained.

March of Prince Shah Shuja'

agaitist

Parenda

(Text, voL iL p. 33.) The fortress of Parenda, belongii^ to Nizam Shah, was formedy besieged by 'Azam Khan, but, as before related, certain obstacles compelled him to Khan {by cajolery and briber^ raise the seigc 'Adil got the fort into his possession. . . The rolucticHi of this fonress had long been a favourite object with Khankhanan, and, when Prince Shah Shuja' came near to Burlianpur with a fine army.. . . Khan-khanan. waited upon him, and advised him to undertake the reduction of Parenda. So the Prince, without entering Burhanpur, turned off and marched against that fcmxess. . . . On arriving at Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a kos distant, which is the mily water to be found in the vicinity. Then he allotted the wcn'k rf constructing the trenches, and jdaced the general diiecdcm of die si^e works in the hands of Alia Vardi Khan. (Many conflicts and skirmishes in the neighbourhood!^ The e^irts of the besi^ers in the construction of

48

'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORi

mines were not attended with much success. The enemy broke into some and destroyed them, and water burst into others. One, constructea by Alia Vardi, in front ot the Sher-Haji, was fired by the Prince himself, who went to it by the covered way. It blew up a bastibn, but did not make a practicable breach. Moreover, great ill feeling had sprung up between Khan-khanan and Khan-dauran, because the latter was continually repeating that he had saved Khan-khanan' s life (in one of the engagements). All the nobles and officers also were aggrieved at the petulance and discourtesy of Khan-khanan. Through this the enemy got information about Khan-khanan' s plans, and were able to foil them, so that he made no progress
in the reduction of the place. He therefore represented the Prince that, although provisions were abundant, there was no grass or fuel within ten or twelve kos of the camp, so that every foraging party had to travel more
to
kos. This was very distressing to the army. rainy season also was at hand. So he advised a retreat to Burhanpur. As the Prince had been ordered to act upon the advice of Khan-khanan, the army retreated on the 3rd Zi-1 hijja.

than twenty

The

DEATH OF KHAN-KHANAN
(Text, 'vol.
ii.

p. 59.)

On

intelligence arrived ot the death of

khanan, who died of

afflicted.

fistula,

Jumada-1 awwal Mahabat Khan Khanwith which he had long been

the

14th

EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1044

A.H. (1634 A.D.)

The Peacock Throne

In the course of years many valuable gems had into the Imperial jewel-house, each one of which might serve as an ear-drop for Venus, or would adorn
(p. 62.)

come
the

of the Sun. Upon the accession of the occurred to his mind that, in the opinion of far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and
girdle

Emperor,

it

49

BADSHAH-NAMA
the keeping of such wonderful brilliants can only render one service, that of adorning the throne of empire. They ought therefore, to be put to such a use, that beholders might share in and benefit by their splendour, and that Majesty might shine with increased brilliancy. It was accordingly ordered that, in addition to the jewels in the rich Imperial jewel-house, rubies, garnets, diamonds, pearls and emeralds, to the value of 200 lacs of rupees, should be brought for the inspection of the Emperor, and that they, with some exquisite jewels of great weight, exceeding 50,000 miskals, and worth eighty-six lacs of rupees, having been carefully selected, should be handed over to Be-badal Khan, the superintendent of the goldsmith's department. There was also to be given to him one lac of tolas of pure gold, equal to 250,000 miskals in. weight and fourteen lacs of rupees in value. The throne was tlo be three gaz in length, two and a half in breadth, and five in height, and was to be set with the abovementioned jewles. The outside of the canopy was to be of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was to be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other jewels, and On it was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. the top of each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick set with gems, and between each two peacocks a tree set emeralds and pearls. The with rubies and diamonds, ascent was to consist of three steps set with jewles of fine water. This throne was completed in the course of seven Of the eleven years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees.
jewelled recesses (takhta) formed around it for cushions, the middle one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, Among the jewels set in this cost ten lacs of rupees. lac of rupees, with Shah 'Abbas, recess was a ruby worth a Emperor the king of Iran, had presented to the late Jahangir, who sent it to his present Majesty, the Sahib Kiran-i sani, when he accomplished the conquest of the Dakhin. On it were engraved the names of Sahib-kiran (Timur), Mir Shah Rukh, and Mirza Ulugh Beg. When
F. 4.

50

'abdu-l hamio lahori

in course of time it came into the possession <rf Shah 'Abbas, his name was added; and when Jahangir obtained of himself and of his father." it, he added the name Now it received the addition of the name of his most gracious Majesty Shah Jahan. By command of the

Emperor, the following masnawi, by Haji Muhammad the final verse ot which contains the date, was placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green enamel. On his return to Agra, the Emperor held a court, sat for the first time on his throne. Yaminn-d dania Asaf Khan was promoted to the dignity of Khan-khanain. (Conquest by Najabat Khan of several forts belonpng to the zamindars of Srinagar, and hit subsequent enforced
Jan,
. . .

retreat.)

RF.BELI.ION

OF JAJHAR SIIMGH BUNDELA AND HIS SON BKRAMAjrr

p. 94)

(Text, vol.

ii.

His Majesty in the seccmd year of

'^T he following is the account given of the thrime in he Shah-Jahan-nama of 'Inayat Khan: "The Nau-roz of the year 1044 fell on the 'Id-i fitr, when His Majesty was to take his seat on the new jewelled throne. This gorgeous structure, with a canopy supported On ttmlve pillars, measured three yards and a half in length, two and a half in breadth, and five in height, from the fiigfit of steps to the overhanging dome. On his Majesty's accession to the throne, he had commanded that eighty-six lacs worth of gems and precious stones, and a diamond worth fourteen lacs, which together make a crore of rupees as money is reckoned in Hindustan, should he used in its decoration. It was completed in seven years, and among the precious stones was a ruby worth a lac of rupees that Shah 'Abbas Safavi had sent to the late Emperor, on which were inscribed the names of the
I

great

Timur

Sahih-Kiran, etc".

'

51

BADSHAH-NAMA
his reign pardoned

3nd

misdeeds of this turbulent man, After a while he took leave of Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his own country, leaving behind him son Bikramajit, entitled Jagraj, and his contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked Bim Narain, Zamindar of Garha, and induced him by a treaty and promise to surrender the fort of Chauragarh.*' Afterwards, in violation of his engagement, he put Bim Narain and a number of his followers to death, and took possession of the fort, with all the money and valuables it contained. Bim Narain's son accompanied Rhandauran to Court from Malwa, taking with him an offering, and he made known to the Empercn- what had happened. farman was then sent to Jajhar Singh, charging him ynib. having killed Bim Narain, and taking possession of Gaihsl. wihout the authority of the Emperor, and directing him to surrender the territory to the officers of the down, or else to give up the jagirs he held in this owh country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out of the money which had beloi^;ed to Bim Narain. He got notice of this farman from his vakils before it anived, and being resolved to resist, he directed his son Bikramjit to escape with his troops from the Balag^at, IHiither he had gone with Khan-dauran, and to make the best of his way hcnne. The son acted accordingly, but he was attacked at Ashta*' in Malwa by Khan-zaman, Nazim of the Payin-g^t, when many of his men were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped; .... but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads through the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the
tlie

sent

him on

service to the Dakhin.

pargana of Dhamuni.*' (20,000 men sent against the rebel

*^Seventy miles
i.

W.

of Jabalpur.

Ain-i

Akbari, vol.

p. 367.

**Sixty miles S,

W. of Bhopal. *Un Bundelkhand near lat. 79,

long. 24.

52

ABDUL HAMID LAHORI

under the nominal command of Prince Aurangzeb.) Ihe different divisions of the Imperial army united. at Bhander, and prepared for the reduction of the fortUndcha. On arriving within three kos of ress of Undcha, where the forest territory of Jajhar commences, the forces were constantly occupied in cutting down trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little adwith him in Undcha nearly 5000 vance. Jajhar had was resolved to contest the horse and 10,000 foot, and passage through the woods. Every day he sent out cavalry and infantry to keep under the cover of the trees, and to annoy the royal forces with muskets and arrows. But the Imperial army killed some of them every day, and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmarwali, one kos from Undcha, where the rebels were deter-

mined

to fight.

Raja Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khandauran, pressed forward and took the little hill of Kalimar-wali from Jajhar' s men. Notwithstanding the density and strength of his forests, Jajhar was alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces, and removed his family, his cattle and money, from Undcha to the fort of Dhamuni, which his father had built. On the east, north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which prevent the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. On the west side a deep ditch had been dug twenty imperial yards wide, stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving a force to garrison Undcha, he himself, with Bikramajit, and all their connexions, went off to Dhamuni. This flight encouraged the royal forces, and on the 2nd Jumada-s sani (ihey took Undcha by escalade), and the garrison fled. After resting one day at Undcha, the royal army crossed the river Satdhara, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of the rebels. On the 14th it was Ihree kos from Dhamuni. when intelligence came in that

53

BADSHAH-NAMA
Jajhar had fled with his family and property to the fort of Chauragarh, on the security of which he had great reliance. . . Before leaving he blew up the buildings round the fort of Dliamuni, and left one of his officers . and a body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort. The Imperial army was engaged two days in felling trees and clearing a passage, and then reached the fortress. They pushed their trenches to the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The fort kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when alarmed at the progress of the Favoured besieg;ers, they sent to propose a capitulation.
.

"by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way The Imperial forces then out, and hid in the jungles. cry arose entered the place, and began to sack it. ... that a party of the enemy still held possession of a bastion. . . . 'Ali Asghar and the men under him carried the tower; but while they were engaged in plundering, a spark
. . .

fell upon a heap of gunpowder, whidi blew the bastion with eighty yards of the wall on both sides, although it was ten yeards thick. 'Ali Asghar and his followers all perished. .Nearly 300 men and 200 horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. . Jajhar, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial

from a torch

up

forces, destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Chaiu-agarh), burnt all the property he had there, blew up the dwellings which Bim Narain had built within the fort, and then went off with his family and such goods as he could carry to the Dakhin. .The Imperial army t' n took possession of the fortress. A chaudhari brought in information that Jajhar had with him nearly 2000 horse and 4000 foot. He had also sixty elmliants, some of whidi were loaded with gold and silvn money and gold and
.

members of his family. Gondi kos, that is, nearly -eight ordinary kos per diem. Although he had got fifteen da^-s' start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit, and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and
silver vessels, others carried the

He

travelled at the rate of four

54

ABDU-L HAMia LAHORl

wealth, the pursures hurried ou at the late of ten Goudi kos a day. (Loftg and extiling chase.) When jxessed. hard by the pursuers, Jajhar and Bikramjit pyt to death several wcnnen whose horses were worn out, and then

they fought woods. . Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhar had sent off his family and^ treasure towards Colkonda, intending^ to follow them himself. . The royal forces consequently steadily pursued their course to Colkonda. . . At length the pursuers came in sig^t of the rebelsKhan-dauran then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some other oflicers with 500 horse, to advance with all speed against them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels no time to perform the rite of Jauhar, which is one of the benighted practices at Hindustan. In their despair they inflicted two wounds with a Axggcr on Rani Parbati. the chief wife of Raja Nar Sing^ Deo, and having stabbed the other women and children with swords and daggers, they were about to make off. when the pursuers came up and put many of them to the swrad. Khandauran then arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring and to escape. Duigbahan, son of Jajhar,
.

turned upon their

pursuers.

Although

desperately, they were beaten,

and

fled into the

Durjan Sal, son of Bikramajit, were made prisoners. Udbahan, and his brother Siyam Dawa, sons of Jajhar, who had fled towards Colkonda. were soon afterwards, taken. Uiuler the direction of Khan-dauran, Rani Parbati and the other wounded women were raised ftom the ground and carried to Firoz Jang. The royal army then encamped on the edge of a tank. .While they rested there, information was brought that Jajhar and Bikramathe bloody conflict, had fled jit, . after escaping frcm to hide themselves in the wilds, where they were killed with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit that
.
.

country.

.Khan-daiuran rode forth to seek their bodies,

cut off their heads and
sent

and having found them,

55

BAnSHAH-NAMA
to Court. When they arrived, the EmpertMr ordered them to be hung up over the gate of Sehur. On arriving at Chanda, the Imperial commandeis resolved to take tribute from Kipa, chief zamindar of G<mdwana, lacs of five . and he consented to pay rupees as tribute to the government, and one lac of rupees in cadi and goods to the Imperial comr manders. On the I3th Jumada-s sani the Emperor proceeded on his journey to Undcha, and on the 21st intelligenoe arrived of the capture of the fort of Jhansi, one of the

theiu

strongest in the

Bundela country.

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN^ 1045 A.H. (1635 AJ).) (Text, vol. L part 2. p. 125.) An cSbcex was sem to Bijapur to 'Adil Khan, with a khil'at, etc., and he was directed to require that 'Adil Khan should be faithful in his alliance and r^^ular in the payment <rf his tribute, that he should surrender to the Imperial officers the teiritcMies he had taken from Nizamu-1 Mulk, and that he should expel the evil-minded Sahu aiid other adherents of the Nizamu-1 Mulk from his dmninions. {Text of the farman.)

Farman
{!'

to Kutbu-l

Mulk

{of

Golkonda)

stipulates for the allepance of Kutbu-l Mulk to the imperial throne, for the khutba being read in the name of the Emperor, and for the payment of tribute, etc).

the 15th Sha'ban Khan-dauran came the Emperor. He presented the wives of the wretched Jajhar, Duigbahan his son, and Durjan Sal, his grandson. By the Emperor's order they were made Musalmans by the names of Islam Kuli, and 'Ali Kuli. and they were both placed in the charge of Firoz Khan Nazir. Rani Paibati, being severely wounded, was passed over; the other women were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial
(p.

133.)

On

frran
.

Chanda to wait upon

palace.

56

'ADU-L HAMIB UVUORl

DESPATCM OF THE IMPERIAL ARMY AGAINST SAHU AND OTHER NIZAM-SHAHIS

(p.

135.)

Nizamu-l Mulk was in confmement'tn the fort

of Gwalior, but the evil-minded Sahu, and other turbulent Nizamu-l Mulkis, had fo-nd a boy of the Nizam's family, to whom they gave the title of Nizamu-l Mulk. They had g;ot possession of some of the Nizam's territories, and were acting in opposition to the Imperial government. Now that the Emperor was near Daulatabad, he determined to send Khan-dauran, Khan-zaman, and Shayista Khan, at the head of three different divisions, to punish these rebels, and in the event of 'Adil Khan failing to co-operate with them, they were ordered Khan-dauran's to attack and ravage his territories. force consisted of about 20,000 horse, and he was sent towards Kandahar and Nander, which join the territories of Golkonda and Bijapur, with directions to ravage the country and to besiege the forts of Udgir*" and Usa,
. .
.

two of the

strongest

forts

in those parts.

Khan-

zaman's force also consisted of about 20,000 men. He was directed to proceed to Ahmadnagar, and subdue the Chamar-gonda** native territory of Sahu, which lies in and Ashti near to Ahmadnagar. After that he was to release the Kokan from the grasp of Sahu, and upon receipt of instructions was to attack and lay waste the

The force under Shayista Khan. horse, and was of about 8,000 sent against the forts of Junir, Sangamnir, Nasik and Trimbak. On the 8th Ramazan they were sent on their respective expeditions. On the 5th Shawal Shayista
countr)' of 'Adil
.
.

Khan

consisted

Xhan

reported the capture of the fort of Masij. Udbihan, the son of Jajhar, and his younger
^^ About fifty

miles

S.

of

Nander

on the road

to

Eidar.
^^

About

fifty

miles S. of Ahmadnagar.

The "Cham-

bargoondee" of the Bombay Route Map.

S7

BADSHAU-NAMA
brother, Siyam Dawa,^^ who had Hed to Golkonda, were made prisoners by Kutbu-1 Mulk, and were sent In custody to the Emperor. They arrived on the 7 th Shawwal. The young boy was ordered to be made a Musulman, and to be placed in charge of Firoz Khan Nazir, along with the son of Bikramajit. Udbihan and Siyam Dawa, who were of full age, were offered the alternative of Islam or death. They chose the latter, and were sent to hell. It now became known that 'Adil Khan, misled by
evil

and unmindful of his allegiance, had money to the commandant of forts Udgir and Usa. He had also sent Khairiyat Khan with a force to protect those two forts, and had commissioned
counsels,
secretly sent

Randaula to support Sahu. Incensed with these acts, the Emperor sent a force of about 10,000 men under
Saiyid Khan-Jahan,

...

to chastise him.
territories in

Orders were
different

given

th|at

he and Khan-dauran and Khan-zaman should

three

march

into the Bijapur

Randaula from joining Sahu, and to ravage the country from end to end. If 'Adil Khan should awake from his heedless stupidity, and should pay proper obedience, they were to hold their hands; if
directions, to prevent

make every exertion to crush biro. the 11th a letter arrived from Shayista Khan, report ing that Salih Beg, the Nizamu-1 Mulki commander of the fort of Kher-darak, had confined all Sahu's men who were in the fort, and had surrendered it and its dependencies to the Imperial commanders.
not, they were to

On

Khan

Mir Abu-1 Hasan and Kazi Abu Sa'id, whom 'Adil of Bijapur had sent to the Emperor after being

aroused from his negligence by the despatch of the Imperial forces to ravage his dominions, now rrived and presented tribute and presents.

Mukarramat Khan, the Imperial envoy, approached

"'These names "Siyam Duda."
are

here

spelt

"Udihan"

and

59

ABUU-I. IIAMID

lAUORI

Bijapur, and 'Adil Khaii, feaiiug the consequences o showing disobedience, came forth from the city five kos to meet him, and made great show of submission and . respect. But the envoy soon discovered that, although he made all these outward demonstrations thiou^ fear, he was really desiious of exciting disturbances and offer. .

ing opposition.

He made a report to this effect, and upon his arrival, the Imperial order was given to kill and ravage as much as possible in the Bijapur territories.

When 'Abdu-1 Latif, the envoy to Golkonda, approached the city, Kutbu-1 Mulk came forth five kos to receive him, and conducted him to the city nth great honour. He had the khut ba lead aloud in the name of the Emperor; he several times attended when the khutba was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader, and he had coins struck in the Emperor's name, and
. . .

sent

spedments of them to Ckmrt.

{Conquest of the fort of Ckandor.

Surrender of the

Kanjna and Manjna, Rola, Jola, Ahunat, Kol, Busra, Achlagar, and others. Conquest of the fort of the Raja of Bir after two months^ siege. Surrender of the fori of Dharab to
hill fort of Anjarai,

and

of the hill forts of

Allah Verdi Khan.)

(Shayista

Khan

takes

Sangamnir and the town of

.

Junir from Sahu.

Junir.)

Sahu's son attempts

the recoxrery

of

CAMPMON AGAINST BIJAPUR

(Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 151.) On the 8th Shawwal, a royal order reached Khan-dauran near Udgir, inform-

ing him that 'Adil Khan had been remiss in his obedience and payment of tribute; that Khan-jahan had been directed to invade his territory by way of Sholapur. Khan-zaman by way of Indapur;*' and that he, Khan-

^"Betmeen Puna and Sholapur, from the former.

eighty-four

miles

59

KAUSHAH-NAMA
dauran, must mardi against
lay waste his
country.

him by way of Bidar, and Khan-dauran aamding^y left

his baggage mi the banks of the Wanjira, in charge oE a party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the banning of New Year's night he set forci, and at hve o'clock reached Kalyan. the most liourishing place in The inhabitants were quite unprepared, that country and near 2,000 of them fell under his attack. Many were taken pristmers, and great booty was secured. (Narainpur, Bhalki, and Maknath,^* taken hi succession and plundered. 2,000 of the enemy defeated near Bidar). From Bhalki KhaU-dauran marchol to Deoni, three kos from Udgir, and from thence towards Bijapur, pliuidering and laying waste all the country. He then Sultanpur attacked and sacked the two great towns of and Hirapur. From Hirapur he advanced to the river Miunra.^^i A party of the enemy then drew near and but was defeated. After this, Khanthreatened him,
.

dauran marched to Firozabad, twelve kos from Bijapur. A letter then arrived from Mukarramat Khan, irifoiming him that the Bijapuris had broken down the tank dt Shahpur, and had taken all the inhabitants of the country round Bijapur into that dty, and that no water ac food was to be found in the (untry. ... A letter from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect that 'Adil Khan had sent two envoys to make some representathese tions about the forts oi Usa and Udgir; but as bdonged to Niamu-1 Mulk, the Emperor would not present them to him. A report received subsequendy from Mukarramat Khan stated that 'Adil Khan had
^*Narainpur Bhalki or Balki
Bidar.

"one kos and a half from Kalyan." about equidistant N. of Kalyan and Maknath is "ten kos from Bhalki, and two from
is

is

Bidar." "^This the Bhima.

name

often occurs,

and

is

evidently used f&r

60

ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI

and had returned to Khan-dauran was therefore directed to desist from ravaging the Bijapur territories, and to lay siege to Usa and Udgir. On the 23rd Muharram Xhan-dauran marched against Udgir.
abandoned
his claim to these forts, his obedience.

CAMPAIGN OF KHAN-JAHAN
(Capture of Saradhun, (Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.) Dharasiyun, Kanti six kos from Sholapur, and the town Victories over the BijapuriSj commanded of Depganw. by Randaula.) Water and provisions were now difiEcult to obtain, so the royal army fell back to Dharasiyun,** intending to leave their baggage at Saradhun, and passing between Usa and Naldrug, to make a raid into the flourshing country about Kulbarga, to plunder and lay
waste.

On

the

1st

Zi-1

hijja,

the

enemy made

his ap-

pearance while the Imperial army was encamped about two kos from Usa and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants. Next day they attacked the Imperial army as ii was about to march, but were defeated and driven back. After returning from the battle-field, Saiyid Khan-jahan, considering that the country was devastated, and the rains were at hand, determined to fall back to Bir .... and await the Imperial directions as to where the rainy season should be passed. On the IKh Zi-1 hijja, about eight kos from Saradhun, the enemy again appeared in the rear {and -after a hard fight fell hack defeated). The royal army then continued its march to Saradhun, and along the banks of the Wanjira to Dharur.
. .
.

CAMPAIGN OF KHAN-ZAMAN
(Text, vol
i.

part

2, p.

160.)

After receiving his orders,

after provi-

Khan-zaman marched
^^"Deraseo,"
fifty

to

Ahmadnagar, and,

miles north-east

of Sholapur.

61

BADSHAH-NAMA
Six sioning his forces. ... he went on towards Junir. Ahmadnagar. he learnt that the viUain Sahu kos from had made terms with Minaji Bhonsla, and had obtained from him the fort of Mahuli. Having taken Minaji along with him to Junir, Sahu was about to proceed by way of Parganw to Parenda. Khan-raman marched but Sahu passed the river Bhunra, and after him, . . proceeded to Lohganw, a dependency of Puna in the because Bijapur territories. Here Khan-zaman halted, not to follow Sahu into 'Adil Khan's his orders were by a country. {Capture of the fort of Chamar-gonda Court, he detachment.) On receiving orders from
.

entered the Bijapur territories, and plundered and to. On the destroyed every inhabited place he came 27th Shawwal he reached the pass of Dudbai, where he Next morning he ascended the pass. In halted, . the eight days he arrived at Kolaptur, and invested Notwithstanding a brave defence, fortress and town. {Successful skirmishes with he quickly took the place. Sahu and the Bijapuris.) Khan-zaman next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the Bijapur dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six days* march to Rai-bagh, a very ancient town in that country, where he obtained great booty. After remaining there ten days, he fell back, and the enemy had the audacity to hang upon his rear and harass him with Eight days' march from Miraj the army enrockets. camped on the bank of a river. A party sent out to was ordered to support it. The forage, and a force enemy attacked this force, and a sharp fight ensued; but the assailants were repulsed and pursued for two kos. While the army was resting on the banks of the river Bhunra, an Imperial farman arrived, directing Khanzaman to return to the royal presence, to receive instruc tions for the reduction of the fort of Junir and the punishment of Sahu, The reason for this was that 'Adil Khan had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute
. .

62

'ABDU-L HAMID lAHORI

equivalent to twenty lacs in jewels, elejdiants, etc, and surrendeFcd Junir -engaged that if Sahu returned and .and the other forts in the Nizam-Shahi territory to the imperial officers, he would take him into his service; but do so, he would assist the &D.perial if Sahu did not forces in reducing the forts and punishing Sahu. {Capture by Khan-khanan of the forts of Anki and Tankij Alka and Polka, eighteen kos from Daulatabad.) (Farman containing the terms of peace with 'Adil Khan, and letter of the latter in acknowledgment. Latter of homage from Kutbu-l Mulk. Summary of Shah Jahan's two expeditions to the Dakhin, the first in his father's lifetime, the second after his own accession.)
'adu.

khan of bijapur
the

(Text, vrf. L part 2, p. 202.) While thinking about the reduction of Dakhin, 'AcUl Khan, being disturbed wrote stay of the Imperial Court,
still

Emperor was
forts ot the

the

by the prolonged a letter to the

Emperor, re|Hesenting that the affairs of that country were now all settled, and that he would be answerable for the surrender of the forts held by Sahu and others. There was therefore no reason for the Emperor's staying any longer and it would be a great favour if he would proceed to the capital, so that the raiy^s and

mi^t return peacefully to their consented, Elmpeior graciously and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at Mandu.
people of Bijapur
avocations.

The

'Adil

Khan's
accepted.

tribute,

consisting of

...

arrived,

and

EmpercH^ confirmed to him the territory of Bijapur and the fortress of Parenda, which had formerly belonged to Nizamu-l Mulk, but which the commandant had surrendered to 'Adil Khan for a bribe. He also confirmed to him all the country of

was

The

half

Kokan on the sea-shore, which had been formerly held by him and half by Nizamu-1 Mulk. (Copy of the

63

BADSHAH-NAMA
PRINCE AURANGZEB, GOVERNOR OF THE DAKHIN
(Text. vol.
i,

part 2, p. 205.)

On

the 3rd Zi-1 hijja the

Emperor appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the Dakhin. This country, contains sixty-four on hills, the are situated fifty-three of which forts,
remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into Ahmadnagar and subas. 1. Daui&tabad, with four other districts, which they call the suba of the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to Nizamu-1 Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards Daulatabad. 2. Telingana. This- is situated in the suba of this fortress of the Balaghat.*^ 3. Khandes. The
province is Asir, and the capital is Buriianpur, situated four kos from Asir. 4. Birar. The capital of this province is Elichpur, and its* famous fortress is called Gawli. It is built on the top of a hill, and is noted above all the fortress in that country for strength and security. The whole of the. third province and a part of the fourth IS in the Payin-ghat. The jama', or total revenue <jt the four provinces is two- arbs of dams, equivalent to five crores of rupees.
(Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk.

(Khan-dauran besieges

Udgir and

Letter from the Usa, and

latter.)

both

forts are eventually surrendered.)

TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1046 A.H. (1636 A.D.)

Conquest of the Fort of Junir and Settlement of the

Dakhin
(Text, vol.
i.

part

2."

p. 225.)

When Khan-zaman

return-

he learnt that Sahu had declined entering into the service of 'Adil Khan, and refused to surrender Junir and the other fortresses
his army,

ed from the Emperor to

to the Imperial officers. 'Adil Khan therefore sent his forces, under the command of Randaula, to co-operate

is called

^Tfce Shah-Jahan-nama adds, "The capital of which Nander and the fortress Kandahar."

64

'ABOU-L HAMID LAHORI

with the Imperial anay in the destruction of Sahu, and hastened the reduction of his fortresses. Khan-zaman

and invested the fortress. Being satisfied . to Junir, with the arrangements for the siegi^ he determined ta march against Sahu, who was in the neighboiuhood of Puna. When he reached the Khorandi> he was detained on its banks for a month by the heavy rains and the inundations. As soon as the waters abated, he. crossed the river, and encamped on the banks of the Ihdan, near Lohganw, and Sahu, who was seventeen kos distant, then made into the mountains of Gondhana and Nurand. There were three Iai;ge swollen rivers, the Indan, the Mol, and the Mota,'" between Khan-zaman and Sahu. The Khan therefore sent an officer to consult with Randaula. The opinion of that commander coincided with Khan-zaman's in favour of the pursuit, and the Sahu then fled with g^eat latter began his match. haste by the pass of Kombha,^* and entered the Kokan. Finding no support there, he returned by the pass of Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered the Kokan by the same pass, and Randaula also was closing up. Sahu then went off to Mahuli, and from thence to the fort of Muranjan,'" situated between the hills and
. .
,

the jungle. Khan-zaman followed. On discovering the approach of his pursuers, Sahu hastily sent off a portion of his baggage, and abandoned the rest. The pursuers having come up, put . many of the rebels to the sword. . Being still pursued, Sahu went again to Mahidi, hoping to get away by Trimbak and Tringalwari;** but, fearing lest he shoiUd encounter the royal forces, he baited at
. . . . . . .

'" ^'The Indiranee, Moola, and Moota of near Puna.

the Maps,,

"^In the Ghats, Lat. 18-20. *'>Or "Muforanjan" in the Ghats, Lat. "y4 little N. of the Tal Ghat.

18-50.

'

65

BADSHAH-NAM.\

Mahuli.

He

retained a

party of his adherents,

who

had long followed him, and the rest of his men he disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would. Then, with his son and a portion of his baggage, he went into the fort, resolved to stand a siege. Khan-zaman got intelligence of this when be was
twelve kos
. .

difficulties of

Mahuli, and, notwithstanding the the road, he reached the fort in one day. . He immediately opened his trenches and luade ap-. few days after Randaula came, up, and proaches. ...

from

When the pLace was hard p'resjoined in the siege. sed, Sahu wrote repeatedly to Khan-zaman, ottering to received surrender the fortress on condition of being into the Imperial service. He was informed that if he wished to save his life, he must come to terms with Khan, for such was the Emperor's command. 'Adil He was also advised to be quick in doing so, if he wished So he was to escape from the swords of the besiegers. compelled to make his submission to 'Adil Khan, and he besought that a treaty might be made with him. After the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd inadmissible demands, and withdrew from the agreement he had made. But the siege was pressed on, and the final attack drew near, when Sahu came but of the fort and met Randaula half way down the hill, and surrendered himself with the young Nizam. He agreed to enter the service of 'Adil Khan, and to surrender the fortress of Junir and the other forts to the Imperial generals. Accordingly the forts of Junir, Trimbak, Tringalwari, Haris, Judhan, Jund, and Harsira, were delivered over to Khan-zaman. . Randaula,, underthe orders of 'Adil Khan, placed the young Nizam in the hands of Khan-zaman, and 'then went to Bijapur. accompanied by Sahu. (Khan-dauran takes possession of the forts of Kataljhar, and Ashia, and besieges and storms the fort of
.
.

Nagpur.)

:66

'ABDU-L HAMID I.AHORl

NIZAMl)-L

MULK
the
1st

(Text. vol.

i.

part

2,

256.)

On

Zi-1 hijja,

1046

A.H. Prince Murad Bakhsh, Yaminu-d daula Khandauran Bahadur Nusrat Jang.'^" and others went forth to meet Prince Aurangzeb, who had returned to Court from the Dakhin. ... He brought with him the member whom the disaffected ot of Nizamu-1 Mulk's family*'

Dakhin had made use of for their rebellious purand to whom they had given the title of Nizamu-1 Mulk. He was placed under the charge of Saiyid Khanthe
poses,

Jahan, to be kept in the fort of Gwalior, where there were two other of the Nizams one of whom was made prisbner at the capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Jahangir, and the other at the downfall of Daulatabad

in the present reign.

that

On
at

Khan-zaman had died

to succeed

the 4th, the news came Daulatabad from a com.

plication of diseases of long standing.

Shayistk

Khan

was appointed

him

in his

command.

THE BUNDELAS
(Text.
vol.
i.

part

2,

p.

270).
race.

''turbulent

troublesome

The Bundelas Notwithstanding

.are a

that

had been slain, the rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no warning, but had set up a child of his named Pirthi Raj, who had been carried off alive from the field of battle, and they had again broken out in rebellion. Khan-dauran Bahadur Nusrat Jang was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to proceed to his government in Malwa.
Jajhar, their chief,
.
. .

STORM AT THATTA
(p.

276.)

On

the 23rd

Rabi'u-1 awwal

letters

were

*^He had been honoured with

victories.

this title for his late

*'Thi5 individual, like all the others,

calif d^'Be-Nizam."

is

sarcastically

67

BADSHAH-NAMA
received trom Thatta,
incessantly

reporting

tliat

rain

had

fallen

for thirty-six

hours

places near the sea-shore. were destroyed, and great

in all the towns and Many houses and buildings

of all kinds were drowned. ly that huge trees \vere torn

numbers of men and beasts The wind blew so furiousup by their roots, and the waves of the sea cast numbers of fishes on to the shore. Nearly a thousand ships, laden and unladen, went down from the violence of the sea, and heavy losses fell upon the ship-owners. The land also, over which the waves were driven, became impregnated with salt, and utifit
for cultivation.

(Text,

vol.

i.

CONQUEST OF TIBET Ihe part 2. p. 281.)

late

Emperor

Jahangir long

design of conquering entertained the Tibet, and in the course of his reign Hashim Khan, son of Kasim Khan Mir-bahr, governor of Kashmir, under the orders of the Emperor, invaded the country with a large force of horse and foot and local zamindars. But although he entered the country, and did his best, he met with no success, and was obliged to retreat with great loss and with much difl&culty. The Imperial Khan, governor of order was now given that Zafar Kashmir, should assemble the forces under bis command, and effect the conquest of that country. Accordingly he collected nearly eight thousand horse and foot, composed of Imperial forces, men of. his own, and retainers of the marzbans of his province. He marched by the difficult route of Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month he reached the district of Shkardu, the first place of importance in Tibet, and on this side of the Nilab (Indus). 'Ali Rai, father of Abdal, the present Marzban of Tibet, had built upon the summits of two high mountains two strong forts the higher of which was called Kaharphucha, and the other Kahchana. Each of them had a road of access "like the neck of a reed, and the curve
.

68

ABUU-L HAMIO LAHORl

ol a taioii.

Ttie road, of communication between the Abdal shut himiclt up in tne tort oi KaJiarpIiucha. tie placed his the tort oi Kahcnana, minister and general manager and he sent his tamily and property -to the tort of Shakar, winch stands upon a high mountain on the other side

u^o was on the top ot the mountain.

ol the Niiab. Khan, Zafai

aiter

examining

the

height

and

was ot opinion that it was strength ot the lortresses, inexpedient to invest and attack them; but he saw that the military and the peasantry of libet were much distressed by the harsh rule oi Abdal, and he resolved to win them over by kindness. Ihen he sent a detachment to subdue the fort o Shakar, and to make prisoners time which the ot the family ot Abdal. The whole army could keep the held in this country was two months; for if it remained longer, it would be snowed up. It was for this reason that he sent Mil Fakhm-d with four thousand men, against the fort of din, the fort Shakar, while he himself watched in which Abdal was. He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abdal, with some other men of Tibet, who had entered into the Imperial service, and some zamindars of Kashmir, who had friendly relations with the people of the country, to endeavour by persuasion and promises to gain over the people. Mir Fakhr passed over the river Nilab, and laid siege to the fort. Daulat, son of Abdal, of about ftfteen years of age, was in charge of the fort. He sallied out to attack the besiegers, but was driven back with loss. The besiegers then advanced," and opened their trenches against the gate on the Shkardu side. The son of Abdal was so frightened by these
.

proceedings, that,

regardless of his father's

silver,

family (in

the

fort),

he packed up the gold,

and what was

Kashghar
his
flight,

portable,
gate.

and escaped in the night by the Mir Fakhru-d din, being apprised of
fort.

entered the

He

could not restrain his

followers

69

BADSHAH-NAUA

from plundering; but he took chaige of Abdal's family. A force was sent in pursuit of the son, which could not overtake him, but returned with some gold and silver he had thrown away on the road.

On
the

hearing of this victory, Zafar

Khan

pressed
. . .

on
.
.

siege of

Kaharphucha

and

Kahchana.

The

governor and garrison of the latter surrendered. . Abdal, in despair at the progress made by the invadors,
loss of his wives and children, opened and surrendered the fort of Kaharphucha. Zafar Khan was apprehensive that the snow would fall and close the passes, and that, at the instigation of Abdal, he might be attacked from the side of Kashmir. So, without making any settlement of the country, and without searching after Abdal's property, he set out on his return, taking with him Abdal, his family, and some

and
. .

at the negotiations
.

of the leading men of the enemy. He left Muhammad Murad, Abdal's vakil, in charge of the country.

ELEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN^ 1047 A.H. (1637 A.D.)

Capture of Kandahar and other
(Text, vol.
ii.

forts'^*

strong fortress of Kandahar was annexed to the Imperial dominions in the fortieth year of the Emperor Akbar. Shah Safi of Persia, was desirous of recovering it. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Jahangir, Prince Shah Jahan was sent to arrange the afEairs of the Dakhin, and the Shah of Persia seized the opportunity to make an attempt to recover the place. He invested it and after a siege of forty-five
p. 24.)
.

The

the fortress in the seventeenth year <rf After a time, 'Ali Mardan Khan was appointed governor of Kandahar, . and Shah Jahan, being desirous of recovering the place, directed his governor of Kabul to send an able emissary to 'Ali

days reduced
Jahangir.
.

Mardan Khan, who was

**rAe account of

to learn what'

he could

about

this siege is told in great detail.

70

ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI

the lortrcs!

All

and its Maidan Khan.

.

garrison,
. . .

and to make overtures to Ihe envoyi was received very

relations were established

graciously,

and friendly

between

'.\li

...

so that

Mardan Khan and the governor ofKabul, the Khan at length wrote, expressing his
.
.
.

tles^e to surrender the place to

On the Shah Jahan. Khan approach ul the imperial iorces, 'Ali Mardan conduticd ihem into the fortress, and gave it up to them. Ihe governor of Kabul was directed to proceed to Kandahar, and to present a. lac oi rupees to Ali Mardan Khan. He was then to take the Khan to Kabul, and to send him under escort to the Imperial Court, with all his family and dependents. The iimperor sent 'Ali Mardan Khan a khil'at {and many other fine presenti. Engagement between Sa'id Khan, governor of Kabul, and the Persians, and d^feoL of th^ latter. Capture by siege of the forts of Bust, Zamindawar, and Girishk.) All the country of Kandahar with its fortresses {enumerated detail) were re-annexed to the Imperial dominions.
.

REBELLION

IN

KUCH-HAJU

(Text, vol. ii. p. 64.) On the north of the country of Jiengal there are two countries: Kuch-Haju, a cultivated counu"), which lies on the banks of the Brahmaputra, a large river, two kos in width, which flows from the

country of Asham (Assam) into Bengal. From thence to Jahangir-nagar (Dacca) is one month's journey. The Kuch-Bihar, which is far away from other country is the river, and is twenty days' journey from Jahangirrulers nagar. These two countries belonged to local {marzban), and at the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Jaiiangir, the country of Kuch-Haju was

under
hit.

the rule

of

Parichhit,

and

Kuch-Bihar

under

Lachhmi Narain, brother

of the grandfatheir of Parich-

In the eighth year of the reign. Shah Jahan gave the pjovcrnment of Bengal to Shaikh 'Alau-d din Fath-

7/

BAbSHAH-NAMA

Raghupuri, who had received the tide of Islam Khan. complaining nath, Zamindar of Susang, came to him, that Parichhit had tyrannically and violently placed his wives and children in prison. His allegations appeared to be true. At the same time, Lachhmi Narain repeatedly represented his devotion to the Imperial

government,"

to effect the conquest of KuchHaju. He accordingly sent a force to punish Parichhit, and to subjugate the country. {Long details of the army reached the operations.) When the victorious river Kajli, some men were sent over first in boats, who

and

incited Islam

Khan

in a short time defeated and put to flight the guard of the place. The whole force then crossed and destroyed strong fort was then constructed on some old forts.

each side of the Kajli, and .... garrisons were placed turbulent landin them to check and keep down the army then proceeded to Koh-hatah, holders. The towards Utarkol, between Sri-ghat and the Kajli, there
to pass the rains.

CONQUEST OF BAGLANA
(Text, vol.
ii.

p. 105.)

The

territory of

Baglana contains

nine

forts,

thirty-four parganas,

and one thousand and

one

villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction (marzbani) for one thousand four hundred years, and its preis

sent ruler
of
its trees

ate climate,

Bharji. It is famous for its tempernumerous streams and the abundance of and fruits. In length it is a hundred kos, and
its

named

On the east is Chandor, a dependency of Daulatabad; on the west the port of Surat and the sea; on the north Sultanpur and Namdurbar; and on the south Nasik and Trimbak The strongest of its forts are Salhir and Mulhir."' Salhir is placed upon a
in breadth eighty.
.

hill

Mulhii* also stands

upon a

hill.

When

Prince

line

""Mooleer" lies about half way, a little drawn from Ch'andor to Nandurbar.

west, of a

72

'abdu-l hamid lahori

Aurangzeb was sent to the govenunent of the Oakhin, he On the 8th was directed to subjugate this country. Sha'ban, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637), he sent an army against which advanced and laid siege to Mulhir. The it, trenches were opened and the garrisrai was pressed so hard that, on the 10 Shawwal, Bhaiji sent out his mother
. . .

and

enrol himself

his vakil with the keys of his eight forts, (Bering to among the servants of the Imperial throne,
this proposal

on condition

When
horse,

of receiving the pargana of Sultanpur. . . . reached the Emperor, he granted.

Bharji a mansab of three thousand personal and 2500 and Sultanpur was conferred upon him for his

home.

TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1048

(Submis!>ion of

A.H. (1638 A.D.)

Manik Rai,
123.)
. .

the

Mag

Raja of Chatgam.)

(Text, vol.

ii.

p.

On

the 13th Rajab. the Imperial

train reached Lahore, and 'Ali Mardan Khan, who had come from Kandahar, was received with great ceremony. He was presented with (numerous rich gifts), and his mansab was increased from 5,000 to 6,000 personal and 6,000 horse. Before the end of the month he was appointed governor of Kashmir, and shortly afterwards he was presented with five iacs of rupees and ten parcels of the choice fabrics of the looms of Bengal. The Emperor afterwards did him the honour of paying him a
.
. .

visit at his

house.

(The Imperial progress from Lahore

again.)

to

Kabul and back

LITTLE TIBZr
(Text, vol.
captivity of
ii.

p.

169).

its

ruler

The conquest of Litde Tibet, die Abdal, and the appointment of

Adam Khan to be governor, have been previously menAdam Khan now wrote to 'Ali Mardan Khan, tioned.
the new governor of Kashmir, informing him that Sangi Bamkha), the holder of Great Tibet had seized upon Burag in Little Tibet, and meditated further aggression.
.
.

73

BADSHAH-NAMA
^Ali
sent a force against him under the of Husain Beg/ . . On t;he meeting of the two forces, Sangi's men vfere put to flight He then sued
. .

Mardan Khan

command

for forgiveness,

and

offered to

pay

tribute.
A.H. (1639 A.D.)

THIRTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1049

On
.
. . .

the 21st Jumada-s sani, the

.

'Ali Mardan Khan came Emperor arrived at Lahore. down from Kashmir. His mansab was increased to and the government 7,000 personal and 7,000 horse, of the Panjab was given to him in addition to that of Kashmir. On the 6th Rajab, Islam Khan came according to summons from Bengal, and was appointed to the
.
.
.

office of

Financial Minister {diwani-kull).

'ali

MARDAN'S LAHORE CANAL

'Ali Mardan Khan represented to His Majesty that one of his followers was an adept in the forming of canals, and would undertake to construct a canal from the place where the river Ravi descends from the hills into the plains, and to conduct the waters to Lahore, benefiting the cultivation of the country

through which it should pass. The Emperor gave to the Khan one lac of rupees, a sum at which experts estimated the expense, and the Khan then entrusted its formation to one of his trusted servants.
. .

Occupation
near Bust.)
{Great Royal

(Advance of an army from Sistan against Kandahar. and abandonment of the fort of Khanshi,
fire at the residence of

Prince Shuja' in Agra

xnsit to

Kashmir.)

In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that Pirthi Raj, son of Jajhar Bundela, had been taken prisoner. . . Orders were given for his confinement in the
fort of Gwalior.

74

'abdu-l hamid lahori

FOURl-EENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1050, A.H. (1640

AJ>.)

ment

{Chastisement of the of tribute by the Jam of Kathiwau) (Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son of Raja

Kolis and Kathis

in Gujarat.Pay-

Basu of

Kangra.)

FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1051, A.H. (1641

A.D.)

Death of
(Text, vol.

Asaf Khan Khan-khanan

17th Sha'ban Yaminu-d ii. p. 257.) On the daula Asaf Khan Khan-khanan, commander-in-chief, and on receiving the intelligence. departed this life; v?as much affected, and gave orders that he His Majesty should be buried on the west side of the tomb of the late Emperor Jahangir, and that a lofty dome should be rais.
.

He had risen to a rank and dignity ed over his grave. servant of the State had ever before attained. which no By the munificent favour of the Emperor, his mansab was nine thousand personal and nine thousand horse, do-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted to sixteen krors and twenty lacs of dams. When these had all received their pay, a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was left for himself. Besides the mansion which he had built in Lahore, and on which he expended twenty lacs of rupees, he left money and valuables to the amount of two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. There were 30 lacs of rupees in jewels, three lacs of ashrafis equal to 42 lacs of rupees, one kror and 25 lacs in rupees, 30 lacs in gold and silver utensils, and 23 lacs in miscellaneous articles. {Campaign in Jagat Singh's territory. Capture of Mu, Nurpur, and other forts. Surrender of Taragarh, and sub.
.

mission of Jagat .Singh.)

SIXTEENTH YEAR OF THE

REIGN,.

1052 A.H. C1642 A.D.)

AJI. (1643 A.D.)
its

SEVENTEENTH YEAR OX THE REIGN, 1053

At

{Reduction of Palamun, and submission of

(Text, vol.
ii.

Raja.)

p.

376.)

the beginning

of

Rabi'u8~

75

BADSHAH-NAMA

was made known to the mperor that Prince Aurangzeb, under the influence of ill-advised, shortsighted companions, had determined to withdraw from worcUy o<^upations, and to pass his days in retirement. His Majesty disapproved of liiis, and took from the Prince
sani, it
-

his

office

his jagir, and dismissed him from the of Governor-General of the Dakhin. Khan-dauran Bahadur Nusrat Jang was appointed to succed him.

mansab and

EIGHTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1054

A.H.

(1644

A.D.)

('All Murdan Khan Amiru-l Umara sent Tardi 'AH Katghan of Balkh. Successful

to chastise
result.)

(p.

385.)

On

the 29th Zi-1 hijja. Prince Aurangzeb

.

was appointed Governor of Gujarat.

NINETEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1055

{Affairs of

A.H.

(1645

A.D.)

Nazar

Muhammad Khan
in Kabul.)

of Balkh

Operations
Nur Jahan
After

(p.

411.)

On

the 29th Shawwal, of the late

1055, died

Beg^am,

widow

Emperor

Jabangir.

her marriage with the Emperor, she obtained such an ascendency over him, and exercised such absolute control over civil and revenue matters, that it would be'
dilate upon it here. After the accession of Emperor Shah Jahan, he settled an annual allowance of two lacs of rupees upon her.**

unseemly to
the

CAMPAIGN AGAINST BALKH AND BADAKHSHAN

(Text, vol. ii. p. 482.) Ever since the beginning of his reign, the Emperor's heart had been set upon the conquest of Balkh and Badakhshan, which were hereditary

Khafi Khan says that after Jahangir's death she wore only white clothes, she never went to parties of
**

amusement
in sorrow.

of her

own

accord, but lived in private

at

and

She was buried

Lahore in a tomb she had

built for herself by the side of Jahangir.

76

'abdu-l.

hamid lahori

and were the keys to the acquisition of Samarkand, the home and capital of his great He was more especially ancestor Timur Sahib-Kiran. intent on this because Nazar Muhammad Khan had had the presumption to attack Kabul, from whence he had been driven back in disgrace. The prosecution of the Emperor's cherished enterprise had been hitherto prebut now the foundations vented by various obstacles; of the authority of Nazir Muhammad were shaken, and So the Emhis authority in Balkh was ^ecarious. peror determined to send his son Murad Bakhsh with and ten thousand musketeers, fifty thousand horse, rocket-men and gunners, to effect the conquest of that country. On the last day of Zi-1 hijja, 1055 H., the Emperor gave his farewell to Prince Murad Bakhsh, to Amiru-1 Umara ('Ali Mardan^ Khan)*^ and the other ProoflBcers sent on this service. {Plan af. 'campaign. gress of the Emperor to KabuVDetails of the campaign. Capture of the fort of Kahnuwd^ and the stronghold of Ghori Conquest of Kundaz and Balkh, and flight of Nazar Muhammad. Revenues of Nazar Muhammad.)
territories of his house,
.
.
.
.

TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1056

A.H.

(1646 A.D.)

{Prince Murad Bakhsh desires to retire from Balkh. despatch. Displeasure of the Emperor expressed in a Many of the amirs and mansabThe Prince persists). dars who were with the prince concurred in this unreaNatural love of home, a preference for sonable desire. the people and the manners of Balkh, and the rigours

of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This resolution became a cause of distress among the raiyats, of

despondency among the soldiery, and of hesitation among the men who were coming into Balkh from all quarters. The soldiers, seeing this vacillation, began to plunder and oppress the people: So, when the Prince's desire was

^'Who was

of course the real

commander.


77

BADSHAH-NAMA
i^>eatedly expressed, the Emperor's anger was increased. He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took from him his tuyul of Multan. Under these circumstances, to settle the confusion in Baikh, the Emperor found it necessary to send there a trustworthy and able manager;
so he selected Sa'du-lla Khan, his Prime Minister. {Fighting in Badakhshan. Settlement of Balkh.) Sa-du-Ua Khan returned on the 5th Sha'ban, 1056 H., having settled the afFairs of Balkh, and restored order and tranquillity among the soldiers and people, and rescued the country from wretdiedness. He had most effectually carried out the orders of the Empe^r, and was rewarded with a khifat, and a thousand) increase to his man-

sab.

12,000.

(Pnnce Murad Bakhsh restored to his mansab of Much fighting near Balkh and Shaburghan.)

AURANGZKB SENT TO BALKH

(Text, vol.
ii.

p. 627.)

On

the 24th

Zi-1 hijja,

1056, the

Emperor bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakhshan on Aurangzeb, and increased his mansab to 15,000 personal and ten thousand horse, eight thousand being He was directed to proceed do-aspahs or sih-aspahs to Peshawar, and on the arrival of spring to march to Balkh, in company with Amiru-1 Umara 'Ali Mardan Khan, and a body of Rajputs, who had left Balkh and Badakhshan in disgust, and had come to Peshawar, where they were stopped by an Imperial order directing the ofEcers at Atak not to allow them to cross the Indus.
. . .

THE EMPEROR PROCEEDS TO KABUL

(Text, vol. ii. p. 637.) By the reports of the commanders in Balkh and Badakhshan. the Emperor was informed that 'Abdu-1 'Aziz Khan, governor of Turan, . intend.

ed to invade Balkh

beginning of spring. On the 15th Muharram Prince Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh with a body of Imperial soldiers, and the Emperor himat the

78

'abdu-l hamid lahori

el

determined to leave Lahore and go to Kabul for the

xfaird time.

{Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshan, ending abruptly with a statement of the errors made on
the Imperial side.)

1**

SHAHJAHAN-NAMA
OF

'INAYYAT
(Muhammad

KHAN

Tahir, who received the title of 'Inayat Khan,, and was poetically named 'Ashna, was son of Zafar

Khan'^in Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan. Zafar Khan, the author's father, was wazir of Jahangir. In the 'reign of Shah Jahan, he was at one time ruler of Kabul, and afterwards of Kashmir, during' which latter government he effected the conquest of Tibet recorded he was in the foregoing pages. At a later period
appointed to the administration of Thatta. "He was celebrated as a poet, as a patron of letters, and as a just and moderate ruler." 'Inayat Khan's maternal grandfather, Saif Khan, was governor of Agra, and when Prince Shuja' was appointed ruler of Bengal, Saif Khan was sent thither to conduct
the administration until the arrival of the prince. The author, it appears, was born in the year that Shah Jahan came to the throne. In the seventh year of
his age

iab."

he received, as he informs us, 'a suitable manwas sent to join his father in Kashmir while he was governor there. He was afterwardsi^darog/ja-i dagh, and subsequently employed in a moife' congenial
'

He

oflSce in

the Imperial Library.

qualities,

"He

inherited his father's

and is said even to have surpassed him in ability. He was witty and of agreeable manners, and was one of the. intimate friends of Shah Jahaii. Latterly he retired from c^ce, and settled in Kashmir, where he died in A.H. 1077 (A.D. 1666). In addition to the history of Shah Jahan's reign, he was author of a Diwan and three Mamawii."^
talents

and good

^Morley's Catalogue.

80

'INAYYAT KHAN

The sources of the first part of this Shah Jahan-nama are plainly acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years are in entire agreement with the Badshah-namay but are written in a more simple style. T^e history comes down to 1068 A.H., (1657-8 A.D.), the year in which Aurangzeb was declared Emperor, but of this event he takes no notice. The author does not inform us whether
he used any other work after the Badshah-nama as the own, or whether the history of the last ten years is his own independent work.
basis of his

The
work

following

is

the

author's

own

account

of

his

translated

from

his Preface:

Tahir,
of

"The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad commonly known as Ashna, but bearing the title 'Inayat Khan bin Muzaffar Khan bin Khwaja Abu-1
i

Hasan, represents to the attention of men of intelligence, that in Rabi'u-1 awwal, in the 31st year of the reign of the Emjperor Shah Jahan {six lines of titles and phrases), corresponding to 1068 H., he was appointed superintendent of the Royal Library, and there he found three series of the Badshah-nama, written by Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Hamid Lahori and others, each series of which comprised the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The whole of these memoirs completed one karn, which is an expression signifying thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were written after his death by others. The author desires to observe that the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his simple mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl was ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of his reign, yet Khwaja Nizamu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi wrote a distinct history of that reign, which he called the Tabakat-i Akbar-shahi. Jannat-makani Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir, imitating the example of his ancestor the Emperor Zahiru-d din Muhammad Babar. himself wrote a history of his own reign; yet Mu'tamad Khan Bakhshi wrote a history of that reign, to which he

and acumen

Bl

SHAH JAUAN-NAMA
gave the
title <rf

Nak^abandi

also

Ikbal-nama-i Jahangiri. Ghairat Khan brought together the chief events of

that reign in a book whidi he called Ma-asir-i Jahangiri. (With these examfdes before him), it seemed to the writer of these pages that, as he and his ancestors had been

devoted servants of the Imperial dynasty,

.well for

it

would be

write the history of the reign of Shah Jahan in a simple and dear style, and to reproduce the contents of the three volumes of Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Hamid in plain language and in a condensed Such a foiin. work (he thought) would not be superfluous, but rather

him

to

gain. So he set about his work, and the Almighty gave hira leisure, so that in a short time heueompleted it. The history froin the fpurtb' to the tenth year is based on the Padshah-nama oi Muhammad Amin Kazwini. commonly known as Aminai Munshi, which is written in a more simple style. And as only a selection has been

made

of

the

events

recorded,

this

work

is

styled

Mulakhkhas."

The title Mulakhkhas "Abridgment," which the author gave to his work, was too indefinite to last, and it is commonly known as Shah Jahan-nama.
Elliot

work seem to be common. - Sir H. M. borrowed copies. There are three in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the Asiatic Sodety. A copy belonging to the Raja of Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 inches _x 8^> and contains 360 leaves of 19 lines to the page. The whole of this work, from the beginning of the third year of the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb, with which it closes, was translated by the late Major Fuller. It Glis 561 folio pages of close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot's Library. The following Extracts are taken from that
MSS. of
this

has three

translation.)

EXTRACTS TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REICN, 1057 A.H. (1647 A.D,) In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of
/'

F. 6.

82

'INAYAT KHAN
royalty about this time, through the representations
of

the victorious Prince

was the

Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, following: Nazar Muhammad Khan, who, after

siege of fort

abandoning the

Maimanah,

had stood

fast

at Nilchiragh,^ continued watching,

both day and night,

tivho

.Khan and his other sons, were gone to oppose tbe royal army with all the UzL k forces of Mawarau-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhshan, a^jxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers
the eftorts of 'Abdul-1 'Aziz
in the desert of failur
shai
led,

owing to the superior prowess

hopes everywhere apologizing letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for past misdeeds, and ardept longing for an interview with His Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the throne of royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the farman's arrival, and the Khan's letter, which His Royal
ind vigour of the royalists, finding his

he

despatched :n

Highness had fohvarded to Court in the original, with some remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the
auspicious perusal. As it hapipened, from the commenceof his invasion of BalkJi, this very design had been buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that

ment

after clearing the Vingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshan from the thorny briers of turbulence and anarchy, he s ould restore them in safety to Nazar Muhammad Khan.

The latter, however, scorning tlie dictates of prudence, hastened to Iran; but finding h'i affairs did not progress there to his satisfaction, he tur ed back, and at the suggestion of the

Kalmaks

and o

ler associates,

came and

besieged the fort of Maimanah. in order that he mig^t seek shelter within its walls, and so set his mind at rest,
'(Also written Pulchiragh or Bilchiragh.)

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond his reach, he departed without effecting his object, and moved to Nilchiragh, all which occurrences have been already fully detailr.d in their proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, it was arther made known to his world-adorning understanding, that notwithstanding the servants, of the crown had manifested the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the peasantry in Balkh, and Badakhshan by giving them

and assisting them to plough and till their fields: owing to the inroads of the Almans, most of the grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, and the chiefs of the soldiery, ow ,ig to the dearth of provisions and the scarcity of grain, were extremely disgusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the country. From the contents of the Prince's letter, moreover, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned. Taking all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued, directing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khai provided the latter would come and have an interview with him, and then set out with all the victorious
seed,
yet,
i

forces for Hindustan, the type of Paradise.

Cession of Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, and Retreat of Aurangzeb

....

On

the 4th of the

month of Ramazan,

early in the

morning, which was the time selected for Nazar .Muhammad Khan's "Herview, news came in that |>e had sent his grandson . luhammad Kasim, son of Knusru Sultan, in company with Kafsh Kalmak and several chiefs, and that they had all advanced two kos beyond the bridge of Khatab. The Prince, appreciating ^he gradations of
r^nk, deptired his son,

Mohammad

Sultan,

along with

Bahadur Khan an! some sther

nobles, to go

and meet

'INAYAT KHAN

him; and that early fruit of the orchard of royalty having individual dutifully obeyed the command, brought the in question into his noble father's presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded Mu hamm ad Kasim in a fond embrace, and placed him in an adjoining seat; after which Kafsh Kalmak delivered the Khan's letter, full of apologies for not having come in consequence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that the Khan, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an interview,

had

sent

Muhammad Kasim
i

as his representative,

with a view to rcmo\c all suspicion of his having wilfully broken his promise. ) After dismissing Muhammad Kasim, the' Prince addressed the commanders of the army in that country, viz saying, iiis instructions were, to deliver over ^alkli and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, after the interview; but now that the latter had only sent his grandson, excusing himself on the pretended plea of sickness, he could not carry out this measure without a
distinct order.

He

told

them

to take into consideration,

however, that the country was desolated, winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the winter, and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement season, and asked them what was their opinion on the subject. Ihe principal chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindu Koh were just about to be covered by snow, when the road would be blocked up; so that, if he reported tlie matter, and waited the arrival of instructions, the opportunity would slip through his hands.

They

therefore

came

to

the

unanimous conclusion,

that

His Royal Highness should recall all the governors of forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh. As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzbeks and Almans, had crossed the river Jihun, and spread themselves over those regions, and wherever they saw a .foncourse of people, took the first opportunity of

85

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
Singh was despatched to Khan. The Prince was also on the point of starting off Bahadur Khan to bring back Rustam Khan from Andkhod, and Shad Khan from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in safety. In the interim, however, a letter arrived from Rustam Khan, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khan, he had set out from Andkhod to Maimanah, with -the iotention of taking Shad Khan from thence in company with him, and proceeding towards Kabul by way of Sanall the royal charik. The Prince then marched with the neighbourhood of Faizabad, and enfarces from camped at Chalkai, which lies contiguous to the city of Balkh; where, having ceded the country to Nazar Muhammad Khan, he delivered up the town and citadel of Balkh to Muhammad Kasim and Kafsh Kalmak. He presented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden trappings, and 50,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. He also committed to his charge, among the stores contained in the fort and city, 50,000 mans of grain belonging to His Majesty, which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth five lacs of rupees; and besides At this stage, this, all the granaries of the other forts. Mirza Raja Jai Singh returned from Turmuz, accompanied by Sa'adat Khan, and joined the army. From the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and Badakhshan till the end, when those conquered territories were ceded to Nazar Muhammad Khan, there was expended out of
assailing

them.

Raja

Jai

Turmuz

to fetch Sa'adat

the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking, the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent to seven lacs of the tumans current in Irak.

To be brief, on the 14th of the aforesaid month of Ramazan, the Prince started from Chalkai 'with all the
royal forces for Kabul. He appointed Amiru-1 Uinara with a party to form the left wing; Mirza Raja Jai Singh

86

'INAYAT KHAN
tb3 right; and Bahadur Khan the rear-guardi whilst he s'nt on Mu'tamad Khan, the Mir-i atish, with the wh-^ie of the royal artiller^inen, and Pirthi Raj Rathor, as a vanguard; so that the bands of Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not be able

with

his,

and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the winding through the narrow defiles and passes. As it was an arduous task for the whole army to pass of 'Arbang in one day, the victoriou^ cross the Prince himself having marched through it safely, waitea on the further side with Amiru-1 Umara, till the entire army was over; and by His Royal Highness's ordT, Bahadur J'han halted at the mou(h of the above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage throug'. He was also in the habit of sending some of the trooj 3 every day to protect the party who went out to fetch d. One day, when the turn for this r,Tass pnd firev duty C9 ne to namsher Khan, Khushhal Beg Kashghari, and ov crs of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the
to harass

army,\V^

iist

party 10 be a small one, advanced, to the nvunber of abo u 5,000 horsemen, and one moiety of them having encompassed Shamsher Khan and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a position on the summit of some eminences. Bal adn^ Khan, having received intimation of this, went to 1 support, and having mo.> several of those marauders n prey to the sword of veno;eance, put the remainder to flight; whilst out of the r< yal troops some few were wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the rest of the army were crossing the pass of 'Arbang, a body of Almans made their appcarafice; whereupon Nazar Bahadur Khan, Kheshji Ratan son of Muhesh Das, and some others, charged them on one side, and on the other Mu'tamad Khan with the artillerymen, and a number of the Prince's retainers. The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and
-,

fled,

closely

pursued by the
of them.

royalists,

who

killed

and

wounded a few

87

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA

The day they had to march from Ghori by way of Khwaja'Zaid, as .the road to the next stage, which had been selected on the bankis of the Surkhab, was extremely difficult, and there was a great likelihood of an attack from the Uzbeks and Hazaias, the Prince left Aniirui
top of the aforesaid pass, to protect the used to follow in rear of the army. As there was an interval of two kos between Amiru-1 Umara, Bahadur Khan, and the left wing of the army, a portion of the baggage, whlist treading the road, was phindered by the Hazaras. vast body pf them also fell upon the treasure; but Zu-1 Kadar Khan, and the rest who were with it, firmly held their ground, and the battle was warmly contested till some part of the night was spent. Amiru-1 Umara, having been informed of the circumat the

Umara

men who

detachment of his own men to their assistance; whereupon the enemy retreated in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond Shaburghan, during the march to Nek Bihar and to Char-chashma, some injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness 'and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of the hill off the path by
stance, sent a

by some of the people who had lost their way. When they started from Char-chashma for the foot of the Hindu Koh range, it was resolved, for the greater convenience
of the troops, that the Prince shoiufd first cross the pass, and at the expiration of a day ^rairu-1 Umara should follow; that after him should come the royal treasure,

kar-khana (wardrobe) and artillery, with all HU Royal Highness s establishment; and in this way, a p?rf)f having gradually crossed every day, Bahadur Khan, iwlio occu pied the rear of the victorious army, should follow last of all. The illustrious Prince, having reached the foot
of the pass that day, passed over the Hindu Koh on the next, and though the weather was not intensely cold, yet as snow had fallen previously, and there was a hard
frost,

the

men

got over with considerable difficulty.

88

'INAYAT

KHAN

On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he marched during the night into Kabul. When Amiru-l Umara, who followed one days' march in rear, was encamped at the foot of the pass, at midnight it began to snow, and continued doing without intermission till morning; after which the weather became fair, and the Amir having got through the pass with his force, entered Kabul two days after His Royal Highness. As for Raja Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched from Suildiab, had stayed behind by the Prince's orders at the place, on account of the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he passed Char-cbashma, the snow commenced falling, and never once ceased all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road. After arriving at the pass of the Hindu K oh, till crossing over it, the snow kept falling for three more days and nights; and Zu-1 Kadar Khan, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, seeing, when fo\ir kos distant from the Hindu Koh, that a snow-storm was coming on, started at once in the hope
of getting the treasure through the pass, before it could have time to stop up the road. It chanced, however, that the snow gradually accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels tumbled down, and nearly half
of

them were rendered quite unserviceable,

so that the

Khan

in question, despite his utmost exertions, was unable to cross that day. In consequence of the intense cold, his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed,

and saving a few servants of the crown, no one remained with him;- nevertheless he stayed on the summit pf the
ridge, to gxiard the treasure, nothwithstanding the snow-

storm.

In the morning, having laden a portion of it on such of the camels as were capable of travelling, he started it ofiE in advance to Ghorband, escorted by some of the horsemen; whilst he himself with a few others occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and spent sveen days and nights on the top of the Hindu

89

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA

Koh
a

cold, and with but waiting for Bahadur Khan's arrival, who was behind. Tfag fortunes of t|e As soon as he reached the fjflss latter were as follows. of Nek Bihar, which is two marches from the Hindu Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the snow bfigan

in the midst of

snow and intense

provisions,

scanty

supply

of

to

fall,

and continued coming down

all

night

till

t*M^|vC

o'clock next day.

Owing

to the difficulties of the pH$,

which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, he only got the rest of the camp and army through vrilh immense labour. At this juncture, tlie malicioBS HaaaTciS,

camp more desperately than every but Bahadur Khan each time inflicted summary chastisement on the freebooters, and drove therh off. After reaching the foot of the Hindu Koh pass, and halting there for a day, he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as they were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent the night on the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult roads, and the intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened by the deep snow and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle that were worn out and.infnm perished. Accordiiigl), from +he first commencement of the army's crossing to the en<J, about 5,000 men, and a similar number of animals, Such
in their eager desire for plunder, assaulted the followers
as horses,
etc., were destroyec, remained buried in the snow. When Bahadur Khan came to the top of the pass, and Zu-1 Kadar Khan explained the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in company with Ikhlas Khan, and some other nobles and mansabdars who still stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning, having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed the rest among the horses and camels belonging lo the troops. Just as he was on the point of start' ing, a body of Hazaras came up in the rear, and seeing

elephants, camels, oxen,

and a

vast deal of property

90

IN AT

KHAN
resolved

the

paucity of his detachment,

upon niakin

an assault, for the sake of carrying off the treasure. Bahadur Khan, however, faced about, and made some of
the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then set out with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with
his comrades, after

an interval of fourteen days from the

^-

time of the Prince's arrival there.

Despatch of a Candlestick

to

the Glorious

City

Among

the events of this year was the despatch of a candlestick studded with gems to the revered tomb of the

Prophet (on whom be the greatest favours, and blessings!) an account of which is here given. Some time previous to this it was represented that a wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territoiy of Golkonda had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-1 Mulk; whereupon an order was issued, directing him to forward the sane to Court; when its estimated value would be taken into account, as part of the two lacs of hurts (pagodas), which was the stipulated amount of his annual tribute. He accordingly sent the diamond in question, which weighed in its rough state 180 ratis, to Court; and after His
Majesty's own lapidaries had cut away as much of the outer surface as was requisite to disclose all its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratii weight, valued by the jewellers ai one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the threshold, resembling the Eiysian abode, since his accession to the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with the best intention, and the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a vow to send it to the pure sepulchre of the last of the Prophets {on whom be peacel). Having therefore selected out of the amber candlesticks that he had amongst his private propetfy which weighed 700 tolas, si^d the largest of them all.
.be covered with a network of gold,

was worth 10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should ornamented on all

,

91

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
sides with fldwers,

that valuable

and studded with gums, among which diamond should also be included.

In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diam id, anid the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold, tbgether with the original candlestick. Mir Saiyid Ahamad Sa'id Bahari, who had once before conveyed charitable presents to the two sacred cities, was then deputed to take charge of this precious offering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect, that the revenue collectors of the province of Gujarat should purchase a lac and 60,000 n.pees worth of goods for the sacred fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he might take it along with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed to present 50,000 rupees worth to the Sharif of Mecca; to sell 60,000 rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any profit that might accrue,

and 50,000

amongst the indigent of that sacred city; and the remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those of the glorious Medina. The above-named Saiyid, who was only in receipt of a daily, stipend, was promoted to a suitable mansab, and having been munificently present-, ed with a dress of onour and a donation of 12,000
rupees, received his
ismissal.

ACCOUNT OF THE FOUNDING OB THE FORT AT THE METROPOUS OF SHAH-jAHANABAD

The

following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid fort in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling Paradise, which was constructed in the environs of the city of Dehli, on the banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the omniscient mind that he should select on the banks of the aforesaid river some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate, where he might found a solendid ^ort and delightful edifices, agreeably to the promptings of his g^erous heart, through which streams of water should be made to flow.

'iNAYAT

KHAN
overlook,

and the terraces o which should When, after a long search, a piece

{he

river.

ground outside of the city of Dehli, lying between iht most d&tant suburbs and Nurgarh', commonly called Salimgarh, was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the
of

night of Friday, the 25th of Zi-1 hijja, in the twelfth year of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., being the time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked out with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in the august presence. Active labourers were then employed in digg ng the
foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.), the foundation-stone of that noble structure was Throughout the Imperial dominions, wherever laid. artificers could be foun-f. whether plain store-cutters,

ornamental sculptors, masons, or carpenters, by the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers were employed in the work. It was ultimately completed on the 24th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, in the twenty-first year of his reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 lacs of rupees, after taking nine years three months and some days in building.
FIROZ shah's canal

The canai that SulLan Firoz Shah Khilji, during the time he reigned at I)ehli, had made to branch off from the Khizrabad, ol pargana vicinity in the river Jumna, whence he brought it in a channel 30 Imperial kos long his huntto the confines of pargMita Safidun, which was ing-seat, and had only a stinty supply of water, had, after the Sultan's death, become in the course of time
ruinous.

Whilst Shah^bi*?d din

Ahmad Khan

held the

government of Dehli, d" ing the reign of the Emperor Akbar, he put it in repair and sCf it flowing again, with a view to fertilize the places in his jagir, and hence it

93

SHAH

JAHAN-NAIVIA

was called Nahr-i SLahab; but for want of i airs, ^-^wever, it again stopped flowing. At the time when me sublime attention was turned to the building of this fort and pawnee, it was commanded that the aforesaid canal from Khizrabad to Safidun should be repaired, and a new channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal resi-^ dence, which also is a distance of 30 Imperial kos. After it was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i
Bihisht.

TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1068 \.H. (1648 A.D.) Advance of the Persians against Kandahar Despatch of an army thither

On

the

22nd of the

mon^h

of

Ramazan, when

the

standards of prosperity, after their return from Safidun, were plante at His Majesty's private hunging-seat, it
reacher'

the ear of royalty, through

'oi

the representations

Kandahar, and PurdJl Khan, governor of fort Bust, that Shah 'Abbas the Second, having come to the sacicd city of Tus (Mashhad-i Mukaddas), w:"'h intent -O r< scue the kingdom of Kandahar, had proceeded towards the confin,^ ot Kiurasan, with all his matchlockmen^ and p oncers. It x^ .s, besides, reported that he had despaichcd men to Farah,
Sistan,

of Daulat Khan, ruler

and other

places; to collect supplies of giin,

and

having sent on a^ party in advance t Hirat, was doing his utmost to block up the road on this side; being well aware that, during the winter, oyving to the quantity of snow- on the ground, the arrival oi reinforcements from Hindustan by way of Kabul ai d Multan was impracticable, he proposed advancing in this direction during^ that inclement season, and hau despatched Shah Kuli Beg, son of Maksud Beg. his wazir, as expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court, and further that the
.

The word which Major

Fuller

smajtfnslates
^i,

is-

"tufangchi."

.9A

'INAYAT KHAJS
individual in question bad reached Kandahar, and without halting more than three days, had resumed his journey to the august presence. His Majesty, after hearing, this intelligence, having summoi^ed 'AUami Sa'du-Ua Khan from the metropolis, commanded him to write farmans to all the nobles and mansabdars who were at thd respective estates, jagirs, and homes, directing them to set out with all speed for Court. It was likewise ordered that the astrologers should determine the proper moment for the departure of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the capitals Lahore and Kabul.

appointment of prince muhammad aurangzeb bahadur, 'allami sa'du-lla khan^ etc., to lead the army against kandahar
as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Khan's representations, that on the 10th of 2i-I hijja, the Shah had arrived outside the fortress of Kandahar,,

As soon

and besieged it, the ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur was appointed to proceed thither with 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan, and some of the chief oflEcers of State, such as Bahadur Khan, Mirza Raja Jai Singh, Rustam Khan, Raja Bithaldas, and Kalich Khan. Besides these, there were upwards of fiifty individuals from amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mansabdars, ahadi archers, and matchlockmen the whole number of whom, under the regulation requiring them to bring

one-fifth Ox

their respective

tallies

of fighting

men

into

the

field,

would amount to 50*000 horsemen, and accord-

ing to the rule enforcing a foui^h, to 60,000

]0,CDO infantry, matchlock

as well as

men, etc. It was ordered that subsidiary grants of i ney out of the State exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansabdars holding jagirs, who were appointed to serve in this
et

and re'

expedition, at the ratQ, of 100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be a lac Jot every hundred; that

95

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA

who drew pecuniary stipends in place of holding jagirs, three month's pay in advance should be disbursed; and in like manner also to the ahadis and matchlockmen, who numbered 5,000 horse, should a similar advance be made; so that they might not suffer any privations during the campaign from want of funds
to those
to

meet their current expenses.

On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortunate moment, 'Allami was dismissed along^with the nobles who were present in Flis Majesty's fortunate train, and jarmans were issued to those who were staying in the province of Kabul and other places, to join the royal forces at once. Various marks of favour and regard were manifested towards '.\Uami and his associates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal of khil'als, jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants on them, according to their different grades of rank. He also forwarded by the hands of 'Allami for the gallant Prince to whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him to start instantly from Multan and overtake the royal forces at Bhimbhar a handsome khil'at. ... It was further commanded that the eveqrvictorious army should hasten to Kabul via Bangash-i bala and Bangash-i payin, as they were the shortest routes, and thence proceed by way of Ghazni towards

Kandahar.
LOSS OF KANDAHAR

On the 8th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, when the victorious camp started from Jahangirabad, intelligence reached the Court that the servants of the crown had lost possession of the fortresses of Kandahar and Bust, and all the rest in that country; a detailed account of which events is here given. When Shah 'Abbas came from Tus to Hirat, he proceeded from thence to Farah; where, having halted some days, he marched upon Kandahar, having, however, first despatched Mihrab Khan wi):h some of his nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, etc..

96

'INAYAT

KHAN

amounting altogether
r

to

about 8,000 horsemen, to be-

siege the fortress of Bust,

of

and Saz Khan Baligh with five six thousand composed of Kazalbasbis and the troops Karki and Naksari,' to subdue Zamindawar. On

reaching that place, he fixed his head-quarters in the garden of Ganj Kuli Khan, whilst Kaulat Khan, who had shut himself up in the fortress, having committed
the interior of the stronghold persons, appointed a party of and a portion o his own men Kambul Hill. The defence the charge of trustyroyal matchlockmen to occupy the summit of of the towers he left to the care of Kakar Khan, to whom he also sent soule of the matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrenchluents below the Basburi and Khwaja Khizr gates he entrusted to Nur-1 Hasan, bakhshi of ahadis, witli a He l)ody of tlie latter who were serving under him. of the household troops, and a .lisc appointed some number ,of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahar
to

the

to garrison the fortifications of Daulatabad and Mandavi, and having consigned the superintendence of ihera to Mirak Husain, bakhshi of Kandahar, came himself from the citadel to the former of these two forts, for Widi the purpose of looking after the intrenchments. a wanton disregard to the dictates of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence of the towers, that Kalich Khan, in the days of his administration, had constructed expressly for such an occasion, on. the top of the hill of Chihal-Zinah (forty steps), whence guns and mitchlocks could be fired with effect into the forts of The Kazalbashis, therefore, Daulatabad and Mandavi. seeing those towers devoid of protection, despatched a nuriber of matchlockmen to take post in them, and open They also laid out intrenchments in cestructive fire.
levies,
.

;: different quarters.

'At length a number of the garrison, from

*

want of

Variously written and doubtful.

97

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
spirit,

lost the

little

Uzbek having entered

bashis, seduced

courage they possessed, and Shadi into a conspiracy with the Kazal-

Kipchak Khan from his duty.

Though

the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their families with them, through dread of losing their wealth, their lives, and their good repute, they would not let him follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. Some of the Mughal mansabdars, ahadis, and matchlockmen too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and having come in front of the fort, declared that, in consequence of all the roads being closed, from the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the untiring efforts of the Kazalbashis, that they would very shortly capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence, neither would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, nor of their offspring being saved

from

captivity.

The wretched Daulat Khan, who ought

instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition with ihe water of the sword, showed an utter want of
spirit,

by contenting himself with offering advice in reThis, however, made no impression on the individuals in question, who got up, and departed to their respective homes, so that nought but a scanty fof ce being left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbashis entered the Sher-Haji in several places. As for the party that forced
ply.

an entrance on the side of the Babawali gate, some of the household troops and Daulat Khan's followers, who
occupied that quartei-, rushed upon them, whereupon several were killed on both sides. Meanwhile, the traitor Shadi sent a message to the governor of the fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that Muhammad Beg Baki had come, bearing a letter and message from the Shah, and accompanied by Sharafu-d din Husain, a mansahdar who was darogha of

98

INAYAl KHAN
the buildings and magazines in the tort oi Bust. Daulai khan, on this, despatched Mirak Husain Bakhshi, for the purpose of sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate;

but as soon as the bakhshi reached the gate of Veskaran,

he noticed Kipchak Khan, Shadi, and a number of the Mughal mansabdars, sitting in the gateway, and perceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, and seated him in front ot them, and that he had brought four letters, one addressed to Daulat Khan, and the other three to Shadi, Nuru-l Hasan and Mirak Husain, and was saying that he had besides some verMirak Husain therefore turnbal messages to deliver. ed back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khan; whereupon that worthless wretch deputed his JLashkarnavis (paymaster of

the forces)

to

detain

Muhammad

Beg there, and send Kipchak Khan, and Shadi to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in confomity with their advice, he adopted the contemptible resolution of proceeding to an interview with Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters he brought. The Shah also sent a message to the; effect, that he should take warning from what had already befallen Purdil Khan, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades; and neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the blood and sully the fanfame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to
acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhanmaad Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-d din Husain, whom Mihrab

advance of Daulat Khan replied, that he would leturn an answer five days hence; and it having been interval stipulated that during this hostilities should not be engaged in on either side, Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned to his own camp. On the 5th day 'Ali Kuli Khan, brother of Rustam Khan, the former commander-in-chief, having come to
himself.

Khan had

started off loaded with chains in

this

To

99

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
Shadi's intrechment, and delivered a message, saying that the Shah had cominissioned him to ascertain their
decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khan, with most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and
final

invited
stated,

him

in.

The

latter,

after

being

introduced,

that as they

had already

stubborn a resistance as it was was now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and, applying themselves to the preservation of their lives and property, should send an individual along with him to deliver their reply. The worthless Daidat Khan accordingly despatched 'Abdu-l Latif, diwan of Kandahar, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company Avith the above individual, and on the following day he returned with the written agreement. The villain Shadi, however, without waiting for the governor's evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in his charge, during the night to the Kazalbashis, and hastened along with Kipchak Khan to the Shah's camp. However much the miserable Daulat Khan exhorted his men to repair to the fort on the top of the hill, it was of no avail; though had he but taken shelter there with a detachment, he could have held out till the arrival of succour without suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansabdars, ahadis, and matchlockmen, who were engaged in the defence of the gates of the new and old forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the except tion of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khan was left with Kakar Khan, the base Raja Amar Singh, and some other mansabdars, as well as a party of his own adherents, every spot was in the possession of the Kazalbashis.

offered as gallant possible to make, it

and

On the 9th of Safar, this year, 'Ali Kuli Khan came and said that any longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the disloyal Daulat Khan delivered up a place <rf refuge of that description, and having marched

100

INAYAT KHAN

goods and comrades, encamped at a disDuring the period of the siege, which tance of d ku.s. extended over two months, nearly 2,000 of the Kazalbash army and 400 of the garrison were slain. Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khan's dastardly evacuation of the fort, 'Ali Kuli Khan, Isa Khan, and his brother Jamshid ILhan, came to him, and intimated that the Shah had sent for him, as well as
out
wiLli

his

lor

some
tiiis

ol his chief ofhcers

it

leplicd that

and associates. The latter would be better for them to excuse him
if

from

trouble, or,
to

they were resolved

him

there,

manage

so that there should

and to give which requests were guaranteed by 'Ali Kuli Khan. The ill-fated Daulat Khan accordingly proceeded with Kakar Khan and Nuru-1 Hasan, in company with the above-named nobles, to wail upon the Shah, and having received his dismissal after a few moments, returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month of Safar set out with a world of shame and ignominy for Hindustan. The Shah, in consequence of tlie horses with his army having mostly perished for want of forage, in addition to which a scarcity of grain was experienced, appointed Mihrab Khan, with about 10,000 Kazalbashis and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison Kandahar; and Dost 'Ali Uzbek with a detachment to guard the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurasan on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress
in his getting his dismissal, iKJUOur, both of of Bust
is

upon taking be no delay him a dress of

as follows.

SURRENDER OF BUST

From

the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife raged furiously for 54 days, and manv were killed

and wounded on both

sides;

insomuch that during

this

period close upon" 600 of the Kazalbashis, and nearly half that number of Purdil Khan's followers, met their death. On the 14th Muhanam, this year, the governor

101

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
tiaving begged for quarter,
after

entering into a strict

The agreement, had an interview with Mihrab Khan. latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out of the 600 men, who had stood by the governor to the last, several persons, who being averse to the surrender, had protracted the struggle; and having made that individual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adherents, and his family and children, brought them all to the Shah at Kandahar. In Zamindawar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as Saz Khan Baligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-Ua, and Saiyid Bakar, sons of Saiyid Bayazid Bukhari, who were engaged in its defence, sent him a message, saying that the fort was a dependency of Kandahar, and without reducing the latter, its capture
would be
suspend
of

no

use;

and

it

would

therefore be better to

hostilities until

the fate of

Kandahar was

ascer-

tained, so that blood

might not be shed

fruitlessly.

Saz

Khan, concurring in the reasonableness of this proposition, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and having written to inform the Shah of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A messenger from the Shah at length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detailing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahar; whereupon
ihey surrendered the
fort.

ADVANCK OF FHE IMPERIAL ARMY TO KANDAHAR

The

exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan crossed the Nilab with the royal forces. Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur having arrived from Multan, also effected his passage over the river; and the whole of the forces set out at once in His Royal Highness's train for Kohat. On reaching that place, he halted to await the receipt of intelligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter arrived from Khalil Beg, who had been sent on in advance to level the road and construct bridges, to the

102

'INAYAT

KHAN

effect

that on the road through Ihe hill-country along the Kohistan route the snow was lying so deep that even if no more fell, the road would not probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-victorious Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding by that route, but started in the direction ot Peshawar, by way

of the pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely ugged and difficult road, and without entering that city, pur-

sued his journey by the regular stages to Kabul. Sa'du-lla Khan having set out with his comrades at full speed, came and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of Shahr Safa. Having left Mubarak Khan Niazi to guard that city, he marched thence, and in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahar, on the 12th of Jumada-i awwal of this year; whence Kasadah Khwaja, which is half a kos from the fortress, became the site of his camp. As the 14th erf the abovenamed month was the time fixed upon for commencing the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the victorious Prince, and the advent of the a|^x)inted time for the siege, but rode out in company with the commanders erf the royal forces, and made a reconnoitring lour round the fortifications. On the 14th the Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed his headquarters half a kos from the fortress.
.
.

TWICNm-ITIlRl) YK^R OF

THE REIGN, 1059

that

A.H. (1649 A.D.)

As

it

was represented

during

the progress of the

victorious forces towards

tivation of

under foot

Kandahar a great deal of the culGhazni and its dependencies had been trodden by the army, the merciful monarch, the chcri-

sher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold jnohurs, in rhargc of a trusty mdividuiil. with directions to inquire into the loss sustained by the argicullurists.

and distribute

it

amongst them accordingly.

After the forlrcss of Kandahar had been besieged for three months and a half, so that grain and fodder were

lOS

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
'*^'^"^>i^g

to get

scarce,

notwithstandiog

tiie

iKaiae-

worthy exertions of the faithful servants of the crown, owing to their having with them neither a siege train of battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the f<H-tress seemed as distant as ever. Fra: these reasons, and as the winter also was close at hand, a farman was issued
to the illustrious Prince, to the effect that, as the reduction of the fortress without the aid of heavy guns was impracticable, and there was nm now sufficient time remaining for them to arrive in, he ^ould defer its capture till a more convenient opportunity, and start for victtwious troop* The Prince Hindustan with the

Buland Ikbal Dara Shukoh was also ordered to taary some time at Kabul, and rirectly he heard the news of the Kandahar army's arrival at Ghazni, to set out for the
paresence.
.
.
.

As the winter was now clOse at hand, and forage had become unattainable, notwithstandii^ hearing of the death of Mihrab Khan, the kiladar, from a number of persons, who came out of the fortress, the Prints did not

deem

expedient to delay any Icmger, but, in obedience mandate worthy of ail attention, set out with the victco-ious forces from Kandahar on the 8th of the month
it

to die

(rf

Ramazan

this year for

Hindustan.

TWZNTY-FOURTH OF THE REIGN, 1060 A.H. (1650 The Emperor Excused The Fast

AJ>.)

As his most gracious Majesty had diis year advanced in joy and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts sanctitming the non-observance <rf the fast came into force, the learned doctors and muftis, acooiding to the glcnrious ordinances of the Kuran, by way oi Adfilling the commandments of the law, decreed that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed person is the source of the administration of the woiid, to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fast. The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the

104

'in AY AT

UIAN

deserving poor; and at his command, every night during the sacred month divers viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the Chihalsitun in front of the balcony of public audience, with which famishtng and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be pursued during every month of Ramazan.

IWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN^ 1061 Subjugation of Tibet

A.H.

(1650-1 A.D.)

On the 23rd Jumada-s sani, which was the time fixed for entering Kashmir, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal apartments of the fort. On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, which had been erected in the most exquisite MuUa Shah style of art, for the asylum of learning, of 40,000 rupees, the requisite Badakhshani, at a cost
funds having been provided by Nawab 'Aliya, and was surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of

Adam Khan's munshi nephew Muhammad Murad, as well as the sons of Salim Beg Kashghari, who ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the province of Kashmir, and had stood
and
his

20,000 rupees. On the 12th of this month,

two former individuals, were appointed with a number of zamindars, to exterminate a rebel named Mirza Jan, and subdue the fort of Shkardu, together with the territory of Tibet, which had escaped out of the possession of the servants
security for the

to proceed to Tibet,

of the crown.

the 27th of Sha'ban it reached the ear replete good, through Adam Khans representations, that the rebel Mirza Jan had no sooner heard of the arrival of the royal lists, then he evacuated the fort of Shkardu, and became a wanderer in the desert of adversity; whereupon the fort in question, together with th

On

with

all

105

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
territcKry of

Tibet, tame anew into the possession of the the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded servants of the aforesaid Khan with an addition to his mansab, and I'ibet in jagir on the aboveconferred the country of named Muhammad Murad, as his fixed abode. Towards the close of the spring, on account of the

heavy rain and tremendous floods, all the verdant is lands in the middle of the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that they even poured into the garden below the balcony of public audience, which became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming
tide,

and most

ol

its

trees

were swamped.

Just about

this time, too, a violent hurricane of

wind arose, which tore up many trees, principally poplais and planes, by the roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high all the blooming foliage of Kashmir. A longer sojourn in that region was consequently distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding that the sky was
lowering, he quitted Kashmir on the Ist of Ramazan, and set out for the capital by way of Shahabad.

PROGRESS TO KABUL, AND DESPATCH OF Af-LAMI SA'DU-LLA KHAN WITH AN IMMENSE ARMY FOR THI SUBJUGATION OF KANDAHAR

On the night of Monday, the '18th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicioiis departure to Kabul, the royal train moved from the capital of Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen despatched 'AUami with the period, too. His Majesty multitudinous forces (resembling the waves of the sea), amounting together with the army serving in Kabul to
50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of Kandahar,

He was further accompanied by and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and ten large
Bust and Zamindawar.

106

'INAYAT KHAN

twenty light guns; the latter of which carried two and two and a half sir (four and five lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be advanced in front of the 100 army; twenty elephants carrying hathnals, and well-replenished besides a camels with shuturnals, Hef' was ins treasury, and other suitable equipments.
har,

tructed to repair by way of Kabul and Ghazni to Kandaand about 3,000 camels were employed in the transport of artillery stores, such as lead, powder and iron
shot.
.
.

TWKNTY-SIXTH YEAR OF
Arrival of Prince

THF. REIGN,, 1062 A.H.

(1651-2 A.O.)

Muhammad

Jamdatu-l

Mulk

Sa'Du-lla Klian at siege of the fortress

Aurdngzeb Bahadur and Kandahar, and

On

the 3rd of Juinada-s sani, the hrsi month this year, victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, who had set out from Multan for Kandahar, reached his
the

destination, '.\llanii. who had hastened tliither by of Kabul, having joined His Royal Highness on

way
the

above date, delivered the kind and indulgent farman. As it had been determined that the siege of the lorUess should be commenced simultaneously with the arrival at Kandahar, the fortunate Prince, having finished

marking were to
day.
^A
. .

that the royal forces out the jxjsitions occupy, invested the stronghold that very
.

In short, for two months and eight days the flames

war biuned

fiercely,

and on

botli

sides

numerous

casualties occurred.

On

one occasion, when

Muhammad

Beg Topchi-bashi (Commandant of the Artillery), and had been destroyed by a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar, the Kazalbashis sallied out of the fort and poured down upon the whereupon a desperate struggle ensued -trenches; Another time they fell on betwe:en the adverse hosts.
five or six others of the garrison,

Allami's^^trenches:

but

party of his

retainers

firmly

107

SHAH yAHAN-NAMA
held their ground, and after putting a few of their anta
gonists to the sword,
fully

laid

down

their

and wounding some lives; and on

retired

others,

manwithin

the

arrival

of

succour, the the fortifications.

enemy

precipitately

To

be

brief,

the rovalists used

the most strenuous

and laboured with umemitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward the parallels and zigags of attack, and demolishing the crest of the parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress possessed immense strength, and was filled with all the military' weaponi and stores required for un effective defence, their utmost efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot and .shell that poured on them like a shower of rain from the fort, they were unable to advance tlieir trenches beyond the spot they had already brought them to. In the interim, out of the seven guns which had accompanied the royal army, and were the most effectual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the Prince's trenches had cracked from constant firing, and had become quite uaserviceablc. As for the other five, which were in the trenches conducted by 'Allami and Kasim Khan Mir-i atish, although they continued to be discharged, yet as they were not served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so effective as could be
exertions,

wished.
as these particulars became known to His world-adoming understanding, and he was informed that the capture of the fortress was at that period impracticable; and it also reached the rqyal ear that the Uzbeks and Almans had come into' the neighbourhood of Ghazni. and excited tumults, as already described, a arman was issued to the illustrious Prince on the 4th A Sha'ban, to withdraw his forces from around the tortress, and, deferring its capture till some

As soon

Majesty's

other period, to take his siege train along with him and .set out for Court. ...

108

'INAYAT KHAN

DEPARTURK OF THE PRINCE BULAND IKBAL DARA SHUKOH FROM LAHORE TO KANDAHAR, AND ORGANISATION OF FORCES WITH ARTILLERY, ETC.

As the Prince Buland

Ikbal.

after

the

return

of

the

army from Kandahar, had guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with this view the provinces of Kabul and Multan had been bestowed upon him, His Royal Highness, on reaching the capital, applied himself to the task of making the requisite arrangements for the campaign. In the course of three months and some days that he
remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, that what could not have been otherwise accomplished in a year was effected in this short period. Among the siege train was a gun called Kishwar-kusha (clime-conquering), and another Garh-lfhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron shot one man and eight sirs in weight (96 lbs.); and they were worked by the gunners under the direction of Kasim Khan. There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried a shot of a man and sixteen sirs (1 cwt.), and was plied under the management of His Royal Highness's

Mir-i atish, as well as 30,000 cannon-balls, small

and

great.

He

also

got ready
of
lead,

5,000

mans
by

of

powder,
as

and 2,500 weight, and 14,000

measuring

gunImperial

rockets. as

Having
were

likewise collected

many

grain

dealers

procurable,

he made

arrangements for the army commissariat, and the safe arrival of supplies. He then despatched a letter to
Court, representing that as the
ary arrangements for
if

fixed for the 23id of Rabi'u-1 awwal,

of starting was and the preliminthe carnpaign had been completed,

moment

the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received

he would set out for Kandahar. A mandate in the auspicious handwTiting was therefore issued, directing His Royal Highness to start off at the pFedelermincd moment by way of Multan, on which
their dismissal,

109

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
road provisions and forage were abudant. (Long
of the siege.)
details

TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1063

A.D.)

A.H.

(1652-3

Reduction of the Fortress of

BuU

the stirring incidents that occurred during the siege of Kandahar was the subjugation of the fortress of Bust by the laudable exertions of the servants of the

Among

crown, a concise account of which

is

as follows.

SIEGE OF KANDAHAR RAISED

Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond hve months, the winter began to set in, all the lead, powder, and cannon-balls were expended, and neither was there any forage left in the meadows, nor provisions with the army. A farman likewise was issued to this effect, that as the winter was close at hand, and they had already been long detained in Kandahar, if the reduction of the fortress could not be effected just at once. they might stay if necessary some short time longer; or otherwise return immediately. Rustam Khan, who had been recalled from Bust for the purpose of sharing in the assault, having dismantled that fortress, distributed the provisions among his men, and reached Kandahar with his comrades, bringing all the artillery stores, and property in the Kar-khana, that was there, along with him. With an eye therefore to the safety of the property mentioned above, he deemed it expedient to return, and not one of the royalist commanders proposed staying any longer. The Prince Buland Ikbal consequently, on the 15ih Zi-1 ka'da this year, set out from Kandahar for Hindustan. TWENTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1064 A.H.
.

(1653-4 A.D.)

Appointment of 'Allami to the task of demolishing the Fort of Chitor, and Chastising the Rana On the 22nd Zi-1 ka'da, at a chosen moment, the

ilO

INAYAT KHAN
loyal departure from
to the blessed city of

the metroJx)lis of

Ajmir took

place.

the Emperor despatched 'Allami, of nobles and mansabdars jmd 1,500 musketeers, amounting altogether to 30,000, for the purpose of hurrying on in that direction, and demolishing the fort
Uate,

Shahjahanabad On the same with a large

number

of Chitor, which was one of the gifts {'ataya) that had been made by this Imperial dynasty. From the time of
the late Emperor Jabangir, it had been settled that no one of the Rana's posterity should ever fortify it; but Rana Jagat Singh, the father of Raja Jai Singh, having set about repairing it, had pulled down every part that was damaged, and b^ilt it up very strongly anew. He also directed hiin, if perchance the Rana did not tender his obedience, to overrun his territory with the royal forces, and inflict suitable chastisement on him. The triumphant standards then moved on by the regular marches in the rear of the ever-victorious troops. On the 2nd of Zi-1 hijja, when the world-subdiiing banners were planted at Khalilpur, the Rana's confidential lakils waited on the Prince Buland Iqbal, and begged His Royal Highness to act as their intercessor. When, by his mediation, the penitence and humility expressed by the Rana was reported at the threshold of might and majesty, an order was issued that His Royal Highness jShould send his Mir-i buyulat to wait upon the Rana, and deliver the following message, viz., that if, with judicious forethought, he would despatch his eldest son, the Sahib-i-tika, to the presence, and a detachment of his people under the command of one of his relatives were stationed in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be employed in the royal service, he should be left in in otherwise he should be overhelraed security, or
adversity.

As the Rana had again in these days humbly forwarded an address to the Prince Buland Ikbal, requesting him to send his diwan, in order that he might start

Ill

SHAH JAHAM-NAMA
ofiE

his sons to Court in company with that indivudal. His Royal Highness obtained permission from the Imperial thereshold, and despatched Shaikh 'Abdul Karirn, his own diwan, to the Rana. The exploits of the army that accompanied 'Allami were as follows. On his arriving within twelve kos of Chitor, which is the frontier of the Rana's territory, inasmuch as the latter's negotiations had not yet been satisfactorily terminated, he commenced plundering and devasting, and depasturing his cattle on the crops. On the 5th of Zi-1 hijja, chis year, having reached the environs of Chitor, he directed working parties with pickaxes and spades to overthrow that powerful strong.
.

Accordingly, in the course of fourteen or fifteen its lowers and battlements in ruins, and having dug up and subverted both the old and the new The Rana walls, levelled the whole to the ground. having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at the advent of the prosperous banners at Ajmir, the irresistible force of the royal aims, the dispersion of the peasantry, and the ruin of his territory, sent ofiE a letter containing the humblest apologies to Court, along with his eldest son, who was in his sixth year, and a number of his principal Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Karim, the retainers, in company with Prince Buland Ikbal's Mir-i buyutal. A barman was then
hold.
days, they laid

issued to Jamdatu-1

Mulk

('Allami),

that since the fort

had been demolished, and the Rana had sent off his son to Court, the pen of forgiveness had been drawn through the register of his delinquencies at the Prince Buland himself Ikbal's solicitation, and that he would set out army to the royal presence. with the whole of the victorious MARKS OF DISTINCTION BESTOWED ON PRINCE DARA SHUKOH

On the 8th of Rabi'us sani this year, being the expiration His Majesty's age, a of the sixty-fifth lunar year of festival was celebrated with exceeding splendour, and this ceremonies. In usual the attended with M'as sublime assembly the Emperor kindly conferred on the

112

'INAYAT

KHAN
khil'at

Prince Buland Ikbal a handsome

embroidered

vest,

studded

round the collar; on had been sewn, and sarband composed of and two magnificent 70,000 rupees, and a

with a goldvaluable diamonds both sleeves, and the sldrts, pearls it was worth 50,000 rupees; also a a single ruby of the purest water, pearls, of the value of a lac and donation of thirty lacs besides. with

His Royal Highness by the lofty Ikbal, which had been applied exclusively to himself during his late Majesty's reign; and since in the days of Princehood a chair had bedn placed at that Emperor's suggestion opposite to the throne for him to sit on, he now in like manner directed His Royal Highness to seat himself on a golden chair, that had been placed near the sublime throne.
also distinguished
title

He

of

Shah

Buland

TWENTY-NINTH YKAR OF THK REIGN, 1065 AH. (1654-5 Campaign in Sirmor

A.D.)

Among

the incidents of the past year, the appointment and despatch of Khalilu-lla Khan during the return from Ajmir, with 8000 men, for the purpbse of cocercing the Zamindar of Srinagar, and capturjng the Dun,
;

have been already

particulars of his

detailed by the historic advance and return are

pen.
a.s'

The

follows.

When
the

the

Khan

in question set out with the royal forces,

who had never felt disposed to with the servants of the crown, came under the guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was then rendered conspicous among his compeers by the promulgation of an edict from the threshold of empire and sovereignty, investing him with the title of Raja
Zamindar
of Sirmor,
ally himself

Sabhak Prakas.
Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new metropolis, measuring thirty kos in length, and twenty-five in breadth, in which ice-houses had been established for

His Majesty's private

the

use; whence,

month

Isfandiai

(February)

till

form the beginning of the end of Mihr

lis

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
(September), an abundant supply of ice was constantly reaching the metropolis during the time that the royai standards were planted there. From these emporia porters used to carry loads of snow and ice on their backs as
far as

of the river

Dhamras, the name of a place situated on the bank Jumna at a distance of sixteen kos, but the road to which is extremely difficult. There it was packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to Daryapui. one of the dependencies of pargana Khizrabad, which is also sixteen kos oflF from Dhamras. From that point it was transported to the metropolis on board of boats in the course of three days and nights. Khalilu-Ua Khan, in company with the aforesaid Raja and some other zamindars of those parts, having reached the Dun, which is a strip of country lying outside of Srinagar, twenty kos long and five broad, one extremity of its length being bounded by the river Jumna, and the other by the Ganges, which jKjsscsses many- flourishing towns in various quarters, laid the foundation of a fieldwork close to Kilaghar, and completed it in the course of a week. He then deputed one of the mansabdars to keep guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set out in advance with the whole of his comrades. On reaciiing Bahadur Khanpur, which is a place belonging to the Dun. and lies between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, in consequence of the peasantry that dwelt in that neighbourhood having taken refuge in the hills and forests and defiles, and obstinately refusing to return, he des patched the ever-triumphant troops from every side to
coerce them,
tisement.

succeeded in inflicting suitable chasof the rebels therefore fell by the sword of vengeance, and many more were taken, prisoners; after which the remainder tendered their allegiance, and

who

number

innumerable herds of

cattle

fell

into the hands

of the

Here, likewise, he threw up a fortified post, solidiery. and left a confidential person with some mansabdars,
F. 8.

114

INAYAT K.HAN

and 500 infantry and matchlockmen, to garrison it, so might remain that the passage of travellers to and fro then set out himself from uninterrupted. Having thence, he approached the town of Basantpur, which is also a dependency of the Dun, and halted half-way up constructed Opposite the above town, he hill. the another redoubt, in which he posted one of the rnansabdars with 250 infantry matchlockmen. From thence he moved to Sahijpur, a place abounding in streams and fountains, and clothed with flowers and verdure; where he erected a fort on the top of an embankment, measuring 1,000 yards in circumference, and fifteen in height, that had in former times been crowned by a stronghold, inasmuch as some traces of the ancient works were still visible; and he deputed a trusty individual to hold the post, backed by 250 musketeejrs. On reaching the banks of the Ganges, after crossing which one enters the hill-country, he sent a detachment with the royal artillery to the other side of the stream, with a view to their taking possession of the thana of Chandi, which is one of the dependencies of Srinagar, but lies outside the Dun of

Kilagtiar.

Meanwhile, Bahadur Chand, Zaniindar of Kumayun (Kumaon). ,under the guidance of fortunate destiny, espoused flie royal cause, and came and joined the above-mentioned Khan. As soon as this fact was conveyed to the Imperial ear, the repository of all good, through tlie representations of Khalilu-lla Khan, a conciliatory farman and a khil'al >ct u ith jewels were forwarded to hiiti. As the season for prosecuting mili<i

tary operations in that region

and the
iiad

fitting

an invasion of the
rains
beint;

hill-country
a

passed

period for away, ibe

now

at
of.

hand, and 'he

Dun

having been

mandate was issued to Khalilu-lla Khan, to defer the campaign in the hills for the present: and after delivering np the Dun to Chatur Bhu), who had expressed an ardent desire for it, and
taken possession

115

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
contiding ihe thana of Chandi to Nagar Das, the chief of Hardwar, to set out for Court. The Khan accordingly,

having

set his

mind

at

rest

by

fulfilling

these

instructions, started for the presence.

MIR JUMLA SEEKS PROTECTION

Another

incident
Sa'id

Muhammad

was the flying for Ardastani, surnamed

Mir refuge of Mir Jumla,' to

the Court, the asylum of mankind, an account of which event is as follows. The above individual, in whose hands was the entire administration of Kutbu-1 Mulk's kingdom, had. after a severe struggle with the Karnatikis, broughi under subjection, in addition to a powerful fort, a tract of country measuring 150 kos in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth, and yielding a revenue of forty lacs of rupees. It also contained mines teemMulk's ing with diamonds, and no one of Kutbu-1 ancestors had ever been able to gain possession of any Having destroyed several strong forts portion of it. built by the Karnatikis, he had brought this country into his power; and in spite of long-standing usages, he had collected a considerable force, so that he had 5,000 horse in his service. For these reasons, a faction who were at enmity with him caused Kutbu-1 Mulk to he displeased with him, and strove to effect his ruin. Hr had been active in perfoming such meritorious services, and after contending against the zamindars of the Kar natik, had subdued so fine a territory, but he did not gain the object he sought; but, on the contrary, reaped disappointment. So, using Prince Mahammad Aurangzeb Bahadur as an intercessor, he sought refuge at the Court, the asylum of the world. After this circumstance had been disclosed to the world-adorning understanding through the representations of the illustrious Prince. n handsome hhiVnt was forwarded to him by the hand uf one of the courtiers in the middle of this month, ^(Iftenrnrds entitled

Mu'azzam

Khari.)

Ho

INAVAT KHAN

an indulgent jarman sanctioning the together witii bestowal ol a inansab of 5000 on him, and one ot 2,000 on his son, Mir Muhammad Amin; as well as a mandate accompanied by a superb dress of honour for Kutbu-I Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting him and his relations

from coming.
ol-

accounl

i'rince

muhammad auranczeh's march to

golkonda"

place towards the important events that took the close of tliis year was the inarch of the ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur to the territory of Golkonda, for the sake of coercing Kutbu-1 Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary offering on behalf of His Majesty's private exchequer, and his uniting in marriage of the latter 's daughter with his own eldest son, Muhammad Sultan, an abridged narrative of which is as follows. When Mir Jumla sought to ally himself to the Imperial throne, Kutbu-1 Mulk, the instant he gained intelligence of the matter, im-

Among

Mir Jumla's son, Mir Muhammad Amin, prisoned with his connexions, and having confiscated together whatever he possessed, both in livestock and goods, forwarded Irim and his relatives to Golkonda. This circumstance having soon reached the ear of the fortunate Prince, through the intervention of news-writers. His Royal Highness despatched a quiet letter to Kutbu-1 Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and the

Mir Muhammad Amin's goods and chatlikewise reported the state of the case to the Imperial presence, he solicited authority, that in case Kutbu-1 Mulk persisted in keeping Mir Jumla's son in confinement, he might be permitted to march
restoration of
tels.

Having

^{Both Muhammad Waris and Muhammad Salih agree in placing these affairs of Golkonda in the thirtieth year of the reign.)

117

SHAH JAHAiN-NAMA
against

him

in

person,

and endeavour
in restoring
to

to

liberate the

captives;

as supineness

arms would be

a source
likewise

ot additional lethargy to the opulent lords ot

the Dakhin.

On

the receipt of his report, a farman wiis

to forwarded with the utmost expedition Kutbu-1 Mulk, by the hands of some mace-bearers, respecting the surrender of Mir Jumla's son along with his relatives, and the infliction of the consequences of disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to the victorious Prince, instructing him to set out for his destroops; and the evertination with the triumphant obeyed commands were issued to the governor of Malwa, and the mansabdars serving in that province, to proceed and join His Royal Highness as quickly as possible. In short, as Kutbu-1 Mulk, under the influence of the fumes of arrogance, would not heed the contents the Prince despatched his eldest son, of the letter,

Muhammad
awwal

Sultan,

this year,

thither on the 8th of Rabi'u-1 along with a host of nobles and manfollowers.

sabdars and his

own
army

mined
should

that the

that

It was further deterwas returning from Deogarh

halt in that

vicinity,

and

unite

itself

to the

he himself should set our afterwards in the course of another month. About this time, the mansabdars in whose charge, the khiVals and farmans had been despatched for Kutbu-1 Mulk and Mir Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been related in its proper place, came and waited on that ward of the divine vigilance. Although it was the realm-subduing Prince's opinion that Kutbu-1 Mulk would release Mir Jumla's son from confinement previous to the arrival of Muhammad Sultan, "the tender sapling in the garden ot prosperity and success^" at the frontier of the Golkonda territory, and that the campaign would not consequently be prolonged to any great extent, yet Kutbu-1 Mulk, from excessive negligence ;)nd extreme pride, had not the good sense to adopt
illustrious

Sultan;

and

that

118

'iNAYAT KHAN
tJiis measure, and hold the farman in dread and tear. After the last communication the Prince gave orders/ directing Muhammad Sultan to enter his territory with receiving the above farman the Imperial troops. On with the alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sultan's approach at the head of the royal forces, Kutbu-1 Mulk awake from his deep sleep, of arrogance and conceit,

and sent off Mir Jumla's son, along widi his mother and connexions. He also forwarded a letter to Court, intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and subservience, in charge of the mace-bearers who had brought the farman. Mir Jumla's son having joined Muhammad
Sultan
cradle of peace
pro{>erty

the reposed in Nevertheless Kutbu-1 as Mulk, with grasping avarice, still retained the goods and

twelve kos from

Haidarabad,

and

safety.

Jumla and his son, and them up, the illustrious Sultan set out Kutbu-1 Mulk, on learning for the city of Haidarabad. this news, started off his children to Golkonda, which is situated at a distance of three kos from Haidarabad, and where owing to the impregnability of the position, he was in the habit of depositing his secret hoards of treasure; and he followed them shortly after himself. Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles, and he likewise removed to the fort of cash he possessed, Golkonda; and other property, such as various kinds of carpets, porcelain, etc., he made over to the chief of his confidential servants.- and deputed him to contend with
belonging to Mir
deliver

would not

the royal forces.

Next morning, corresponding

sani this year,
at

to the 5th of Rabi'u-s

when Muhammad

Sultan, having arrived

the environs of Haidarabad, was just about to encamp on the banks of the Husain Sajar lake, one of

Kutbu-1 Mulk's confidential retainers

on him with

a casket full of jewels that his

came and waited master had

''(The text here

is

x/ague

and of doubtful meaning.)

U9

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
Meanwhile, Kutbu-1 Mulk'i and assumed a menacing attitude; but the ever-txiumphant troops, having engaged in the deadly strife from right and left, enveloped the enemy with speed and promptitude in the midst of a galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty's daily-increasr ing good fortune, having gained the superiority, chased
farces

forwarded

by his hands.

made

their appearance,

the routed fugitives

survivors,

up
of

to the city walls.

Many

of the

enemy were accordingly

from dread

killed

and wounded, and the

assaults,

did not In short, as such an audacious act had been perpetrated by Kutbu-1 Mulk, and the bearer of the casket of jewels was indicated as the originator of this hc^stile movement, Muhammad Sultan gave ihe order for his execution. ARRIVAL OF MUHAMMAD SULTAN AT GOLKONDA, AND SUBJUGATION OF HAIDARABAD
the royalists'
stay within the city walls, but fled into

the fort.

the morrow, Muhammad Sultan took possession of the city of Haidarabad, and having encamped outside the walls, prohibited the soldiery from entering it, for fear of having Kutbu-1 Mulk's property plundered, and the effects of the inhabitants carried off. He also despatched a confadential servant of his noble father to of that city, so as to dissuade conciliate the residents them from dispersing, and to endeavour to protect their wealth and property. This day Kutbu-1 Mulk sent 200 more caskets full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two elephants with silver housings, and four horses with gold trappings, to the Sultan; and that fruitful plant of the gardens of prosperity and good fortune detained the bearer of these articles in his camp, as a hostage for the restoration of Mir Jumla's goods, which Kutbu-1 Mulk still persisted in withholding. Five or six days after wards, he sent eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other things belonging to Mir Jumla; and though, apparently having entered into amicable relations, he used to send numbers of people to Muhammad Sultan, and make

On

120

INAYAT KHAN
obedience, yet he continued strengthening his fortifications, using tremendous exertions to complete the requisite preparations for standing a siege, and forwarded repeated letters to 'Adii Khan by the hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid.
protcssioiis ot loyal

ARRIVAL OF rHE FORTUNAITi PRINCE AT GOLKONDA

Ihc paiticulars regarding the ever-triumphant Prince's Highness having are as follows. His Royal reached Golkonda from Aurangabad in eighteen days, pitched his camp on the 20th of the aforesaid Rabi'u-s sani a kos from the fort. He then went oft the road for the purpose of marking out the intrenchments, and reconnoitring the defences of the place, and having gained intelligence of Kutbu-1 Mulk's approach, commanded Muhammad Sultan to take jxwt on the lefthand side with his force. At this juncture, five or six thousand cavalry and ten or twelve thousand infantry came opposite to the army, and killed the flame of war by discharging rockets and matchlocks, whilst the garrison likewise fired off numerous cannons and rockets, from the top of the ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince,
retinue

however, with his habitual intrepidity, allowed no apprehensions to enter his mind, but urged on his riding elephant to the front; and the heroes of the arena of strife, having charged at full gallop in successive squadrons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish opponents' stability by theii irresistible assaults, victory declared in favour of the servants of the crown. The ever-triumphant Prince, after returning to camp, crowned with glory and success, despatched the royalists to besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack against each front was committed to the vigilant superintendence of some trusty individual. In short, the friends of Government began constructing intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches; and as Kutbu-1 Mulk. from weakness of intellect, had

121

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA

'

ibeen guiliy ot such highly improper behaviour, notwithstanding that he had again sent lour more caskets oi

gems,

three elephants with silver housings, and five horses with gold and silver trappings, in charge of an intimate friend, begging that he might be allowed to

send his mother to wait uf)on His Royal Highness, for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences; the Prince, in token of his deep displeasure, would not listen to his request, nor grant his messenger an audience, but exhorted the besiegers to lavish still greater exertions in carrying on the attack with gallantry and vigour. After two or three days had elapsed in this manner, a vast force of the Kutbu-l Mulkis made their appearance on the northern side of fori, and were \bout to pour down upon the intrenchmeni of Mirza Khan, who was engaged in the defence of that quarter; ^^hen the latter. becoming aware of iheir hostile intention, made an application for reinforcements.

The renowned and

success-

ful Prince immediately despatched

some nobles with his

support; and these reinforcements speed, took part at once in the affray. Under the magic influence of His Majesty's the enemy took to flight; never-failing good fortiaie, began putting whereupon the ever-triumphant troops the miscreants to the sword, and allowed hardly any of them to escape death or captivity. After chasing the vain wretches as far as the fort, they brought the prisoners, along with an elephant that had fallen into their hands, into His Royal Highness's presence.
artillery

own

to

his

having arrived

at full

On this date a trusty person was deputed to go and fetch Mir Jumla; and as it reached the Prince's auspicious ear that about six or seven thousand cavalry and nearly 20,000 infantry of Kutbu-l Mulk, consisting prinof matchlockmen, who had been repeatedly defeated and dispersed in the battles mentioned above, had collected together on the southern face of the fort, nnd were standing prepared for action, the illustrious
cipally

Vtl

INAYAT KHAN
Prince mounted and set out in person to exterminate the doomed wretches. As soon as he drew near, the miscreants had the fool-hardiness to advance, and standing
rf u ravine that ran between them, fanned flame of sprite into a blaze by the discharge of matchlocks an-i rockets; whilst from the battlements of the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond number, played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, however, drawing the shield of divine Providence oveitheir heads, pushed rapidly across the ravine; and a

on the brink
the

detachment of their vang;uard, by the most spirited efforts, drove the villains two or three times to the foot
of the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust of destruction, and capturing a number more. Several of the servants of the Crown perished in this conflict, and

others were adorned with the cosmetic of wounds; whilst a number of the Prince's retainers also were either killed or wounded. His Royal Highness, deeming an additional force necessary for this quarter, stationed one

and having taken possession of the commanding and appointed a pairty of matchlockmen to guard them, returned at night from the field of battle to his
there,

points,

own

tents.

Next day,

at

Muhammad

Sultan's solicitation,

he

gave Kutbu-1 Mulk's son-in-law permission to pay his respects, who had come two days before with some petitions and a slight tributary offering, but had not gained admittance. Having refused the jewelry that the latter had brought for him, he deferred its accept.ance till the conclusion of negotiations. About this time Shayista Khan joined the army with the nobles of Malwa, whereujKjn the Prince altered the previous position of the trenches, and directed that they should throw up four, opposite each front of the fortifications. In these very days, too, an Imperial edict arrived, intimating the despatch of a handsome khil'at, and a jewelled (iasrger with phul-katar, for the illustrious Prince, and

123

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
a present of a
iine

dress oi honour,

and a

mamab

of

7,000, witli 2,000 horse, for

Muhammad

Sultan, as

well

to Kutbu-1 Mulk's address, as a benevolent farman granting him a free pardon. By the untiring efforts of the servants of the Crown, however, affairs had come to such a pass, that Kutbu-1 Mulk was all but annihilated, and every day a number of his followers used to turn the countenance of hope towards this prosperous threshonour of paying their respects. hold, and attain the

Alarmed

at the

irresistible

superiority of

troops, moreover,

he had

sent two of his

servants with a

tributary offering,

and

the loyal conhdential tendered his

tribute,

allegiance, consenting to

pay

all

the stipulated

due

for several years

this reign,

and

to Isfandiar of the' 29th year of begging that the amount of that for the

up

in addition to daughter's marriage with Muhammad Sultan had likewise been broached; and the illustrious Prince, consequently, deeming it inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon just now, kept it to himself. After a lapse of two or three days, Kutbu-1 Mulk despatched, agreeably to orders, ten elephants and some jewelry, as an instalment of the tribute in arrears, together with two more elephants and other articles belonging to Mir Jumla's son. For the noble Muhammad Sultan, too, he sent a letter congratulating him on his mansab, two elephants, one of which bore silver housings, and a horse with gold saddle and jewelled trappings. The Prince then directed that they should mount two heavy guns that had been brought from fort Usa, on the top of a mound situa!ted in Katalabi Khan's intrenchment, and point them
settled

present twelvemonth

might be

the former.

The

subject

of his

against the fortress.

As Kutbu-1 Mulk had repeatedly begged permission mother for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences, and solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered that Muhammad Sultan and Shavista Khan should desto send his

124

'INAYAT KHAN
j>atdi

customary passport. As soon as he received and security, he sent oE his mother in the hope of gaining his other objects. Accordingly, on the 22nd of Jumada-1 awwal, several of 'liis Royal Highness's intimate companions' wtnt out, at his suggestion, to meet her, and brought her from the road to Shayista Khan's camp. The latter, having treated her with the deepest respect and attention,- conducted her next day, agreeably to orders, into the illustrious presence; where she enjoyed an interview with Muhammad Sultan, and As Muhammad Sultan reprepresented two horses. sented that she was anxious to be admitted to a personal audience, in order to detail her propositions, the Prince summoned her into his presence. That chaste matron then presented a thousand gold mohurs as nisar to His Royal Highness as well as. That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, that Kutub-I Mulk must pay down a kror of rupees in cash, jewelry, elephants, etc., and she having consented to obey thi^ mandate, returned to the fortress for the purpose of collecting the above .sum. As a vast number of Kutbu-1 Mulk's partisans, under
Lhe

that warrant

intimation as two kos from the fortress with hostile intentions, the Prince despatched several nobles and mansabdars, with 200 mounted musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Shayista Khan's retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host of matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops repaired with the utmost celerity to the menaced point,
the
of his kotwal,
yet of the armistice,

command

who had no

had

collected together about

and encamped

On

that day close to the enemy's fK)sition. the succeeding one, the miscreants sent off their

heavy baggage and property to a distance, and having formed up in line themselves, stood prepared for action. Although the royalists several times drove them off and dispersed them, yet the shameless wretches kept constantly inllying and renewing their assaults, in which they

i2r.

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
suffered
until night supervened; being incapable of further resistance, took to a precipitate flight. A few out of the victorious army were also killed and wounded; and the ever-successful troops, after spending the night on the ground where the enemy's tents had stood, returned in triumph on the morrow.
casualties,
villains,

numerous

when

the

ill-fated

MIR JUMI-A'S coming TO WAIT UPON THF PRINCE MUHAMMAD' AURANGZEB BAH\DUR
the news of Mir Jumla's arrival in the Golkonda was made known; so, the Prince forward to him the farman and Khil'at that had come for him from Court, by the hands of the bearer of it. The latter having been apprised of the fact, came out to meet the messenger, from his camp, which was pitched four kos the other side of the Husain Sagar lake, and after observing the usual marks of respect, received the farman and khil'at from him on the banks of the above named lake. As two days were wanting to the time fixed
this time,

At

vicinity of

for his introduction to the victorious Prince, he returned

for the present to his

own camp.
some nobles

On

the appointed day,

him, and he having set out with great pomp and splendour, enjoyed at a chosen moment the honour of paying his respects,
the Prince sent out
to letch

and presented
dant of nobles

3.000 Ibraftimis

as

nisar.

That

descen-

was recompensed from the munificent tlureshold by the receipt of a superb dress of honour, a jewelled larrah and dagger, two horses, one with a gold, the other with a silver saddle, and an elephant with silver housings, accompanied by a female one; and obtained permission to be seated in the presence. As jpeace had

now been
successful
fortress,

established

on a firm
the

basis,

Prince evacuated
last

trenches encircling

the fortunate and the

on the

day of the aforesaid month, and sum-

moned

the party engaged in the siege to his presence.

126

INAYAl KHAN

IHIRTIEIH YEAR OF THE REIGN^ 1066 A.H. (1655-6 A.D.) PAINFUL DEAIH OF SA'DU-LLA KHAN
Oij the 22nd Jumada-s sani 'AUami Sa'du-Ua Khan, conformably to the sacred text, "When your time of death has arrived, see that ye defer not a moment, nor procrastinate," returned the response of Labaika to the

herald of God, and migrated from this transitory sphere For nearly four months to the realms of immortality. he had been labouring under a severe and painful attack
of cholic; during the first two months of which period, confined to his bed, he used to attend daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no exclamation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the

when he was not

disease by attending to Takarrub Khan's medical treatment; but after he became confined to his house from the acute agony he was suffering, the matter was disclosed to the royal ear; whereupon the skilful physicians in attendance at the foot of the sublime throne were commanded to effect his cure. As his appointed time of death, however, had come, all their remedies produced j]o effect, and the disease gradually gaining ground, put an end to his sufferings. The monarch, the appreciator of worth, expressed intense regret at the demise of that

deserving

object

of

kindness

and

consideration,
all his

and

showered favours on his children and

connexions.

MARRIAGE OF MUHAMMAD SUI.TAN WITH KUTBU-L MULK'S DAUGHTER

to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as As the moment for the celebration of Muhammad Sultan's nuptials had been fixed tor the morning of the 18th of Jumada-s sani in this happy-omened year. Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur sent his diwan, Muhammad Tahir, one day previously to Kutbu-1 Mulk, together with the ecclesiastics, and forwarded a khil'at. Next day, the marriage service was read in a fortunate moment, and the hymeneal rites were duly observed.

The

sequel

follows.

127

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
After a week's interval, the illustrious Prince again despatched his own diwan and the royal bakhshi into the fortress, with a view to fetching that chaste and fortunate damsel; and commanded several nobles to wait outside the fortifications, and accompany her from thence. These obedient vassals accordingly acted in conformity with his injunctions, and conducted her along with Kutbu-1 Mulk's mother, who had accompanied her, to a pavilion that had been erected near His Royal Highness's. Kutbu-1 Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees in gems and other articles by way of dowry. Next day the Prince forwarded the farntan and a superb khil'at the delivery of which he had deferred, as has been alluded to in its proper place, to Kutbu-1 ^ulk, who went out to meet them, and received them with the deepest reverence.

(Return of Prince Muhammad 'Aurangzeb from Golkonda, investiture of Mir Jumla with the title of Mu'azzam Khan, and bestoival of that of Khan-jahan on Shayista Khan.)

APPOINTMENT OF PRINCE MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB TO CONDUCF THE CAMPAIGN OF BIJAPUR, AND DISMISSAL, OF MU'AZZAM KHAN (MIR JUMLA), ETC., FROM THE PRESENCE
the events of this year was the appointment of the victorious Prince Aurangzeb Bahadur' to itonduct the campaign of Bijapur, and the dismissal of Mu'azzam Khan aid the other nobles and mansabdars from the sublime presence to share in the above campaign; a concise version of which is as follows. As it had been reported at the threshold of royalty, through the representations of the above-named Prince, that 'Adil Khan had bid adieu to existence by a natural death, and his servants had constituted Majhul Illahi his successor, who professed to be his offspring, it was ordered, on the 18th of Safar, that His Royal Highness should hasten thither with the Dakhin forces, and bring the campaign to a

Among

128

'in AY AT

KHAN

conclusion, in such a

An
to

way as he shoiild deem expedient. ever-obeyed mandate was also issued to Khan-Jahan, repair expeditiously to Daulatabad, and remain in
city

that
Safvi,

until

the

ever-successful

Prince's

return.

Jamdatu-1 Mulk Mu'azzam Khan, Shah

Nawaz

Khan

Mahabat Khan, Nijabat Khan, Raja Rai Singh, and a number ot more nobles and mansabdars, whose total strength amounted to 20,000 horse, were appointed to serve under that ward of divine providence; some being, despatched from the auspicious presence, and others from their respective homes and jagirs, along with a great many musketeers both horse and foot, and rocketmen.

Among those who received their dismissal from the presence, Jamdatu-1 Mulk was presented with a hand. .

some khil'at, etc. As Mu'azzam Khan had reported that he had sent several led horses, adorned with diamonds, rubies, and precious stones, and some other articles, that he had taken from the Zamindar of the Karnatik, to 'Adil Khan, the Shah Buland Ikbal despatched by the hands of two confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to orders,
to the latter, respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid

As 'Adil Khan, however, departed this life very shortly after the receipt of the mandate, his servants forwarded to Court four out of the whole number of led horses, together with an epistle from his successor, in charge of the above-mentioned slaves. They were accordingly presented on the 1st of Rabi'u-s sani this year, and their value was almost a lac of rupees.
articles.

BADSHAH-NAMA
OF

MUHAMMAD WARIS
This work is also called Shah Jahan-nama. It is the completion of the Badshah-nama of 'Abdu-1 Hamid by, his pupil and assistant Muhammad Waris, who was appointed to carry on the work when his friend and master had become incapacitated by age. It embraces the last ten years of Shah Jahan's reign, from the beginning of the twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his actual reign closed. The work was submitted for revision to 'Alau-1 Mulk Tuni, entitled Fazil Khan, who became wazir in Aurangzeb's days and the part of the work subsequent to the death of 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan was written by Fazil Khan, under the command pf the Emperor himself. Little is known of Muhammad Waris, but the author of the Ma-asir-i 'Alamgiri records that "On the 10th Rabi'u-1 awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.)., Waris Khan, news reader, the graceful author of the third volume of the Badshah-nama, was killed by a blow of a pen-knife from a mad student, whom he had taken under his protection, and who used to sleep at night near his patron."

The work

is

composed in a

style similar to that of

'Abdu-1 Hamid, and is of considerable length. It closes with a list of the shaikhs, learned men and poets who flourished during its decade. The history of this period of Shah Jahan's reign, has been so fully supplied by the Extracts from the Shah Jahan-nama of 'Inayat Khan, that only one short Extract has been taken <Tom this work.
Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., twelve inches by six and a half, and contains .?57 leaves, of nineteen lines to the page. There is a copy in the

F. 9.

130

MUHAMMAD WARIS
British

Museum, and one

in the Library of

the Royal

Asiatic Society.
-^ EXTRACT Twenty-Second Year of the Reign

from Shahjahanabad to off was his intention to march on and make no stay until he reached Kabul; .But afterwards it appeared clear to his far-reaching judgment, that it was very improbable that the Shah of Persia would enter upon a campaign in the winter season, when grain and forage are very difi&cult to procure in that country (of Kandahar). The Emperor's counsellors also represented that the Shah of Persia had resolved upon this evU enterprise in that infatuation which -arises from youth and inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making preparations in Khurasan, and in the spring In this way the late he would commence ojperations. Shah 'Abbas came up against Kandahar in the reign of the Emperor Jahangir. The severe cold and the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of provender for the horses, would be sources of great suffering to the Imperial array; so under all circumstances it was desirSo it able to postpone the march until the Nau-roz. was resohed to wait the arrival of news from Kandahar. On the 12th Muharram a despatch arrived from the comthe

When

Emperor

set

chastise the Persians,

it

mandant

of the fortress, to the effect that

Zil-hijja the

on the 10th Shah of Persia had invested the fortress, his

evident object being to accomplish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring, when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial army.

'AMAL-1 SALIH
OF

MUHAMMAD
(This, like the
is

SALIH

KAMBU

other histories of the reign of Shah sometimes, called Sfiah Jahan-nama. It is a history of jhe reign of that Emperor from his birth to his death in 1076 A.H. (1665 A.D.).

Jahan,

Muhammad
httle
time.

Salih
is

was
the
of

a fine scribe, so there

can be
himself
of
his

doubt that he
list

Muhanmiad
noted
Salih

Salih

tie

mentions in his

the

caligraphists

and Mir IVIuhani.mad Muinan were, he says, sons of Mir 'Abdu-lla, Mushkin kalam, whose title shows him to have also been a fine writer. Muhammad Salih was known as a poet by the Persian title Kashfi. and the Hindi Subhan. Both brothers were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindi singers. In the list of mamnbdars, Muhammad Salih is put down as commander of five hundred. The Amal-i Salih is a valuable history, and has a good reputation in the East. It is not so long as the Badshah-nama of 'Abdul Hamid and Muhammad Waris, and it does not enter into the same petty details. The latter part of it, devoted to the life of Shah.Jhan after his deposition, is veiy brief, and notices only the tragic deaths of his sons and his own peaceful decease. The style is polished, and often highly wrought and rhetorical. At the end of the work the author has added biographical notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians, poets, and fine writers who were contemporary with Shah Jahah. Also a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to their respective ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native gentleman, is a folio 13 in y 9, containing about 1,000 to
'

Mir

Muhammad

1,200

pages).

132

muhammad salih kambu

extracis Thirty-First Year of the Reign

Death of 'AH Mardan Khan

Amiiu-l
sentery,

Umara
started

'Ali

Mardan

for Kashmir,

Khari, being ill with dythe air of which country

on his way on the Ibrahim Khan and the othere, brought his corpse to Lahore, and buried it in the tomb of his mother. He was a noble of the highest dignity; he held a mamab of 7,000 with 7,000 horse, 5,000 douspas and sih-aspai. He had an in'am of one kror of dams. Altogether his emoluments amounted to thirty lacs of rupees. His death caused the Emperor great
suited his constitution, but he died
1

2th Rajab.

His

sons,

grief.

Mu'azzam Khan Joins Aurangzeb.

fortresses

Capture cf several
Defeat
of

belonging

to

Bijapur.

'Adil

Khan's army

Mu'azzam Khan departed from Court, and march cd with the army under his command to Prince Aurangzeb. whom he joined on the 12th Rabi'u-s sani. On the .same day ihe Prince, making no delay, marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces and his own fol111 the course of fourteen days he reached lowers Chandor. There he left Wali Mahaldar Khan with a force of matchlockmen, etc., to keep open the communications and provide supplies. Next day he encamped iindci ilic fort of Bidar. This fortress was held by Sidi Marjan, an old servant of Ibrahim 'Adil Khan. He had been commander of the fortress for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed and ready. He had under him nearly 1,000 horse and 4,000 infantry, consistit^ of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and walls and works were carefully looked after, and he made every preparation for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb reached the place, he resolved to reduced it. This strong fortress was 4,500 yards (dara in circucumfer-

133

'AMAI.-I

SALIH

ence,

and twelve yards high; and it had three deep ditches twenty.five yards (gaz) wide, and fifteen yards deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with Mu'azzam

Khan and
forces

reconnoitred

the fort

on

all

sides.

He

set-

tled the places for the lines of approach,

and named the

Notwithstanding

which were to maintain them.

the heavy fire kept up from the bastions and the citadel, in the course of ten days Mu'azzam Khan and the other brave commanders pushed their guns up to the very

edge of the ditch and began to

fill

it

up.

Several times

the garrison sallied forth and made fierce attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back with

The besiegers by a great loss in killed and wounded. the fire of their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the battlements of the wall. the 23rd Jumada-s sani, in the thirty-first year
''
I

Muhammad Murad, with a body of muskeand other forces, sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he reached the bastion opposite the trench of Mu'azzam Khan, he planted scaling ladders in several places, and ascended the wall. Marjan, the commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of this bastion, and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and grenades (Iiukka). With his eight sons and all his personal followers he stood near this bastion, and with the greatest courage and detei-mi nation endeavoured to resist the assault. Just then, through the good fortune which at all times attends the royal arms, ..... a rocoj

the reign,

teers

ket

directed

against

the besiegers

fell

into

the

above-

mentioned hole, and ignited the gunpowder A tremendous explosion followed, which destroyed many of the enemy. Sidi Marjan and two of his sons were severely burnt. Those who escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into the citadel. "The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and pouring into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who resisted, and raised the flag of victory. The
.

134

MUHAMMAD SAUU KAMBU

commandant of lor quarter, and
tortre&s, with great humility, t>ued he was mortally wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the keys of the fortress. They were graciously received by the Prince, who presented them with khil'ats, and promised them the ImOn the day after the giving up the keys, perial favour. the Prince entered the city, and proceeding to a mosque which had been built two hundred years before, in the leign of the Bahmani Sultans, he caused the khutba to This strong be read in the name of the Emperor. Twelve fortress was thus taken in twenty-seven days. lacs of rupees in money, and eight lacs of rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and othei munitions of a fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns. Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the

ihe

as

borders of Telingana.

It

is

related in the histories of

Hindustan, that Bidar was the seat of government of the Rais of the Dakhin. and that the Rais of the Karnatik, Mahratta (country), and Telingana were subject to the Daman, the beloved of King Nala of Rai of Bidar. Malwa, whose story Shaikh Faizi has told in the poem entitled Nal o Daman, was daughter of Bhim Sen, the marzban of Bidar. Sultan Muhammad, son of Sultan Tughlik, first subdued the place. After that, it passed into the hands of the Bahamanis, and subsequently into the of the Kings of Bijapur. By the possession favour of God, it now forms part of the Imperial dominions. Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of

collecting at Kulbarga, consequently sent Mahabat Khan with fifteen thousand well-mounted veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to leave one trace of cultivation in that country. Every building and habitation was to be thrown down, and the land was to be made a dwelling for the owls and kites. The Khan had not got far from Bidar, when, in the middle of the

the forces of 'Adil

Khan were

and preparing

for war.

He

IS5.

'amal-i sAlih

next day, two thousand of the enemy's horse, at about three kos from the Imperial army, seized a nimiber of bullocks, belonging to the Banjaras, while they were grazing, and were driving them oF to their quarteifs. Mu'azzam Khan and led a detachment of the Imperial forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, and release the cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they overtook the enemy, killed a great many of them, and rescued all the cattle. Such of the enemy as escaped made off with great difficulty, and the royal forces returned. The wretched Afzal, who had advanced very boldlyi when he heard of this disaster, was paralyzed, and fled in consternation from Kalyani, without even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and fell back upon his other Mahabat Khan then raveged Kalyani, and conforces. tinued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the enemy app)eared in the distance, but they continued
.
.

to retreat.

the 8th Rajab, Jan Muhammad and Afzal and Rustam, the son of Randaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000 horse, made their appearance near the royal army, and were very bold and insolent. Maha. . .

On

bat

Khan

left his

camp
upon

in charge of

marched
discharge

out

against

them.
the

rockets

Subhan Singh, and The enemy began to right wing under the
battle
soldier;

command of Diler Khan, and a Mahabad Khan was a good

followed.

and

when

reports were brought to him from all parts of the field, he saw that Ikhlas Khan and Diler Khan were hard pressed. So he charged the enemy with such impetuosity
. .

that they were filled with dismay

and

fled.

The

victors

followed in close pursuit, and

many

of the fugitives fell

by

their swords.

Aurangzeb, having left Mu'azzam Khan and Ikbal in charge of Bidar, on the 23rd Rajab marched against Kalyani. On the 29th he reached that place, and on the same day he reconnoitred the fortress and invested it. On the 8th Sha'ban the approaches were

Khan

136

MUHAMMAU SAUH KAMBU

advanced to the edge oi ihe diich, and ihe besieged were hard pressed. {Several actions with and victories over the Kulbarga occupied.) enemy. The country ravaged. When ihe ditch was filled with stones^nd earth, and the bastions and ramparts had been well battered, on the
27th the assailants placed their ladders and mounted a bastion which had been much damaged, and began to The besieged undermine and throw down the wall.
of

a gallant resistance, and kept up a heavy discharge Grenades, naphthaarrows, and muskets. balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown from the top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on,

made

rockets,

and

victory

was not

far off.

At

this

juncture Dilawar

2,500 men held the place for 'Adil Khan, felt himself in great danger of destruction, and on the 29th wrote a letter be^ng for forgiveness and offering to surrender. Most of the garrison were Musul-

Habshi,

who with

mans, so the commandant and all his men were allowed to march out with their property and their wives and
families.
fortress

On

the

1st

Zi-1

ka'da,

1068,

the keys of the

were given up, and the Prince entered and had the khutba read. The commandant sought and obtained permission to go to Bijapur).
ILLNESS OF THE EMPEROR
(Suddenly, on the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 1067 A.H., the Emperor was attacked with serious illness in the form of strangury, constipation and other sympathetic affections, so that he was unable to attend to worldly affairs. Physioans tried all the remedies of their art, but in vain, for the disorder increased. ... In Safar, 1068, the health of the Emperor had so improved that he was convalescent,. and great rejoicings followed).
. .

THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN

In
age.

the

eves of his
his

father

the

Shukoh was superior

to his brothers

Emperor, Prince Dara both in merit and

to
their respective

When

other sons departed

137

AMAL-I SALIH

governments, the Emperor, from excessive love and partiality, would not allow Dara Shukoh to go away from him. He also evinced the, greatest partiality and affection for the Prince, previding for his honour and dignity.
.

Shah Buland Ikbal (Dara Shukoh) took upon himself to interfere in the direction of affairs of State, and induced His Majesty to do many unwise things which
tended to create disturbances.

He

urged

that

Murad

Bakhsh had diverged from the path of rectitude, and had not ceased to act improperly. It was therefore advisable to remove him from the suba of Ahmadabad, and to settle upon him the jagir of Birar. If he obeyed the Emperor's order and proceeded to Birar, his offences might be forgiven and clemency be extended to him. But if, from want of foresight and intelligence, he should prove refractory and disobey the orders, he should be suitably chastised and be brought to Court under restraint. Dara Shukoh then spoke of Prince Aurangzeb. and represented that a party of intriguers had artfully led him astray, and nolens volens had persuaded him that he had been worsted by the malice and revenge of his brother (Dara Shukoh), and that he should get the assistance of his brother (Murad Bakhsh), who had resolved upon rebellion.* He should then march with the to the capisplendid army under his command tal, under the pretence of paying a visit to his father, and wherever he passed he should subvert the authority of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb had set himself to win over to his side great nobles of the State, some of whom he had made his own, and that he was endeavouring to effect his object by secret communications before his designs should become public. The money which he had received as tribute from

Here the MSS.

differ,

and the weaning

is

not

cer-

tain.

138

MUHAMMAD SAUH KAMBU

Kutbu-1

Mulk he had

spent without permission in the

raising of forces, and it would not be long before hewould cast off his obedience and commence a war. It

been sent by and was now with Aurangzeb, might not be won over by the money which he had received as tribute; for assuredly, if this were so, it would be a great danger to the State, which The first thing it would be almost impossible to avert. to be done was to send farmans recalling all the nobles Then a strenuous and their forces from the Dakhin.

was
the

to be hoped Emperor for

that the army which had the reduction of Bijapur,

should be made to get possession of the treasure. By these means the strength and greatness of the Prince would be diminished, and the friends and allies, the strength of his cause, would fall away. Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting
effort
.
.

was quite willing to send the letters. He the influence Prince Dara had obtained So letters of the unpleasant purport above described were sent off by the hands of some of the Imperial messengers. The messengers reached Prince Aurangzeb as he was engaged in directing the operations against Bijapur, and he had the place closely invested. The arrival of the messengers disturbed the minds of the soldiers, and greatly incensed the Prince; so, much
these views, he

could not over him.

resist

confusion arose.

Some

of the

nobles,

Mahabat )Chan,

Rao

Sattar

Sal,

leave or notice.

and others, went off to Agra without Mu'azzam Khan also, who was the

head and director of this campaign, acted in a very ungenerous and foolish way, and wanted to go off to Agra, quite regardless of the duty and respect he owed to the
Prince.

anxiety he

This want of support from his followers, and the felt about the Emperor, led the Prince to
matter, he

accept the proposals of the people of Bijapur.

settled this difficult

Having marched towards Auran

gabad; and as soon as he arrived there, he sent messen-

139

'AMAI.-I

SAUH
Mu'azzam Khan,
desiring

gers

in to

a courteous way^

to

him

come and have an

interview.

The Khan would

not listen to the. invitation, and acted in a manner unworthy of a great noble. So the Prince ordered Prince Sultan Muhammad to set forth with all speed and use every expedient to bring the Khan to his presence. When the directions were carried out, and the Khan arrived, Aurangzeb immediately provided for his punishment, and sent him prisoner to the fort of Daulatabad. He seized all his treasure, elephants and other property, and gave them into the charge of the State treasurers.)
RAJA JASWANT
(After the defeat ol Shah Shuja', and the return of Aurangzeb to Agra, the Emperor sent a force to inflici salutary punishment upon Raja Jaswant. The Raja
. .

feeling himself unable to resist, in

his great perplexity

and alarm, sent some of his servants to Dara Shukoh. who, previous to the Raja's flight, had arrived at Ahmadabad, and, without waiting to recover from his toilsome journey through the sandy desert, was busily occupied in gathering forces. Dara Shukoh, having satisfied himself by taking from the promise-breaking Raja a covenant which the Raja confirmed with the most solemn Hindu pledges, marched towards his country. The Emperor was meanwhile moving towards Raja Jaswant^ territory, and he wTote the Raja a letter, in which expostulations and threats were mingled with kindness. This letter greatly alarmed the Raja, so that he departed from Dara and returned to his own country. Making use of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, he wrote a penitent and submissive letter to the Emperor, begging forgiveness for his offences: and the Emperor in his clemency forgave him. granted him the suhada'ri of
. . .
,

^"Az rah

madara," which many mean either "bv

way

of courtesy" or "hy

way of

disx/mulation.").

140

MUHAMMAD SALIH KAMBU

Ahmadabad. and sent him a farman, bestowing honours and promising favours.)
FATE OF THE PRINCES SULAIMAN SHUKOH, SULTAN

MUHAMMAD AND MURAD BAKHSH

(The zumindar of Srinagar, having consented to surrender Prince Sulaiman Shukoh, sent him to Court in the
custody of his son.

Two

days after his arrival, the Prince

was brought into the Emperor's presence, who directed that on the morrow he, along with Prince Sultan Muhammad, should be sent to the fort of Gwalior, and that both should be fed with koknar}". .The sons of 'Ali Naki, who had a charge against Murad Bakhsh for ihe murder of their father, were sent to Gwalior, with directions, that after a lawful judgment had been given, the retaliation for blood should be exacted from the Prince. When they arrived at Gwalior, an inquiry was made by the Kazi. The Prince was resigned to his fate, and said, "If the Emperor will accept my pledges and spare my life, no harm will hapen to his throne; but if lie is resolved to take my life, there is no good in listening to such low fellows as these. He has the power, and can do what he likes." On the 21st Rabi'u-s sani, 1072, under the orders of the Kazi, two slaves killed the Prince with two blows of their swords. He was buried in the fort Of Gwalior. In the month of Shawwal Prince Sulaiman Shukoh died from the treatment of his jailor^, in the thirtieth year of his age, and was buried beside
. .

Murad

Bakhsh.)

SHAH-JAHAN-NAMAS
[Besides the Shah-Jahan-uanies

noticed

at

length,

there

MSS. borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, several others bearing the same title. 1. "An abstract of the lengthy Shah-Jnhan-nama" (the Badshah-nama) of
are the
^"Otheru'ise railed
"piista," a
sloxv

among

poison prepared

from poppies.

141

AMAI.-I

SALIH

'Abdu-1 Hamid Lahori. This was written in 1225 A.H. (A.D. 1810), by Muhammad Zahid. 2. A fragment of another and lengthy Sbah-Jahan-nama, by Mirza Jalalu-d din Tabataba. 3. A short work by Bhagwan Das,

which gives

brief notices of the ancestors of Shah Jahan, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirza Muhammad Jan Maslihadi. This is called Shah-Jahan-nania, but the title given to it by the author would rather appear to be Zafar-nama. 5. Another Shah-Jahannaraa in verse, by Mir Mahammad Yahya Kashi.)

SHAH JAHAN-NAMA
OF

MUHAMMAD
(The author
ol'

SADIK

KHAN

this history of

Shah Jahaii was Muhani.

attendance upon in Prince Shah Jahan in his campaign against the Rana during the life of Jahangir. He afterwards received the

mad

Sadik,

who was Waki' -navis

The work embraces th,e reign of litle of Sadik Khan. Shah Jahan "from his accession to the throne unto the termination of the confinement into which he fell through the stupidity of Dara Shukoh.'' A copy of the work in the British Museum ends with the deposition of Shah Jahan, but the author adds that the deposed jnonarch lived eight years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot's MS. goes on without any break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb; but to have written all this, Sadik Khan must have lived over a century. The history of the reign of Aurangzeb 'turns out to be the same as that the Muntakhabu-l Lubuh of Khafi Khan, with some slight variations, not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in various MSS. of that work.^* The history is of-moderate extent, and is written in
Similarity or indentity in many passages a simple style. shows that Khafi Khan used the work for his history of the rcigu of Shah Jahan. There is also among Sir H. M. FJliot's MSS. one called Tabakat-i Shah-Jahani, written hy ihe same author. This consists of notices of the great and distinguished men of the reign of Shah Jahan. The names are numerous, but the notices are
short.)

^^Journal Royal Asiatic Society, N.

S. vol. Hi. p. 473.

MAJALISU-S SALATIN
OF'

MUHAMMAD
The

SHARIF HANAFl
of the Sultans"

Majalisu-s Salaiin, or "'Assemblies

was written by Muhammad Sharif Hanafi. The reason he assigns for wilting it is, that no one had couragt cnou^ in his time to wade through long histories, espementioning those of Zia Barni, Kazi 'Ajai Badand 'Abdul Kadir, which are each works of considerable size, and he therefore determined, notwithstanding his constant avocations, to write an abridged history of India. In the midst of a hundred interruptions, he set himself to the work, but. short as it is, he w(s nearly failing in his resolution to complete it, and "a wind arose occasionally which- was nearly making his pen fl\ away like an arrow from a boK, and converting, his {wpv^v into a flying kite." At last he usked his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and through their encouragement he brought it to a completion. The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have deprived us of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen from one of the following extracts, extended to a distance quite unusual in his days. He had travelled from Madura in Southern India to Kashmir, and had dwelt for some time in the intermediate countries; and he tells us that if he had recorded all the wonderful fdled a thousand thingfs he had seen, he might have volumes. He was employed in some public capacity during the whole time that he was making these tours, for he signifies that he was a person of no mean consicially

shahi,

deration.

The work was composed in the early part of Shah Jahan's reign, in the year 1038 A.H. (1628 A.D.), according to a chronogram at the close of the work in which the date is recorded.

144

MUHAMMAD SHARIF HANAFl

The Majalisu-s Salatm is not divided into chapters^ but the following abstract will show the pages where the principal dynasties and reigns conunence and end.
CONTENIS
Preface, pp.
1

to 3.
11.

The
I'he

Ghaznivides, pp. 4 to
to
121.

Ghorians and subsequent Dehli dynasties, pp.

Babar, pp. 121 to 123.

Humayun, Sher Khan,

etc.,

pp.

124 to 193.

Akbar, pp. 193 to 200. Jahangir, pp. 200 to 206. Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmir, etc., pp. 207 to 258. Size 12 mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines. The copy from which the following Extracts are

taken

is

in

one of the Royal Libraries

other.

at

Lucknow.

know

of

no

(The Extracts were translated by a munshi and

rected by Sir H.

cor-

M.

Elliot).

EXTRACTS
Anecdotes of

Muhammad

Tughlik

After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik Bahram Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultan Tughlik Shah, had revolted in Multan, and put 'AH Akhti to death, whom Sultan Muhammad 'Adil had sent with orders to summon the rebel. The Sultan, with a view to subdue the rebellion, marched from Daulatabad to-

wards Dehli, and thence reached Multan by successive Malik Bahram came out to oppose him, but marches. was defeated and slain. His head was brought to the Sultan, who was about to order a general massacre of the inhabitants of Multan, and make streams of blood flow, when the staff of the world, the most religious Shaikhu-1 Hakk, came bare-headed to the King's court, and stood before him soliciting pardon for the people. The Sultan

145

MAJAUSU-S SALATIN
forgave them for the sake of that holy man. In short, this King called himself just, and generally before executing persons he certainly did refer the case for the decree of the expounders of the law. It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes, he went on foot to the court of Kazi Kamalu-d din, the Chief Justice, and told him that Shaikh-zada Jam had called him unjust; he demanded that he should be summoned and required to prove the injustice of which he accused him, and that if he could not prove it, he should be punished according to the injunctions of Shaikh-zada Jam, when he arrived, confessed the law, The Sultan inquired that he had made the assertion. his reas'jn, to which he replied, "When a criminal is brought before you, it is entirely at your royal option to punish him, justly, or unjustly; but you go further than this, and give his wife and children to the execuIn tioners that they may do what they like with them. what religion is this practice lawful? If this is not injustice, what is it?" The Sultan remained silent; and when he left the court of the Kazi, he ordered the Shaikh-zada to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his journey to Daulatabad he took the prisoner with him When he returned to on the back of an elephant. Dehli, on passing before the court of the Kazi, he ordered the Shaikh-zada to be brought out of the cage^ and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed very opposite qualities. He was called by the common people "the unjust." There are many similar stories of the actrocities he committed. Tyranny took the place of justice,

and

infidelity that of Islam.

At

last

he was

seized

with

fever,

and departed

to the next world,

when he was

in the vicinity of Thatta,

on

the 21st

Muharram, A.H.

* A few years later we find the Raja of Golkofida imprisoned in an iron cage by Sultan Kuli Kutb Shah.

Brigs' "Firishta," vol. Hi. p. 874.

F.
10.

I4(i

MUHAMMAD SHARIF HANAFI

752 (20th March, 1351 wa$ twenty-seven years.
A.D.).

The

period

of his reign

ACCESSION OF SHAH JAHAN

diu Muhammad Jahangir died, the second Lord of the Conjunction, the rightful heir. Shah Khurram, who was entitled Shah Jahan, was in the Dakhin at a distance of three months' journey from the place where It is well known to the Emperor Jahangir liad died. politicians that the throne of royalty cannot remain

When Nuru-d

vacant for a moment, and therefore the ministers of the government and the principal officers of the Court consi-

dered it expedient to place Sultan Dawar Bakhsh, the giandsou of tiie liuiperor Jahangir, upon the throne tor some days; and thus to guard against luuiinies and disIhey defeated turbances which might otherwise arise. Shahriyar, who, through his vain ambition, had procLainied himself

din

Muhammad Shah

icign increase,

Lahore. I'ljc Kmper&r Shaha-bi*^Jahan (may his dominions and and may the world be benchted b) his
-in

King

and iiiunihcence!) also tanae with a povvertul army xnu Gujarat and Ajmir, and soon airivcd at Agra, which was the seat of his and his forefathers' government, fie mounted the throne of sovereignty in the fort of Agru on Monday the 7th of Jumada-i akhir, corresponding with the 25th of Bahman; and distributed largesses and icwards aniong his subjects. May the Almighty keep this generous and world-conquering King under tlis protection and care!
bount)

REVENUES OF HIiVDUSTAN AND IHE DAKHIN

It

also entered into the

mind

of this

"most humble slave

of

account of the different pro vinces of Hindustan, and make it a portion of this small work, detailing how much of this country was in posses sioR of the Emperor Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar and his son Nuru-d din Jahangir, and into how many subas
it

God"

to write a short

is

now

divided.

147

MAJALISU-S SALVriN

Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hindustan, which is known to form one-fourth of the inhabited world, and reckoned as the largest of all the countries, is divided into fourteen subas, or provinces. First, the Province of Dehli; revenue upwards of 65,61,00,000 dams. Second, the Province of Agra, which revenue 82,25,00,000 dams. is the seat of government; Third, the Province of the Panjab, or Lahore; present revenue, 82,50,00,000 dams. Fourth, the Province of Kabul, including Kashmir, etc.; revenue 25,00,00,000 dams. Fifth, the Province of the Dakhin, or AhmadSixth, the Province nagar; revenue 28,35.00,000 dams. of Khandesh and Birar; revenue 87?2,00,000 dams. Seventh, the Province of Malwa; revenue 28,00,00,000 Eighth, dams. the Province of Gujarat; revenue 50,64,00,000 dams. Ninth, the Province of Bihar, including Patna and Jaunpur; revenue 31,27,00,000 dams. Tenth, the Province of Oudh with its dependencies; revenue dams. Eleventh, Province of 23,22,00,000 Ajniir with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000 dams. Fwelfth, the Province Allahabad; revenue of ,iO, 70,00,000 dams. Thirteenth, the Province of Sind, in Multan. revenue eluding Thatta and Bhakkar; 40,00,000 dams. Fourteenth, the Province of Bengal, which is equal to two or three kingdoms; revenue 50,00,00,000 dams. The revenue of all the territories under the Emperors oi Delhi amounts, according to the Royal registers, to six arhs and thirty krors of dams. One arb is eiqual to a hundred lirors (a kror being ten millions), and a hundred krors of da7?is are equivalent to two krors, and fifty Each of the fourteen provinces above lacs of rupees. mentioned foDned the territory of a powerful king, and was conquered by the sword of the servants .of the Chaghatais. Nine of these fourteen provinces have been visited by the poor compiler of this book, and the following is a detail of them.

MUHAMMAD bHARlt

HA.NAFl

THE AUTHORS TRAVELS

He
live

was born in the province ot

years
yet
there.

Though

it

is

the whole territory which he travelled with his father, consists of hve proAhmadnagar is one province, Bijapur is another. vinces. Golkonda is a third: the Karnatik, which is a large territory extending as far as Setband Rameshwar, forms a Khaiidesh and Birar, which are in separate province. reality two provinces, though rated above only as one. were visited throughout every space of their whole extent by the writer, who has also travelled over the pro\'inces of Gujarat, Malwa, Ajmir, Dehli, and Agra, as well as those of the Punjab or Lahore, and Sind, which includes Thatta, Bhakkar and Multan. By the favour of God. he possessed authority in all these provinces, and visited them as a person of consideration. If he were to note down the wonders and curiosities of all the places he had seen he would require to blacken paper equal to one thousand volumes. He has therefore avoided enlarging his work. He may, however, as well mention, that when in the territory of the Karnatik, he arrived in company witli his father at the city of Southern Mathura (Madura), where, after a few days, the ruler died and went to the lowest hell. This chief had 700 wives, and they all threw themselves at the same time into the fire. This event was related by the compiler of this book at Barhanpiiv, in the presence of the Nawab Khan-khanan, .son of Bairam Khan; bul the Nawab did not believe ii. The -i^akil of the Raja of the Karnatik. whose name was Kaner Rai. was also present at the court of the Nawab; and when inquiries were made of him respecting the truth of my assertion, he I'elatcd the event cxactlv as the writer had done. So the Nawab entered it in his note-book. All tlie people of this territory are idolators. and eat all the wild animals of the forest. There is not a single
vince,

tiie Dakiiin, and lived mentioned as one proof the Dakhin, through

149

MAJALISU-S SALAEIN

Musulman

there.

Shah or Kutb Shah, but the natives are all infidels. The Madari malangs and jogis go by this road to Sarandip and the hill-fort of Ceylon, which is the place where the in^ression of Adam's footstep is preserved. In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book visited the delightful land of Kashmir, when iie accompanied the victorious camp of the Emperor who had an army as numerous as the stars, vtz. Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir, and was in the immediate service of the most exalted and noble Nawab, the Great Khan, the best of
the country, deputed by the descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief of the house of 'Ali, a noblemau of high rank and dignity. T'fz. Kasim Khan, may God preserve him!
all

Orcasionally a Musulman Nizam Shah, 'Adil

may

visit

LUBBU T TAWARlKH-1 HIND

OF

RAI BI^ARA

MAL

rhe author ol this briel history was Bindraban, son of Rai Bhara Mai, and was himself also honoured with the title of Rai. We learn from the Conclusion of the Khul/isalu-l ln;ha that Rai Bhara Mai was the diwari of Dara Shukoh; and it is probable, therefore, that our author was early initiated into a knowledge of public affairs. He says thai the reason of his entering on this undertaking was that, "after meditating upon the conquests

Timurian family in this country, uj>on their more enlarged bv 'Alanigir (Aurangzeb) up to the year 1101 A.H.. and upon the lact of their continuing uninterruptedly in the possession of the same family, he thought of writing a book which ^hould briefly des<;ribe how, and in what duration of time, those conquests
the

made by
being

still

were achieved, should give the history of former kings, their origin, and the causes which occasioned their rise or fail, the p>eriod of their reign, their abilities and enterprises, and which should more particularly treat of the great conquests made by 'Alamgir." "It is true.'' he continues, "thai former historians have aheady written several works regarding the history of ancient kings, and especially Abu-1 Kasim, surnamed Firishta. whose compositions are very good as far as regards the language, but the defect of that work is thai, notwithstanding its being an abstract, ii is in many pans too prolix." Adverting also to the fact that his history does not extend beyond the thousandth vear of the Hijra, and hence the important transactions of one hundred years are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to extract its es.sence, and compile, with his own additions, Tawarihh. or a new work, to be called the Lvhhu-t

"Marrow

of Histories."'

151

LUBBU-T TAWARIKH

HIND

He

gives as another I'eason tor the superiority of his

others, that
it

work over
plendent

and reswhose kingdom extended towards the East, West, and the South to the seas, and towards the North to the boundaries of Iran and Turan, a vast dominion, to the tenth of which no other kingdom is equal. Perhaps Rum only
treats of the extensive

conquests

ot the

Emperor

'Alamgir,

might enter into competition with

case "seeing
is

it,

but even in that

belter than hearing."

CONTENTS
Section

The Kings of Dehli, from Muhammad Sam to Aurangzeb, pp. Section The Kings of the Dakhin,
Preface, pp.
I.
1

3.

Mu'izzu-d
4-256.

din

II.

viz.,
.

the Bahmani,

Nizam-Shahi, Kutb-Shahi, the TmadShahi and Baridia, or the Kings of Kulbarga, Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Golkonda, Birar, and llidr, pp.
'Adil-Shahi,
2.56-329.

Section III.The Kings of Gujarat, pp. 330-352. Section IV. The Kings of Malwa, pp. 352-374. Section V The Kings of Khandesh and P.uihanpur,

pp. 375-386. Section VI.The Kings ot Bengal, pp. 386-398. Section VII. The Kings of Jaunpur, 399-403. Section VIII. The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408.

Section IX.The Kings of Multan, pp. 408-4'10. Section X. The Kings of Kashmir, pp. 410-412. 8vo. pp. 412. of 15 lines each. Size. Major Scott has made great use of this work in his "History the Dakhin," but so brief a work is of little The author quotes no authorities in his preface use. except Firishta, but he mentions also in the body of the

work the Akhar-nama and

Jahangir-nama

as

being

so

as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge on the periods of which they treat. The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat doubtful. It is not quite clear from the pre-

common

1&2

RAI
tace

BHARA MAL

whether the date should be rendered 1,100 or 1,101 A chronogram given by an early transcriber makes it 1 106; and if the title of the work be intended to form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, the date would be 1,108 A.H. (1,696 A.D.). The Lubbu-t Tawarikh-i Hind is very common in India. One of the best copies I have seen is in the pos-

A.H.

session of

Nawab Hasan
it

'Ali

Khan
is

of Jhajjar, written in

1148 A.H.
is

In Europe also
illegible
title

it

not

uncommon.

There

a copy of
also

in the British

Museum

(No. 5618). There

copy at Paris (Gentil. No. 44) under of Muntakhabu-t Tarikh. (The translations of the following Extracts were re-^ vised by Sir H. M. Elliot.)
is

an

the incorrect

EXTRACTS

Shah Jahan abolishes the Ceremony

it

of

Prostration

had long been customary with the subjects of this state prostrate themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just King (Shah Jahan), on his accession to the throne, commanded that
to

the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of Mahabat Khan (Khan-khanan), he established instead the practice of kissing the ground. This also

being afterwards found equally objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode o{ salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act should be performed thrice several times. Circular orders, enforcing the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors within the royal dominions.

PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY DURING SHAH

J AHAN 's

REIGN

The means employed by

the

King in

these

happy times

153

LUJtBlJ-l

1AVVARIK.HI HIND

and iiourish bis people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of bis people; his impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and the apto protect

ipointment of honest and intelligent

trict;

officers in

every discalling for

bis administration of the country,

and

and examining annual statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources of the empire; bis showing his royal affection to the people, and expressing

when necessary; his issuing stringent orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and assigned lands, lo promote the increase and welfare and of the tenants; his admonishing the disobedient, constantly directing bis' generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the collection of the revenues of the state; all these contributed in a great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. Tiie
bis displeasure

the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reigfn of Akbar (whose seat is in the highest heaven!), The yielded, in this happy reign, a revenue of ten lacsl collections made in some districts, however, fell short pai:gana

The chakladar.s who, by of this proportionate increase. carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue, received marked consideration, and vice versa.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the exduring this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshan, and Kandaliar, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary out In short, the expenditure of former reigns, in comlay.
pen.ses of the State

]54

RAI
.parison with that of the
in

BHARA MAL

one in question, was not even the proportion of one to four; and yet this King, in A short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would Jiave taken several years for his p"edecessors to accumuJale!
(

SHAH JAHAN'S justice

Notwithstanding the
great

area

of

this

country,

plaints we-re so few that only one day in the week, viz.
justice;

Wednesday, was fixed upon for the administration of and it was rarely even then that twenty plaintifiEs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally
being

much

less.

The

more than one

occasion,

writer of this historical sketch on when honoured with an audi-

ence of the King, heard His Majeisty chide the darogha of the Court that although so many confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very seldom be brought into Court. The darogha replied that if he failed to produce only one

he would be worthy of punishnx ii it was owing to the great sohi^uclc evinced by the King towards the promotion of the national weal and the general tranquillity, that the j>eople were restrained from committing offences against one another But if offenders were and breaking the public peace.
plaintifl,

In short,

discovered, the local authorities used generally to try hem on the spot where the offence had been committed
I

according to law; and in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied with the decision passed on his case, ap,pealed to the Governor or diwnn, or to the kazi. of the suha, the matter was reviewed, and judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should be mentioned in the presence of If parties the King that justice had not been done. were not satisfied even with ^these decisions, they appeal-

155

LUBBU-T TAWARIKH-I HIND

ed to

of law.

chief diwan, or to the chief kazi on matters These oGficers ins):ituted further inquiries. Witii all this care, what cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become subjects of reference to His
tl^e

Majesty?

AN EXTRACT FROM ALAMGIR-NAMA OF MD.

RAZIM
Illness of

Shah Jahan

the 8th Zi-1 hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the Emperor Shah Jahan was seized with illness at Dehlk His illness lasted ^or a long time, ^nd every day he grew weaker, so that he was unable to attend to the business of the State.
Irregularifies of all sorts occurred in
,

(On

the:

administration,
territories of

and great disturbances arose in Hindustan. The unworthy and

the wide
frivolours

DaEi Shukoh considered himself heir-apparent, and not

withstanding his waint, of .'ability ixif xhe kingly office? he' endeavoured with the scissors of greediness to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited ;for his unworthy person.^ With this over-weening ambition constantly in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, he never left the seat of government. When the Emperor and was unable to attend to business, Dara fell ill Shukoh took the opf>ortunity of seizing the reins of jKJwer, and interfered with everything. He closed the roads against the spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelligence to the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their having done so, he seized and imprisoned them. The royal princes, the great nobles, and all the men who were scattered through the provinces and territories of this great empire, many even of the officials and servants who
^(Passages like this frequently occur, but after this Ihey have been turned into plain language in the trans
lation.)

156

lU-NESS Of SHAH JAHAN

were employed at the capital, had no expectation that the Emperor would live much longer. So great disorders arose in the affairs of the Slate.' Disaffected aud
rebellious

men
side.

raised

their heads

in

mutiny and

strife

refused to pay their revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and by degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujarat Murad Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the khutba read and coins struck in his
raiyals

on every

Turbulent

name, and assumed the title of King, Shuja took the same course in Bengal, led an army against Patna, and from thence advanced to Benares.)^

The End

^For further details about Shah-Jahan and his reign

iee

"Memoirs

of Jahangir"

and "Aurangzeb" by Khafi

Khan.