Gandhi Wolpert
Gandhi Wolpert
GANDHI'S PASSION
The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi
STANLEY WOLPERT
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
OXTORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Sao Paulo Shanghai Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto and an associated company in Berlin
for John Kenneth Galbraith who has so generously shared his love of India, his friendship and his wisdom
PREFACE
OR MORE THAN half a century, from the day I first set foot on Indian soil, February 12, 1948, the day one-seventh of Mahatma Gandhi's ashes were immersed in waters off Bombay, I have been fascinated by the remarkable life and tragic death of the man Indians call "Great Soul" (Mahatma) and "Little Father" (Bapu). Stepping ashore at Bombay's bustling gateway to India I found myself surrounded by more people than I had ever seen, millions of white-clad mourners headed to Chowpatty beach, where a glistening white ship bore the urn filled with a portion of Gandhi's remains. As that bright vessel weighed anchor, thousands waded after it in the bay, hoping to touch the Mahatma's ashes before they were swallowed by the sea. At that time I knew no more about Gandhi than that he was called the Father of India yet had been murdered by an Indian of his own Hindu faith. The many questions raised by what I saw and heard that day changed the course of my life from marine engineering to Indian history. A decade later, when I began teaching at UCLA, I wrote my first book about Gandhi, a fictionalized story of his assassination, published as Nine Hours to Rama. Over the next four decades I periodically considered writing the history of Gandhi's life and his leadership of the Indian National Congress. After a year or two of trying in vain to plumb the ocean of Gandhiana with its conflicting currents, however, I returned enthusiastically to teaching, opting to tackle other subjects and less enigmatic lives. Though invariably daunted by Gandhi's elusive personality and the extent of his archive, I kept hoping that greater maturity and deeper knowledge of India would help me to understand the Mahatma's mentality and reasons for his often contradictory behavior.
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After completing my India, A New History of India, Morley and India, Jinnah of Pakistan, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, and Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny, I decided it was time to return to the challenge of Gandhi. That was five years ago, when all ninety volumes of The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi had been published by Navajivan Press, in Ahmedabad, where Gandhi had founded his first Indian ashram. On my first visit to the famous Satyagraha Ashram, fewer than five volumes of his letters and papers were in print, though all letters written by or to him were then being indexed and filed chronologically by his disciples. The daily diaries and biographical works of Gandhi's faithful secretaries, Mahadev Desai and Pyarelal Nayar, were by then also in print, as was D. G. Tendulkar's exhaustive eight-volume chronicle, entitled Mahatma. After Mahadev's early death, Pyarelal took up his task and published two massive volumes called Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase. He was still working on another two, called Mahatma Gandhi: The First Phase, when he died. Pyarelal's sister, Dr. Sushila Nayar, one of Gandhi's most intimate disciples, completed her brother's labors the year I dined at her home in Delhi four years ago. I almost decided then to abandon my "Gandhi" once again, feeling that perhaps I had nothing new to add to what was known about the amazing man who called his life an "open book," and fearing that at age sixty-eight, completing my research and writing might take longer than my lifetime. Then, on May 11, 1998, I flew into Delhi to speak at India's International Center and learned that India had just exploded three underground nuclear bombs in Pokhran. A few days later Prime Minister Vajpayee announced, following several further successful explosions, that India had "a very big bomb" and was a "nuclear weapons State."1 The popular response in New Delhi and throughout most of India was euphoric. Much to my amazement, hardly any Indian voices were raised against so complete a departure from everything Mahatma Gandhi believed in and had tried to teach throughout his mature life. His total faith in nonviolent love (ahimsa) as the surest path to peace, as well as Hinduism's "highest Religion," seemed forgotten by most of his newly militant, prideful heirs. "Hatred can be overcome only by love," Gandhi argued, insisting, "Let us keep our hearts and hands clean. Then we can ask for justice before the whole world. . . . [A]rms have to be given up. We cannot protect ourselves with arms."2 When asked by several Americans whether the atom bomb might not help to universalize ahimsa as "nothing else can?" Gandhi replied: "So far as I can see, the atomic bomb has deadened the finest feeling that has sustained mankind for ages. . . . Mankind has to get out of violence only through non-violence."3 I resolved that May to write my book on the life and legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. I am deeply indebted to many wise friends for sharing their mem[ viii ]
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oirs of and insights into the life of Gandhi with me. My Sanskrit guru and friend, Professor W. Norman Brown, was the first of my teachers to tell me how singularly wise a man Gandhi was. A few years later, when I returned to India in 1957,1 was privileged to meet and walk with Mahatma Gandhi's foremost follower, Vinoba Bhave. Our neighbors in Poona, Rao Sahib and Pama Patwardhan, were close friends of Vinoba and thanks to them, my wife and I were welcomed to join Vinoba's entourage during his Gramdan ("Gift of Village") pilgrimage of Southern Maharashtra State on December 23, 1957, my thirtieth birthday. I vividly recall Vinobaji's unadorned frail body and totally unaffected, unpretentious spirit as well as the brilliance of his mind, and I have always felt that meeting and listening to him was as close as I ever came to meeting Gandhi himself. The Patwardhan brothers often reminisced about Gandhi in our nightly conversations and helped dispel some of the myths and much of the mystery that still shrouds his memory. Jaya Prakash (JP) Narayan, another good friend of Rao Sahib and Achyut Patwardhan, volunteered to join Vinoba's Jivandani ("Gift of Life") movement while I was still in India, and I also met him as well as his good wife, who had long been an intimate disciple of Mahatma Gandhi. Dr. Sushila Nayar, the only other lifelong follower of Mahatma Gandhi with whom I met in Delhi in 1996, thanks to our mutual friend and Gandhian disciple, D. C. Jha, was much like Vinoba Bhave, totally devoid of pretense, her mind as sharp in its memory of her greatest patient as was her tongue in its defense of his unblemished character. Madame Vijaya Lakshmi ("Nan") Pandit, with whom I enjoyed several teas during the last decade of her life, in New Delhi, once told me that Mahatma Gandhi's "influence for the good" in her life was "as great" as her adored older brother Jawaharlal Nehru's influence had been. I never met any of Gandhi's sons, but I have recently had the pleasure of speaking at some length with Mahatma Gandhi's two most brilliant grandsons, Dr. Rajmohan Gandhi, whose Good Boatman sketches a sensitive illuminating portrait of Gandhi's personality and mind, and Ambassador Gopal Gandhi, who was then assisting President K. R. Narayanan, in whose Rashtrapati Bhavan I met with him in January 2000, thanks to our good friend, former prime minister Inder Kumar Gujral. Over the last four decades I have learned so much about Gandhi from so many scholars and friends that I could not possibly mention or adequately thank all of them for contributing to my understanding of his life and legacy but must rest content to name just a few. My dear friend, Professor Stephen Hay of the University of California-Santa Barbara, who has devoted so much of his life to a meticulous study of Gandhi's early life and times, has been most generous and helpful, sharing his excellent published papers and entire library of Gandhiana with me. Thanks to Steve, I have come to appreciate the importance of Jainism to Gandhi's philosophy and
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have learned many hitherto unknown facts of Gandhi's youth, including the very early age of his marriage. My now departed old friend, Professor Raghavan Iyer, whose seminal work on Gandhi's philosophy first introduced me to him and his brilliant wife, Professor Nandini Iyer also helped me to understand better many of Gandhi's complex ideas and his remarkable foresight. I also thank my friend Professor Judith M. Brown for her luminous work on Gandhi's life, focusing so carefully on his political activities and each of his Satyagraha campaigns. Soon after I first joined UCLA, I had the pleasure of meeting Professor Joan Bondurant and Margaret Fisher at Berkeley and enjoyed their fine studies of Satyagraha. My good friend, Professor Sibnarayan Ray, visited our campus shortly before editing and publishing his excellent international symposium, Gandhi India and the World, and I still recall with pleasure several illuminating discussions about Gandhi and his global impact with him and our mutual friend, Professor J. Richard Sisson. The only time I met Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was a few years before his assassination, when he visited UCLA and we lunched together, after his talk, at our University Religious Conference. I knew then, as I better understand now, just how vital and important the influence of Mahatma Gandhi's methods and teachings were to Martin Luther King's life and his faith in nonviolent struggle and love for the liberation of all mankind. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Professor J. Kenneth Galbraith, who encouraged me to continue to pursue this study when I had all but abandoned it, and to his dear wife, Kitty, for her warm hospitality in Newfane as well as in Cambridge. I thank my wonderful typist, Jane Bitar, for magically transforming my messy holographs into electronic files. To my original brilliant editor at Oxford, Thomas LeBien, who was unfortunately lured to Princeton's Press prior to my book's completion, I can hardly express strongly enough how much I appreciate his creative editorial labors and constructive criticism. I also thank my new editor, Susan Ferber, for her kind assistance, and Oxford's production editor, Joellyn Ausanka, for her expeditious cooperation. I must thank my most youthful friend Mimi Perloff, for her unfailing loving kindness. Thanks again to my sons, Daniel and Adam, each now practicing in his own way Gandhi's practical philosophy of selfless service, who perhaps inadvertently taught this old man the unique powers of Ahisma and Satyagraha. Finally, to my soulmate, Dorothy, who for almost half a century has taught me, long before I ever realized it, to understand Mahatma Gandhi's passion, through her unselfish love, infinite patience, and silent acceptance of every variety of pain, I offer this book as her disciple's gift of love. Los Angeles, July 2000
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CONTENTS
Preface Introduction 1 Midnight in Calcutta 2 Dawn in Gujarat 3 The Impact of Victorian London 4 Brief Interlude at Home 5 Early Traumas and Triumphs in South Africa 6 Between Two Worlds 7 Satyagraha in South Africa 8 Victory through Suffering 9 The Impact of World War I 10 Postwar Carnage and Nationwide Satyagraha 11 Cotton Spinning 12 Rising of the Poison 13 The Road Back to Satyagraha 14 The Salt March and Prison Aftermath 15 From Prison to London and Back 16 Imprisoned Soul of India 17 Return to Rural Uplift Work
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Contents
18 Prelude to War and Partition 19 War and Peaceful Resistance 20 War behind Bars 21 No Peace 22 Walking Alone 23 Freedom's Wooden Loaf 24 Great Soul's Death in Delhi 25 His Indian Legacy 26 His Global Legacy Notes Select Bibliography Index 182 191 205 213 224 237 243 257 264 269 299 303
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Gandhi's Passion
Introduction
UFFERING" and "the suffering of pain" are the primary definitions of passion. The first example of the word passion in the Oxford English Dictionary is "the sufferings of Jesus Christ on the Cross." The story of Mahatma Gandhi's life may be read as a pageant of his conscious courting of suffering. Gandhi's life of passion also ended in martyrdom. Gandhi's passion has Indian historical roots that predate Jesus by more than two thousand years. Hinduism's Great God Shiva, yogic Lord of Beasts and of the Dance, was first depicted on an Indus Valley seal dating back to the third millennium B.C. Among the skills honed by yogis, including breath and mind control, none is more potent or important than tapas, a Sanskrit word meaning "suffering." When first used in the Rig-Veda, tapas meant "heat," the self-incubating creative power that gave birth to ancient India's first monistic neuter god, Tad Ekam ("That One").1 In subsequent sacred texts, tapas refers to yogic powers of contemplation and meditation whose laserlike beams were, it appears, hot enough to awaken even a neuter divinity to life. Soon after launching his monumental Satyagraha ("Hold fast to the Truth") movement in South Africa, Gandhi resolved, as he wrote in 1906, that "sacrifice" was the "law of life." He gave up his pleasures as a British barrister, his Saville Row suits, and sexual relations with his wife, vowing to focus all the heat of his passion toward helping India's emigree and indentured community, living in Natal and the Transvaal, win freedom from racial prejudice and discrimination. Gandhi's elder brother felt betrayed and abandoned by the young man he had so generously supported for three years while he studied law in London. Gandhi's wife and eldest son found
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Gandhi's Passion
it impossible to understand his courting hatred and violent contempt in his selfless service to the Indian community. They could not fathom his eagerness to give up his fortune and every comfort of home and hearth to break "evil" laws and then warmly welcome long prison terms. Gandhi's passion turned each prison cell he occupied into a self-proclaimed "temple" or "palace," even as he taught his self-sacrificing yogic spirit to relish the "delicious taste" of fasting, taking pleasure in every pain he suffered for the "common good." Gandhi early won the admiration and active support of the greatest liberal leaders of India's National Congress, a body that also included a radical revolutionary wing whose members were repelled by his scrupulous insistence on nonviolence. Other more conservative Anglophile Indians, of course, found Gandhi's rejection of Western garb and his prison record abhorrent. But after twenty years of successfully leading the Indian struggle in South Africa, Gandhi returned to India during World War I to widespread acclaim for the passionate courage he displayed during a series of Satyagraha campaigns against injustice in Gujarat and Bihar. Soon after the war ended, he was ready to assume supreme command of the Congress, rewriting its constitution and transforming its mostly moderate political reform lobby into a mighty mass movement demanding freedom for India from British imperial exploitation and domination. But after acquiring more political power than any other Indian of the previous century of British rule had enjoyed, he rejected all the power perquisites coveted by others the world over. He refused to travel any way but by foot or in third-class railway carriages and retreated to the spartan simplicity of remote village ashrams he founded whenever he was not jailed in a British prison. Gandhi's seemingly eccentric or at any rate curiously contradictory behavior, his rejection of all "normal" pleasures, acquisitive and sensual, and his oft-repeated retreat from the brink of victory can best be understood in light of his passionate resolve to suffer and experience in daily life all the pain and deepest sorrow sustained by India's poorest peasants and outcastes. He shivered naked in winter as they did and bore the scalding heat of central India's summers without complaint. When the Congress offered him complete control over its national machinery and the crown of its presidency, he invariably declined, grooming younger men to wear what he called the "crown of thorns." He abandoned the organization he had revitalized when it became too high and mighty, too rich and greedy, for his passionate nature. By re-creating himself, through the power of his passion, in the humble, vulnerable image of India's poorest starving naked millions, Gandhi could, when moved to do so by his "inner voice," call upon that unarmed ragged army, whose pain he mirrored and magnified in his own naked body, to follow him barefoot up India's Via Dolorosa to freedom. And
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Introduction
countless millions unhesitatingly did follow him, not as a modern political leader, nor as a medieval native prince or martial maharaja, but as their own Mahatma, India's "Great Soul," the only title he ever enjoyed, until even that became too burdensome an honorific for his passionate spirit. "The purer the suffering (tapas)," Gandhi believed, "the greater the progress. Hence did the sacrifice of Jesus suffice to free a sorrowful world. ... If India wishes to see the Kingdom of God established on earth, instead of that of Satan which has enveloped Europe.... [w]e must go through suffering."2 Brilliant yogi that he was, Gandhi resolved to pit the passionate powers of his sublimated suffering spirit against the world's mightiest empire. His creative religious genius allowed him to unite the mainstream of Western passion with India's traditional tapas, synthesizing both forms of suffering within his Great Soul. He turned himself into a cauldron of pain so brilliantly illuminating as to endow him with an aura of goodness and light, magnetizing millions to enter prison without flinching when he called, and to die for him, if ever he asked. But the meaning of Western passion, much like the semantic evolution of tapas, which shifted nuance from "heat" with "hellish connotations" to "suffering," soon came to embrace opposites of emotion, feelings like "desire" and "aversion," "hope" and "fear," "love" and "hatred."3 Gandhi's passion proved similarly ambivalent. He struggled throughout his mature life to subdue his strong sexual drive, believing that intercourse with his wife for any reason other than procreation was evil. His antipathy to every form of violence, moreover, made him most acutely sensitive to the potential violence of sexual brutality. Here too he probed ancient India's deep roots for a remedy, finding it, he felt, in Brahmacharya ("celibate studenthood"), the first stage of a traditional upper-caste Hindu's life, prior to his sexual initiation through marriage. Gandhi strove to return to and remain in that chaste first state for more than the last four decades of his life, struggling most passionately to adhere to his vow of total abstention. Gandhi equated Ahimsa ("Non-violence"), or as he preferred to define it, Love, with God. He also believed that "Truth (Satya) is God," devoting most of his life to the passionate quest of "seeing" God by living in perfect harmony with His golden attributes. Gandhi's passionate embrace of tapas, moreover, taught him to forget fear. He incorporated that fearless mantra into his life's mission to liberate his followers from fear's self-imposed shackles, as well as those more easily visible chains forged by foreign tyranny. Armed with Ahimsa, Satya, and tapas, Gandhi transformed his frail, naked body and fearless soul into an all but impregnable fortress. In choosing the subtitle for his Autobiography (The Story of My Experiments with Truth), however, and as evident throughout that book, Gandhi readily revealed how often he erred in his personal as well as his public life. Whenever he detected some imperfection or sensed he had made a strategic mis[ 5 ]
Gandhi's Passion
take (what he called a "Himalayan blunder" in prematurely launching Satyagraha), he never hesitated to admit his error and to reverse his course, obeying his "inner voice," which he believed was the voice of God. Reaching so ideally high, adhering so adamantly to noble principles and what he called "purity of means," Gandhi failed to achieve all he hoped for India. But the passion of his life was the legacy he left to his country and to the world, inspiring millions with the grandeur of his dream and some few disciples with an ardent love of suffering on their own painfully narrow road to martyrdom. In Gandhi's passion lies the key to his inner temple of pain. He suffered joyfully, guarding his dream to someday restore the epic "Golden Age" of goodness and truth to Mother India. And through the multifaceted prism of his passion, Gandhi's tragic weakness is revealed as the other side of his singular strength, helping to account for his final failure to win that for which he worked hardest and suffered most.
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1
Midnight in Calcutta
AHATMA GANDHI fell into "darkest despair" on the eve of India's independence in August 1947.l Savage fighting spread from Punjab and the North-West Frontier to Eastern Bengal and Bihar. Brutal violence unleashed a year earlier by Muslim thugs in Calcutta had triggered Hindu counterattacks and the murder of more Muslims in Bihar. Mayhem, rape, and murder spread to the villages of Bengal as well, each report inciting more massacres of innocents as communal hatred raged across most of South Asia's subcontinent. On July 17, 1947, acting on the advice of India's prime minister-inwaiting, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the consent of Pakistan's governor-generalto-be M. A. Jinnah, Viceroy Lord Mountbatten won his government's final approval to partition Punjab and Bengal along religious lines prior to Great Britain's withdrawal from India. Their plan to carve up British India was never approved of or accepted by Gandhi, however, who realized too late that his closest comrades and disciples were more interested in power than principle, and that his own vision had long been clouded by the illusion that the struggle he led for India's freedom was a nonviolent one. "Who listens to me today?" a despondent Gandhi muttered. "And why should anyone?" To disillusioned devotees, the Mahatma ("Great Soul") freely confessed his "bankruptcy," admitting that he lived in "a fool's paradise."2 Nonetheless, the seventy-seven-year-old little Father (Bapu) of his nation did not surrender to sorrow. Great Soul that he was, Gandhi carried on, passionately ignoring daily threats to his life, refusing to silence his criticism of the government, and rejecting appeals to remain in New Delhi to celebrate the dawn of India's freedom at midnight on the Fifteenth of Au[ 7 ]
Gandhi's Passion
gust 1947. "What is there to celebrate?" This "vivisection of the Mother," as he called partition, was fit only for prayer and "deep heart-searching," not for fireworks, proud speeches, and songs.3 Gandhi had tried to win Nehru over to his faith in the virtues of simple living, urging his aristocratic Anglophile heir to give up India's democratic throne, abandon the great house he planned to occupy, and instead move into a "village hut." He argued: "I believe that if India, and through India the world, is to achieve real freedom, then . . . we shall have to go and live in the villagesin huts, not in palaces."4 Gandhi feared now that India was approaching its doom, whirling mothlike round the hot light of power till its wings would burn. His duty was to save India from that sad fate, though he well understood it might take his last passionate breath. As Delhi draped itself in miles of festive electric lights and the saffron, white, and green bunting of India's bright national flag symbolizing wishful Hindu-Sikh-Muslim unity, Bapu entrained for Bengal on his lonely pilgrimage of prayer for peace. "What to do?" was the mantra he muttered daily that November as he walked barefoot through the blood-soaked mud of Noakhali District's scorched villages in Eastern Bengal's anguished Delta.5 He had gone there in response to his old Quaker friend Muriel Lester's personal plea, made after she had met Hindu widows who had watched their husbands butchered by Muslims. Before their husbands could be cremated, those widows were dragged off to be "converted" and "married" to the same killers. "These women had a dead look," Muriel wrote him, a look of "utter blankness."6 Gandhi soon saw worse things in Noakhali. Believing as he did that "Truth is God," he could not understand how so much he thought true about India turned out to be so violently false. Lured back to Delhi by appeals from the new viceroy seeking Gandhi's wise advice on how to stop the killings, Bapu offered it. But Mountbatten was staggered by what this naked "old fool" told him. He consulted Nehru, who explained that the "old boy" was "out of touch" and could hardly be taken seriously when he urged the viceroy immediately to replace his own Congress ally and heir with their most hated Muslim League enemy, Jinnah.7 Mountbatten agreed, understanding little more about India than what Nehru, Nehru's closest comrade, V. K. Krishna Menon, and his own clever wife, Lady Edwina, explained to him. They all agreed that Gandhi was a saint, but saints should never indulge in practical politics or govern nations, should they? Gandhi realized soon enough that it was all a charade, a polite royal brush-off, once the tea party ended, the carriages were called, and the servants escorted him down the garden path. That was when he decided to leave Delhi and return to Noakhali, where he was at least listened to, if not worshipped, by villagers too uneducated to be insincere, too timid for flat[ 8 ]
Midnight in Calcutta
tery or duplicity, too poor to fear that he wanted anything from them. These were the people he loved best and felt most at ease and at home among. Mostly naked, with no possessions to worry about losing, they had nothing to hide; they were as remote from regal Mountbattens and Nehrus as Noakhali was from New Delhi. But before reaching Noakhali, his train steamed into Calcutta's noisy, bustling station, arriving five hours late in that smoky magnificent "City of Dreadful Night."8 Imperial bullies later hammered her into the richest, sexiest, sickest capital of the grandest empire on earth, built along the wrong side of a river named Hughli atop dung-filled mud at whose ancient womb worshippers of the Mother Goddess Kali laid petals of puja and slaughtered sacrificial goats and lambs. Gandhi considered all modern cities satanic, the ugliest fruit of Western civilization. He had long sought refuge from their soul-crushing noise, industrial speed, and poisonous air, preferring the harmony of India's ancient village community. And the train ride (he adamantly refused to fly) was exhausting. Noisy crowds awaiting his arrival at every stop, shoving, shouting, banging at his carriage windows; even a glimpse of the Mahatmahis darshanwas considered a blessing to devout Hindus. He tried to wave them off and to spin or pray in peace, but they never left him alone, testing his patience, causing him often to lose it, making him shout angrily at them through toothless gums. Too tired to move on immediately to East Bengal, he got into a car that was waiting at Calcutta's station to drive him to suburban Sodepur, where his Bengali disciple Satish Chandra Das Gupta had established a retreat for the handspinning of cotton. He never planned far ahead. "One step enough for me," he often said, quoting the last words of the hymn he loved best, "Lead, Kindly Light," by Cardinal Newman.9 He waited at all times for instructions from his "inner voice" before making his next move. Only now he heard many voices, mostly those of anxious Muslims importuning him to stay in Calcutta. The Muslim minority there feared that the transfer of power to a Hindu Congress government in West Bengal would revive riots that had started a year ago, on August 16. That was proclaimed "Direct Action Day" by Quaid-iAzam ("Great Leader") Jinnah, president of the Muslim League. Of all his failures, the one Gandhi regretted most was not convincing Jinnah of the error of his insistence on partition, the dreadful operation that was to bring Pakistan to birth by virtually bleeding Mother India to death. If only Mountbatten and Nehru had agreed last April to tempt Jinnah by offering him the premier crown of thorns! Now it was too late, and the sole penance Gandhi could perform was to spend the remaining days of his life in Pakistan, trying to protect minorities there from extortion and violence by the Muslim majority. He resolved to leave India, moving either to Karachi or Lahore on that final pilgrimage, but first he would visit Noakhali once
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again to bring what little comfort his unarmed presence could to Hindus living there in daily fear of death. Calcutta's anxieties that the previous year's orgy of terror would be repeated, however, inspired him now to launch one of his most creative initiatives in problem solving. The man most widely blamed for the mass murder of Hindus and the torching of their property in the days and weeks following Direct Action Day was Bengal's Muslim League Chief Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. Every British officer, including Governor Sir Frederick Burrows and Chief of the Eastern Command Lt. General Sir Francis Tuker, pointed to Suhrawardy as the villain of the terror that exploded after he gave Calcutta's police a special holiday to "celebrate" Direct Action.10 What those self-righteous British officers failed to explain, of course, was why the army they commanded was kept in barracks until the rioters had done their worst work. As soon as troops did show themselves, marching through the streets up Garden Reach, Metia Bruz, Beliaghatia, and along the Lower Circular Road, the killers slipped away. Calcutta's Marwari Hindu merchants and bankers also pointed fingers at Suhrawardy. So did their sycophants in every court and bazaar, who soon hired their own thugs to wreak vengeance on Muslim quarters of the city, gutting homes and shops there for months. Suhrawardy by now was stripped of Calcutta's chief ministership, replaced by Dr. Profullah Chandra Ghosh, leader of West Bengal's Hindu Congress majority provincial government. Nor would Suhrawardy be picked to become chief minister of East Pakistan; his less popular Muslim League rival Khwaja Nazimuddin had been selected instead by Jinnah to take that post in Dhaka. Jinnah knew that Suhrawardy's dream had been to preside over an independent nation of BengalBangladesha new nation state he had lobbied hard to have carved out of the Eastern quarter of British India. His vision was to integrate Hindu majority West Bengal and Muslim majority East Pakistan into a single unified land of Bengali speakers, whose language and culture would transcend any differences of religious doctrine or practice. Mountbatten, however, refused even to consider Suhrawardy's brilliant plan, just as he had ignored Gandhi's proposal to replace Nehru with Jinnah. Though Suhrawardy's dream of becoming the king of Bengal was thus aborted, he lived to emerge less than a decade later (but only briefly to remain) as prime minister of Pakistan. He was removed by martial coup and died a few years later in Beirut. Gandhi had long known and liked Suhrawardy, who for three decades had admired him as well. So when Muslim friends pressed him to stay on in Calcutta, at least until after Independence Day, the Mahatma agreed to do so, on one conditionthat Shaheed Suhrawardy share the same roof with him so that they could appeal to Muslims and Hindus alike to live in peace in this greatest of all Indian cities. "Adversity makes strange bed-fellows,"
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Midnight in Calcutta
Gandhi told his prayer meeting that August 11.11 Suhrawardy agreed, and they moved into the abandoned Hydari House, a once-splendid residence whose terrified Muslim owners had fled, leaving it to be robbed and ruined by looters and hoodlums. They seemed an odd couple, the almost naked Bapu and Bengal's Big Daddy dressed meticulously in his white linen or beige silk suits. But Gandhi's genius for symbolic gestures was never wiser than this experiment in Hindu-Muslim cohabitation. It visibly demonstrated to Calcutta's millions of angry and fearful Hindus and Muslims alike that a Mahatma and the Muslim League leader most often blamed for instigating the worst of last year's riots could peacefully live under a single roof. They stayed there together for almost a week, answering the most hostile, angry questions as honestly as they could, as fearlessly as both of these remarkable men had lived all their lives. It proved to be a potent lesson in the practical possibility of peaceful coexistence, cooperation, and the powers of love. Of the lessons Gandhi had labored most of his life to teach, this was one of the most important. The interlude with Suhrawardy, however, was his last demonstration of the miraculous force of love and the value of trust and faith in one's fellow man as well as in truth. Pacifist Horace Alexander, whose leadership of the Society of Friends had first brought him to India in 1929, was invited by Gandhi to join them in Hydari House, where Alexander proved useful in helping to keep crowds of irate Hindus from breaking in that first night. "Why have you come here?" they shouted at Gandhi. "Why did you not go to places from where the Hindus have fled?"12 "I have come here to serve not only Muslims but Hindus," he explained. The hooligans told him to "go away," but Gandhi was never easily dissuaded or intimidated from doing what he believed to be right. "You can obstruct my work, even kill me. I won't invoke the help of the police. You can prevent me from leaving this house, but what is the use of your dubbing me an enemy of the Hindus? I will not accept the label." The Mahatma then asked them what good it would do now to "avenge" the wrongs committed in 1946. On August 14, Gandhi argued again with the young Hindus who had so angrily challenged him the previous day. By evening he had won their hearts and minds. "What a spell-binder this old man is!" one of them cried. "No matter how heavy the odds, he does not know . . . defeat."13 That same convert volunteered to help guard Hydari House against any future attacks. An estimated ten thousand people gathered to hear Gandhi's prayer that evening. "If the flames of communal strife envelop the whole country," Bapu asked, "how can our newborn freedom survive?" He awoke at 2 A.M. on August 15, having slept through Nehru's "Tryst with Destiny" speech at midnight. When he left Hydari House for his morning walk, crowds followed him, keen for just a glimpse of the Ma[ 11 ]
Gandhi's Passion
hatma. Soon after he returned, West Bengal's new cabinet arrived, seeking his blessings. "Wear the crown of thorns," Gandhi told them. "Strive ceaselessly to cultivate truth and non-violence. Be humble. Be forbearing . . . beware of power; power corrupts. Do not let yourselves be entrapped by its pomp and pageantry. Remember, you are in office to serve the poor in India's villages."14 How obvious it seemed to him now, that simple prescription for using power most wisely, and yet how long it had taken him to learn. And how difficult it was to avoid life's lures and traps, the pomp and the wrong passions.
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2
Dawn in Gujarat
HE MAHATMA'S father, Karamchand ("Kaba") Gandhi, was a man of power and pomp, prime minister of the princely Indian state of Porbandar in Gujarat. Kaba was also a man of passion, taking his fourth wife (the previous three had died), Putlibai, then only fifteen, "when he was over forty."1 Their youngest child, Mohandas Karamchand, the future Bapu, was born on October 2,1869. Gandhi was over fifty when his autobiography, which he called The Story of My Experiments with Truth, was published, and though he wrote of his father as a man "given to carnal pleasures," his recollection of his mother was of her saintliness and deeply religious nature. Young Moniya, as she called him, was mother's darling. He had three older sisters (two of them half-sisters) and a doting aiya (nanny), named Rambha, to help mother pamper her "little prince." He also had two brothers. Lakshmidas, who was six years older, eventually took an Indian law degree and entered Porbandar's financial service; Karsandas, three years older, at maturity enlisted in the police force of the neighboring state of Rajkot. Karsandas's best friend was the son of the Muslim chief of police, a tall, handsome boy named Sheikh Mehtab, who became young Mohan's (short for Mohandas) first hero, and later his nemesis. When Moniya was seven, the Gandhis moved inland from Porbandar's Arabian Sea coastal city to Rajkot State, which was more than a hundred miles to the north. His father now served a more powerful Hindu prince, and Moniya would soon be enrolled in Rajkot's Alfred High School, where he learned English and cricket. He was also married that first year in high school, at age eleven, to the child bride chosen for him five years earlier by
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his parents, Vaishnava priests, and astrologers.2 Kasturba, the daughter of wealthy Porbandar merchant Gokuldas Makanji, remained his mate for life, until she died sixty-two years later in the Aga Khan's old malaria-infested Poona palace, where they were both incarcerated by the British for most of World War II. Merchants of the Modh Vania Hindu caste to which the Gandhis belonged were famed for their wealth, frugality, shrewdness in business, and honesty. Gandhi's father and uncle had only three unmarried children left: Mohan, brother Karsandas, and one male cousin. They decided to pool resources by holding all three weddings at the same time, under the same festive pandal (tent) in Porbandar. "Less expense and greater eclat," Gandhi noted. "My father and my uncle were both old, and . . . they wanted to have the last best time of their lives."3 But racing back for the wedding from Rajkot in the royal coach, Kaba almost lost his life when the coach overturned, tossing him out onto sharp stones, breaking several bones, and forcing him to remain seated and witness the grandly festive wedding through facial bandages. "I was devoted to my parents. But no less was I devoted to the passions that flesh is heir to.... Little did I dream that one day I should severely criticize my father for having married me as a child. . . . And oh! That first night. Two innocent children all unwittingly hurled themselves into the ocean of life . . . we were too nervous to face each other . .. too shy.. .. We were the same age. But I took no time in assuming the authority of a husband." Spoiled from infancy by his adoring mother, sisters, and aiya, Gandhi naturally assumed that all women, including his young and equally willful bride, would obey his merest wish as regal command, doing exactly what he desired, without hesitation or argument. Kasturba, however, proved more than a match for his male chauvinism, petulance, and egotism. Like him, she had been reared as a Vaishnava princess. Though she lacked formal education, she was braver than her young husband, who had never slept in the dark without nightmares, fearing attacks from demon ghosts or giant snakes. She could be just as stubborn and long-suffering as he was. In some ways, especially concerning the rearing of children, she was much wiser and more compassionate. Mohan, with absolutely no reason, as he later admitted, was a jealous husband as well as a tyrannical one. Kasurba "could not go anywhere without my permission."4 He went wherever he liked, and thanks mostly to his friend Mehtab soon started indulging in strange and unsavory experiments. The Gandhis had always been strict vegetarians, as are all devout Hindus. Mohan's mother, however, was particularly strict about her diet, often undertaking prolonged as well as regular daily fasts in the more mo-
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nastic Jain tradition to which she personally was attracted.5 Gandhi's later use of fasting as a political weapon was one of his mother's legacies. In Mehtab's company, however, Mohan not only ate meat but smoked purloined cigarettes or purchased them with coppers stolen from house servants. Kasturba warned him to stay away from Mehtab, but "I was too proud to heed my wife's warning."6 For about a year Gandhi surreptitiously enjoyed "meat-feasts" specially prepared for them both by Sheikh Mehtab and the state's chief cook in a secluded house, to whose dining hall they had access. After those feasts, Mohan had no appetite, of course, for his mother's cooking, and when she anxiously asked why, he lied that something was "wrong with my digestion." The lying troubled him more than the eating forbidden meat, so that he finally told his friend he could indulge in no more meat feasts. Mehtab also took him to a local brothel and "prepaid" for his guest and himself. "I was saved by the skin of my teeth. . . . God in His infinite mercy protected m e . . . . I sat near the woman on her bed, but I was tonguetied. She naturally lost patience with me, and showed me the door, with abuses and insults. I then felt as though my manhood had been injured." He admits, however, that "the carnal desire was there," thanking "Divine mercy for the escape." His adventures with his best friend may be viewed as little more than adolescent rebellion against the strictures of tradition. "One of the reasons of my differences with my wife were undoubtedly the company of this friend [Mehtab]," Gandhi concluded in the chapter entitled "Tragedy" in his autobiography. "I was both a devoted and a jealous husband, and this friend fanned the flame of my suspicions about my wife. I never could doubt his veracity. And I have never forgiven myself the violence of which I have been guilty in often having pained my wife by acting on his information."7 Gandhi gives no details of the angry confrontation with Kasturba or the clearly false accusations, based on whatever Mehtab whispered insidiously into a jealous husband's ears. Two decades and many pregnancies were, moreover, to pass before he finally resolved never to sleep with his wife again. Yet, significantly enough, he links that Brahmacharya (celibacy) vow in his autobiography to the "tragedy" of his experiences with Mehtab. "The canker of suspicion was rooted out only when I understood . . . the glory of Brahmacharya and realized that the wife is not the husband's bond-slave, but his companion ... an equal partner in all his joys and sorrowsas free as the husband to choose her own path. Whenever I think of those dark days of doubts and suspicions, I am filled with loathing of my folly and my lustful cruelty, and I deplore my blind devotion to my friend." Despite Gandhi's retrospective loathing of the folly and cruelty of his "negative identity," Sheikh Mehtab, their intimacy continued for decades.8
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Gandhi even brought Mehtab to South Africa to live with him for a while, only to expel him from their Eden after catching him naked with a prostitute in his house. Gandhi's profound problems with his eldest son, Harilalwho would convert to Islam, change his name, and become a drunkard as well as a wastrelwere attributed by psycho-historian Erik Erikson to the boy's identification with Sheikh Mehtab, his "saintly" father's "murdered self."9 Gandhi's ambivalence toward the powerful influence of his "friend" certainly remains one of the most puzzling questions about the formation of his complex personality. Young Gandhi's ambivalence toward his own father, of course, was at least equally seminal in nourishing the roots of his remarkable evolution from Moniya to Mahatma. Moniya was only fifteen when "I stole a bit of gold out of my meateating brother's armlet."10 Brother Karsandas had run up a debt of some twenty-five rupees for the meat-eating habit he, Moniya, and Mehtab all enjoyed. The soft solid gold of Karsandas's armlet was "not difficult to clip," Gandhi recalled, and the small bit of gold he clipped, paid off their debt but left its weight in growing feelings of guilt. "I did not dare to speak. Not that I was afraid of my father beating me. No, I do not recall his ever having beaten any of us. I was afraid of the pain that I should cause him." So he resolved to make a "clean confession," in written form, trembling "as I handed the confession to my father. He was then suffering from a fistula and was confined to bed." Kaba did not rebuke his son, but after reading the note "pearl-drops" of tears "trickled down his cheeks," wetting the paper, which he tore up. "I also cried," Gandhi recalled. "I could see my father's agony . . . still so vivid in my mind." To Gandhi those paternal pearl-drops were an "object-lesson" in Ahimsa, the nonviolence or pure love that was to become equated in his heart with God, the greatest force for good. "There is no limit to its power," Gandhi believed, but indicative of how surprised he was to find it in Kaba, he added: "This sort of sublime forgiveness was not natural to my father."11 The reason, he finally decided, "was due to my clean confession . . . combined with a promise never to commit the sin again . . . the purest type of repentance." Soon after that incident Mohan was nursing his sick father, massaging his legs, having just given him medicine. Suddenly, he felt feelings of "carnal lust" for his then-pregnant wife. Kaba was so sick that his brother had come especially to see him that night and relieved young Mohan at about 11 P.M. "I was glad and went straight to the bedroom. My wife, poor thing, was fast asleep. . . .I woke her up. In five or six minutes, however, the servant knocked... .'Father is very ill.' I knew of course ... so I . . . sprang out of bed. 'What is the matter? Do tell me!' 'Father is no more.' I felt deeply ashamed and miserable. I ran to my father's room ... if animal passion had not blinded me, I should have been spared the torture of separation from
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my father during his last moments. ... It was a blot I have never been able to efface or forget."12 Worse, Mohan's child lived no more than four days. Erikson, following Kierkegaard's analysis of the lives of "spiritual innovators," calls this "the curse" of Gandhi's life. The "account" with his father could never be settled, leaving a lifelong "existential debt."13 That "double shame" as Gandhi called it, linking his father's death to that of his first child, always remained in his mind the product of carnal lust, helping to explain his passionate preoccupation with Brahmacharya, upon which he focused intently during the last years of his life. "My meaning of brahmacharya is this," Gandhi wrote an anxious old disciple who had inquired nervously about strange reports she'd heard of his behavior. "One who never has lustful intention, who by constant attendance upon God, has become capable of lying naked with naked women, however beautiful they may be, without being in any manner whatsoever sexually excited. Such a person should be incapable of lying, incapable of intending doing harm to a single man or woman, free from anger and malice and detached."14 Mohan was eighteen when he finished high school in 1887, two years after the birth in Bombay of the Indian National Congress he was destined to lead and revolutionize. To take his matriculation examination, the young man had to travel from little Rajkot State to Ahmedabad. British India's Gujarati capital city, Ahmedabad had more than 100,000 people, most of them Hindus; even so, it was a far cry from its heyday of great Mughal power in the seventeenth century, when half a million Muslim soldiers and Hindu merchants lived there. To the young graduate, reared between tiny Porbandar's port of fewer than 15,000 and Rajkot's slightly larger provincial princely capital, Ahmedabad was the busiest, most exciting city he'd ever seen. Its marble palacesregal homes of Gujarati and Marwari merchants, purchased with profits from the opium trade and sales of gold, jewels, silks, and saffronwere rivaled only by the multistoried British bungalows surrounded by lush gardens, through whose high gates rolled broughams bearing pukka sahibs in pith-helmets, and their flowerdecked "mems" sporting long white gloves. He had never seen so many people: among them were elegant long-coated, stiff-turbaned Parsis, bearded Jews, and white-collared Christian missionaries, mingling with India's wealthy cloth merchants and people dressed as simply as himself. Camels hauled bulging bales of cotton, and rickshaw coolies dragged ladies in silk saris. He had come here alone and was so enchanted by this first sight of multifaceted Ahmedabad that years later he would choose one of the suburbs along its river, Sabarmati, as the venue of his first Indian ashram, soon after he returned from South Africa. "I had a predilection for Ahmedabad. . . . Being a Gujarati I thought I should be able to render the greatest serv[ 17 ]
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ice to the country through the Gujarati language. And ... as Ahmedabad was . . . the capital of Gujarat, monetary help from its wealthy citizens would be more available here."15 After high school, Gandhi felt obliged to go to college to prepare to succeed his father as premier advisor to one of Gujarat's princes. He personally would have preferred to study medicine. His experience nursing his sick father, despite its traumatic end, appealed strongly to his ardent desire to serve the ill and disabled, a passion he never lost. But when he told his oldest brother of his professional preference, lawyer Lakshmidas "interrupted me: 'Father never liked it. ... [H]e said that we Vaishnavas should have nothing to do with dissection of dead bodies. Father intended you for the bar.'"16 Their senior family advisor, "a shrewd and learned [Maharashtrian] Brahman" named Mavji Dave Joshi, added his weight in favor of legal studies; "a medical degree will not make a Diwan [Prime Minister] of you. ... It is the wisest thing ... to become a barrister." Becoming a barrister, however, meant going to London, where no member of his family had ever gone. "I began building castles in the air," Gandhi recalled, excited by the very prospect. If Ahmedabad was almost like London compared to Porbandar, what on earth could real London be likeQueen Victoria's fabled world capital with its population of more than five million? "I had a secret design in my mind of coming here to satisfy my curiosity of knowing what London was," Gandhi confessed in the first lines of his "London Diary," written soon after he'd arrived.17 To reach London, however, he first had to go to Bombay, British India's commercial capital and Western gateway port, to and from which the giant P&O liner steamed each month. London via Southampton was less than a month from Bombay, but only over seas, called "black waters," forbidden to be crossed by any devout Hindu, fearing loss of caste from distant pollution. The elder members of Gandhi's Modh Vania caste, whose council met in Bombay, were shocked by the proposal of one of their young men, who dared express his wish to cross the dark and polluted waters to so "sinful" a destination of beef-eaters and wine-drinkers as London. They threatened to ostracize him from the community if he dared to disobey their strict prohibition. Neither Gandhi nor his brothers feared such ancient superstitions, however, and knew that the worst caste councils could do during this era of British rule was to demand acts of prayerful penance or impose limited fines upon disobedient members of their community. Gandhi's mother was worried more about the potential danger of such a journey to her darling son's health than to his soul, for "someone had told her that young men got lost in England. Someone else had said that they took to meat; and . . . liquor."18 Perhaps she had a premonition that she would not live to welcome her son home. Yet she knew how excited, how eager he was to explore the world, venturing to see for himself what
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London, embodying all the pomp, power, and glory as well as the danger and challenge of the British Empire, really was. So she consulted her trusted saintly Jain adviser, Becharji Swami, who reassured her: "I shall get the boy solemnly to take . . . three vows, and then he can be allowed to go."19 Gandhi vowed never to touch "wine, women or meat" in London, after which his tearful mother gave him her farewell blessings. To Mohandas Gandhi's provincial eyes, London would open up the world. Without living in London he may well have succeeded to his father's political power over princely states like Rajkot and Porbandar. He might even have climbed a rung or two higher in Gujarat or Bombay, but hardly more than that. After London, however, the entire world, including all of Westminster's mighty towers, would open wide, accessible to his curious mind, eager heart, and great soul.
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3
The Impact of Victorian London
ANDHI REACHED Southampton on a Saturday. It was September 29, 1888, three days before his nineteenth birthday.1 The S.S. Clyde tied up at the new Tilbury Docks, and young Mohandas was the only one of its more than a hundred passengers to disembark in white flannels, handing keys to his luggage kit to Grindlay and Company's waiting agent, who failed to warn him that nothing would be delivered to his room at the grand Hotel Victoria until Monday. Dressed as he was for Bombay's summer rather than London's fall, Gandhi felt cold and exasperated. He had written ahead to several of his father's friends, however, and one of them, Dr. P. J. Mehta, called on him Saturday soon after he reached his elegant hotel on Northumberland Avenue. Fascinated by Mehta's gleaming top hat, Gandhi "passed my hand over it the wrong way and disturbed the fur." Mehta angrily took his hat away, cautioning the new arrival never to "touch other people's things" in England, and never to ask personal "questions as we usually do in India." That was "my first lesson in European etiquette." Gandhi soon learned many more. He was dazzled by London's elevators and electric lights and shocked at the cost of its comforts. He very quickly moved out of his grand room, when he learned its exorbitant price. Mehta located cheaper accommodations for him in Richmond, at a friend's place, but finding suitable food remained a serious problem for the avowed vegetarian. Except for "fairly filling" breakfast oatmeal, "I always starved," Gandhi recalled.2 He had resolved never to break his vows and repeated Lord Rama's name whenever pangs of hunger or well-meaning Indian friends tempted him with a rib of beef or a steak. His Aiya Rambha had
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allies in protecting cows can hardly be exaggerated. In London, Gandhi remained in daily touch with his vegetarian friends, as ardent an advocate of the salubrious values as well as religious virtues of their faith as any among them. In 1891, when he moved to 52 St. Stephen's Gardens, Bayswater, Gandhi started a new local branch of the Vegetarian Society, serving as its secretary; his friend and roommate, Dr. Josiah Oldfield, editor of The Vegetarian, agreed to preside over all meetings of their West London Food Reform Society.9 "Good Christian" that Dr. Oldfield was, he tried to convert his young Indian friend to the Anglican faith, urging him to read the Bible.10 Gandhi found the Old Testament much less appealing than the New, attracted on first reading to the Sermon on the Mount, which "went straight to my heart." He thus received scriptural validation for nonviolence from Christian sources even before reading much about it in India's literature. Two vegetarian bachelor "brothers" who had been studying the Hindu Bhagavad Gita ("Song of the Blessed One"), using Edwin Arnold's poetic rendition, The Song Celestial, invited Gandhi to read and translate the original Sanskrit version of that epic poem with them. Edwin Arnold would later agree to serve as vice-president of Gandhi's Bayswater Food Reform Society, and Mohan found his Light of Asia, a life of the Buddha, just as compelling as his work on the Gita. The unnamed bachelor "brothers" were both Theosophists, and they tried to convert Gandhi to that esoteric sect. At one point they brought him to Blavatsky Lodge in London, where he met the mysterious founder of Theosophy, Madame Helena Blavatsky, then mortally ill. Her Key to Theosophy, Gandhi recalled, "stimulated in me the desire to read books on Hinduism and disabused me of the notion fostered by the missionaries that Hinduism was rife with superstition."11 At London's Theosophical Society he first met Madame's recent convert, her most brilliant disciple, Annie Besant.12 Annie had gained notoriety, long before meeting Madame Blavatsky, as atheist radical Charles Bradlaugh's lover, helping him lift a ban imposed on a book advocating birth control, leading the first women's strike (of matchmakers) in London, joining George Bernard Shaw's Fabian Socialist Society, and campaigning as vigorously for Irish Home Rule as she later would for Indian Home Rule. She was to be the first woman, and the only Englishwoman, ever elected to preside over India's National Congress. Annie tried her eloquent best to lure Mohandas into Theosophy, as she would later convert Motilal Nehru and his only son, Jawaharlal, but Gandhi remained impervious to all her allures, as he was to Dr. Oldfield's attempts to bring him "up" to Christ.13 "It was only after I came in contact with . . . Christians, that I resolved ... I should be termed a Hindu," he later reflected.14 Shamed by his new-found Theosophist friends into studying the Gita,
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the bar. Written tests in Roman Law, and English Common Law as well as Equity, also had to be passed. "I could not see then, nor have I seen since," Gandhi reflected three decades later, "how these dinners qualified the students better for the bar. There was once a time when only a few students used to attend these dinners and thus there were opportunities for talks between them and the benchers, and speeches were also made. . . . No such thing was possible in my time."18 Hundreds of students would fill the hall's floor, four at a table, with black-robed barristers, who presided over the Inn ("Benchers") seated at their own raised high table in splendid isolation. Though, as Gandhi concluded, the "institution" of keeping terms had "lost all its meaning . . . conservative England retained it nevertheless." English barristers were jokingly referred to as "dinner barristers." Wealthy Indian families, like the Gandhis, Jinnahs, and Nehrus, were eager to send their brightest young men to dine in London's Inns of Court set amid lovely garden grounds north of the Thames Embankment. There they breathed the sweet air of liberty, imbibing such revolutionary concepts of the Common Law as the presumption of innocence and the freedom to express one's ideas and opinions in speech or writing, whatever one's color, creed, or caste might be. Those London Inns (the Inner Temple for Gandhi and Nehru; Lincoln's Inn for Jinnah) proved inadvertent cradles to the nationalist leadership of India and Pakistan, educating those brilliant barristers to voice English demands for justice and teaching them most effectively to speak, petition, and act in rallying millions of their followers to demand freedom. Like most Indian students in London, Gandhi never spoke of his wife or son (Harilal had been born a few months before he left home) to any of his English friends. He felt ashamed of having married so young and pretended instead to bachelorhood. Another "reason for dissembling," he confessed, was that for married students it would be "impossible" to "flirt with the young girls of the family in which they lived."19 Mohandas obviously "saw" that "our youths had succumbed to the temptation and chosen a life of untruth for the sake of companionship.... I too caught the contagion." But he never "took advantage" of any English women he met, though several seemed quite interested in penetrating his "armor" of "shyness," tempting him to break at least one of the sacred vows he had made to his mother. He generally met with temptation on short holidays at watering places, like Ventnor and Brighton. In his hotel dining room at the seaside resort he met an old widow, who kindly helped him read the French menu. Their acquaintance ripened into friendship, and soon he dined at her London home every Sunday. To help him "conquer my bashfulness" the old woman invited young ladies to join them. She seemed to have "thought of an engagement" between Gandhi and one of them, he recalled, much to his dismay at
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Hills, like William Morris, Edward Carpenter, and John Ruskin, was a vigorous Victorian critic of the monstrous horrors of modernity's urban industrial pollution and human degeneration. His work and words inspired Gandhi to seek a simpler, more truthful ethos for India and all of humankind. "When he who is impure has learned to loathe the sensual sins which war against the soul, when he has learned to love that heavenly chastity which is a sign and seal of God's abiding presence," wrote Hills, "then for him the process of salvation is begunfor in the body he has begun to know God."23 Gandhi's life in London, remote from the "carnal temptations" of his wife and bound by the threefold abstinence demanded by his mother, was in many ways more nearly like that of a Christian monk than the Hindu husband and father he was. By leaving for London he had thus left the second "householder" (gryhasta) stage of a traditional Hindu's ideal fourstaged life, returning instead to stage one, Brahmacharya, "celibate studenthood." Apprentice barrister Gandhi appears to have found celibacy much more congenial to his shy, sensitive personality and spirit than the life of "lust" thrust upon him perforce by his very early arranged marriage. With no conjugal distractions or obligations, young Mohandas decided to take required courses and examinations to qualify as a matriculate from London University while completing his final terms for the Bar. He studied Latin and chemistry, in addition to French and physics ("Heat and Light"). Though he first failed both examinations in Latin and chemistry, he did not lose heart, resolving to try again, passing the Latin at second try, taking physics instead of chemistry to fulfill the science requirement. On the eve of his departure for home in 1891, Gandhi was interviewed by a Vegetarian reporter, who asked what had induced him to come so far. "In a word, ambition," he replied.24 Ambition to become a barrister was his youthful incentive. Yet once he arrived in the imperial capital of so many Inns of Court, built around their "Temple" of Justice, he embarked upon an eager spiritual search for deeper understanding, stimulated by London's plethora of sects and spires, temples of Parliament, and parliaments of religion, all challenging him to question every axiom of his faith. Ambition may have lured him to London, but self-awareness sustained him there. Every day in that capital of the world he was stimulated to learn more about faith and philosophy as well as the law, about India and Mohandas Gandhi as well as Great Britain and the roots of British power. On June 12, 1891, the day after he was admitted to the Bar, Gandhi left London and started his passage back to Bombay. At Liverpool Street Station he took the express train to Southampton's docks, but "I could not make myself believe that I was going to India until I stepped into the P. & O. steamship Oceana." In less than three years he had grown "so much attached" to London and its environment, he confessed to his Vegetarian
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4
Brief Interlude at Home
ROTHER LAKSHMIDAS welcomed him on the rain-drenched dock in Bombay and drove with him to Dr. P. J. Merita's grand house, where they spent the night. Mohan first learned now of his frail mother's last illness and recent death. He stoically accepted the sad news, shedding no tears, taking "to life just as though nothing had happened."1 His wife and son had remained in Rajkot, but before returning to them Gandhi accompanied his elder brother on a purification pilgrimage to the Hindu city of Nasik, where he washed away his pollution, acquired from crossing "dark waters," in the mud-yellow meandering streams of the temple-lined Darna River. The Modh Vania caste council had ordered Lakshmidas to take his excommunicated rebel sibling to Nasik for a ritual bath as the first step toward his readmission to their caste. He would also be required to host a feast for all the Vania elders of Rajkot, each of whom Barrister Gandhi was obliged personally to serve bare-chested (except for his sacred thread), bowing low as he humbly begged forgiveness. Finally, there was a rather exorbitant fine he was expected to pay. Mohandas reluctantly accepted the first two conditions, but refused point blank to pay any fine.2 His refusal left him excommunicated in Porbandar, where Kasturba's entire family resided. He would never again step inside the grand homes of any of his wealthy in-laws in their Arabian seaside city. "I would not so much as drink water at their houses. They were prepared secretly to evade the prohibition, but it went against the grain with me."3 Kasturba's reaction to her stubborn husband's adamant refusal ever again to enter her father and mother's home, or that of her sister or brother,
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could think of no question to ask and feared that the judge was secretly laughing at him. Ashamed of his impotence, Gandhi left the court, turning the case and its fees over to a Mr. Patel, for whom it was child's play. Unlike Jinnah, who would soon rocket to the top of Bombay's Bar by his unflappable courtroom presence and rhetorical brilliance, Gandhi proved himself an utter failure at the profession his brother had chosen for him. His was a prophetic failure, however, which compelled him to move on, conquer other worlds, and answer other callings. But first he returned to Rajkot, setting up his own office there, drafting applications and memorials brought to him primarily by his brother's partner. He barely earned as much at such drudgery, however, as his father's salary had been decades earlier. It was hardly the sort of life young Gandhi had dreamed of when shivering in Victoria, starving in Richmond, or declaiming to his Vegetarian Society in Bayswater. The barren boredom of reading and drafting reams of legal boilerplate in mercantile memorials made him wish he had never come home. Then one day his brother asked him "to put in a word" on his behalf with the British Political Agent Sir Edward Charles Ollivant, the Viceroy's representative in the Princely States of Rajkot and Porbandar.7 Lakshmidas had been accused of "advising" the young Rana of Rajkot to remove some of that state's precious jewels from its treasury without the requisite prior permission of the British agent. The myth of Princely State independence had long been understood by India's 570 puppet potentates as a political shadow game played to help each state's subjects remain calm and loyal. Those hereditary "native" princes enjoyed their palatial comforts and pleasures only as long as they never conspired against Great Britain's foreign suzerain power. British martial leaders and Western weapons had trained Indian soldiers to crush and conquer all of South Asia's princes over the past century, even after the "Sepoy Mutiny," which had launched the last great Anglo-Indian War of 1857-8.8 British officers were then sent by Victoria's viceroys from Calcutta to reside at every Indian prince's courtmen like Sir Edward. With British troops under their command, these officers were ready to blow away any prince or his advisors foolish enough to ignore orders or venal enough to try to liquidate the state's valuable treasures without prior permission from the agent, who was, in fact, the real sovereign. Mohandas had briefly met Ollivant in London and naturally mentioned it to his brother, who considered that "trifling acquaintance" enough to "influence" the mighty British agent in this embarrassing matter of purloined princely jewels. Barrister Gandhi, of course, understood that if his brother was innocent he hardly needed any influence to exonerate himself, but should simply "submit a petition."9 Lakshmidas, however, had not
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vor. Yet traveling to and from England had taught him how kind, gentle, gracious, and generous Englishmen and women were to everyone everywhere, except in India. The Raj seemed to turn some of those same human beings into despots and monsters. No Englishmen ever spoke so harshly, so rudely to him in their own domain. It was doubly humiliating to hear one speak to him this way in his own home state! Ollivant never imagined, of course, how much he personally did to help convert a timid barrister, deeply loyal to Great Britain's Imperium, into India's greatest revolutionary nationalist leader. Gandhi's impotent fury and rage at Ollivant's rudeness was, moreover, compounded by his own understanding of how wrong he had been to approach such an official "in such a false position." He knew that his brother had been wrongat least according to the rules of the game created and enforced by foreign umpires. He had learned enough, merely from dining at the Inner Temple, about British officious mentality to intuit that when his brother first asked him for the favor, it was doomed to failure. But he was Indian enough not to be able to refuse an elder brother's request. Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, the "Uncrowned King" of Bombay, whose wealth and hauteur were much greater than those of most English officials, came by sheer coincidence to Rajkot shortly after Mohan's rude expulsion from Ollivant's office. "If [Gandhi] would earn something and have an easy time here," Mehta advised, "let him tear up the note and pocket the insult. He will gain nothing by proceeding against the sahib, and . . . will very likely ruin himself."12 It was the first time Gandhi ever solicited advice from Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, and he chose not to follow it. He did not tear up Ollivant's note nor did he pocket the insult, nurturing it instead, trying to make some sense of such arrogance and irrational contempt on the part of a single representative of one national entity for every member of another, much larger, much older, much more civilized nation. "This shock changed the course of my life," Gandhi reflected. He was still indebted to Lakshmidas, but he had now learned that he could never pay off that debt as his elder brother might wish him to. Speaking the Queen's English and wearing proper English clothes had not sufficed to shield him from humiliation or from the rough dirty hands of an illiterate peon, who mastered neither English nor Latin and would never be called to any Bar. The insult he'd sustained less than a year after having returned from England searingly convinced Gandhi that he could never be content to live out his life in the provincial princely backwater to which he'd been born. He had seen too much of the wider, greater world to rest content in the shadow of impotent indigenous royalty and arrogant foreign despots, served by stooges, who included his own brothers and countless other peons ready to do anything sahib ordered.
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5
Early Traumas and Triumphs in South Africa
HEN STARTING for South Africa I did not feel the wrench of separation ... I had experienced when leaving for England," Gandhi confessed. "I only felt the pang of parting with my wife. Another baby had been born to us. ... 'We are bound to meet again in a year,' I said to her, by way of consolation."1 Their second son, Manilal, had been born in October 1892, barely six months before Gandhi so cavalierly steamed off again from Bombay, leaving him, Kasturba, and their four-year-old Harilal at home in Rajkot. Gandhi was no more of a chauvinist than most of his equally affluent Indian contemporaries, nor was he any less. Though Gandhi prided himself on having become his wife's teacher and guide, he also admitted that "our love could not yet be called free from lust."2 Kasturba may well have felt more relieved to see him go than he was eager to be off again. Dada Abdulla, Natal's wealthiest Gujarati merchant, was waiting on the quay in Durban to welcome Gandhi, personally taking his frock coatclad "white elephant" (as Gandhi later called himself) to his firm's warehouse office building. Indian "coolie" labor, mostly indentured Tamils from the south, had since 1860 been shipped to work on that "Garden Colony's" tea and sugar plantations as virtual slaves. After their five-year indenture contracts expired, they could sail home free or stay on in South Africa. Most Indians chose to remain, many drifting North, from Natal's colony to the Republic of Transvaal.3 Gujarati merchants had quickly followed the poor laborers and prospered by selling them every variety of good, from cottons to pots and matches. Natal's white rulers watched the
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meekly to accept, much as Mehta had advised him to do in Rajkot. Had he been older, meeker, or more interested in enjoying an easy time of it and earning more money, Gandhi could have silently lowered his head and kept his mouth shut. But that was hardly young Barrister Gandhi's idea of how to deal with injustice. He could, however, take a more pragmatic approach when he saw that one of his just demands would not be met. The next day, in fact, after the train took him to Charlestown he was obliged to board a stage coach to Johannesburg, since no track had as yet been laid there. His first-class ticket entitled him to a comfortable seat inside the coach, but the "white man in charge" ordered him to sit on the side of the coachbox instead. "I knew it was sheer injustice and an insult, but I thought it better to pocket it. I could not have forced myself inside, and if I had raised a protest, the coach would have gone off without me . . . the loss of another day. . . . So, much as I fretted within myself, I prudently sat next to the coachman."6 Still flexible enough to bend, Gandhi was willing to stoop only so far in accommodating racist despotism. When that same white man decided he wanted to taste the fresh air from Gandhi's seat, calling him "Sami" [for Swami] as he ordered him to come down to the footboard, the "insult was more than I could bear. . . . trembling I said to him ... 'I will not. . . but I am prepared to sit inside.'"7 The bully boxed his ears and tried to "drag me down," but Gandhi tenaciously "clung to the brass rails . . . determined to keep my hold even at the risk of breaking my wristbones." His courage and fierce resolve aroused the sympathy of other passengers, who denounced the bully and invited Mohandas to sit next to them inside. Shamed by such human shouts, the bully let him be, banishing a "Hottentot servant" from the coachbox instead, while Gandhi sat silently praying "to God to help me." At the next stop Dada Abdulla's friends were waiting to take him quickly to comfort and safety for the night. He wrote the coach company to complain of his treatment on their vehicle and was assured a good seat in the larger coach that took him the next day to Johannesburg. In busy Johannesburg, however, Gandhi missed Dada Abdulla's agent, so took a cab to the Grand National Hotel and asked for a room. The Manager "eyed me for a moment. ... 'I am very sorry, we are full up.'" So he told his cab driver to take him to Abdulla's friends' shop and found them expecting him, enjoying a good laugh when they learned he had asked for a hotel room. "Only we can live in a land like this, because, for making money, we do not mind pocketing insults," the smiling Muslim merchant explained. "This country is not for men like you."8 He advised Gandhi to travel third class to Transvaal, but the haughty barrister was not as yet a Mahatma, insisting on the first-class ticket he'd been promised. Abdulla's friend did as requested, but warned, "I am afraid the guard will not leave you in peace." Sure enough, a guard came to order him to third class.
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Satisfied with the result of that meeting, Pretoria's Indian community leaders decided to hold such meetings weekly, and soon Gandhi found "no Indian I did not know," which "prompted me in turn to make the acquaintance of the British Agent," who agreed "to help us as best he could."15 Next, Gandhi wrote to the railway manager to inform him that from his careful study of railway regulations he saw no reason why properly dressed Indians who purchased first- and second-class tickets should not be allowed to ride in those carriages. The manager agreed to leave it up to the station master to decide who was properly dressed. Gandhi, the patiently persistent agitator-negotiator, was thus well on his way to becoming the spokesman for Indian merchant interests. He inched his way, one step at a time, toward finding remedies to inequities, first for the elite Indian community, later for the entire community, including its lower-class ex-indentured workers. He had thought of returning home by the end of one year, or even a bit earlier, "but God disposed otherwise."16 South Africa became his proving ground, the launching pad for Gandhi's rise to premier leadership of its emigre Indian community during the next two decades. By the time he would return permanently to India he would have totally transformed himself, in dress and manner of daily life as well as in thought, speech, and ultimate goal. Unrecognizable to those who once thought they knew him, the frock-coated "white elephant" would be reborn a Mahatma. First, however, he resolved to settle the legal dispute that had lured him to South Africa. Gandhi's mind had never been predisposed to the fiercely disputatious side of legal argument. He favored the resolution of conflict through negotiation rather than litigation whenever possible. The traditional Hindu proclivity to find consensus, in social and political affairs as well as religio-philosophic argument, was the matrix of Gandhi's approach to legal problems. Dada Abdulla's suit was for the substantial sum of 40,000, which he claimed was owed to him based on promissory notes and the failure of specific performance by his merchant cousin, who was equally convinced that he had done nothing improper. After hearing both parties argue their points, Gandhi was convinced that the case would take years to litigate, costing a fortune in legal fees. He advised arbitration, and soon afterward an arbitrator was appointed. Gandhi's sweet reasonableness, frugal Vania nature, and abhorrence of the waste of resources thus helped him at the very start of his legal career to recognize and reject the grossest aspects of litigation, its fee-grinding, hatred-generating qualities. His failure as a barrister was in great measure a reflection of his human strengths and values, his preference for negotiated settlement rather than Pyrrhic victory after prolonged battle. In this case, moreover, his client actually won, and thanks to Gandhi's persuasive powers, Dada Abdulla agreed to accept modest annual payments over a long
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The word Panchayat is a household word throughout . . . India, and it means ... a Council of Five elected by the class of the people to whom the five belong." Gandhi's petition cited many sources and quoted representative speakers who had misrepresented the facts. He also used British authorities who had written about ancient India's civilization, including Oxford professor Max Muller, repeating his most famous encomium, "If I were asked under what sky the human mind has most fully developed some of its choicest gifts ... I should point to India."22 After no fewer than twenty-five such persuasive paragraphs, Gandhi concluded "And for this act of justice and mercy, your Petitioners, as in duty bound, shall for ever pray." Natal's Parliament did not, of course, retract the proposed discriminatory legislation after this first shot fired by young Gandhi across its floor. Nor did Durban's newly hired spokesman-draftsman for its Indian merchants expect immediate capitulation. He understood the self-righteous mentality of the racists he confronted and carefully laid his plans for a long and arduous struggle. To mobilize his community more effectively, Gandhi knew that a standing political association was required, similar to the Indian National Congress, which had been started almost a decade earlier in Bombay. "I recommended that the organization should be called the Natal Indian Congress."23 On the evening of May 22, 1894, seventy-six of Natal's well-to-do merchants met at Dada Abdulla's house, most of them Muslims, but many Christians and Parsis as well as a few Hindus, convened by Honourable Secretary M. K. Gandhi. The Congress was formally established three months later, by which time over two hundred members promised to pay five shillings in monthly dues. The first object of this new Congress was to "promote concord and harmony among the Indians and Europeans residing in the Colony."24 Second, it was to inform people in India of what was happening in Natal, by writing to newspapers and delivering lectures. Third, Gandhi urged all "Colonial-born Indians to study" Indian history and literature. After those publicity, consciousness-raising objectives, the new Congress would "inquire" into the conditions of all Indians and take steps to remove their hardships. Finally, Gandhi's list called for helping "the poor and helpless" to improve their "moral, social and political conditions." In June, Gandhi led a deputation to call with his petition upon Sir John Robinson, Natal's premier. "We beg to present this petition . . . with greatest respect to your Honour, (and) we beg to point out that both the Anglo-Saxon and the Indian races belong to the same stock."25 Gandhi was unconcerned about white discrimination against Africa's black majority at this time, invoking arguments of respected Western scholars to prove ancient Indo-European linguistic bonds between Aryan Vedic Indians and Caucasian tribes. "Max Muller . . . and a host of other writers with one voice . . . show very clearly
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6
Between Two Worlds
ANDHI REACHED Bombay in 1896, shortly after the first wave of devastating sea-borne bubonic plague had arrived from China. Amid a general panic he returned home and immediately offered his services to the state. He was appointed to Rajkot's sanitation committee, embarking upon what would become one of his lifelong compulsions, the inspection and cleaning of latrines. His interest in nursing, of course, harked back to his daily care of his ailing father, but his compulsion to do work ordinarily reserved by Hinduism for "untouchables" may have had powerful social reform implications as well as deeper psychological roots. "The poor people had no objection to their latrines being inspected. . . . But when we went to inspect the . . . upper ten, some of them even refused us admission." Gandhi recalled finding latrines of the richest inhabitants of Rajkot "dark and stinking." His committee had to inspect the untouchables' quarters also. Only one member of the Hindu committee agreed to accompany him there, though "the entrances were well swept, the floors were beautifully smeared with cow-dung, and the few pots and pans were clean and shining."1 Gandhi's transition from Anglophile barrister dress and high style to peasant simplicity and minimal possessions began first in his heart and mind, though not as yet in his dress or home furnishings. The decade from 1896 to 1906 marked that most remarkable metamorphosis from Mohandas to Mahatma. His aptitude for nursing became a positive passion and during his few months at home in 1896 he brought his dying brotherin-law to his Rajkot residence, where he nursed him around the clock, engaging not only his wife but the whole household in such service. Kasturba
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Gandhian nationalists. After they both died, he led a reunited Congress committed to both "mainstreams" of cultural nationalism and nonviolent reform.4 During his six months in India, in the latter half of 1896, Gandhi also addressed audiences in Madras and Calcutta and wrote a powerful "Green Pamphlet" about Natal's racist discrimination.5 That piece was quoted by several Indian English newspapers and roused the ire of South African white leaders and settlers when Reuters reported Gandhi's claim that the South African treated Indian merchants and indentured laborers "unfairly" and "harshly." In December 1896, Dada Abdulla wired Gandhi first-class return tickets to Durban for Gandhi, his wife, and children, all on the company's new steamship Courland, an offer that was gratefully accepted. Another, older steamship owned by Abdulla's company, the Naderi, sailed from Bombay at the same time. The ships reached the port of Natal on the same day, and since they had both come from Bombay they were detained for five days at quarantine, to be sure they had brought no plague. But Gandhi and most of the eight hundred Indians aboard believed that the long quarantine was ordered because the white residents of Durban had been agitating for the repatriation of all newly arrived Asiatics. White leaders were even ready to indemnify Abdulla's company if he agreed to send both ships back. But Abdulla was determined to "disembark the passengers at any cost."6 Gandhi believed that he was the real target, for having written his "Green Pamphlet." And as soon as he stepped ashore in Durban, after the quarantine lifted, he was chased by an angry mob. "They pelted me with stones, brickbats and rotten eggs. Someone snatched away my turban, whilst others began to batter and kick me. I fainted and caught hold of the front railings of a house and stood there to get my breath. . . . They came upon me boxing and battering. The wife of the Police Superintendent, who knew me, happened to be passing by. The brave lady came up, opened her parasol . . . and stood between the crowd and me. This checked the fury of the mob."7 Mr. Alexander, the superintendent, was quickly notified of the assault and led some of his men to the rescue, offering Gandhi refuge inside his station. But Gandhi felt sure the mob would leave him alone now, so he went instead with a police escort to the home of his wealthy Parsi friend, Rustomji, where his wife had immediately gone with the boys. A doctor came to dress his wounds and bruises. When night fell, an angry lynch mob gathered, shouting for Gandhi, ready to break into the house if he refused to come out. The superintendent tried to humor the mob, but warned Gandhi to disguise himself in an officer's uniform to escape quietly from the rear alley, saving his life and his friend's property, both of which Alexander judged to be in jeopardy.
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face of blatant attempts by Great Britain and its raiders to steal their gold mines and assault their republic. Jameson's Raid in 1895 was sponsored by Joe Chamberlain, and after 1897 by "Forward" imperialist Alfred Milner, Britain's High Commissioner in South Africa. "The British oppress us equally with the Boers," most Indians argued, urging support for President Paul Kruger's brave band of Afrikaner fighters.12 "Our existence in South Africa is only in our capacity as British subjects," Gandhi counterargued. "We have been proud of our British citizenship . . . and what little rights we still retain, we retain because we are British subjects. It would be unbecoming to our dignity as a nation to look on with folded hands at a time when ruin stared the British in the face ... if we desire to win our freedom and achieve our welfare as members of the British Empire, here is a golden opportunity for us to do so by helping the British in the war by all the means at our disposal."13 Gandhi would use the same basic argument at the outbreak of World War I, as would all the leaders of India's National Congress, including Tilak. But for Gandhi this opportunistic position was perhaps more startling since he himself recognized the Boer War's imperialist roots, admitting that "justice is on the side of the Boers. But every single subject of a state must not hope to enforce his private opinion in all cases. The authorities may not always be right, but so long as the subjects own allegiance ... it is their clear duty ... to accord their support to acts of the state."14 Gandhi was struggling to define himself, trying to tie the realities of ambivalent daily life to some anchor of coherent belief, tossed about as yet by shifting tides of political pragmatism, while seeking deeper rocks of religious philosophy. He tried to strengthen his position by arguing against those who feared possible Boer revenge as "a sign of our effeminacy. . . . Would an Englishman think for a moment what would happen to himself if the English lost the war . . . without forfeiting his manhood?" Gandhi's participation in the Boer War was to raise and run an ambulance corps of Indians, recruiting no fewer than 1,100, many of them still working off indentures. Clergyman Dr. Booth was put in charge of first-aid training as medical superintendent, and the Indian Ambulance Corps worked side by side with the European Ambulance Corps under the overall direction of General Buller. Indians acquitted themselves so bravely that almost forty of them, including Gandhi, won medals. "No matter how timid a man is," Gandhi noted, "he is capable of the loftiest heroism when he is put to the test."15 Since his ambulance corps saved lives, rather than taking any, he saw no contradiction in what they did with his faith in Ahimsa. The Indian Ambulance Corps was disbanded long before the Boer War ended, however, and Gandhi decided to return to India in 1901, hoping to find a place in the Congress, possibly as Gokhale's full-time assistant. Feeling that his "work was no longer in South Africa but in India," he wanted
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everything he learned about Congress procedures and politics, and even found his guru Gokhale "wasting" time by frequently going to the posh India Club to play billiards. He accompanied Gokhale there and recorded his distress on seeing how rich Indians decked themselves out. "How heavy is the toll of sins and wrongs that wealth, power and prestige exact from man!"22 For a month he apprenticed himself to Gokhale, admiring his diligence and integrity but disliking the way he always attended the Viceroy's Legislative Council in a horse-drawn carriage. Gentle Gokhale was "pained" by his disciple's reprimand and tried to explain how high office brought certain duties that could not be shirked. "When you are the victim of as wide a publicity as I am, it will be ... impossible for you to go about in a tramcar,"23 Gokhale explained. But Gandhi's own habits were to become more austere, as he would reject all the elegant trappings of the mechanized modern world. He was still clad at this time in a long "Parsi coat and trousers"; soon he would wear nothing more than a scant hand-woven dhoti, or loincloth. During his winter visit to India in 1901-2, Gandhi began what was to become his most famous means of long-distance travel, journeying from Calcutta to Rajkot as a third-class railway passenger. He wanted to acquaint himself with the "hardships of third-class passengers."24 What he learned was depressing, finding that third-class passengers were "treated like sheep" and that the compartments were not only overcrowded but also filthy. The passengers themselves threw rubbish of every variety on the floor, smoking and chewing betel nuts, spitting blood-red juices, turning the entire carriage into "a spittoon . . . yelling, and using foul language."25 It proved a painfully instructive journey for the young barrister training to become a Mahatma. He went back to Rajkot to practice the profession he had been certified to pursue in London. He was helped in getting briefs by his father's old friend Dave Joshi and no longer felt too shy to stand and speak in court. But Rajkot was still too much of a backwater, so Dave urged him to venture to Bombay rather than allow himself to be "buried" in Gujarat. He rented chambers in the busy Fort area of Bombay, near the high court, and found a house in Girgaum, to and from which he walked from chambers. Low-lying, mosquito-infested, polluted Girgaum all but killed his son Manilal, who suffered an acute attack of typhoid compounded by pneumonia. Gandhi nursed the boy day and night, wrapping his feverwracked body in wet sheets, keeping him on a diet of orange juice and water, refusing to allow him to touch either the eggs or chicken broth prescribed by their doctor. In addition to the wet sheets, Gandhi gave his son hip baths and prayed, repeating Rama's name all night. "Who can say whether his recovery was due to God's grace, or to hydropathy, or to care[48 ]
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7
Satyagraha in South Africa
ANDHI RETURNED to Durban on the eve of Joe Chamberlain's visit to South Africa to celebrate Britain's victory over the Boers late in 1902. Dada Abdulla and his friends welcomed their barrister home and immediately put him to work drafting the Indian deputation's memorial to be presented to the colonial secretary the day they met with him. Chamberlain had, however, come primarily to "get a gift of 35 million pounds" from British settlers who now had free access to Transvaal gold, Gandhi recalled, "So he gave a cold shoulder to the Indian deputation."1 Never easily discouraged, Gandhi resolved to press Indian demands for more equitable treatment by following the indifferent crown minister from Natal to Pretoria. Britain's victory in replacing Boer rule with its own did not open the Transvaal to Indian settlers, only to white Englishmen. Indians were required to obtain special permits to enter the Transvaal, and unless they were prepared to bribe officials in the new Asiatic Department to the tune of thousands, permission was denied. Gandhi, however, appealed to his old friend Police Superintendent Alexander and was soon on his way to Pretoria. Transvaal officials, angered at his having managed to procure a permit "by mistake," flexed their petty muscles, preventing his meeting once again with Chamberlain, arguing that the Pretoria deputation should only include "resident" Indians. His friends were insulted enough to suggest they cancel the meeting, but Gandhi insisted they go without him, having drafted their strong memorial. "I smarted under the insult, but as I had pocketed many such in the past I had become inured to them."2 No longer
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On June 4, 1903, Gandhi launched his first newspaper, Indian Opinion, devoted to the Indian community and its needs. In his first editorial Gandhi sounded more like an Englishman than an Indian nationalist, denouncing "prejudice in the minds of the Colonists .. . and the unhappy forgetfulness of the great services India has always rendered to the Mother Country ever since Providence brought loyal Hind under the flag of Britannia."6 He appealed both to members of the Indian community and to those of the "great Anglo-Saxon race" for support of his paper, created to "promote harmony and good-will between the different sections of the one mighty Empire." In the next issue, however, Gandhi was more caustic in his criticism of his imperial brethren. Gandhi was harshest in his criticism of Lord Milner for his defense of the Asiatic Office and the 3 tax on all ex-indentured Indians and restrictions on Indian entry to and property rights in Transvaal, merely "because the Indian is a coloured man!"7 What angered him most was that Milner advised the government of India to ship many more indentured Indians to South Africa to help develop Transvaal mining, but insisted that all of them must be required at the end of their indentures to return directly to India. "If you must introduce Indian labour," Gandhi reprimanded Milner, "be just, be fair, do unto us as you would be done by."8 Thus drawing upon his knowledge of the Bible, Gandhi became the hero of his community and the bane of British officialdom from Johannesburg to Durban. By the end of June 1903 Gandhi knew that the public work he'd started would not end in one year, nor in two. He wrote to his lawyer friend, in Rajkot, Haridas Vora, to ask illiterate "Mrs. Gandhi" if she would agree to remain there without him for another "three or four years. ... If she does n o t . . . of course, she must come here at the end of the year, and I must be content quietly to settle down in Johannesburg for ten years or so." He hoped she would consent to remain in India, since that would "enable me to give undivided attention to public work. As she knows, she had very little of my company in Natal; probably, she would have less in Johannesburg. However ... I place myself absolutely in her hands. If she must come, then she may make preparations . . . and leave in ... November."9 He clearly preferred by now to live a celibate life of work rather than being attached to Kasturba, distracted day and night by his wife and young children. But his sense of responsibility was too deep-rooted to allow him to break his promise to bring her to South Africa in a year, unless she agreed, which, of course, she did not. For Kasturba, living with her husband's relatives but without him, hardly ever able to see her own parents or siblings, was the worst of all possible arrangements. Gandhi tried his best to dissuade her from joining him, however, sending a copy of his letter to Haridas Vora to his nephew Chhaganlal in Rajkot, urging him to "try to
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Transvaal in particular, are undergoing many troubles . . . unless we are prepared to stand and work shoulder to shoulder without flinching and without being daunted by temporary disappointments, failure would be the only . . . reward, or rather punishment."14 He was bracing his community for its fiercest struggles, sensing as he did so that all of his earnest appeals to British officials, from Chamberlain and Milner down to the lowliest functionary in the Asiatic Department, even when met with smiles and gracious promises, were doomed to failure. The greatest self-sacrifice, he well knew, was made in one's self-interest. Gandhi's self-interest now embraced the entire Indian community of Natal and the Transvaal, all of whom he was ready to serve in court or out. He now wrote his articles in Gujarati, so that more Indians could understand his passionate message, while virtually no English eyes could comprehend it. Transvaal inspectors blamed Indians for bringing "bubonic plague" to Johannesburg from Bombay, but Gandhi insisted that the plague had broken out "entirely owing to the unsanitary and overcrowded conditions" in which Indians were forced to live, aggravated by the recent bad weather. The only way to keep hundreds and thousands more from dying, he argued, was to burn the entire infected area to the ground and resettle its inhabitants in a temporary camp. "People were in a terrible fright," Gandhi recalled, "but my constant presence was a consolation to them."15 Many poor Indians had buried all of their savings of silver and copper under their homes, and they frantically dug up those coins before the location was burned down. Gandhi now became their banker. He kept careful records of each person's savings, had all the coins "sterilized," and deposited nearly 60,000 into his own bank, returning their savings to each individual a few years later. Indian Opinion had by the fall of 1904 become the most important publication for the Indian community of South Africa, keeping its members informed on issues of current interest to all. But the publication and distribution of the weekly papers remained a growing drain on Gandhi's own resources, so much so that in October of 1904 he decided to take the overnight express to Durban to reorganize the journal, which was being published there. Henry Polak saw him off at Johannesburg station and handed him his copy of John Ruskin's Unto This Last, urging him to read it. Ruskin's interest in social reform, based on his artistic sensitivity, made him reject Manchester's industrial ugliness, degradation, and pollution; it echoed Gandhi's own concerns and strong feelings. Ruskin's idealism, inspired in part by Jeremy Bentham's utilitarianism and Robert Owen's utopianism, stressed the equal value of all manual work and the importance of craftsmanship to each human being's creative growth. "The book was impossible to lay aside," Gandhi recalled, reading it all that night. "I was determined to change my life in accordance with the
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oldest and largest province, dividing the heartland of its Bengali-speaking core and creating the new province called Eastern Bengal and Assam with a Bengali-speaking Muslim majority and a new capital of Dhaka. The outspoken Calcutta-centered Hindu Bengali-speaking leaders of India's National Congress were left a minority in their own province of West Bengal, which included millions of Bihari- and Oriya-speakers in regions only later to be carved away into the separate provinces (now states) of Bihar and Orissa. Surendranath ("Surrender Not") Banerjea led the boycott opposition, and Gurudev ("Divine Guru") Rabindranath Tagore wrote the music for what would become India's first national anthem, Bande Mataram, or "Hail to Thee, Mother!" "Bengal seems to have truly woken up at this time," Gandhi wrote in his Gujarati edition, hailing the "mammoth meeting" of Bengalis in Calcutta to protest partition, and noting how the boycott of British cloth had "rapidly" increased sales of Indian-made goods (swadeshi).20 The Muslim majority of Eastern Bengal, however, rallied less than a month later in Dhaka to welcome the birth of their suddenly booming provincial capital, which after 1971 would emerge as independent Bangladesh's capital. Since most of Gandhi's supporters were Muslim merchants, he was constrained yet surprised to report mass Bengali Muslim support for the "cruel" partition. "We cannot . . . believe that the movement could possibly be spontaneous. It is absurd on the face of it. Assuming that there was any oppression on the part of the Hindus, relief could be obtained without partition, because the might of the British power was there to protect one community against another."21 It appears paradoxical that a nationalist as ardent as Gandhi would argue in favor of even-handed British "protection" as the best way of avoiding communal conflict or unfair Hindu-majority discrimination against the weaker Muslim-minority, as in Calcutta. It was also prophetic. Four decades later, of course, rivers of blood would flow when provincial Bengal's partition was reincarnated as partition of the subcontinent. The startling defeat suffered by Russia's Baltic Fleet in the Sea of Japan in 1905 fueled Gandhi's hope that India, too, might similarly surprise the world by overcoming imperial tyranny. "The power of the Viceroy is no way less than that of the Czar. Just as the people of Russia pay taxes, so also do we ... as in Russia, so in India, the military is all-powerful," Gandhi wrote. "The movement in Bengal for the use of swadeshi goods is much like the Russian movement. Our shackles will break this very day, if the people of India become united and patient, love their country, and think of the well-being of their motherland. . . . The governance of India is possible only because there exist people who serve."22 More than a decade before he would launch his first nationwide multiple boycott against British
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ways been. ... I have no desire for worldly enjoyments of any type whatever. I am engaged in my present activities as ... essential to life. If I have to face death while thus engaged, I shall face it with equanimity. I am now a stranger to fear."28 Gandhi led his corps of some twenty Indian stretcher-bearers in pledging "true allegiance to His Majesty King Edward the Seventh, His Heirs and Successors," promising "faithfully" to "serve in ... the Active Militia Force of the Colony of Natal."29 He wrote a few weeks later in Gujarati that "this has produced a very favourable impression on ... prominent whites," encouraging more Indians to volunteer, adding "It can be looked upon as a kind of ... picnic. The person joining . . . gets enough exercise and thus keeps his body in good trim and improves his health. . . . People love him and praise him." At this very time, when actively engaged in removing wounded bodies from fields of battle, Gandhi's thoughts turned "furiously in the direction of self-control. ... It became my conviction that procreation and the consequent care of children were inconsistent with public service. I had to break up my household at Johannesburg. ... I took my wife and children to Phoenix and . . . the idea flashed upon me t h a t . . . I must relinquish the desire for children and wealth and live the life of ... one retired from household cares."30 The vow of celibacy which he took now he viewed as one that "opened" the "door to real freedom.... I vow to flee from the serpent which I know will bite me."31 He had feared serpents as a child, hardly surprising in rural India, yet in this context the use of serpent seems more an echo of Christianity's symbol of temptation. He would attempt a much deeper analysis near the end of his life, some forty years later, involving more dangerous experiments with the Brahmacharya celibacy vow. Now he had no difficulty in abstaining from further physical contact with Kasturba, noting "where . . . desire is gone, a vow of renunciation is the natural . . . fruit." Kasturba silently accepted his avowed wish, apparently relieved at his decision to abstain from sex with her. Sergeant-Maj or Gandhi worked bravely with his corps for six weeks in the summer of 1906, but by the end of July each of the Indian stretcherbearers was presented a silver medal by the Natal Indian Congress when the corps disbanded. Gandhi advised the Congress to try to organize a permanent corps, and "in the process white prejudice against Indians might altogether disappear."32 But instead of disappearing, the prejudice intensified so the community voted to send a deputation, consisting of Gandhi and one of its leading merchants, to London to lobby on behalf of South African Indians. Winston Churchill, colonial under secretary of state at this time, arrogantly tried to "justify" the "deprivation of the franchise from British Indians," Gandhi reported, arguing that all "non-European Natives" were "coloured people," and therefore unsuited to representative or
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righteous a cause. Like the bravest of British officers he admired, he would do his duty. Bravery, as he told them, was the "distinctive virtue of the British," and much of Gandhi's psyche had indeed by now become British to the core. The rest of him, which remained Hindu and Indian, had also changed. His April 1906 letter to Lakshmidas made that clear: "I have no desire for worldly enjoyments of any type. ... If I have to face death ... I shall face it with equanimity." He had steeled himself, like a true yogi, impervious to personal family feelings or to any pleasures of the flesh, devoid of desire, material or sexual, living simply to serve the community, whose spokesman and foremost advocate he had become, working only for public purposes. Thus uniting within his battle-hardened body the rock of British martial courage and the steel of a naked Sadhu's yogic indifference to heat and cold, beds of nails or burning coals, Gandhi sublimated all his powers and potent sexual energy, pitting himself against discriminatory anti-Indian laws enacted by racial bigots. Fearing nothing, loving no one, neither wife, nor eldest son, nor older brother, he had made himself invulnerable to physical coercion of any kind and to human temptations that so easily lured men of weaker resolve from their sacred vows. Three thousand Indians attended the mass meeting in Johannesburg's packed Empire Theatre, where Gandhi so forcefully spoke, unanimously passing resolutions, calling upon the Legislative Council to withdraw its ordinance, and warning that if so "tyrannical" a law was passed the entire Indian community would "prefer gaol" to abiding by it. The Council was not moved to change its ordinance, however. Nor was Victor Alexander Bruce, the Earl of Elgin, former viceroy of India, now colonial secretary of state, moved to withhold Great Britain's approval. Indeed, the Transvaal's governor, William Waldegrave Palmer, the Second Earl of Selborne, conveyed the news of Lord Elgin's approval to Gandhi's association in midSeptember. That news came as a bombshell on the very eve of Gandhi's planned departure for England. Many members of the community feared that if he left them they might "waver" and take out registration certificates under the Black Act.37 Others insisted, however, that Gandhi must go and voted to provide him with funds to do so, even as Lord Elgin, through Lord Selborne, informed Gandhi that no useful purpose would be served by sending a deputation to him. Gandhi immediately replied that his community must adhere to its "resolve to resist the Ordinance."38 So on October 1, 1906, Gandhi and Haji Ally, president of Johannesburg's Hamidiya Islamic Society, boarded the Cape Mail and two days later sailed from Cape Town aboard the S.S. Armadale Castle for London. To help prepare his community for resistance to the ordinance, when it came into effect on January 1, 1907, Gandhi wrote from shipboard an article about the principled courage of Wat Tyler, John Hampden, and John Bunyan. Tyler had lost his life leading the fourteenth-century Peasants' Re[ 60 ]
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ever had in South Africa. At thirty-seven he was physically in his prime and drove himself with relentless intensity. The day after he met Elgin, he sent a copy of the petition he had drafted and submitted to him to "every Member of Parliament with a courteous covering letter."41 His legal training and growing skills at public relations allowed him to amplify every action he took to the largest, most influential audience, making the most of each precious moment. He wrote to India's secretary of state, John Morley as well, requesting an audience with him, and was invited to bring his deputation to the India Office shortly before he sailed back to Africa. He urged Sir Muncherji and other friends to establish a "permanent committee for the South African Indians" in London so that the work he had started would not be "frittered away."42 Indefatigable, inexhaustible, he pressed on, urging everyone he met to do whatever was possible to help him in seeking to redress his community's many grievances. Louis Ritch agreed to act as that committee's permanent secretary and remained his man in London. Gandhi wrote to the editor of the Times, urging that a commission be appointed to investigate and report on conditions in the Transvaal, pending whose report "Royal sanction for the Ordinance in question" be withheld. "If the Colonies persist in their policy of exclusion, they will force on the mother country ... a very serious problem. ... 'Is India to remain a part of the British Dominions or not?' He who runs may read that England will find it difficult to hold India if her people, immediately they migrated to British Colonies, are to be insulted and degraded as if they belonged to a barbarous race."43 The importance of this brief, intense return to London for Gandhi's strategic thinking and the evolution of his revolutionary movement of peaceful protest can hardly be exaggerated. His mind raced decades ahead, spinning off ideas of effective agitation and creating inchoate organizations to carry forward demands he and his growing army of followers would articulate over the next four decades. He even wrote to Winston Churchill as colonial under secretary, requesting a private interview to place the whole position before him and was granted an audience shortly before leaving London. Churchill had answered a question in the Commons a few days earlier, arguing that "it is very desirable to keep the White and Coloured quarters apart."44 Gandhi tried to convince Churchill of the inhumanity of his viewpoint, but the century's two greatest leaders of India and England rarely agreed on any issue, Winston later maligning the Mahatma as a "fraud" and "scoundrel." Liberal John Morley, on the other hand, not only warmly welcomed Gandhi and his deputation to the India Office but was so supportive of all he heard that he swayed Elgin and their Liberal Prime Minister CampbellBannerman, as well as the rest of Great Britain's Cabinet to veto the Transvaal Ordinance. In his half decade at the helm of London's India Office,
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Britain's Home Government to reject the Transvaal Colony's ordinance, that same government had now given the Transvaal full responsible rule, which meant they could reintroduce the same ordinance on their own. Their deputation's victory thus offered his community but a brief respite. In March of 1907 General Louis Botha, who had fought the British, capturing Churchill, among others, during the Boer War, was elected first prime minister of independent Transvaal, and three years later of the Union of South Africa. Botha's greatest assistant and successor was General Jan Smuts, South Africa's foremost legal mind, statesman architect of South Africa's Union, and Gandhi's most brilliant South African adversary. The Transvaal's new Boer Parliament reintroduced and passed the Asiatic Registration Ordinance as its first order of official business, leaving Indians "staggered" by the swiftness of that action.50 Gandhi immediately responded by calling a mass meeting and reminding his community of their promise to refuse to obey that "Black Act," and instead to welcome entering the "palace" of prison. He cabled Lord Elgin, of course, urging him at least to postpone any Royal decision on the act passed by the new dominion. And, in early April, Gandhi led a deputation to Pretoria to call on Colonial Secretary Smuts and argue against the new act. Royal assent was granted in May to the Transvaal Asiatic Registration Act. Gandhi repeated his earlier pledge never to register and called upon all members of the Indian community not to "swerve," not to fail in doing their duty.51 Many of his friends, however, asked "How?" Gandhi's answer had long before been supplied by Martin Luther: We have now earned the freedom to burn old permits, together with the new ones. Not a single person must enter the Permit Office. ... a final date will be fixed for taking out new permits. Only after that date can the doors of prison-palace open for us.52 The new act requiring Indians to register was gazetted to be enforced starting on July 1, 1907. On Sunday, June 30, Gandhi's community turned out in numbers too great to fit inside any home in Pretoria. "If any Indian, big or small, should accept the title-deed of slavery under the law," Gandhi told that enormous crowd, "others would not follow. . . . Those who kept themselves free would win in the end."53 Indians in Pretoria started to picket outside the Permit Office to keep Indians tempted to enter it from doing so, and Gandhi soon urged them to extend that boycott to Durban. A week later, however, several Indians appealed to Jan Smuts, asking him not to require those who registered to give their mother's name or to be fingerprinted by Kaffir [black] police. Smuts sent a long and "very ingenious" reply, which made Gandhi's blood boil. He agreed to withdraw the mother's name requirement, most obnoxious to Muslims, and also to promise that no black policeman would ever fingerprint any Indian. "After reducing us to a living death . . . could there be a fresh amendment in order
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to one month imprisonment under the Asiatic Act. Mass protest meetings were held, and Gandhi addressed them. "If, after sending Pundit to gaol, any Indian submits to the obnoxious law, we do not think he deserves the name of man. . . . Hindus and Muslims have become completely united . . . this work concerns all Indians," Gandhi wrote for Indian Opinion that November.59 Gandhi was arrested and first tried on December 28, 1907, in Johannesburg's Criminal Court. Accused and found guilty of having no "registration certificate,"60 he was ordered to leave the colony within fortyeight hours. He refused to obey, however, and on January 10, 1908, was called back to court, where he was to be sentenced to prison, together with several other leaders of the community. He was now charged with contempt of court for having disobeyed the order to leave and sentenced to "two months' imprisonment without hard labour."61 The police led him off to a prison cell and shut the door. His first incarceration distressed him more deeply than he had imagined it would. "I was somewhat agitated and fell into deep thought. Home, the Courts where I practiced, the public meetingall these passed away like a dream. . . . Would I have to serve the full term? If the people courted imprisonment in large numbers . . . there would be no question of serving the full sentences. But if they failed . . . two months would be as tedious as an age. . . . How vain I was! I, who had asked the people to consider the prisons as His Majesty's hotels . . . and the sacrifice of one's . . . life itself. . . as supreme enjoyment! Where had all this knowledge vanished today?" 62 Passive resistance was the English term generally used for the struggle that Gandhi first launched in South Africa. He wanted to find an Indian word for it, however, and invited suggestions through Indian Opinion, finally receiving the one he liked best from his own cousin, Maganlal Gandhi, a Sanskrit compound of Satya, meaning "truth," and agraha, meaning "hold fast to." Satyagraha, "Hold fast to the Truth," could alternately be rendered "Truth-force," and since Gandhi equated Truth with "Love" (Ahimsa), which literally meant "Non-violence," it might also be called "The force of Love." "Such is the miraculous power of satya agraha," he wrote on the eve of going to prison. "I seem to hear it whispered in my ear that God is always the friend and protector of truth. Our success in bringing this campaign to this stage is a triumph for truth."63 But his struggle had only just begun.
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IER LITTLE MORE than two weeks in jail, Gandhi, and friends arrested with him, agreed to the "voluntary registration" of the entire Indian community of Transvaal, if General Smuts would agree to withdraw the Asiatic Registration Act, with its element of "compulsion."1 To Gandhi's way of thinking the dishonor in the act lay in its enforcement by the government, not in the issuing of permits, nor even in taking fingerprints, a point that many members of the community would continue, however, to consider obnoxious. "The substance of the proposed settlement was that the Indians should register voluntarily, and not under any law," Gandhi explained. On January 30,1908, the superintendent of police took him to meet General Smuts. They had a good talk, Smuts congratulating him on the Indian community's having "remained firm" even after Gandhi's imprisonment.2 Gandhi then caught the next train back to Johannesburg and went directly to inform his friends of the agreement, suggesting that a meeting should be called. It was held on the grounds of the mosque that very night and despite the short notice nearly a thousand Indians turned up. Not everyone attending that meeting, however, was pleased with what Gandhi reported. Though all were surprised to find him a free man again and hear that he had spoken with General Smuts, skeptics doubted if they could take the general at his word. Some posed even harsher questions, asking if Gandhi had been "paid" anything by Smuts to "change" his mind. "We have heard that you have betrayed the community and sold it to General Smuts for 15,000 pounds," one giant Pathan in his audience shouted. "I swear with Allah as my witness, that I will kill the man who
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takes the lead in applying for registration," another charged.3 It was the first but would not be the last time that some of Gandhi's followers doubted his integrity. Gandhi never hesitated to reverse his position, particularly if he learned that his followers used violent tactics or sensed that his opponent underwent an honest change of heart, as he now believed true of Smuts. To those who feared treachery, Gandhi argued "A Satyagrahi bids good-bye to fear. He is therefore never afraid of trusting the opponent . . . for an implicit trust in human nature is the very essence of his creed."4 Nor did he pay heed to threats. "It is God in whom I placed my trust while launching on this struggle," he softly explained; "it is He who has given us this unexpected victory, and it is Him therefore that we must give our thanks."5 Undeterred, he left for the Permit Office the next morning, resolved to be the first to register voluntarily, as he had promised Smuts. Gandhi found a tall powerful Pathan waiting at his own Satyagraha office to follow him toward the Permit Office that morning. Before they reached the registration office, the man knocked Gandhi to the ground with a series of heavy blows, the "words He Rama (O God!)" on Gandhi's lips.6 Forty years, less one day, later he would utter that same cry again, after three bullets pierced his heart. This time he sustained only scalp wounds and bruised ribs. He pressed no charges against the arrested Pathan but reiterated his faith in Smuts, insisting that "it is the sacred duty of every good Indian to help the Government and the Colony to the uttermost."7 Gandhi recuperated from his beating in the home of Johannesburg's Baptist minister, the Reverend Joseph J. Doke, and his wife, who cared for their friend for weeks. "Those who have committed the act did not know what they were doing," Gandhi wrote in February. "I request that no steps be taken against them. Seeing that the assault was committed by a Mahomedan . . . Hindus might probably feel hurt. . . . Rather let the blood spilt today cement the two communities indissolublysuch is my heartfelt prayer."8 Many Transvaal Indians were confused when Gandhi told them they had won a "victory," viewing it instead as a defeat. He wrote at length trying to explain the deep and basic differences between voluntary and compulsory behavior. In expounding the "Secret of Satyagraha," Gandhi quoted Henry David Thoreau's arguments in his "Duty of Civil Disobedience."9 He also referred again to Luther, thanks to whom "Germany enjoys freedom." And "there was Galileo who opposed society," and Columbus, who "acted like a true satyagrahi" when threatened with death by his sailors, who wanted to turn their ship back, saying: "I am not afraid of being killed, but I think we ought to go on." Deriving his inspiration from many heroic figures, Gandhi went on to explain, "Satyagraha is really an
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attitude of mind. . . . He who has attained [it] . . . will remain ever victorious . . . irrespective of whether it is a government or a people that he opposed, whether they be strangers friends or relatives."10 Had he not recently waged and won such battles, after all, with Lakshmidas, Harilal, and Kasturba, as well as with Sheikh Mehtab and Smuts, and the "Devil within" himself? Though Gandhi tried his best to gloss over the growing Hindu-Muslim conflict and communal mistrust among South African Indians, the problem became so serious before the end of February 1908 that he felt obliged to write a letter to Indian Opinion explaining that, though Hindus stood with him in implementing the compromise, Muslims wrote "condemnatory letters." The founder-president of the Hamidiya Islamic Society, Haji Ally, who had accompanied him to England, was foremost among those who no longer fully trusted him, "because I was a Hindu," Gandhi sadly reported. Ally cabled his concerns about Gandhi to Privy Council Muslim member, Syed Ameer Ali, whom he had met in London, expressing his mistrust of Gandhi and his own opposition to Satyagraha. Ally's fear was that Gandhi's boycott would "ruin thousands" of Muslim merchants, like himself, without harming any South African Hindus, all of whom were "hawkers" and peddlers.11 Ally's fears were not unfounded: he lost so much of his once prosperous trade that he moved back to India just before Satyagraha started. The Pathans eventually sent a telegram complaining of Muslim fears to Jinnah, which Gandhi considered a most regrettable sign of weakness. It was the first time anyone ever told Jinnah of Gandhi's "Hindu" bias, but for most of the rest of his life he would accuse Gandhi of precisely such bias and "anti-Muslim prejudice." When Gandhi recovered enough to travel again, he took a train to Durban in order to explain the agreement he had reached with Smuts to the troubled Indian community of Natal. Once again he was almost killed by an angry Pathan, armed "with a big stick." Luckily, he was surrounded by volunteers and escaped without injury. He had felt no fear, passionately noting that "nothing better can happen to a Satyagrahi than meeting death all unsought in the very act of ... pursuing Truth."12 Three months after Gandhi's agreement with Smuts, however, he felt "betrayed." Gandhi believed Smuts had promised faithfully to repeal the "Black Act" as soon as most Indians registered themselves voluntarily. In late May, however, with more than 7,000 of 9,000 Indians having completed voluntary registration, Smuts warned that after June 9 all unregistered "Asiatics" would be subject to enforced registration under the old act or be expelled immediately. Asked why he had trusted Smuts, Gandhi now replied, "That is how political affairs always have been and will be conducted. . . . General Smuts' falsehood will prove unavailing."13 He called upon his community to prepare again for Satyagraha. In the interim,
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he wrote as many people as possible, giving interviews to every reporter willing to listen to him. Ever willing to discuss matters with his adversary, he also returned to Smuts but found him "obstinate" and called him "dishonest." In late June, Smuts offered to repeal the obnoxious act, but only "on certain conditions," which Gandhi deemed "unacceptable."14 The community united behind Gandhi's adamant position, and Indians started going back to prison, after brief courtroom appearances, where Gandhi represented them and requested that they be sentenced to maximum punishment at "hard labour." Satyagrahis, he argued, must always welcome the harshest punishment, never plead for leniency. Among those Indians jailed in late July of 1908 was his son Harilal, then living in South Africa and for this period at least willing to follow in his father's footsteps. Gandhi requested "a severe sentence" for his son and co-accused, arguing that "it would be better for the sake of their health if they had a sustained term."15 The magistrate sentenced Harilal to just seven days at hard labor. In response to inquiries as to why he sent his son to jail, Gandhi explained: "It will be a part of HarilaPs education. . . . every Indian, whatever his status, must go to gaol for the sake of his country."16 "In every great war, more than one battle has to be fought," Gandhi informed his community. "The same is true of the Transvaal Indians' satyagraha. . . . General Smuts has now provided the opportunity to complete what was prematurely abandoned. . . . Those who were angry with the leaders for having prematurely called off the campaign have now an opportunity ... to lay down their lives for the sake of the honour and rights of Indians. . . . [B]rave Indians, arise . . . draw the sword of satyagraha and fight unto victory! .. . The people of the East will never, never again submit to insult from the insolent whites."17 Tilak's "New party" of revolutionary nationalism, born with the partition of Bengal, had gained popularity throughout India by this time. Breaking away from the moderate old Congress party, the New party advocated the use of "amulets" like bombs and pistols, as well as the boycott of all things British, in their race toward the goal of Swaraj, or "Self-rule." But Gandhi cautioned against the illusion of ends won by violent means. "Real swarajya consists in restraint," he wrote. "Many people exult at the explosion of bombs. This only shows ignorance. ... If all the British were to be killed, those who kill them would become the masters of India, and . . . India would continue in a state of slavery. The bombs with which the British will have been killed will fall on India after the British leave."18 He thus rejected violence in all its forms, even as he did the accumulation of gold and silver with its glittery allures. "Let it be remembered that western civilization is only a hundred years old," he cautioned. "We pray that India may never be reduced to the same state as Europe. The western nations are impatient to fall upon one anoth[ 70 ]
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er. . .. When [that] flares up, we will witness a veritable hell let loose in Europe." Six years before the outbreak of World War I, from distant South Africa, the budding Mahatma shuddered at the thought of such "hell" waiting to be "let loose." By mid-August of 1908, with some sixty Indians in Johannesburg jail, Gandhi wrote Smuts, urging him to repeal the Asiatic Act at once or face the consequences of a mass Satyagraha against it. Two days later he addressed a meeting of his community, advising all assembled there to burn the identification certificates they currently held, explaining that he had not "come out of the gaol before my time was up ... to avoid any hardships." He would rather spend his whole life behind bars, than see Indians "subjected to indignity."19 Hundreds of certificates were burned that day, and a week later at a larger meeting 525 more individuals cheerfully burned their Asiatic identification cards. "I do declare that our fight, my fight," Gandhi thundered, "has always been for a principle. . . . General Smuts has been saying that we claim partnership. We do. ... I claim it now, but I claim it as a younger brother. Their Christianity teaches them that every human being is a brother. The British Constitution teaches us, it taught me when yet a child, that every British subject was to be treated on footing of equality in the eye of the law, and I do demand that equality."20 By thus taking his stand atop pillars of Christian brotherhood and British equality under the law, Gandhi reminded Smuts and the entire British establishment of their most cherished ideals, challenging his adversaries to live up to principles they themselves professed. The "coming struggle," Gandhi anticipated, would be "a bitter and extended one." Though 2,300 Indians burned their certificates by the end of August, Gandhi had hoped for at least twice that number. But some Indians were "secretly" applying for certificates in Johannesburg and elsewhere, while others were being sentenced to months at hard labor in the Transvaal. Gandhi himself was locked up in Volksrust jail in October of 1908. From his cell he sent a message, lauding "passive resistance" and passionately arguing that "suffering is our only remedy. Victory is certain."21 Kasturba fell so dangerously ill three weeks after he was jailed that the government offered to release him to go to her bedside. But Gandhi refused, writing his wife a rare letter in Gujarati, which was read to her by their nephew. "I am very much grieved but I am not in a position to go there to nurse you. I have offered my all to the satyagraha struggle. ... If you keep courage and take the necessary nutrition, you will recover. If, however, my ill luck so has it that you pass away,. . . there would be nothing wrong in your doing so. ... I love you so dearly that even if you are dead, you will be alive to me. ... I will not marry again."22 Kasturba survived and Gandhi was released from prison on December 12, 1908. The next day he addressed Johannesburg's Islamic Society: "We have won be[ 71 ]
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cause of the suffering of our people. A community, 1,500 members of which have been to gaol, must certainly be considered . . . victorious. . . . The echoes of this campaign have already been heard in India and in the rest of the world."23 He left for Natal on Christmas Day and was at Kasturba's bedside on December 26. Four days later Harilal was rearrested, and five more Indians joined him on New Year's Eve. Gokhale and Pherozeshah Mehta convinced Congress to pass a resolution denouncing the "harsh" and "cruel treatment" of British Indians in the Transvaal. Gandhi now wrote of the "third phase" of the Transvaal struggle, reminding the readers of Indian Opinion that to climb "the last steps" was always hardest. "The main object of this fight is that we should learn to be men, to be a nation, to cease being the goats that we are and be lions, and to show the world that we are one people . . . children of India ready to lay down our lives for her."24 It marked a most significant change in Gandhi's goal: no longer did he urge Indians to prove how they could be proper Englishmen; instead he focused on rallying them to become brave, united Indian lions. To help build national pride, Gandhi now stressed the importance of using Indian languages only when Indians wrote or spoke among themselves. "Any nation that cherishes its individuality must love its own language and feel proud of it," he wrote in Gujarati. "The learning of English must come second to learning one's mother tongue."25 A few years later when Gokhale visited South Africa at Gandhi's behest, Gandhi insisted he address the community only in Marathi, Gokhale's mother tongue. Gokhale tried in vain to persuade Gandhi to permit him to speak in English, the language he knew best, but finally gave up in frustration, muttering, "You will have your own way in thisas in everything." Virtually no South African Indians had come from Maharashtra, so Gandhi translated whatever Gokhale said into Gujarati, understood by every Indian merchant who attended en masse the meetings Gokhale addressed. Before the end of February 1909, Gandhi was sentenced again to three months in prison, going cheerfully, repeating Thoreau's admonition that in a tyrannical state the only appropriate place for a free man was prison. He was arrested along with Henry Polak and taken first to Volksrust, but transferred a week later to Pretoria Central Gaol. On March 10 he was brought to court in handcuffs, looking "thin and unhealthy." The Reverend Doke protested the manacles and felt "ashamed . . . that a man of the character and position of Mr. Gandhi should be ... insulted in this way."26 Gandhi was released on May 24 and addressed a meeting that day at Pretoria's mosque: "He who has tasted the sweetness of gaol life will never shrink from it. ... I find no happiness outside gaol. While in gaol, I could devote myself regularly to prayers."27 Gandhi was now hailed in Johannesburg as "King of the Hindus and
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being reassured that South Africa's Indians had neither any connection with nor sympathy for India's extremist party, to which the assassin belonged. Gandhi wrote again as exhaustively as possible on the history of his community's struggle and met with everyone willing to see him, answering all questions and granting interviews to all reporters. Gandhi sought a meeting with Colonial Secretary of State Lord Crewe, but to his disgust, he was not immediately welcomed. He no longer had the patience or optimism that had energized his first deputation to London. "Those who occupy positions of power show little inclination to do justice. Their only concern is to hold on. ... I think it will be far better to submit to still further suffering than exhaust ourselves in such efforts and waste so much money. . . . Suffering is bound to bring redress."33 He had lost most of his faith in the old liberal-moderate methods of political petitions sent up to viceroys, secretaries of state, and prime ministers by the Gokhales and Mehtas of Congress. Though he rejected Tilak's violent speech and all terrorist action, Gandhi, on the eve of his fortieth year, preferred incarceration and passionate suffering to polite pleas in a language attuned to the eyes and ears of British barristers. He feared nothing, but was weary of waiting for justice long overdue. His most important interview on this visit was with Lord Morley, then in his final year at the helm of the India Office in Whitehall. Morley listened carefully and, as Gandhi reported soon after their meeting in late July, "promised to help." Still Gandhi urged his friends in South Africa to "fill the gaols," insisting that "no force in the world can compare with soul force, that is to say, with satyagraha."34 Smuts was in London at this same time, working out the details of South African integration into a union, over which he would soon preside. Lord Ampthill did his best to bring Smuts round to accepting Gandhi's position, as did Sir Muncherji, who also met with Gandhi. While in London, Gandhi attended a "great" suffragette rally at the end of July and met Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst. "We have a great deal to learn from these ladies and their movement," he wrote Polak, enclosing Mrs. Pankhurst's Votes for Women and other pamphlets sent on to Phoenix. In his next Gujarati article for Indian Opinion, Gandhi quoted suffragette Mrs. Pethick-Lawrence, who said there could be "no building for progress unless . . . some men do the building with their blood."35 "These words should be pondered ... by every lover of India. If we want freedom, we shall not gain it by killing or injuring others but by dying or submitting ourselves to suffering. The Transvaal struggle is for the defence of our honour . . . for freedom. To lay down one's life to achieve this is as good as remaining alive. To go on living without it is no better than being dead."36 It was more than three decades before he would launch his last great Satyagraha campaign, the "Quit India" movement in 1942, whose mantra, Karega ya maregal meant "Do or die!" Yet for Gandhi, as
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Suffering
early as mid-1909, the only honorable alternative to Indian freedom, whether in the Transvaal or in India, was death. To Gandhi's mind, London had lost most of its earlier appeal. As he wrote to son Manilal in August: "The more I observe things here, the more I feel that there is no reason to believe that this place is particularly suited to any type of better education. I also see that some of the education imparted here is faulty."37 Not that he was against allowing his boys to visit London "for a while," but he felt more certain of the value of educating them himself or through teachers living at his ashram. His ideas about marriage and sex also hardened. He felt strongly opposed to any early marriage and wrote, "I believe very few Indians need marry at the present time.... A person who marries in order to satisfy his carnal desire is lower than even the beast. For the married, it is considered proper to have sexual intercourse only for having progeny. The scriptures also say so." It is not clear which scriptures he had in mind, though they were probably Catholic, and certainly not Hindu or Dharmashastra, or the more ancient Vedic Aryan texts. He went on to warn his son against procreation as well as marriage, arguing: "All the progeny . . . born now are mean and faithless and continue to be so. Do not . . . think that I want to bind you not to marry even after the age of 25 [Manilal was eighteen]. I do not want to put undue pressure on you or on anyone. ... I just want to give you advice . . . though you are but a child." He continued to think both of Harilal and Manilal as children, despite their maturation, plagued as he was by feelings of guilt over his "carnal lust" that led to the birth of both older sons. Harilal had already married and fathered a daughter, for which Gandhi viewed him as "mean and faithless." Even from the distance of London, he attempted to "save" Manilal from a similar "fall." Regrettably, despite his saintly goodness and brilliance, Gandhi never managed to probe the dark roots of his irrational Puritanism, which haunted and obsessed him until the end of his life. That it poisoned his relations with at least one of his loving sons is certain. He never congratulated any relatives on the birth of a child. To his nephew Chhaganlal's wife Kashi, who had just given birth to a daughter, Gandhi wrote from London: "What shall I write . . .? If I say that is good, it would be a lie. If I express sorrow, it would be violence. ... I would only say and wish that you learn to control your senses."38 Gandhi's growing disillusionment with London and Western civilization reached its peak soon after Louis Bleriot completed the first flight from France over the English Channel and American Dr. Frederick Cook claimed he had reached the North Pole, a claim refuted by Admiral Peary. While the world applauded, Gandhi remained unimpressed. "I have grown disillusioned with Western civilization. The people whom you meet on the way seem half-crazy. They spend their days in luxury or in making a bare living
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and retire at night thoroughly exhausted. ... I cannot understand when they can devote themselves to prayers. Suppose Dr. Cook has, in fact, been to the North Pole, what then? People will not, on that account, get the slightest relief from their sufferings. While Western civilization is still young, we find things have come to such a pass that, unless its whole machinery is thrown overboard, people will destroy themselves like so many moths."39 Gandhi's negative assessment of Western civilization would never change, and though he continued to travel by train and ship, he would never fly and always abhorred the pollution and violence of urban industrial machinery. Smuts refused to yield to Gandhi's demands and Crewe refused to do more to pressure his colonial colleague than to suggest that he consider the Indian arguments more sympathetically. To Gandhi's mind, therefore, this mission had yielded precious little at a very high price in sterling and time. On the eve of Gandhi's departure on November 12, the Reverend F. B. Meyer hosted a farewell dinner at his Westminster Palace Hotel, to which, among others, Motilal Nehru came, having visited with his twenty-year-old son, Jawaharlal, who had just completed his studies at Harrow School and was now enrolled at Trinity College, Cambridge. Gandhi thanked the Reverend Meyer and all who came to cheer him along, informing them that as long as he was alive he would continue the "passive resistance" struggle for equality and partnership in the Empire. The meeting then expressed "earnest sympathy with the Transvaal British Indians in their peaceful and selfless struggle for civic rights."40 The deputation left for South Africa on November 13 and reached Johannesburg on December 2, 1909. Those weeks at sea proved to be one of Gandhi's most fruitful fortnights, for he wrote his first major book, Hind Swaraj ("Indian Home Rule"). Written in Gujarati, the book was published that year in two issues of Indian Opinion and was translated into English for publication as a book early in 1910. As with many Gujarati works and ancient Indian philosophic expositions, Gandhi wrote his first opus as a dialogue between himself, the "Editor," and a constantly questioning "Reader." He modestly disclaims any originality for his brilliant work, attributing its inspiration to Tolstoy, whose life and book, The Kingdom of God Is Within You, profoundly impressed him, and to Ruskin, Thoreau, and Emerson. However, his critique of Western civilization and British rule in India was original enough to lead to the book's immediate seizure by British Indian authorities. Gandhi later noted: "To me, the seizure constitutes further condemnation of the civilisation represented by the British Government.... The British Government in India constitutes a struggle between the Modern Civilisation, which is the Kingdom of Satan, and the Ancient Civilisation, which is the Kingdom of God. The one is the God of War, the other is the God of Love."41
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debt; and for the first time since its founding, his Phoenix ashram was functioning without major personnel or financial problems. Despite his resolve repeatedly to defy the Transvaal Act, he was, moreover, still a totally free man, allowed to come and go across the borders of Natal and the Transvaal with impunity. The angst or ennui of success, the discontent induced by newfound safety, plagued and disturbed him. How could such affluence and security of "modern life" be right, after all? In March 1910 Gandhi led a "respectable number" of passive resisters into the Transvaal. The government again disappointed them, however, refusing to arrest anyone. This "non-arrest. . . means a great deal of waste of money and energy to the Indian community," Indian Opinion reported: "The Transvaal Government intend to exhaust our resources. ... we must be prepared to meet them . . . undaunted."44 On June 1, 1910, the Union of South Africa was born, integrating the Transvaal, Natal, Orange Free State, and Cape of Good Hope, and administered from Pretoria, its Union parliament meeting over a thousand miles south in Cape Town. Louis Botha was elected first prime minister of the Union, retaining nominal premier power until his death in 1919. Smuts, who succeeded him, was, however, the major architect behind the creation of the Union and remained its guiding political force. In March 1911 Smuts piloted a new bill through the Cape Parliament that repealed the hated Asiatic Act of 1907. Though Gandhi asked several questions about the new bill's convoluted legalisms, he recognized, as he wrote Maganlal that "the struggle will definitely come to an end."45 Gandhi believed throughout most of 1911 that Smuts would convince the Union Parliament, when it next met, to delete all discriminatory measures against Asiatics and thus avert further Satyagraha suffering. "Theirs alone is victory who follow truth and religion," he assured friends. "A great campaign such as this could not have been waged without faith in God."46 But Smuts also believed God was on his side, and most South African whites still despised Indians and referred to them as "coolies." In February of 1912 when Smuts's new Asiatic Immigration Bill went through Parliament on its first reading, Gandhi considered it "more an Asiatic Expulsion Bill," preparing himself and his community for renewed Satyagraha. Gandhi kept his political guru Gokhale informed of his plan to launch a new protest movement. Gokhale tried to defuse that confrontation by stopping off in South Africa for a brief stay on his way home from England. Gokhale reached Cape Town on October 22,1912, and was welcomed by Gandhi, who hailed selfless Gokhale's "life's work." Harry Hands, the mayor of Cape Town, presided over the welcoming reception. The banquet given for Gokhale at Kimberley four days later was the first recorded occasion when Indians and Europeans dined together. With Gokhale's arrival, moreover, much-needed rains finally came to South Africa, convincing "superstitious Indians" of his
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cepted their demands for appointing Indians to the commission. He set January 1, 1914, as the deadline for acceptance or resumption of do-or-die Satyagraha. On Christmas Eve, Smuts offered to meet with Gandhi, seeking to avert bloodshed. Gandhi agreed to postpone the deadline at Gokhale's cabled request. On New Year's Day of 1914, Gokhale's messengers of peace, the Reverends Charles Freer Andrews and William W. Pearson, arrived in Durban from India. Two years younger than Gandhi, Charlie Andrews was soon to become one of his closest friends and staunchest supporters. Pearson went off to investigate Indian labor problems in Natal's sugar estates, but Charlie stayed with Mohan for a week at his Phoenix ashram. On January 9, 1914, Gandhi and Andrews journeyed to Pretoria together to meet with Smuts. South Africa was then in the midst of a crippling general strike by English workers, which had taken a high economic toll. If Indian passive resisters would now join them, it could prove devastating to Botha and Smuts. Gandhi was asked if Indians would "join the General Strike" by the editor of the Pretoria News, who greeted him outside Smuts's office. "No, certainly not," he replied. "We are out for a clean fight. Passive resistance will be suspended." "May I publish that?" the news editor asked. "Nothere is no need to do so," was Gandhi's initial reply. Then the editor asked of Andrews: "Do persuade him, Mr. Andrews.... There will be Martial Law within twelve hours."51 Charlie explained to his friend that he was "Of course . . . right to suspend the struggle . . . but if no one knows till afterwards, all the good effect will be lost." They paced back and forth until Gandhi agreed, and the message of his reasonable cooperation was wired by Reuters to Cape Town as well as to London and India. In their meeting, General Smuts was "patient and conciliatory," retaining "sympathetic interest in Mr. Gandhi as an unusual type of humanity, whose peculiarities, however inconvenient . . . are not devoid of attraction," a confidential report noted.52 That document helped explain Gandhi's skills in negotiating with "Europeans." "The workings of his conscience are inscrutable to the occidental mind. . . . His ethical and intellectual attitude, based as it appears to be on a curious compound of mysticism and astuteness, baffles the ordinary processes of thought." Gandhi reached a "provisional agreement" with Smuts on all points of conflict before the end of January. The 3 tax was finally to be repealed, South Africa-born Indians would be allowed to enter freely the Cape and Orange Free State, and several other "rights" would be restored or guaranteed. A mass meeting in Durban unanimously endorsed the agreement as Gandhi reported it to them on January 25, 1914. Gandhi hoped for a permanent settlement by March, but the process of reconciling minor points of disagreement took longer than anticipated. He was keen to return to India in April of 1914, hoping to take about twenty
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9
The Impact of World War I
ANDHI REACHED London in August of 1914, just a few days after the outbreak of World War I. As did most Londoners, Gandhi also optimistically thought that the war would end in just a few months. He immediately offered, as he had done in South Africa, to raise an Indian Ambulance Corps to serve Britain on the Western Front. Kasturba's health improved dramatically in London, but Gandhi suffered sharp pains in one leg and eventually a total breakdown. However debilitating, it proved fortunate, since it kept him from the murderous front. He took classes in nursing for his first six weeks in London and spent as much time as he could fruitlessly trying to nurse diabetic Gokhale back to health. By mid-September, Gandhi was sick of London, calling it "poison. My soul is in India."1 Colonel R. J. Baker was appointed to command Gandhi's medical corps on October first, and two weeks later Gandhi was ready to resign. Baker had appointed the "section leaders" of the corps without consulting him, and since Gandhi was "entirely a cripple," he invited Baker to his room for "a mutual discussion."2 The colonel refused, however, to call upon Private Gandhi, or to allow his corps to "elect" its corporals. "I assure that nothing can be further from my thought than to undermine your proper authority," Gandhi replied, "but if you desire to train us ... there is no other way than the one I have ventured to suggest . . . and may I say that, by accepting my humble advice, you will add to your popularity and prestige."3 The colonel, not amused, proved adamant, so Gandhi finally felt obliged to resign from the corps he had raised. By mid-October he
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"We should seek the company of those who have suffered and served," Gandhi told those who gathered to hear his passionate eulogy. "One such was Mr. Gokhale. He is dead, but his work is not dead, for his spirit lives. . . . His last words to those members of the Servants of India Society who were with him were: 'I do not want any memorial or any statue. I want only that men should love their country and serve it with their lives.' This is a message for the whole of India."9 Gandhi returned with Kasturba to Poona later that month, hoping to live at the Servants of India Society and to inherit Gokhale's mantle of leadership. But the other members were fearful of his radical ideas and lifestyle. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, who took charge of the society after Gokhale's death, was a competent administrator but lacked Gandhi's greatness. Instead of welcoming him with open arms, he fearfully drove him from Poona soon after Gandhi returned there. "I am left without shelter through revered Gokhale's death," Gandhi wrote an old friend in March.10 He was not without funds, however, and soon would start his ashram on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, on the banks of the Sabarmati. But first he journeyed back to Bengal, where, in Calcutta, he had a bitter "misunderstanding" with Harilal, who thereafter "parted from me completely."11 In April, Gandhi and Ba went to Hardwar for the great Kumbh Mela celebration there and to pay "respects" to Mahatma Munshiram (later Swami Shraddhanand), who after seeing Gandhi and blessing him, called him "the beacon light of India."12 From there they proceeded to Madras, where Gandhi was hailed by a welcoming crowd of Tamils, shouting "Long live our hero."13 At a reception in Madras he spoke reverently of Gokhale as "my rajya guru" and that "saintly politician."14 By May of 1915 he was back in Gujarat, ready to launch his ashram, preparing a detailed list of needs and an estimate of anticipated expenses. "I have understood it to be the desire of the leaders that we should merely experiment for a year in Ahmedabad" he wrote Sheth Girdharlal. "If that is so, Ahmedabad should bear the whole of this burden. ... As we have now changed the basis, I think Ahmedabad should bear the entire burden for a year."15 He was always careful about money matters and ever firm in negotiating any contractual agreement. Despite his uniquely developed spirituality and idealism, Gandhi never lost his innate bargaining skills or acquired legal brilliance, using both most effectively when appropriate. Gandhi's Satyagraha Ashram, as it was first called, was inaugurated at Kochrab, near Ahmedabad, on May 20, 1915. The ashram's constitution, which Gandhi drafted, required all members, including novitiates and students, to take six vows: truth, nonviolence, celibacy, control of the palate, nonstealing, and nonpossession. Three "subsidiary vows" followed from the first six: Swadeshi, that is, using clothing made by hand and never wearing or purchasing imported cloth of any kind; fearlessness, keeping all
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emony was performed by the Viceroy? ... an exhibition of jewellery. ... I compare it with . . . the millions of the poor. And I feel like saying to these noblemen: 'There is no salvation for India unless you strip yourselves of this jewellery and hold it in trust for your countrymen.'" Shouts of "Hear, hear" came from the student audience, moved to applause each time Gandhi paused for breath. He had found his voice now on Indian soil, in the ancient city most sacred to his Hindu faith, Varanasi (Banaras). "If we trust and fear God, we shall have to fear no one," Gandhi assured them, teaching his passionate message of "love of the country," and the value of "bravery" and tap as to all the bright-eyed young men, who felt uplifted, instantly inspired by his fearless simplicity, his dauntless courage. "I hope I would be prepared to die," Gandhi told them, in defense of India's freedom. "That would, in my opinion, be an honourable death."20 At this point Mrs. Besant stood up and shouted at him, "Please stop it." Gandhi turned to face her and the maharaja chairman, saying, "I await your order. If you consider that by my speaking as I am, I am not serving the country and the Empire, I shall certainly stop." Cries of "Go on!" from the student audience encouraged him to continue. "I want to purge India of the atmosphere of suspicion on either side; if we are to reach our goal, we should have an empire which is ... based upon mutual love and mutual trust . . . much better that we talk these things openly. ... If we are to receive self-government, we shall have to take it. ... Learn your lesson if you wish to from the Boer War." Mrs. Besant and the chairman maharaja and all other princes abruptly left the platform, putting an end to the program and Gandhi's passionate revolutionary speech, which his student audience very much enjoyed. The next day Gandhi informed the ceremony's chairman, the Maharaja of Darbhanga: "My sole object . . . was to express the very strong views I hold against all acts of violence. . . . My mission in life is to preach and assist in securing the utmost freedom for my country but never by violence."21 The maharaja, however, and all his princely colleagues who had attended the event, expressed "disapproval" of what Gandhi had said. They rightly recognized from his austerely unadorned attire, as well as from his comments regarding their jewels and the needs of India's poor, that their days of lazy luxury would be numbered if ever he came to power. The Banaras "incident," as India's press soon called it, only confirmed Annie Besant's fears about Gandhi's revolutionary fervor. When he reprimanded her for interrupting him and leading all the princes off the platform, she angrily replied: "How could we sit still when you are compromising everyone of us on the platform?"22 Gandhi continued to travel around India, speaking everywhere he stopped, unveiling statues and portraits of Gokhale, inaugurating schools, addressing Gujarati merchant societies from Madras to Karachi. His
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ever been, the last two bits of gratuitous advice must have sounded singularly offensive. Gandhi spent most of his time, however, at his ashram. His second son, Manilal, had been living with him at the Sabarmati Ashram, but early in 1917 they argued over Manilal's inability to adhere to all of his vows, so Bapu sent him back to Africa. "It was more painful for me to let you go than it was, perhaps, for you to go," he wrote his twenty-four-year-old son. "But I have often to make my heart harder than steel, for I think that to be in your interest."28 Soon after a despondent Manilal reached Phoenix he got so sick that he could do no work. So Gandhi wrote again, this time to prescribe "proper treatment for your cough. . . . deep breathing and a teaspoonful of olive oil will suffice. ... It can be taken . . . mixed with a tomato. If you can give up tea, coffee and cocoa, that will help. . . . Keep up your studies in the way I have shown you. Do not give up doing sums. . . . The same about Sanskrit. ... It is also necessary to form the habit of reading Gujarati books. . . . All this will be easy if you . . . get over the habit of day-dreaming." Several indigo laborers and their lawyers had appealed to Gandhi during the Lucknow Congress, begging him to come to Champaran District in what is now Bihar State to help the miserably exploited peasants there, who cultivated the rich blue dye plant indigo in the shadows of the Himalayas. Gandhi decided to undertake the long railway journey east, across most of north India, from Ahmedabad to Champaran, in late March of 1917. He then met the indigo workers and heard their complaints of violent treatment as well as shameless exploitation by brutal indigo planters. He was granted an interview by the Division's Commissioner Barrister L. F. Morshead, who "proceeded to bully me . . . and advised me forthwith to leave."29 Inured to such treatment, Gandhi wasted no more time with that narrow-minded official. Soon after leaving Morshead's office, Gandhi wrote to cousin Maganlal: "An order to leave the District has been served upon me and I have refused to obey. ... It is likely that a warrant of arrest. . . will be served upon me any moment."30 He was arrested on his way to a village to carry out his interrogation of aggrieved peasants there. "To go to jail here under such circumstances is a great joy to me," he wrote Maganlal again. "It suggests an auspicious outcome." He informed District Magistrate W. B. Heycock that he had no intention of leaving his district or paying any fine. Then from the district magistrate's office he wrote Viceroy Lord Chelmsford's Private Secretary Maffey: "I have come to this district to learn for myself whether there is truth in the allegations of the ryots [peasants] against the planters." Gandhi explained that his motive was humanitarian national service. The evidence he had been given to examine convinced him that the planters had used "ille[ 88 ]
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from Bihar.34 This early adventure in remote, rural Bihar induced Gandhi to return there in the final anguished years of his life, seeking again that shower of love, those glorious highs he experienced in his first victorious struggle, waged in India's epic heartland of Rama and Sita, where the mythical golden age of righteousness, Ram Rajya ("Rama's Rule"), was born. In the summer of 1917, the governor of Madras arrested Annie Besant, who had started her own Home Rule League. The charge against her was sedition, and by arresting her the governor turned her from a nuisance into a martyr and national hero. Shortly after her release, Mrs. Besant was chosen to preside over the annual session of Congress that December. Gandhi's reaction affords a glimpse into his own evolving strategy. In July Gandhi wrote to warn the viceroy that Mrs. Besant's arrest was "a big blunder." He stated, "Many of us have respectfully differed from Mrs. Besant but all have recognised her powers and devotion. ... I plead with all the earnestness I can command ... to acknowledge the blunder . . . withdraw the orders of internment and to declare that the country has the right to carry on any propaganda that is ... totally free from violence." Failure to reverse her internment, Gandhi feared, would result in the spread of a "cult of violence," which, he said, his life was dedicated to preventing. "I have presented to the youths and to Indians in general ... a better and more effective method and that is the method of soul force or truth force or love force. ... It involves self-suffering and that alone. . . . No government in the world can afford continually to imprison or molest innocent men."35 In a letter to his Danish Christian friend Esther Faering, Gandhi expanded on this argument while answering questions she raised concerning Jesus' nonviolence: "I think the command of Jesus is unequivocal. All killing is b a d . . . . He who is filled with pity for the snake and does not fear him will not kill him. . . . This state of innocence is the one we must reach. But only a few can reach it. ... A nation to be in the right can only fight with soul-force. Such a nation has still to be born. I had hoped that India was that nation. I fear I was wrong. The utmost I expect of India is that she may become a great restraining force."36 That August Gandhi met young Mahadev Desai, who was to become his personal secretary and disciple for the next quarter century. "I have found in you just the type of young man for whom I have been searching for the last two years," Gandhi told him, after watching him for three days. "I have spoken like this only to three persons before . . . Mr. Polak, Miss Schlesin, and Shri Maganlal... for I have found three outstanding qualities in you. They are regularity, fidelity and intelligence."37 Thirty-three-yearold Mahadev was so amazed and flattered that he barely knew what to say, whispering that Gandhi had as yet seen nothing he had written or "done." But Gandhi confidently replied that he could "judge people in a very short time." He was, of course, quite right about Desai, who from November of
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mention this to remind you to be careful that in the storm that will follow we do not lose, whether in our wisdom or folly, the money that we have received for the Ashram. . . . there should be nothing in my name, at any place. Keep everything in your name. . . . The amounts that will be transferred to your name will not become your property, but will be treated as donations in aid of our activities."40 Gandhi's practical wisdom and economic shrewdness is rarely revealed as clearly as in this letter to his cousinmanager of the ashram. Indeed, in that same letter he comments on the importance of this ashram's focus on its hand loom production of cloth. Wartime inflation had more than doubled the price of cotton cloth in the preceding six months, more than justifying focusing so intently on the value of hand spinning and weaving. Gandhi now contemplated launching three different Satyagraha struggles: one in the Kheda (or Kaira) district of Gujarat over excessive land revenue demands by the British collector there; another on behalf of the mill hands in Ahmedabad; and a third to convince the viceroy to release two outspoken radical Muslim brothers, Shaukat and Mohamed Ali, jailed for "seditious" writings and soon to be adopted by Gandhi as his own "brothers." Gandhi hoped by his fragile bond of brotherhood with Shaukat and Mohamed Ali to bridge the deep doctrinal differences dividing Hinduism from Islam and forge a single nation, uniting the some 300 million adherents to India's two great religions. But his bridge of brotherhood so carefully constructed with Shaukat and Mohamed collapsed just a few years later, when they both lost faith in him. Gandhi would have better luck at adopting sons than brothers: in such a spirit did Mahadev Desai join the ashram, as did Vinoba Bhave, "India's Walking Saint."41 Vinoba had taken the Brahmacharya vow at the age of ten and was a genius at mastering languages as well as his own passions, first conquering Sanskrit and memorizing the Bhagavad Gita, then learning a new language every year of his long life by reading the Gita in various translations. "A hercules, a Samson!" Gandhi called young Vinoba, who was to remain his most saintly disciple.42 "Your love and your character fascinate me," Gandhi wrote Vinoba in February of 1918. Calling him "son," Gandhi went on to state, "In my view a father is, in fact, a father only when he has a son who surpasses him in virtue. . . . This is what you have [done]. . . . May God grant you long life, and use you for the uplift of India."43 Vinobaji devoted his three decades after the assassination of his Mahatma to Sarvodaya ("The Uplift of All"), launching a series of socially revolutionary movements across India, from his "Gift of Land" (Bhoodan) to "Gift of Life" (Jivandan] reforms. His saintly life and the impact of his social reforms remain one of Gandhi's greatest legacies to modern India. Gandhi thus inspired younger leaders and prepared them for the coming struggle, leaving Kasturba in Champaran to help organize village
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cupation to help them earn a livelihood, to study languages, and to repair and clean their own houses or compounds. Such occupational therapy helped to lift their sagging spirits. Gandhi vowed to help "feed and clothe" the striking workers if any or all of them were "reduced to starvation" during the lockout. Anasuyabehn remained faithful to her promise to stand by the strikers as well. On March 1, 1918, he wrote a "Dear Friend" letter to Ambalal Sarabhai: If you succeed, the poor, already suppressed, . . . will be more abject than ever and the impression will have been confirmed that money can subdue everyone. ... Is it your desire . . . that the workers be reduced to utter submission? Do you not see that in your failure lies your success, that your success is fraught with danger for you? . . . Kindly look deep into your heart, listen to the still small voice within and obey it, I pray you.47 He would much later address several viceroys and prime ministers in exactly the same way, always treating those opposing him in any struggle he launched as a "Dear Friend." Gandhi never tired of pleading with the opposition to change course or abandon stubborn adherence to falsehood and evil ways. The sweet reasonableness of his arguments softened the hardest of hearts, and if it did not immediately lead to victory, it often diminished the length of each struggle and at times even achieved conversions to goodness and a recognition of the truth of his arguments. As the strike went into its third week Gandhi visited the homes of the locked-out workers, finding filth and improper ventilation in all and dirt in the narrow alleys of the impoverished quarter near the closed mill. The weavers' children wore ragged and filthy clothes and none of them went to school. Pained at the extreme poverty he witnessed, Gandhi realized that even if the workers' wages were doubled, their lives would remain wretched. These Gujarati Hindus he served in his own beloved Ahmedabad were as poor and miserable as many he had seen in Champaran. The deeper he probed into the subsoil of India's society, the more seemingly incurable the illnesses he uncovered. On March 12 the owners lifted their lockout and tried to lure the striking workers back to their mills by repeating their offer to raise wages by 20 percent. Gandhi firmly rejected the offer, again insisting on 35 percent, keeping the oath he had asked every striker to take. In another attempt to divide and conquer, Ambalal invited Gandhi to move into his house that same day; Gandhi refused even to consider doing so as long as the struggle continued. Some workers, of course, were tempted to return to the now open mills and Ambalal charged that they were being forcibly prevented from doing so, supposedly intimidated by bullies. But Gandhi offered personally to escort any striker to work, if he asked for such protection. None did; all remained faithful to their pledges. Three days later, Gandhi heard that some of the strikers complained
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truth and non-violence. . . . Love is a rare herb that makes a friend even of a sworn enemy and this herb grows out of non-violence.... We should love allwhether Englishmen or Muslims. ... So long as we do not have unshakable faith in truth, love and non-violence, we can make no progress."52 As Satyagraha intensified in April Gandhi urged Kheda women to stand by their husbands, following them, if need be, into prison. "Our goods are being attached and buffaloes taken away," he acknowledged, arguing that "hardships such as these purify us as fire purifies gold."53 To his friend Henry Polak, now in London, Gandhi confessed, "A series of passive resistances is an agonizing effort. It is an exalting agony. I suppose the agony of childbirth must be somewhat like it."54 He spoke every day to different village groups, encouraging them by his presence as well as his words, promising that their salvation would come from fearlessly clinging to truth, that freedom was "bound to follow." "This is not a struggle merely to escape payment of the revenue this year," he told his brave band of satyagrahis that April. "No king can remain in power if he sets himself against the people. I have taken it as the chief mission of my life to prove this."55 The British soon tested his resolve. They started to confiscate movable property and land belonging to those peasants and landowners of Kheda who had refused to pay the demanded revenue, and most of them opted to pay out of fear of losing everything they possessed. "If we give way to this fear, we shall become incapable of any manly effort," Gandhi told the staunch peasants of Nadiad, who remained firm. "About eighty per cent of the farmers have paid up the dues out of this fear and, therefore, it is for the remaining twenty per cent to redeem the honour of all."56 His speeches to the peasants of Gujarat were given not only in their own language but were enriched by countless references to Hindu epic lore, which they knew and loved, and to recitations from the Bhagavad Gita, and ancient tales of the struggles and miracles of Hindu gods taken from the Puranas. He brought the folk wisdom and religious philosophy of India's Vedic and Upanishadic, pre-Christian, eras to life for these adoring, mostly illiterate audiences, who waited long hours in the blistering sun just to catch a glimpse of him. They were prepared to listen to him "till the sun burns itself out." When he wasn't touring villages, he went to Bombay as well as Ahmedabad and met with British governors and heads of the Revenue Department as well as commissioners, much as he had done during earlier Satyagrahas in South Africa. This April, moreover, he journeyed to Delhi to attend the war conference called by Viceroy Lord Chelmsford, leaving in his absence Vallabhbhai Patel in charge of the Kheda struggle. Since neither Tilak nor Annie Besant was invited to the conference, nor could the imprisoned Ali brothers join it, Gandhi had last-minute misgivings about attending.
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had been only waiting for an opportunity. . . . [DJysentery appeared in acute form. . . . Whilst I was thus tossing on the bed in pain in the Ashram, Sjt. Vallabhbhai [Patel] brought the news that Germany had been completely defeated, and that the Commissioner had sent word that recruiting was no longer necessary. The news that I had no longer to worry myself about recruiting came as a very great relief."65 Gandhi now recovered swiftly from what he recalled as the "first long illness in my life," during which he felt "I was at death's door." With the Allied victory in November 1918, Indians naturally expected something close to freedom as their just reward for all the support, in men and materiel, rendered to Great Britain. Instead of dominion status, however, an extension of martial law was carried through the viceroy's legislative council over the opposition of every Indian representative serving on it. Justice Rowlatt, the viceroy's legal member, had completed a study on the dangers of "sedition" and terrorist action. In consequence he requested a six-month extension of Defense of India Acts passed in 1915. Those "Black Acts" as Gandhi would call the Rowlatt Bills were indeed passed roughshod over all opposition, as Jinnah so eloquently put it before resigning, "by an overfretful and incompetent bureaucracy which is neither responsible to the people nor in touch with real public opinion."66 "If the [Rowlatt] Bills were but a stray example of lapse of righteousness and justice, I should not mind them but when they are clearly an evidence of a determined policy of repression, civil disobedience seems to be a duty imposed upon every lover of personal and public liberty," Gandhi wrote. "For myself if the Bills were to be proceeded with, I feel I can no longer render peaceful obedience to the laws of a power that is capable of such . . . devilish legislation."67 He marshaled his strength, preparing himself now to "fight the greatest battle of my life." The war was over; yet Britain's victory brought no offer of dominion status, only renewed repression. So Gandhi, along with most outraged Congress leaders, girded themselves for what would surely be but a short struggle to complete Swaraj. None of them imagined it would take almost thirty more arduous years.
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Postwar Carnage and Nationwide Satyagraha
O o
N FEBRUARY 24, 1919, Gandhi cabled Viceroy Chelmsford, offering him the opportunity to reconsider his government's decision to enact the Rowlatt Bills, or so-called Black Bills, extending martial law. If enacted, Gandhi promised to launch Satyagraha, personally encouraging his followers to "commit civil disobedience of such laws." Gandhi noted he was well "aware of the seriousness of the proposed step."1 Fifty of his followers signed a pledge the next day to disobey the bills. At about the same time, Gandhi also started his Satyagraha Sabha [Society], daily recruiting more volunteers to help him launch an effective protest and gathering signatories to the Satyagraha pledge. In sending copies of his pledge to the press, Gandhi wrote that this was "probably the most momentous [step] in the history of India."2 Gandhi went to Delhi in early March for a last meeting with the viceroy. Neither man changed the other's mind. "An Englishman will not be argued into yielding. . . . [H]e recognizes moral force and . . . perhaps even against his will, yields to it. It is this moral force we are employing and, if it is genuinely moral, we shall win."3 On March 30, 1919, police in Delhi opened fire at anti-Rowlatt protesters, leaving several dead. This tragedy was but a mild portent of the carnage to come. Sunday, April 6, 1919, was proclaimed by Gandhi a day of national humiliation on which to protest enactment of the Black Bills. That morning Gandhi went to Bombay's Chowpatty beach to pray and fast. He was soon surrounded by devout Hindus. He exhorted them to take the Satyagraha Pledge on Lord "Rama's birthday," which would fall on April 9. Devout Hindu Swami Shraddhanand had led the crowd on which Delhi's
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police opened fire. Gandhi announced to the gathering that he had a telegram from the Swami reporting that nine "corpses" had been recovered from that Delhi massacre site. "[N]o nation has ever been made without sacrifice," passionate Gandhi told his followers that morning on the beach. "This is satyagraha . . . not a bad beginning."4 The only thing the Swami's followers had done wrong in Delhi, however, was to demand the release of prisoners arrested at the station for their picketing. "It is arrest and imprisonment that we seek," taught Gandhi. After prayers, he left the beach with some disciples to attend a mass meeting of Muslims being held at Grant Road in front of the mosque there. He was escorted up to the balcony, and appealed to his "Mahomedan brethren to join the satyagraha movement in large numbers."5 Satyagraha was their best hope to unite India's two great communities, Gandhi told them, thanking his Muslim comrades for inviting him to speak at their sacred place. While Gandhi's enthusiasm grew as his new Satyagraha campaign gathered in popularity and momentum, most other leaders of the Congress watched cautiously and did not join him. Home rule leader Annie Besant and moderates like Wacha and Srinivasa Sastri feared further violence. Jinnah also remained unconvinced by Gandhi's rhetoric, though he felt just as negative about the Rowlatt Acts and had been the first member of the viceroy's legislative council to resign his seat in principled protest against them. Gandhi's revolutionary mystic methods, however, were so foreign to his temperament and approach to political problems that he could only view them with growing alienation and trepidation. So when Gandhi invited him to join his Satyagraha Sabha, Jinnah refused. Gandhi's "extreme program" attracted the inexperienced and the illiterate, and caused further division everywhere in the country. "What the consequence of this may be, I shudder to contemplate. ... I do not wish my countrymen to be dragged to the brink of a precipice in order to be shattered."6 Gandhi's faith in his method, however, only increased as protest after protest was mounted in defiance of British laws. On April 7, 1919, he published an unregistered newspaper, Satyagrahi, in which he issued instructions on how best to court arrest. He urged his followers never to object to punishment, nor "resort to surreptitious practices."7 Defiance must always be nonviolent and open. It was in the Satyagrahi that Gandhi called upon all Indians "to destroy all foreign clothing in our possession."8 He called swadeshi "a religious conception" and a "natural duty" for all Indians, and the boycott of British goods was its counterpart, to remain in full effect until the Rowlatt Acts were withdrawn. Here, too, he published his "vow of Hindu-Muslim unity," which called upon members of both great communities to unite in "one bond of mutual friendship." The vow reflected Gandhi's philosophy and read in part: "With God as witness we Hindus
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dience on April 18, 1919. Three days after his scrupulous act of suspension he learned of the savage behavior of the Punjab's martial authorities, where the public whipping of men caught walking rather than crawling to their homes on certain streets in Amritsar had been ordered in the ugly aftermath of Dyer's horrendous massacre a week earlier. "Such whipping would rouse gravest indignation," Gandhi wired Maffey. "Hope there is some explanation that would remove all cause of anxiety."14 There was, however, none. More and more details trickled out, slowly informing Gandhi and India's leaders of the inhumane actions ordered by Dyer and his supporting Lieutenant Governor Michael O'Dwyer during that blackest spring of Indian history. By the end of May, Gandhi could no longer keep silent. "I have refrained from saying anything in public because I had no reliable data," he wrote the viceroy. "I was not prepared to condemn martial law as such. . . . But. . . [t]he secrecy that has surrounded the events in the Punjab has given rise to much hostile criticism. The complete gagging of the Indian Press has created the greatest resentment."15 He urged the viceroy to appoint an "impartial and independent committee of inquiry." That would take a while longer, coming only after the secretary of state intervened, with Congress later appointing its own committee and Gandhi himself as its chair. Lord Hunter, former solicitor-general of Scotland, was appointed to head a special Punjab Committee that fall, whose six members included two Indian judges, Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, and Sahibzada Sultan Ahmed. The viceroy announced the special inquiry at the opening session of his Imperial Legislative Council, and Gandhi welcomed the inauguration of a full judicial investigation of the Punjab atrocities. It soon seemed clear, however, that the official committee would not conduct as extensive an investigation of Indian claims and charges, or the needs of indemnity of survivors, as hoped for. Gandhi readily supported Congress's cry for the appointment of an independent Indian Committee to inquire into the Punjab atrocities. "The people's case is this," he wrote in his "New Life" Gujarati weekly, Navajivan, "that Sir Michael O'Dwyer proved himself unfit as Governor ... If he had not prevented me from going to Delhi, the disturbances would not have taken such a violent turn."16 The people's case, Gandhi argued, "is so sound that it requires little adorning ... it is spoilt. . . only through our anger or our apathy." Gandhi asked the viceroy to lift the restraining order issued in April that prevented Gandhi from visiting Punjab, and on October 15, 1919, he was permitted to enter that province. "The scene that I witnessed on my arrival at Lahore can never be effaced from my memory," Gandhi recalled. "The railway station was from end to end one seething mass of humanity. The entire populace had turned out of doors ... as if to meet a dear rela[ 102 ]
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national popularity than was enjoyed by any other nationalist leader. As a Mahatma, moreover, thanks to his dedication to service, his propagation of swadeshi, and the limited though well-published success of his Champaran, Ahmedabad, and Kheda Satyagrahas, Gandhi was uniquely prepared, or so at least it seemed at the end of 1919, to lead India to freedom's promised land of Swaraj. Fifteen thousand Indians attended the National Congress meeting in Amritsar that December. Moderate conservative Motilal Nehru thundered in his presidential address: "India has suffered much at the hands of an alien and reactionary bureaucracy, but the Punjab has in that respect acquired a most unenviable notoriety. . . . But repression and terrorism have never yet killed the life of a nation; they but increase the disaffection and drive it underground . . . breaking out occasionally into crimes of violence. And this brings further repression. ... It is due to the perversity of the executive which blinds itself to the causes of the discontent and, like a mad bull, goes about attacking all who dare to stand up against it."21 Gandhi found too much "bitterness" in Motilal's speech, but nevertheless eagerly seconded several of the Congress's resolutions on swadeshi and the Khilafat issue. He also accepted an invitation to serve on a small committee that would entirely rewrite the Congress Constitution, aiming to transform that still mostly moderate organization into a mass revolutionary national party, one that would reflect for the most part Mahatma Gandhi's ideas and leadership on the road to Swaraj. The complexity of Gandhi's life requires careful attention to both his public and personal trials. At fifty and on the eve of his greatest nationwide success in 1920, Gandhi experienced an intensely personal passion for a young, golden-haired, blue-eyed Danish beauty, Esther Faering. Devout Christian missionary Esther fell in love with Mahatma Gandhi's spiritual commitment to selfless service and left her Danish mission the day he agreed to permit his "Dear Child" to join his Sabarmati Ashram. Acutely aware of how jealous Kasturba was of several of his adoring disciples, Gandhi tried at first to disarm his wife of such feelings by asking Esther "to help Ba in the kitchen." But he warned his Dear Child that "Ba has not an even temper. She is not always sweet. And she can be petty. . . . You will therefore have to summon to your aid all your Christian charity to be able to return largeness against pettiness ... to pity the person who slights you. . . . And so, my dear Esther, if you find Mrs. Gandhi trying your nerves, you must avoid the close association I am suggesting to you."22 It didn't work, of course. Kasturba treated his Dear Child so harshly in her kitchen that Esther soon broke down. "You were with me the whole of yesterday and during the night. I shall pray that you may be healthier in mind, body and spirit," Bapu wrote to console Dear Child Esther "with deep love." A few days later Esther wrote to report that it was too difficult to please Ba, who
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as well. "You have made yourself dearest to me by your wonderful love and conscientiousness," he wrote to reassure Esther. "You do not for one moment think that your waywardness can make any alteration in my estimation of your worthiness. If the body is the temple of the Holy, it requires the utmost care . . . with deep love."28 Two days later she resolved to return to Denmark to care for her sick father. "To express purest love is like walking on the edge of a sword," Gandhi replied to that unhappy news. "We never know when we are not selfish even when we fancy we are all love.. . . Love and truth are two faces of the same coin and both most difficult to practice and the only things worth living for. ... I shall therefore pray that both you and I may realize this to the fullest measure."29 Gandhi felt more tortured each day as the prospect of losing her became more real to his confused and enraptured mind and heart. "You are constantly in my mind . . . are you happy and joyful? How are you in body? I would like you to return . . . With love."30 She had returned to her convent in Madras, trying to cure her ailing body in prayer and trying to decide whether or not to marry Dr. E. K. Menon, who had proposed. Gandhi continued writing to her daily, sending poems by Tennyson, Lowell, and George Herbert, adding his own poetry, ending always with love, or "Another evening has come to fill me with thoughts of you."31 Day and night he traveled from Lahore to Bombay, to Delhi, Banaras, and back to Ahmedabad, yet found no respite, no escape from her or from his own unrequited longing. When Gandhi first learned of her plans to marry Menon, he replied: "Your letter grieves me beyond words. . . . But true joy will come to the godly.. .. With love."32 Falling ill, he retreated from his ashram to the lofty and isolated "Fortress of the Lion," Sinhgadh, high above the sea on the Deccan plateau of Maharashtra. After a busy fortnight of fasting and prayer in memory of the previous year's turmoil and Punjab tortures, he wrote again, explaining his silence, which "does not mean that I have thought any the less of you. ... I am quite resigned to your marriage. I will not argue against it. ... do exactly as God guides you. Only always be sure it is the voice of God."33 Before she left India Esther agreed to come to visit him atop Sinhgadh, for he was much too weak now to see her off at Bombay. "I did not at all like to part with you," he confessed after her two-day visit. "But I know it was good for your health's sake."34 She left Bombay on the S.S. Berlin on May 20, 1920. "As for my health, there is nothing in particular except weakness," he wrote his youngest son that same day. "I am so weak that I cannot walk at all. The legs have lost all strength. I cannot understand the cause."35 But he was soon to recover the strength necessary to lead his first
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tirely on national education learned either at home or in ashrams, like his own, in which a school continued to function. Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai had returned to Punjab and already announced his intention to boycott the elections planned to be held under the Montagu-Chelmsford Government of India Act of 1919. Gandhi warmly endorsed Lala Lajpat's boycott. "I would not have the best attention of the country frittered away in electioneering," Gandhi wrote. "The issue is clear. Both the Khilafat terms and the Punjab affairs show that Indian opinion counts for little in the councils of the Empire. It is a humiliating position, we shall make nothing of reforms if we quietly swallow the humiliation."39 Gandhi returned the medals he had been given for his work in South Africa to the viceroy on August 1, 1920, "in pursuance of the scheme of non-co-operation, inaugurated today in connection with the khilafat movement."40 Wealthy Bombay Muslim Mian Mohamed Chotani sponsored Khilafat Day meetings throughout Bombay that first week in August, and on every platform Gandhi appeared with Shaukat and Mohamed Ali, as well as other Muslim leaders like Punjab's Dr. Kitchlew and the League's Hasrat Mohani. Most of the Congress moderates now urged their followers to ignore Gandhi's call for noncooperation or else asked him to suspend its implementation until after the special session of Congress was held in Calcutta that September to vote on it. But Gandhi insisted that "the still small voice within me suggests otherwise." He argued that it was not possible for him to wait on Congress's vote and decision, since "I had in my hands a sacred trust. I was advising my Mussulman countrymen and ... I hold their honour in my hands. I dare not ask them to wait for any verdict but. . . their own conscience."41 Gandhi now rallied all those who listened and agreed with him to attend the Congress in Calcutta and vote as he would. His major Muslim supporters, like Chotani, paid the fare for trainloads of Muslims to cross the subcontinent from Bombay in order to reach Calcutta in early September, packing the Congress pandal and voting for Gandhi and the Khilafat noncooperation movement. On September 5, 1920, he expressed his complete distrust of British bureaucrats to the Subjects Committee of Congress, urging them to support his noncooperation resolution. British constitutional reforms, he warned, were nothing but a "trap," which would leave them at the "mercy of unscrupulous men."42 Then he urged them to boycott elections under the new act. Most of the senior statesmen of Congress, including C. R. Das and Jinnah, now opposed him, warning that his actions would dangerously divide the Congress and the nation. Nevertheless, on September 8 he moved his resolution on noncooperation and won, despite a "large number" of the Congress leaders arrayed against him, who considered his movement too revolutionary and bound only to stimulate more violence and divisiveness
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jump upon its sleeping form. Now the ride left him reeling, but as yet he could not, or dared not, get off. Most of the old Congress leaders, however, now distanced themselves from him, as Annie Besant and her friends had done much earlier. Jinnah and M. R. Jayakar of Bombay both resigned from the Home Rule League, which they had led, once Gandhi was elected its president, changing its name over their protests to Swarajya Sabha ("Swaraj Society"). Barrister Jinnah was not amused at having the Home Rule League's laws and constitution, which he had carefully helped to draft, overruled by this upstart. In his letter of resignation from the Sabha, Jinnah called Gandhi's new constitution "unconstitutional and illegal," which echoed Viceroy Chelmsford's reaction to Gandhi's noncooperation: "the most foolish of all foolish schemes."47 But it was only the first blow Mr. Jinnah would have to sustain that fateful year in crossing legal swords with Mahatma Gandhi and his ardent host of youthful supporters, so many of them Muslims, thanks to the Khilafat cause Gandhi embraced and from which Jinnah always remained aloof. Elections were held throughout British India in late November and December of 1920. In Bombay, voter turnout was so light that Gandhi could claim it "demonstrated the success of noncooperation about Councils."48 Gandhi visited Banaras University again, urging students to leave and winning over many of them with every speech he made. When he spoke to women's associations he was showered with gold jewels to use in his campaign, gaining money and momentum every day. And wherever he went he was surrounded by chanting crowds eager to touch him or simply to gaze upon this remarkable man, whom they called Mahatma. "Freedom merely means that, unafraid of anyone, we should be able to speak and act as we feel."49 Then seeing the worshipful look in their eyes as they watched and listened to him, he anxiously added: "I am not asking you to shake off Government's slavery to be slaves to me afterwards." In mid-December Gandhi reached Nagpur, located almost equidistant from India's four compass points, where he was welcomed by wealthy disciple Jamnalal Bajaj and his reception committee, and he was pleased to see delegates arriving daily from every direction. At Nagpur, Gandhi moved for adoption of the new Congress creed, which changed "The object of the Indian National Congress" from "Responsible Colonial Government" to "the attainment of swaraj by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means."50 He spoke in support of this creed he had drafted in Hindi, insisting it should be India's national language and the language of every Congress meeting. "I know, before we are done with this great battle on which we have embarked ... we have to go probably, possibly, through a sea of blood, but let it not be said . . . that we are guilty of shedding blood, but . . . that we shed . . . our own." In proposing the new creed at
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At the approach of the second anniversary of "Satyagraha Week," from April 6 to 13, Gandhi toured all of India, urging mass implementation of the multiple boycott movement he had launched in 1919 and continuing to call for hand spinning and weaving. To a huge meeting of students and lawyers in Orissa's capital he asked: "What can be nobler than to die as free men of India?"55 The "era of talking" should now end, Gandhi insisted, and a new "era of action" must begin, if they were to achieve Swaraj. Such action included recruiting men and women from every province and village for the restructured Congress, raising enough money to sustain local Congress committees, and working to transform India into a totally self-governing society of peaceful, harmonious, industrious people. Everywhere he went he called upon those who listened to stop drinking liquor and start spinning cotton. Gandhi believed that, if every peasant family had a spinning wheel and used it regularly, India's "grinding poverty" would soon disappear. Since launching his Satyagraha in concert with the Khilafat movement, Gandhi embraced the brothers Shaukat and Mohamed Ali as his own "brothers" on every platform upon which they appeared together. The Ali brothers, who often spoke alone, however, were reported by government agents to have been inciting Muslim audiences to violence and welcoming an Afghan invasion of India. When Viceroy Lord Reading informed Pandit Malaviya that his government would have to initiate criminal proceedings against the Ali brothers, Malaviya asked the viceroy to postpone any such action until he could meet with Gandhi. Gandhi went to Simla and the viceroy met with him four times, showing him the objectionable passages from many reported speeches. Gandhi "admitted" they could warrant the violent interpretation the government had given to them, but he said he was "convinced that it was not intended" by the Ali brothers "to incite the audience to violence."56 He got the brothers to agree to a disclaimer, which he later published, but it was only a holding action. In truth, the Ali brothers never really believed in nonviolence as Gandhi did, and their brief interlude of Khilafat cooperation was little more than a political marriage of convenience, doomed to early dissolution and growing Hindu-Muslim disillusionment and communal antipathy. Many of Gandhi's Hindu Brahman supporters never understood why he strongly embraced those radical Muslim brothers in the first place. But Gandhi's earlier South African experience and success, so heavily dependent as it had been on Gujarati Muslim mercantile support and cooperation, made him mistakenly assume that India's Muslim majority would adhere to the same principles, accepting the very nonviolent vows he himself took. Shaukat and Mohamed Ali were soon to repudiate Gandhi for what they later call his "Hindu treachery" and "hypocrisy." But young men like Jawaharlal Nehru, recently returned to his home in
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anger in prison could do little good. . . . [C]ivil resistance stopped and noncooperation wilted away."59 That was young Nehru's first bitter disillusionment with Gandhi's leadership, but many more such frustrations would follow, each of them widening the gulf that was to divide India's two greatest nationalists. Mahatma Gandhi's disappointments with his Congress "heir" were to be at least as grave and disconcerting. In calling a halt to his campaign, Gandhi assumed full "responsibility for the crime" committed at Chauri Chaura. "All of us should be in mourning for it," he added, praying, "May God save the honour of India."60 He then resolved to perform the expiatory penance he would so often turn to when all else had failed, beginning a fast on February 12, 1922. "I could not have done less," he wrote Devdas, explaining: "To start civil disobedience in an atmosphere of incivility is like putting one's hand in a snake pit. Please do not take that as an example. It is [more like] the woman giving birth to a child who suffers the pains, others only help. I, too, wish to give birth to the ideals of non-violence and truth, so that I alone need bear the pains of fasting."61 From childhood, of course, he had always feared snakes, yet this is his first remarkable reference to himself as a "woman giving birth." It would not be his last. Gandhi fasted only five days, suffering no ill effects in the aftermath. But the viceroy and his subordinate officials now recognized how much politically weaker Gandhi had become in the hearts and eyes of many of his followers, especially those ardent young men who had welcomed prison in response to his early passionate call for noncooperation. It was hardly surprising, therefore, that a month after he had called off the war, General Gandhi himself was arrested and sentenced to six years in jail. Among others, he wrote that day to his "Dear Child" Esther: "I hope you were . . . happy over the news of my arrest. It has given me great joyI would like you to see the truth of the spinning-wheel. It and it alone is the visible outward expression of the inner feeling for humanity. If we feel for the starving masses of India, we must introduce the spinning-wheel into their homes. . . . [W]e must spin daily as a sacrament. If you have understood the secret of the spinning-wheel, if you realize that it is a symbol of love of mankind, you will engage in no other outward activity."62 So in the aftermath of the wretched pain and horror of Chauri Chaura, instead of fighting on in Bombay's cities and the villages of Bardoli for political freedom and all the glories of Swaraj from foreign rule, Mahatma Gandhi did a complete about-face, turning inward again, back to the Truth in his heart, listening only to his inner voice and to the music of his spinning wheel of universal Love, which he passionately turned day after day in the sacrificial solitude of his otherwise empty cell.
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11
Cotton Spinning
T MIDNIGHT on March 20, 1922, Gandhi was transported in a special train from Sabarmati Jail south to Poona's massive Yeravda Prison, a giant fortress of gray stone. He would have ample time there in the next two years of his incarceration to reflect on the errors he had made, exciting so many ill-prepared, violent, and uncontrollable people to expect to win freedom overnight. Now he resolved to spin cotton thread without speaking, considering his charkha (spinning wheel) the "only device" capable of making all Indians who used it feel that "we are the children of the same land."1 Gandhi took vows of silence while he spun for a week at a stretch, desiring no visitors, writing few letters, and seeking through spinning and silence to heal deep wounds in his heart and mind. "I am as happy as a bird," he soon wrote. "And if my prayers are true and from a humble heart, they, I know, are infinitely more efficacious than any amount of meddlesome activity."2 Soon, however, he weakened, growing frail from eating no more than minimal portions twice a day, often fasting, and undermining his physique until his weight dropped from 114 to barely 99 pounds. He trembled uncontrollably. Carefully examined by prison doctor Colonel C. Maddock, he was found to be suffering from appendicitis. After six months of pain and suffering, Gandhi finally agreed to permit Colonel Maddock to perform the necessary lifesaving operation in Poona's Sassoon Hospital on January 12, 1924. Following the operation Gandhi became more abstemious, reducing even further his minimal diet. Shortly thereafter, Viceroy Lord Reading unconditionally released Gandhi from prison, on "considerations of his
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health." "I am sorry that the Government have prematurely released me on account of my illness," Gandhi wrote to Mohamed Ali, who had been elected to preside over the Congress that year. "Such a release can bring me no joy ... no relief. ... I am now overwhelmed with a sense of responsibility I am ill-fitted to discharge. . . . my utter incapacity to cope with the work before me humbles my pride."3 Lord Reading's decision was based as much on political as on medical grounds. Elections were held under the new Government of India Act of 1919 in the winter of 1920, and though Gandhi and his followers boycotted them, many moderate Congress leaders ran for the newly expanded Legislative Assembly. Nationalist heroes, like Motilal Nehru, M. A. Jinnah, and C. R. Das, all took seats in that inchoate Indian Parliament, launched with fanfare and solemnity by the Duke of Connaught, on behalf of KingEmperor George, on February 9, 1921. Later that year of mounting noncooperation and black flag boycotts (during which black flags are flown over buildings and carried in parades), moreover, Edward, the young Prince of Wales, toured India, accompanied by his favorite cousin, young Lord Louis ("Dickie") Mountbatten. Mountbatten not only caught his first glimpse of the empire over which he would preside a quarter century later, but at twenty-one proposed marriage to flamboyant heiress Edwina Ashley, then a house guest of Rufus Isaacs, Lord Reading. The British imperial process of gradual devolution of power thus moved at its stately, though "glacial" might be more apt, pace toward the avowed goal of preparing India for dominion status. Chauri Chaura and its aftermath proved less cataclysmic and disruptive of daily life for most nationalist leaders than it did for Gandhi, who had raced too far ahead of his ragtag army, the younger generation blaming him for calling a halt to the battle, the older for irresponsibility. But as a "Mahatma," his popularity among the Hindu peasantry remained undiminished, and though many sophisticated Congress leaders were disillusioned by his idealistic strategy, everyone recognized his unique powers and the yogic force of his great soul. As soon as Gandhi felt strong enough to see visitors, political pilgrimages began moving toward Poona, Akali Sikhs came in deputations to seek his sage advice and support in their struggle, and others came alone or in couples to wait in patient hope for a brief audience. In early March he was driven to Juhu beach, a suburb of Bombay, where he stayed in his wealthy friend Narottam Morarji's sumptuous bungalow, named "Palm Bun." Soon he gathered several disciple-patients to nurse there, Vallabhbhai Patel's frail daughter Maniben, Maganlal Gandhi's ailing daughter Radha, and his asthmatic friend Charlie Andrews, defrocked soon after joining Gandhi, who acted as his channel to London's establishment, the British-Indian hierarchy, and English press. He tried to
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discourage visitors, explaining how "slowly" his wounds were healing, but people came just in hopes of catching a glimpse of him as he and Charlie walked along the beach before sunset. Great visitors also came: Motilal Nehru and C. R. Das, leaders of the Swarajist Party in the Legislative Assembly, the old Congress, and their respective provinces, Uttar Pradesh and Bengal. They all sought to lure him back to political life, but he was still depressed at how badly he had misjudged his followers and the strength of the British Raj. So he quietly spun cotton, committing to no great work or party, waiting for advice from his inner voice. What troubled him most at this time was the breakdown in HinduMuslim relations that had intensified during his years in prison, collapsing first in Turkey, then in India. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk led his ardent Young Turk followers after World War I first to abolish the Ottoman Sultanate in 1922, finally to discard the Khilafat itself in March of 1924. India's Muslim leaders refused at first to believe the news, later thinking that Mustafa Kemal was a British "agent," a Western imperialist stooge in Turkish dress. Gandhi was also shocked at the news; the Khilafat bridge of HinduMuslim cooperation he had so carefully built with his "Brothers" Ali broke down, leaving India's hopes and any prospects of Hindu-Muslim unity in ashes. "For me the attainment of swaraj depends not upon what the English Cabinet thinks or says but entirely upon a proper . . . solution of the Hindu-Muslim questions," Gandhi wrote in Young India on learning of the Khilafat's demise. "Without it all before us is dark. With it swaraj is within immediate reach."4 Gandhi's pacifist solution was to urge all those who followed him to spend their time hand spinning, weaving, and laboring as he did, in "quiet, honest undemonstrative work." But as Hindu-Muslim rioting grew more violent, many believers in both faiths called Gandhi the worst culprit for having raised the hopes of so many only to watch them now shatter so miserably. Shaukat and Mohamed Ali, the latter currently presiding over the Congress, appealed to Gandhi to take up the presidency himself at the next Congress. He resisted the invitation at first, but then Motilal promised him full backing and Swarajist Party support. Sarojini Naidu pleaded as did Birla and virtually all of the great leaders of nationalist India, for each of them knew that he alone could bring millions into the struggle, magnetizing peasant masses by his mere presence. In late August he penned his "surrender" to "Dear Motilalji." He promised to preside on the condition that every member of Congress agree to wear homespun clothing and to spin at least two thousand yards of yarn every month. "I see no other way of making the Congress organization a real and living thing," Gandhi explained to Jawaharlal Nehru's elegant father, who had by now totally abandoned his Saville Row wardrobe, "nor can I see any hope for the poor of India without the spin[ 117]
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ning-wheel and we shall never fire their imagination unless we spin ourselves."5 The spinning wheel was at the heart of his program for Congress and for India. He also stressed the elimination of untouchability and service to the poor, urging everyone to teach them to spin and grow more food so as to keep themselves warm and strong. Gandhi's passionate sincerity and the depth of his humility won converts wherever he spoke, even the most affluent audiences in Bombay rising to applaud his message, his courage, his passion and wisdom. But communal killing, looting, and burning of mosques and temples continued. "Surely there are sane Hindus and sane Mussalmans enough," Gandhi cried out, appealing to both sides "to adjust their differences and forget past wrongs."6 Yet that hope proved an illusion, as premeditated murder continued to break each bridge of Hindu-Muslim unity Gandhi sought in vain to rebuild. In mid-September of 1924, he left his ashram and went by train to Delhi to live with outgoing Congress president Mohamed Ali in preparation for assuming the reins of Congress power. Two days after he moved into Mohamed Ali's home, however, news of a terrible communal riot and massacre reached them from Kohat in the North-West Frontier Province. Sarojini Naidu reported that more than a hundred Hindus and Muslims were dead or dying in that frontier town, where every tribal slept with his rifle. "I passed two nights in restlessness and pain," Gandhi wrote. "On Wednesday I knew the remedy. I must do penance."7 He decided to fast for twenty-one days. He had not consulted his Muslim host, however, and Mohamed Ali feared that if his guest was not strong enough to survive three weeks without food, Hindu-Muslim unity, which Gandhi hoped to restore by this fast, might break down entirely. Gandhi survived, but unity was not restored. An exodus of thousands of terrified Hindus from Kohat to Rawalpindi began that dark day and continued for the remainder of the year. At the Belgaum Congress, president-elect Gandhi addressed his "Brothers and Sisters" first in Hindi, then in English. He had accepted the "burden of the honour" of presiding over Congress for the next year only after "much misgiving." The "passive non-violence of helplessness" was at the heart of the failed movement of the last few years. The result was an eruption of intolerance rather than the "boycott of violence."8 Now he appealed for "enlightened non-violence of resourcefulness," continued national boycott of foreign cloth, and the universal use throughout India of the spinning wheel. "Hindu-Muslim unity is not less important than the spinning-wheel. It is the breath of our life." Finally, he spoke of the need to eliminate untouchability, as "a penance that caste Hindus owe to Hinduism and to themselves."9 He would soon turn the full intensity of his passionate yogic focus upon that ancient Hindu prejudice.
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As president of the Congress, Gandhi toured India in 1925, speaking everywhere about the importance of spinning, urging every member of his party to contribute 2,000 yards per month of his own hand-spun cotton or to pay someone to spin that amount for him. Annie Besant tried, but complained that she could never spin so much. Nehru did for a while, but preferred to read and write, especially when in jail. Gandhi knew that many of his colleagues considered his insistence on so much hand-spun cotton quite "mad," but he argued that if every Indian spun, no matter how little each day, the spinning wheel would unite the nation as nothing else could. He also noted its real economic value as well as its therapeutic utility. He was less sanguine, however, about its efficacy in restoring Hindu-Muslim unity, as communal breakdowns continued along the frontier and throughout the land. "Of Hindu-Muslim unity," he reported at a public meeting in Madras," the more you try to undo the tangle the more knotty it becomes, and a wise spinner leaves his tangle aside for the moment when he has lost his temper." For Gandhi the Hindu-Muslim question had become a "hopeless tangle," but he urged Indians not to lose faith and "to be loving to one another, remembering that the same Divine Spirit inhabits whether it is the Hindu body or Muslim body."10 But the days of Khilafat cooperation were over, and his "Brothers" Shaukat and Mohamed Ali no longer viewed the causes of communal riots, whether in Kohat or Lucknow, from the Mahatma's perspective, nor did they really trust him any more. So Gandhi turned back to Hinduism, not merely for the comfort he naturally found among his own soulmates, but to help reform its darkest practices. "So long as we have not rid Hinduism of the stain of untouchability, it is impossible to achieve real Hindu-Muslim unity," he argued.11 "Very thoughtful" Muslim friends had frankly told him that they could have very little "regard" for a faith that so demeaned millions of its members. At Vykom in Travancore State on the Malabar coast of South India, a Satyagraha struggle had been launched more than a year before to open to untouchables a public road that passed close to a Hindu temple. Gandhi had been too weak soon after his operation to join that struggle but had kept in touch with its imprisoned leaders, and he now resolved to visit them. "In my opinion, untouchability is a blot upon humanity and therefore upon Hinduism. It cannot stand the test of reason. It is in conflict with the fundamental precepts of Hinduism," he told a cheering public meeting at Vykom on March 10, 1925.12 The next day Gandhi addressed some fifty satyagrahis in their Vykom ashram, advising them of what to expect on the long road ahead. "We are endeavouring to rid Hinduism of its greatest blot. The prejudice we have to fight against is age-long prejudice."13 He urged them to be sanitary, frugal, and punctual and to spin every day. "We
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have become lazy as a nation, we have lost the time sense. Selfishness dominates our action. There is mutual jealousy amongst the tallest of us. We are uncharitable to one another." He was thus teaching them much more than how to open a road; he was sharing the wisdom he had acquired so painfully in many an arduous struggle. Before year's end the roads had been fully opened round Vykom, but the blight of untouchability had still to be removed from Hinduism. His strength and spirits restored in the aftermath of that Vykom victory, Gandhi embarked on a nationwide tour, starting in Bengal. At the end of May he met with India's Nobel laureate poet Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore at his rural college, Santiniketan. They spent three days together in talks, which proved so disheartening to Gandhi that none of them is reported in his Collected Works, which contain virtually every other speech, interview, verbatim discussion, and letter written by or to him that year. Tagore's earlier rejection of Gandhi's insistence on hand spinning, as well as Gandhi's negative judgments on Western civilization and modern science, remained unchanged. Gandhi tried his best to win over India's greatest literary figure but failed to do so. Gandhi's faith in God was matched by Tagore's faith in art, but Bengal's Divine-Teacher Poet and Gujarat's GreatSouled-Saint never could agree about how best to cure the grave ills of their beloved motherland. From Santiniketan, Gandhi went to Darjeeling to visit C. R. Das, Bengal's greatest political leader at this time. "I do want you to learn spinning," Gandhi urged reluctant Das. "You can do it if you will but put your mind to it. ... Do learn the thing and spin religiously for half an hour for the sake of the millions and in the name of God. It will give you peace and happiness."14 But Das died on June 16, 1925, before learning to spin. Gandhi decided not to convene an All-Parties Conference in the wake of Das's death, though many urged him to do so. He argued that Hindus and Muslims "are not more ready today for coming together than we were in Delhi [last year]."15 Motilal Nehru was now left alone to lead the Swarajist Party that Das had helped him to organize and run. Motilal himself was quite ill and his barrister son, Jawaharlal, was unwilling to help him run either his law firm or the Swaraj Party, though he accepted Gandhi's invitation to serve as Congress's general secretary. Young Nehru's wife was suffering from tuberculosis, and he soon decided to take her to Switzerland for treatment, eager to return to Europe and London. Gandhi had a more permanently alienated son of his own, Harilal. A Muslim shareholder in a "Stores" company of which Harilal became a director hired a lawyer to try (to no avail) to locate him and reclaim money invested in shares. The lawyer appealed to Gandhi for help. "I do indeed happen to be the father of Harilal M. Gandhi," Gandhi replied, disclaim[ 120 ]
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ing, however, "all responsibility, moral or otherwise, for the doings of even those who are nearest and dearest to me except those wherein they act with me or, I permit them to act in my name. ... I alone know my sorrows and my troubles in the course of the eternal duel going on within me and which admits of no truce.. . . [E]ven my swaraj activity has a bearing on that duel. It is for the supreme satisfaction of my soul that I engage in it. 'This is selfishness double distilled,' said a friend once to me. I quickly agreed with him."16 Rarely did Gandhi more frankly or poignantly reveal his innermost passionate pain, the "eternal duel" in his heart, triggered by Harilal's tragic fall. "I do not know Harilal's affairs," the wounded father wrote on being told of his son's bankrupt business ventures. "He meets me occasionally, but I never pry. ... I do not know how his affairs stand at present, except that they are in a bad way. . . . There is much in Harilal's life that I dislike. He knows that. But I love him in spite of his faults. The bosom of a father will take him in as soon as he seeks entrance." Britain's Tory party was returned to power before the end of 1925, bringing Stanley Baldwin to 10 Downing Street and devout Christian Viceroy Lord Irwin to Calcutta, on the eve of that city's most bloody communal rioting in decades. Baldwin's arch-conservative secretary of state for India, Lord Birkenhead, appointed seven Englishmen to a Statutory Commission early in 1927 to devise the "next stage" of constitutional reforms for India. Without a single Indian member, that commission, chaired by Sir John Simon, roused universal opposition, with every Indian party, Congress, and Muslim League vowing to boycott all of its hearings. Birkenhead's arrogance almost sufficed to untangle Hindu-Muslim differences, briefly bringing Congress and the League to the brink of what had been their heyday of cooperation at Lucknow in 1916. Gandhi's reaction to Britain's electoral shift to the right and to Birkenhead's racist intransigence was, however, to withdraw again from the political front-line position he had taken up only after grave hesitation. After turning over his Congress presidency to Sarojini Naidu in December 1925, Gandhi announced his decision to retire for a full year to his ashram to devote himself to spinning, writing, and the needs of his ashram family. He no longer believed in the efficacy of parliamentary commissions, whether English or Indian, to resolve India's deep-rooted conflicts and painful problems. He needed no Simon Commission to tell him what to do, no narrowminded racist British "trustees" like Birkenhead, who held India in "bondage for their own benefit."17 He knew the way out, but he was also acutely conscious of just how painful a road it would be for his army of barefoot pilgrims to follow. Instead of steaming off to London as he had two decades earlier from South Africa, to plead with prideful, overfed lords on behalf of his starving naked children, Gandhi turned back to his ash[ 121 ]
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ram, passionately spinning, weaving, reconstructing, planting seeds for a better future, and working to mend every heart and soul there in the hopes of tapping into the eternal faith of Indian civilization. Not every English aristocrat agreed, of course, with Birkenhead's myopic views of India and its leaders. Many of Britain's best and brightest sons and daughters now looked to Gandhi as much more than the former president of a distant nationalist party. Madeleine Slade, the brilliant daughter of British Admiral Slade, learned from her friend Romain Holland, when she visited his Swiss chateau in 1924, that Gandhi "is another Christ."18 Holland's brief but compelling appreciation Mahatma Gandhi, first published in French, won many new Gandhian admirers throughout Western Europe at this time. None was more devoted than Miss Slade, however. Gandhi's "sister" (behn) disciple soon joined his ashram, reborn and renamed by him Mirabehn. She learned to spin cotton and weave, remaining one of his most beloved followers and serving her "Dear Master" Mahatma faithfully, tirelessly, as a "bridge between West and East."19 Though Mira became his most famous and politically helpful Western follower, she was not, of course, the only European woman lured by his saintly reputation and growing international fame to join the ashram. Helene Haussding, a German singer whom Gandhi named his "Sparrow," also came to join his busy ashram in 1926. Poor Sparrow fell ill, however, and thus felt obliged to fly home in less than a year. Gandhi reprimanded her for so swiftly losing "mental equanimity" and "hugging" her disease, rather than warding it off, as Mira so resolutely did every time she fell victim to malaria, dysentery, or ennui. Gandhi regarded every "disease" as "a result of some conscious or unconscious sin or breaches of Nature's laws."20 He was keenly conscious at this time of what he confessed to be an "eternal duel" within his passionate nature, "a curious mixture of Jekyll and Hyde."21 Prayer remained Gandhi's first line of defense, though he continued to experiment with dietary means of warding off evil attacks, mental as well as physical. "If you give up salt and ghee," he advised wealthy friend and patron G. D. Birla, "it will certainly help you in cooling down your passions. It is essential to give up spices as well as pan and the like. One cannot subdue one's sex and allied passions merely with a restricted diet. . . . Absolute cessation of desire comes only after revelation of the Supreme."22 Gandhi often spoke of the virtues of austerity, urging all of his children and friends to abstain from sex, arguing that it was easier to practice Brahmachary a (sexual abstinence) than strict restraint of the palate. His most devout disciples, like Vinoba Bhave and Mirabehn, never married, but most ashramites did. Austere marriage ceremonies, with no gifts, jewels, or flowers, were performed at the ashram, with Gandhi invariably urging sexual "self-restraint" upon each of the couples. By focusing his energy on his ashram family and hand-spinning labors,
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Gandhi hoped to create an ideal community that would serve as an example to all of India and to the rest of the world, of the virtues of a harmonious society built on principles of truth and love. The Sarvodaya ("uplift of all") socialist revolution thus started would, he believed, do more to bring India true freedom than all of Britain's costly commissions and ponderous constitutions. Several American friends invited Gandhi to visit the United States, offering to arrange a lucrative speaking tour for him. His rejection of that offer contains one of Gandhi's clearest articulations of his passionate hopes and priorities. "I do want to think in terms of ... the good of mankind in general. Therefore, my service of India includes the service of humanity. But I feel that I should be going out of my orbit if I left it for help from the West. ... If I go to America ... I must go in my strength, not in my weakness, which I feel todaythe weakness I mean, of my country. For the whole scheme for the liberation of India is based upon the development of internal strength. It is a plan of self-purification. ... I believe in thoughtpower more than in the power of the word, whether written or spoken. And if the movement that I seek to represent has vitality in it and has divine blessing upon it, it will permeate the whole world. ... I must patiently plod in India until I see my way clear for going outside the Indian border."23 He subsequently told an American visitor to his ashram: "My message to America is simply the hum of this spinning-wheel. It is to me substitute for gun-power. For, it brings the message of self-reliance and hope to the millions of India. ... A century ago every cottage was able to replenish its resources by means of the spinning-wheel. . . . But now it has all but died away."24 He no longer focused on rapid revolutionary changes through political pressure or even by victorious Satyagraha, but on the slow, daily incremental socioeconomic changes every peasant could bring to his and her life, each contributing to India's eventual Swaraj, by hourly hand spinning. "The mother is groaning under poverty," Gandhi continued, explaining why he felt compelled so passionately to shift his focus from the world and national scene to the poorest peasant's household. "She has no milk. . . . What am I to ask these millions to do? To kill off their babies? ... I take to them the gospel of hopethe spinning-wheel."25 Asked by an Indian correspondent living in London what India could contribute toward world peace, Gandhi replied from his ashram that "if India succeeds in regaining her liberty through non-violent means, she would have made the largest contribution yet known to world peace."26 He was thus well aware of the universal significance and potential power for the salvation of humanity of the revolutionary movement he led, but now concentrated more on each revolution of his small wheel and on not breaking the single fragile strand of cotton thread he drew from it, than on remote world peace.
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In response to an American skeptic, who challenged the viability of his message, arguing that "the average person is not a Mahatma," Gandhi insisted: "I am as frail a mortal as any of us and ... I never had anything extraordinary about me. ... I claim to be a simple individual liable to err like any other fellow mortal. I own, however, that I have humility enough in me to confess my errors and to retrace my steps. I own that I have an immovable faith in God and His goodness and unconsumable passion for truth and love. But is that not what every person has latent in him?"27 He equated cotton spinning with his own religious quest "to see God face to face," as he explained to a young correspondent from Kerala. "I do not think that there ever will be one religion in India. . . . But there will be and should be sincere respect and toleration for one another's religion. . . . If everybody spins regularly there need be no surplus self-spun yarn but there will be enough for all."28 So on he spun, working long hours, at times more than ten daily at his wheel, whose soft hum sounded like heavenly music to his protruding ears. He rejected many invitations to travel, one from China, another from Austria, and several more from America, firmly resolved to focus on the task he had taken in hand. His preoccupation with spinning, like his passionate devotion to God, whose "presence" he felt "within me" as he spun, saved Gandhi, he now confessed, from becoming "a raving maniac," since "I see so much of misery."29 He tried to teach sensitive, tortured Mirabehn to "love humanity in spite of itself," opening his yogic mind as well as his heart to her whenever she despaired in the face of India's ocean of misery. "The Ashram is finally not at Sabarmati but in yourself," Gandhi explained. "The vilest beings must enter there purified ... in this universe of opposites remaining unaffected even as the lotus remains unaffected by water though immersed in it. ... With love, Bapu."30 Hindu-Muslim conflicts claimed more lives in British India in 1926-7 than during the previous decade. "It has passed out of human hands, and has been transferred to God's hands alone," Gandhi cried. "We are disgracing His earth, His name and this sacred land by distrusting and fearing one another. Although we are sons and daughters of the same motherland, ... we have no room for one another."31 On December 23, 1926, Swami Shraddhanand was assassinated in his Calcutta home by a Muslim fanatic, who fired two bullets point blank into the ailing old Hindu Brahman's chest. Gandhi prayed that Indians of every faith might learn as their "lesson" from that treacherous crime that "we cannot live together in perpetual conflict."32 In the wake of Swami Shraddhanand's assassination, Gandhi was lured away from his ashram to memorialize his old friend. The Swami's Hindu devotees, many belonging to the Arya Samaj and studying Vedic scripture that promised a return for India to its mythical "golden age" when divine Raja Rama supposedly ruled over Ayodhya, now hailed Gandhi as their
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Mahatma, believing him to be, like Rama, an "earthly emanation" (avatar a) of Lord Vishnu. Gandhi's blood pressure rose alarmingly. Doctor Wanless prescribed complete rest for Gandhi, including no spinning, as well as daily doses of patent medicine, both "remedies" rejected by the Mahatma who always considered himself the best doctor. He may have suffered a mild heart attack, which Mahadev Desai called "apoplexy," but other than rest, it went virtually untreated. "I had my own illusions and I over-worked myself, for which God has laid me low," Gandhi wrote, seeking to comfort another sick friend. To his patron and disciple, Jamnalal Bajaj, he said: "The light is bound to go out one day; now it has only dimmed."33 By April 1, 1927, he was "tied down to the bed." Dr. Jivraj Mehta persuaded his stubborn friend to accept his invitation to recuperate in a cooler, calmer climate in the Nandi Hills near Bangalore, where he could indulge in "light reading" and finish writing his autobiography.34 Mira was so despondent without him that she wrote daily of her depression and weakness, eliciting his response in late April: "If the separation becomes unbearable, you must come without waiting for an answer or any prompting from me. . . . On no account should there be a breakdown. . . . [T]he Devil is ever after us and catches us at our weakest. He found me weak and wanting and trapped me. Your fast therefore does not worry me. . . . You must develop iron nerves. It is necessary for our work. God be with you."35 Gandhi left his sickbed to open the national Khadi (hand-spun and handwoven cloth) Exhibition in Bangalore on July 3,1927. "I stand before you as a self-chosen representative of the dumb, semi-starved . . . millions of India," he told the wealthy thousands gathered outside the beautiful exhibit stalls displaying a rich variety of handmade goods. "Every pice you contribute to the support of khadi, every yard of khadi you buy, means so much concrete sympathy . . . for these millions. . . . Fifty-thousand spinners worked during the year. . . . These spinners, before they took to hand-spinning had not other earnings or occupation. . . . The very fact that fifty thousand women were eager to do this work for what may appear to us to be a miserable wage should be sufficient workable demonstration that handspinning is not an uneconomic, profitless . . . proposition. . . . God willing, at no distant time we shall find our villages, which at the present moment seem to be crumbling to ruins, becoming hives of honest and patient industry. ... In the work of God, as I venture to suggest it is, the harvest is indeed rich."36 He never tired of spinning or recruiting spinners, rich and poor, peasants and kings. "The opening ceremony went off . . . well," Bapu wrote devoted Mira the next day. She had come to spend a week with him before leaving to join Vinoba Bhave in Wardha at the ashram he started building there on Jam[ 125 ]
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nalal Bajaj's land, which he had given to Gandhi for his disciples. "The doctors came afterwards and they were satisfied to find no alteration in the pulse."37 Thus he focused mostly on spinning, his own health, and the movements of his ashram family in the half decade after the tragic trauma that forced him to call off his first nationwide Satyagraha. But he had not lost hope of regrouping his army of the unarmed, marshaling his own strength again for the next big push, waiting for the voice of God to rouse him to action.
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12
Rising of the Poison
HINGS ARE GOING from bad to worse," Gandhi wrote Jawaharlal Nehru in mid-1927, "and it is quite plain that we have not yet drunk the last dregs. But I regard all this rising of the poison to the surface as a necessary process in national up-building."1 Britain's Tory government ended all attempts at liberal cooperation, begun by ministers like Morley and Montagu, trusting instead to racist reactionaries like Birkenhead. Young Nehru, expecting nothing better from London, turned to Moscow for his ideological inspiration. Gandhi looked within, waiting for a whispered message. Devastating floods washed away entire subdistricts of Gujarat that August, turning once fecund fields into a "howling wilderness."2 Shocked though he was by the flood, Gandhi never lost his equanimity, recalling Lord Krishna's admonition to Arjuna that "what is unavoidable thou shouldst not regret."3 To Gandhi this flood was, moreover, but a prelude to "the final deluge. None need doubt it. ... [A]ll of us are condemned to death the moment we are born."4 Vallabhbhai Patel led the relief work in flooded Nadiad and wired to reassure Gandhi that he need not personally risk a relapse by coming to join the massive depressing effort to salvage ruined villages. Others, however, wired to rebuke him for not rushing "home" to help save his province in its hour of greatest need. But he felt himself "fully occupied in grappling with the fatal disease which is eating into the vitals not only of Gujarat but of India as a whole."5 Gandhi was finishing his tour of South India and preparing to begin a sea voyage from Bombay to Colombo when he received a wired invitation from Viceroy Lord Irwin, who was "anxious" to discuss "important and
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rather urgent matters"6 with him. The viceroy asked Gandhi to call upon him in Delhi on November 2, and the Mahatma agreed. He was still frail, recuperating from his illness, but took the crowded train ride some 1,200 miles from Mangalore to Delhi just to see what the new austere Christian viceroy, a friend of Charlie Andrews, wanted. Their first meeting lasted less than an hour, the viceroy handing Gandhi Whitehall's memo on the Simon Commission. The Mahatma warned that it would accomplish nothing without Indian members and wondered why Irwin could not have sent him that piece of paper through the mail. "He is a good man with no power," Gandhi concluded.7 Irwin's view of Gandhi, who had tried to convert him to hand spinning, was "rather like talking to someone who had stepped off another planet." Each, in fact, underestimated the other's political perspicuity and power. In September 1927, Jinnah chaired a conference of Hindu and Muslim leaders in Simla, hoping, in vain, to restore Hindu-Muslim unity in the spirit of Lucknow, 1916. Congress also tried, in late October 1927 in Calcutta, to resurrect the postwar feeling of cooperation between India's two greatest religious communities. Gandhi was invited, but he had "no faith" in such meetings and so attended neither. "In an atmosphere which is surcharged with distrust, fear and hopelessness, in my opinion these devices rather hinder than help heart unity."8 Gandhi's health continued to preoccupy him, particularly given his belief that every disease was caused by some "sin," whose exact source might remain unknown. "When the mind is disturbed by impure thought," he wrote a friend seeking advice on how to restrain himself, "one should occupy it in some work. . . . Never let the eyes follow their inclination. If they fall on a woman, withdraw them immediately. . . . [D]esire for sex-pleasure is equally impure, whether its object is one's wife or some other woman."9 The fifty-eight-year-old Mahatma had just returned from his visit with Ba to Sri Lanka and was touring Orissa alone, until Mira left the ashram to join him there. He did not bother to attend the annual Congress session in Madras, so alienated did he feel from the organization he had dramatically refashioned less than a decade earlier. Jawaharlal Nehru went directly to the Madras Congress, however, on returning from Europe, where he had visited Moscow and the Kremlin for celebrations of the tenth anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution. "This Congress declares the goal of the Indian people to be independence with full control over the defence forces of the country," Nehru moved as the first Congress resolution carried in Madras.10 Gandhi was shocked when he heard of that impractical demand and criticized the decision in his correspondence with Nehru. The rift between Congress's two greatest leaders, begun after Chauri Chaura, thus widened and would continue to grow. Not only twenty years younger than Gandhi but armed to the teeth with
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showing your differences. I will print it in Young India and write a brief reply. . . . With love, Bapu."13 That forthright offer sufficed to bring a halt to young Nehru's criticism, at least for the time being. After he presided over the Congress, thanks to Gandhi's support and his father's initiative, he would grow much more confident of his own judgment. Gandhi's blood pressure rose so high in February 1928 that he was advised by doctors to stay at the ashram, preferably lying down as much as possible. "Except for spinning, therefore, I am on my back," he wrote his "Dear Child" Esther, in Denmark.14 He did not participate in the massive boycotts of the Simon Commission, organized in Bombay with a black flag "welcome" by Jinnah, and in Delhi and Allahabad by both Nehrus, Ansari, and other Congress leaders, all of whom rallied India's youth to leave their college lecture halls and protest the racist arrogance of imperial paternalism. Gandhi alone remained away from that All-Parties Conference in Delhi, which was chaired by Ansari. Young Nehru attended for more than a week, but the endless arguments over how precisely to draft a formula agreeable to all the deeply divided Hindu and Muslim parties represented there drove Jawaharlal away "to avoid riot and insurrection!"15 So at least he reported to Gandhi, reaffirming the latter's wisdom in remaining aloof from that futile conference. Jinnah blamed that Delhi conference's final breakdown on extremist Hindu Mahasabha ("Great Society") pressures that convinced Congress leaders to back off. It was one of the last major opportunities and rational attempts to reconcile Hindu and Muslim political demands, hopes, and aspirations, another tragic failure to resolve South Asia's most explosive internal problem. Motilal Nehru now sent Jawaharlal to Sabarmati to seek Gandhi's advice on how best to respond to Great Britain's challenge that India's political leaders draft their own new constitution if they persisted in boycotting the Simon Commission. "Personally I am of opinion that we are not ready for drawing up a constitution," Gandhi wrote. "I would . . . prefer instead of a constitution, a working arrangement between all parties . . . the Hindu-Muslim arrangement, the franchise, the policy as to the Native States. ... I should bring in total prohibition and exclusion of foreign cloth."16 Father Nehru and his brilliant son thus lured the Mahatma back from his ashram retreat to the center of the political struggle that engulfed all of South Asia in its titanic battle with Britain's imperial raj. "Unless we have created some force ourselves, we shall not advance beyond the position of beggars, and I have given all my time to thinking over this one question," Gandhi added. "I can think of nothing else but boycott of foreign cloth." Boycotting British cottons raised the value of India's hand-spun cloth, which still preoccupied Gandhi's mind. Soon, however, he would think of another "force," turning his laser-like yogic passion from cotton to salt.
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retract what he'd said, Shaukat refused Gandhi's invitation to talk about ways of avoiding future communal strife. Jawaharlal Nehru led a Lucknow rally against the Simon Commission that December and was also severely beaten by police lathis. "My love to you," Gandhi wrote when he learned of the struggle. "May God spare you for many a long year to come and make you His chosen instrument for freeing India."21 Motilal, outraged by that police attack against his son, prepared himself for the second and last session of Congress over which he would preside. Gandhi traveled with a party of twenty-five ashramites to Calcutta to attend that Congress session in late December. Hindu Mahasabha leader Dr. B. S. Moonje of Nagpur invited Gandhi to become leader of all "Hindus" on the eve of the Congress, which the Mahatma declined, humorously asking "How can a Mahatma living up in the clouds give any lead?" He also asked the arch-reactionary Hindu zealot, whose violent feelings about Indian Muslims were hardly disguised, "Why do you expect Mussalmans to be Hindus in Hindustan?"22 All Indians, Hindus, Muslims, Jews, and Christians alike should be allowed freely to follow their own religions, Gandhi argued. For advocating so enlightened a policy of multicultural coexistence, Gandhi's own life would be taken two decades later by one of Dr. Moonje's equally fanatical disciples. Gandhi spoke at the Congress Subjects Committee meeting in support of Motilal Nehru's report on December 26, 1928, calling for full dominion status as the next constitutional step for India. Jawaharlal Nehru and his youthful cadre of Congress followers insisted on total independence as the only honorable goal for India, arguing that dominion status left India "enslaved" to British imperial rule. "The fire of independence is burning within me as much as in the most fiery breast of anyone in the country but the ways and methods may differ," Gandhi passionately responded. "Freedom has never come by stealing. It has come by bleeding and you will have to bleed even for getting what is attempted in that Report."23 More blood had just been spilled in Punjab, when the assistant superintendent of Lahore, Mr. Saunders, was assassinated by Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev in "retaliation" for Lala Lajpat Rai's death. Gandhi denounced that "dastardly act" and expressed his unchanging wish that it was possible to convince "hot youth of the utter futility of such revenge."24 The assassins were later hanged and hailed as martyrs to the nation's fight for freedom. Only two days after introducing his resolution in support of Motilal Nehru's report, Gandhi felt obliged to withdraw it and offer another resolution. His action was spurred by the angry opposition to the ideas of the elder Nehru spearheaded primarily by his son's insistence on complete independence. "National life is a perpetual struggle," a weary Gandhi commented in moving his new compromise motion. "Often the struggle between our own ranks is more prolonged, more exacting and even more
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ing. . . . We shall gain nothing by a policy of 'hush hush.' The disease must be made known all over the Congress world. . . . The volunteers dressed in European fashion presented, in my opinion, a sorry spectacle at Calcutta and the expense incurred was out of keeping with the pauperism of the nation. .. . Congress must not be used for making money. . .. We are a nation passing through the valley of humiliation. So long as we have not secured our freedom we have not the least excuse at the annual stock-taking season for amusements, riotous or subdued."27 Now that he was called back into political harness he resolved to try at least to whip Congress's laggard army of shoddy recruits into shape for the struggle ahead.
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13
The Road Back to Satyagraha
OR GANDHI the call to action proved a tonic. By mid-January of 1929 he resolved to cancel a tentatively planned tour of Europe that would potentially have included a visit to America. Though he had barely had time for sleep in Calcutta, he had lost only one pound there. His health was suddenly better than it had been for seven years, since last he led a national struggle. Work had always agreed with him; work with the prospect of national liberation, Swaraj, proved to be his best medicine. He drew up a scheme for reactivating the Congress and mobilizing its local committees to serve as volunteers going "from door to door in every town and village" to collect foreign cloth that was to be "publicly burnt" and to take orders for handwoven cloth from every householder. "Picketing foreign cloth shops may be undertaken wherever possible. . . . All units should from day to day report to the Central Office details of work done. . . . Help of patriotic ladies should be enlisted. ... A small Foreign Cloth Boycott Committee should be formed and entrusted with an initial fund with power to collect more funds."1 He was in his element, organizing, ordering, and auditing, all his inherited Vania (merchant caste) virtues brilliantly sparking his Mahatmaic spirit to practical action. Gandhi toured Sind, collecting money and gathering new disciples for the struggle he would soon lead, which all believed would be the final push to achieve national independence. Even when he learned that his grandson, seventeen-year-old Rasik, Harilal's boy, lay dying in Delhi, he continued to work. Ba and the boy's mother and his uncle Devdas were at Rasik's bedside for the last painful days and nights, but not Gandhi, who was in Larkana when he received news of his grandson's death. Gandhi recalled, after
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reading Devdas's wire, that "I took my meal as usual and kept on working."2 His karma yogic indifference to pleasure and pain alike helped sustain him, as did his faith that Rasik's soul (atmari) was liberated to a "better state," closer to Lord Rama, whose devotee he, like Gandhi, had been. True Hindu that he was, Gandhi never shed any tears over the death of a loved one, for such grief would only inhibit the soul's release from karmic snares of mortal name and form and the delusions of earthly existence. "The cage had become old, was decaying and the swan flew away," he wrote of Rasik's death, "no cause in this for mourning."3 While in Delhi in mid-February, Gandhi had tea with the viceroy at Legislative Assembly Speaker Viththalbhai Patel's house. Of the meeting, Gandhi wrote, "nothing" happened. "Our salvation lies in our own hands. A fruitful meeting can only take place when we have gathered strength and become conscious of it."4 He also met with the Congress Working Committee, including Motilal and Jawaharlal, who were planning the next move, not optimistic enough to expect the British to surrender India without a fight to a Congress Raj at year's end. In early March he left by train for Calcutta en route to Burma, his party given a third-class carriage all to themselves, making him feel so pampered by authorities that he confessed to fearing he was "becoming a fraud."5 In Calcutta he addressed a large crowd, urging them to burn all foreign cloth. "I want you to pledge yourselves," he told his receptive audience, "that you will burn them even as you burn rags . . . even as a drunkard suddenly become teetotaller empties his cupboard and destroys every bottle of brandy and whiskey. . . . You will count no cost too great against the . . . liberty and honour of your country."6 He was almost back in his stride, broken seven years ago, when standing on the platform in Shraddhanand Park, staring down at the ocean of adoring eyes. The Calcutta police, however, served notice against any public bonfires, which made him hesitate to call for the burning of British cloth, for since his first jail term he was no longer permitted to practice law and was anxious not to provoke any violence. But the police moved in around the distant fringes of the crowd, using their loaded lathis, claiming that hoodlum-tossed brickbats had provoked them. Gandhi was charged with provoking an illegal demonstration, but the commissioner agreed to postpone his trial until Gandhi returned from Burma. He now urged his followers immediately to boycott all foreign cloth "charged as it is with such poisonous germs," removing all of it from Bengal, to be consigned to "flames." That April, after several Hindu terrorists had thrown bombs into the Delhi Assembly and a Muslim assassin had knifed a Sikh to death in Punjab, Gandhi wrote forcefully against such "mad deeds." He urged Congressmen not to give "secret approval" to the bombers and Muslims to abstain from supporting the dagger-assassin. But then he wisely noted that
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pray with me that there may soon be peace between Hindus, Mussalmans and all the other communities."10 Britain's Tory government had fallen in May, and Labour's Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, Jinnah's old friend, moved into 10 Downing Street. Eager to untangle India's constitutional knots, MacDonald called Viceroy Lord Irwin home for consultations with his new Labour Secretary of State for India William Wedgwood Benn (later Viscount Stansgate). Prospects for dominion status within the year, as resolved by the last Congress, never seemed brighter. Jinnah's first recommendation to the new prime minister was for Great Britain to declare "without delay" its unequivocal pledge to a "policy of granting to India full responsible Government with Dominion status."11 To implement so important a declaration he urged his liberal friend in power to invite those representatives of India, who could "deliver the goods" to a conference in London as quickly as possible. That brilliant advice would have short-circuited the unpopular Simon Commission's glacial labors and, had it been taken swiftly, might have saved India the endless agony of partition and Great Britain the loss of India's national support throughout World War II. Had Ramsay MacDonald courage enough to accept brilliant barrister Jinnah's astute advice, he would have aborted the Tory Simon Commission and offered India dominion status, with separate electorate reservations for Muslims, as Jinnah also suggested by way of modifying Motilal Nehru's Report, before the new year. With the dawn of 1930, then, India's Dominion, united and grateful to its British friends and allies, might well have embarked on an era of economic growth and political independence. But Simon's conservative old guard proved too powerful to be scuttled by a fledgling prime minister, who felt he needed their foreign policy support to survive. The compromise reached in London, therefore, was for the new Home Government to convene a series of Round Table Conferences, to consider the "next step" for India's Constitution, based on the report of the Simon Commission. Since 1917, when Secretary of State Montagu first mentioned it, dominion status had been the ultimate goal of British policy for India. It remained so in 1929, but the question of just how long it would take before Westminister's Parliament felt her Indian offspring and ward ready for so "burdensome" a responsibility as freedom remained unanswered. So the golden opportunity was lost. Even as Gandhi's meeting with Jinnah proved little more than tea conversation, resolving nothing, so too did Irwin's meetings with Benn and MacDonald melt none of the ice that kept India locked in Britain's frozen imperial embrace. A few days after his futile meeting with Jinnah, Gandhi's health broke down, his most recent dietary experiment of eating only uncooked vegetables and raw grains exposing him to so persistent a case of dysentery that he felt weaker than he had all year. By mid-August, he was forced to take to
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wire after having had a long talk with Mr. Jinnah," he wrote Gandhi. "Before it is finally decided to close the door upon all future negotiations . . . yourself, Jinnah, Motilalji, Vithalbhai and Sapru should confer ... or Jinnah and Vithalbhai should be given an opportunity to discuss the matter with you."17 Vallabhbhai never mentioned Jawaharlal, knowing how dead set he then felt against reaching any agreement with any English leaders that resulted in dominion status. Jinnah had been assured by the viceroy that the conference could be "summoned" next July, a "general amnesty" declared, and an announcement made in London that the purpose of the conference was to "frame a scheme for Dominion Status." It was everything they had so long hoped to achieve, most of them, both Patels, Motilal Nehru, and all the liberal and moderate leaders of the older generation. "Jinnah ... is quite convinced of the good faith of the Labour Government as well as the Viceroy, and thinks that this opportunity should on no account be missed," Vallabhbhai wrote in his "personal" confidential letter to his beloved Bapuji. Gandhi, of course, agreed to the proposed meeting, but knew how unhappy and disgruntled Jawaharlal would be if instead of raising his cry of "Complete Independence" (Puma Swaraj) in two months, as promised at last year's Congress, he would be obliged to restrain his revolutionary frustrations and fury and return to long, arduous sessions of negotiation with Jinnah, the viceroy, and his own father. Had Motilal not insisted on crowning his son, Vallabhbhai instead could have been chosen and, despite his well-known Hindu-first reputation and orthodox prejudices, would clearly have been more prone to reach a realpolitik agreement with Jinnah than Marxist-Leninist-Shavian-Hamlet Jawaharlal ever was or would be. Gandhi responded positively to cables from many English friends urging him to "reciprocate" to the new Labour government's overture. He was eager to cooperate and willing to wait for the Dominion Status Constitution, if the British people expressed "a real desire" to see India a "free and self-respecting nation." By that he meant replacing steel bayonets with "goodwill." If India was to remain in the Empire, it would only be to make Anglo-India's partnership one for promoting peace and goodwill in the world. Imperialistic "greed" must end, he insisted.18 Sarojini Naidu, who adored Jinnah even more than Nehru or Gandhi, wired to Motilal to urge Gandhi to meet him, Jinnah, and the viceroy for a "private interview" in Bombay, but Gandhi found it "impossible" to alter his tour of the United Provinces at this time, unwilling to "disappoint tens of thousands" of villagers waiting to catch but a glimpse of their Mahatma.19 One more golden window of opportunity lost. No one at this time imagined, of course, that after this brief interval of sympathetic Labour rule in London, Britain's imperial raj would revert for over a decade and a half to the steel grip of Tory reactionaries. Having ab[ 140 ]
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prived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually. . . . We hold it to be a crime against men and God to submit any longer to a rule that has caused this fourfold disaster to our country."23 The dangers inherent in so bold a declaration were uppermost in Gandhi's mind, but he had decided that "[t]o sit still at this juncture is stupid if not cowardly. I have made up my mind to run the boldest risks," he confided in Charlie Andrews. "Lahore revealed it all to me. The nature of the action is not yet clear to me. It has to be civil disobedience. How it is to be undertaken and by whom besides me, I have not yet seen quite clearly. But the shining cover that overlays the truth is thinning day by day and will presently break."24 The brilliant plan that would soon emerge from that shining cover was still incubating in his mind: the great march to "rob" salt from Dandi's beach. Gandhi was encouraged by the peaceful mass turnout of January 26. Throughout India, millions affirmed their faith in the Purna Swaraj pledge, which they hailed. A few days later he published a list of specific reforms, which were required if Britain would avert civil disobedience. Among those proposals were total prohibition, the reduction of land revenue demands as well as military expenditure by at least 50 percent, and abolition of the salt tax. "Well might the points suggested by me as for immediate attention raise a storm of indignation in the British Press," he wrote a week later. "Englishmen . . . must part with some of the ill-gotten gains."25 Millions had been looted from India by British rule, which he called the personification of violence, comparing the British to paralyzing snakes. Their violence hid behind camouflage and hypocrisy, declarations of good intentions, and dishonest conferences, designed to mask British greed and deceit. Imperial violence concealed itself under a "golden lid," provoking frustrated Indians to violence of the weak. Gandhi warned his followers that they must be on guard to work nonviolently in the midst of such double violence. He also alerted them to the ubiquitous presence of indigenous monied men, speculators, landholders, and factory owners, all of whom had emerged from and were sustained by British imperial rule. They must be taught to give up their "blood-stained gains." As soon as they became enlightened enough to see that holding onto millions was a crime, when millions of their own people were starving, freedom would be achieved. But as it drew near, the British would spread their "red paws" and seek to provoke violence. "The non-violent party must then prove its creed by being ground to powder between the two millstones."26 Not a very cheerful prospect, but worthy of so passionate a leader, wed to suffering. "Next to air and water, salt is perhaps the greatest necessity of life," Gandhi wrote now in Young India. "It is the only condiment of the poor.
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14
The Salt March and Prison Aftermath
EFORE EMBARKING on civil disobedience and taking the risk I have dreaded to take all these years, I would fain approach you and find a way out," Gandhi wrote "Dear Friend" Viceroy Lord Irwin on March 2, 1930.1 "If India is to live as a nation, if the slow death by starvation of her people is to stop, some remedy must be found for immediate relief. The proposed Conference is certainly not the remedy.... I know that in embarking on non-violence I shall be running what might fairly be termed a mad risk. But the victories of truth have never been won without risks. ... I respectfully invite you then to pave the way for immediate removal of those evils [earlier noted], and thus open a way for a real conference between equals. . . . But if you cannot see your way to deal with these evils ... on the llth day of this month I shall proceed with such coworkers of the Ashram as I can take, to disregard the provisions of the salt laws." Lord Irwin replied that he "regretted" Gandhi's decision "contemplating a course of action . . . bound to involve violation of the law and danger to the public peace." Thus was launched Gandhi's most famous and difficult struggle against the world's largest, wealthiest, and most powerful empire. He told his band of male ashram followers to be ready to leave Sabarmati on the morning of March 12, 1930, and resolve not to return there until India was free. A horse accompanied them, just in case he felt too weak to walk the 240 miles to Dandi's beach, the final destination of this historic trek. A week before the march started, Vallabhbhai Patel was arrested, which Gandhi hailed as "a good omen for us. ... The fight has now commenced."2 Gandhi, who called Vallabhbhai "my right hand," said that his arrest had
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self at least as clever as Smuts had been in dealing with this remarkable adversary. Both Nehrus visited him midway, after they'd been to a Working Committee meeting of the Congress in Ahmedabad. "You are in for a whole night's vigil," Gandhi warned Jawaharlal. "The messenger will bring you . . . reaching me at the most trying stage in the march. You will have to cross a channel at about 2 A.M. on the shoulders of tired fishermenI dare not interrupt the march even for the chief servant of the nation."9 After they spent a few midnight hours with him, Bapu moved on, and Nehru recalled, his last glimpse was of Gandhi, staff in hand, "marching along at the head of his followers, with firm step."10 Jawaharlal would be arrested the following month, before Gandhi, and cheerfully conveyed as his message, through Motilal, "I have stolen a march over you." At Ras, in the taluka of Gujarat where Vallabhbhai had been arrested, Gandhi asked those villagers, who still served the British, "Have not your eyes been opened to the robbery that is being committed by the Government? . . . The money that you have given me today has no value for me. ... I do not need money but your services. . . . Say that you are prepared, when your turn comes to violate the salt law."11 He reiterated that the movement he initiated in 1920 was but preparation for this "final conflict," for the "mass civil disobedience" which his march was designed to awaken. Yet he was never positive of how many of his countrymen were ready to respond as passionately, as sacrificially as they must to make this Satyagraha a success. "If the salt loses its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? The students are expected to precipitate a crisis not by empty meaningless cries but by ... action worthy of students. It may again be that the students have no faith in self-sacrifice, and less in non-violence. Then naturally they will not . . . come out. . . . The awakening of the past ten years has not left them unmoved. Let them take the final plunge."12 But what if they chose to stay at home, or in their classrooms, ignoring his sacrificial march and call? What if their apathy matched the viceroy's cool in holding his fire and ordering his subordinates to leave this Little Father of the nation free to roam where he liked and rave as he wished, hoping his call to action would soon fizzle out and fall flat on deaf, selfish ears? Fearing that the movement might perhaps die away, Gandhi now called on all students to leave their schools and colleges immediately. "Suspend your studies and join in the fight for freedom. When victory is won . . . you will resume your studies in schools of our own Government. For to my mind it is a fight to the finish."13 Now he taunted the Government, challenging someone to arrest him. "Although I make strong speeches and have set out to violate the law, the Government dare not arrest me. Why are you afraid of such a Government? ... I have only 80 volunteers with me. Even then the government cannot arrest me. What then could it do if there were
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world, "I want world sympathy in this battle of Right against Might." He confessed to those gathered in Dandi he had not expected the government to allow him to complete his march. He thought by now he would have been incarcerated. Many others had been arrested, and some had been beaten and wounded, unwilling to part with their salt, clutched tight in their fists. "But I remain unmoved," Gandhi reported. "My heart now is as hard as stone. I am . . . ready to sacrifice thousands and hundreds of thousands of men if necessary.... In this game of dice we are playing, the throw has been as we wanted. Should we then weep or smile?"20 The next morning, April 6,1930, he marched early to the sea, followed by some 2,000 admirers, among them Sarojini Naidu, who had come to cheer him on in breaking the British salt law. He dipped his bare legs in the sea and then picked up a lump of sea salt that had dried on the sand. "Hail, Deliverer!" Sarojini shouted, and a chorus of deeper voices added "Jai!" ("Victory!") as their mantra. Several marchers were arrested on April 7 at the village of Aat, four miles from Dandi. Police tried to remove the salt from the fingers of those civil resisters and one man's wrist was broken. The entire village then rushed to the scene, and women and children all began to dig for salt. "Salt in the hands of satyagrahis represent the honour of the nation. It cannot be yielded up except to force that will break the hand to pieces," Gandhi noted. He then wrote "To the Women of India," explaining how he felt they might best enter the struggle to save the nation. "The impatience of some sisters to join the good fight is to me a healthy sign. ... In this non-violent warfare, their contribution should be much greater than men's. To call woman the weaker sex is a libel. ... is she not more self-sacrificing, has she not greater powers of endurance, has she not greater courage?"21 Before the struggle was over, hundreds of thousands of women, who had never before emerged from the hidden quarters of their own homes or cast off the dark veils that hid their faces and bodies, would join the picketing for Swaraj. Gandhi thus launched as potent a social revolution in India as the political revolution he'd started a decade and a half earlier. He did more to bring India's second sex to a state approaching freedom and demanding equality with their male lords and masters than any other single Indian had in four thousand years of India's history. Hindu and Muslim women alike suffered ancient tyrannies from their fathers and male sons as well as their husbands and brothers, worse than the dreadful slavery of untouchability, since women had always been India's majority. "Highly educated women have in this appeal of mine an opportunity of actively identifying themselves with the masses." Daily Gandhi kept expecting arrest. Jamnalal Bajaj and Gandhi's sons Ramdas and Devdas were arrested by April 10, and rumors of his own imminent arrest kept him awake nights writing what he thought would be his
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Mahatma Gandhi with his wife, Kasturba, in Gujarat, 1922. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi eating and reading a newspaper in his ashram, 1924. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi demonstrating cotton-spinning on his own charka in Mirzapur, 1925. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi reaches Dandi at the end of his famous Salt March to the sea, poetess Sarojini Naidu and others waiting to welcome him, April 5, 1930. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi spinning cotton on the compact charka he developed, inside the cabin of reclining Pandit M. M. Malaviya, aboard the S.S. Rajputana, steaming toward London for the second Round Table Conference held there in September 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi standing outside No. 10 Downing Street, London, before his meeting with Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald on November 3, 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi with the Aga Khan and Sarojini Naidu in the lobby of the Ritz Hotel, London, September 29, 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi meets with Charlie Chaplin at the home of Dr. Kaitial in Canning Town, London, September 22, 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi in London with Sarojini Naidu at his side, Mahadev Desai behind her, and Mirabehn (Admiral Slade's daughter) to the right. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi, accompanied by Mira, visiting Cotton Mill workers in Darwen on September 26, 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi with his old Vegetarian friend, Dr. Josiah Oldfield, in London, September 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi in Rome, where he met with Mussolini on his way home from London's Conference, December 12, 1931. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi in rural Navsari, Gujarat, writing a letter in May 1932. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi at the Indian National Congress annual meeting in Haripura in 1938. Congress President Subhas Chandra Bose is wearing the ribbon, seated behind him is Dr. Rajendra Prasad, and to the right of Bose is Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi talking to Jawaharlal Nehru inside the car taking them away from Calcutta's Congress meeting on May 8, 1939. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi walking to meet Viceroy Lord Linlithgow in Simla, with Rajkumari Amrit Kaur behind him, September 12, 1939. (Hulton Getty/ Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi and Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah leaving Jinnah's home in Delhi to drive to the Viceroy's mansion, November 1, 1939. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi attends a Congress Working Committee meeting at Anand Bbavan in Allahabad, Vallabhbhai Patel to the left, Madame Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit to the right, January 1940. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi meets with China's Generalissmo Chiang Kai-shek and Madame Chiang, visiting India during the war, Calcutta, February 18, 1942. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi writing in his ashram during his weekly "silent" day, while devoted disciple Abha prepares his meal, c. 1942. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi inside Viceroy Lord Wavell's car in Simla, July 11, 1945.
(Hulton Getty/ Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi, after meeting with Britain's Cabinet Mission in Delhi in 1946, leaning on "walking sticks," Dr. Sushila Nayar to the left, and son Manilal Gandhi's wife, Susilaben, on the right. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi with his friend Secretary of State for India Lord Pethick-Lawrence, leader of the Cabinet Mission in Delhi, April 18, 1946. (Hulton Getty/ Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi talking with Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru on the first day of the All-India Congress Committee meeting, July 6, 1946. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Mahatma Gandhi's corpse surrounded by flowers and his mourning closest ashram disciples, Manu, Abha, and Sushila, inside Birla House in Delhi, February 2, 1948. (Hulton Getty/Liaison Agency)
Gandhi's Passion
"People have conferred on me the title of salt-thief as a substitute for Mahatma. I like it," Gandhi told his peasant audience at Chharwada. "When blood flows from heads not only will the salt tax go but many more things. . . . You may call me a salt-thief but only when we take possession of the salt-beds of Dharasana."28 He urged them to come out and loot the salt-beds, inviting those who heard him speak to "join me in the fun" on the day the "real game" would begin. He told them that if they had a finger broken by police, they should offer their wrists and arms to be broken as well, passionately welcoming pain, inviting lathi blows to their heads. He reminded them to wear only khadi, needing no more of it than the loincloth he wore. On the eve of his arrest on May 5, 1930, Gandhi drafted his second "Dear Friend" letter to Viceroy Irwin. "God willing, it is my intention . . . to set out for Dharasana and . . . demand possession of the Salt Works. ... It is possible for you to prevent this raid, as it has been playfully and mischievously called ... 1. By removing the salt tax; 2. By arresting me and my party unless the country can, as I hope it will, replace everyone taken away; 3. By sheer goondaism unless every head broken is replaced, as I hope it will."29 Gandhi most passionately protested the savage and indecent assault by the viceroy's forces unleashed against his unarmed pilgrims. He informed Irwin that according to the "science" of Satyagraha greater wrath and more violent repression could only be diverted and effectively countered by greater "suffering courted by the victims." Therefore, unless the salt tax was removed he would be obliged immediately to launch a frontal march on the salt depot. Shortly past midnight, just a few hours after drafting that letter but before it could be sent, Gandhi was arrested by a British magistrate, accompanied by his armed troop of constables. Charged with violating a regulation of the British Raj passed more than a century earlier, Gandhi was to be detained indefinitely without trial. He was taken from his bed, all telephone wires in his camp carefully cut beforehand. He washed himself, recited his prayers, and was taken to the train that transported him under cover of darkness more than a hundred miles south to Poona, then driven in a curtained car back to the cell in Yeravda fortress prison from which he had been released some six years ago. "So Bapu has been arrested!" Jawaharlal noted in his own prison cell, as soon as he heard the news that night. "It is full-blooded war to the bitter end. Good."30 As news of Gandhi's arrest spread, people poured out onto the streets of big cities, protesting, shouting, and being in turn assaulted by mounted police to be dragged off themselves. Soon every prison cell in India was filled. Before year's end some 60,000 satyagrahis would be jailed. "You seem to ignore the simple fact that disobedience ceases to be such immediately [when] masses of people resort to it," Gandhi wrote his Dear Friend
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15
From Prison to London and Back
OR ALMOST nine months Gandhi remained behind bars in Yeravda prison, while Britain's Labour government tried in vain to untangle India's constitutional knots. The Nehru Report had left most Muslims dissatisfied. The Simon Commission's report provoked universal discontent and repeated protest. Then, just as global economic depression threw millions of British factory laborers out of work, Gandhi's boycott of British goods and his Satyagraha movement added to Britain's market misery by shutting down India's once inexhaustible demand for British fine cottons, silks, and other manufactured products. "Idealism sometimes causes pain, but a human being without idealism is like a brute," Gandhi wrote from prison. "Our highest duty is to see that our idealism takes the right direction."1 In June, before he too was jailed, Motilal Nehru was interviewed by the London Daily Herald's George Slocombe, who asked what terms he required to attend a Round Table Conference. "We must be masters in our own household," Motilal replied, insisting that India's Congress would only meet Britain now "nation to nation on an equal footing."2 Slocombe had earlier interviewed Gandhi in prison and fearlessly reported British brutality against satyagrahis. His reports and interviews added to worldwide calls for Gandhi's release. So the viceroy tried reconciliation, using as his emissaries Tej Bahadur Sapru and M. R. Jayakar, both ex-Congress Brahmans, now leaders of the Liberal party. They went to Gandhi's prison cell seeking his approval of a note they had drafted before bringing it to both Nehrus, who shared a cell in Naini Prison. Gandhi told Sapru and Jayakar that he would be willing to attend the Round Table Conference in London if, on behalf of the Congress, he
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from every point of view," Gandhi informed the press as he emerged from prison and headed for Bombay.8 The next day he learned of Motilal's rapidly failing health and took a train to Allahabad, reaching his old friend's bedside late that night. "I am going soon, Mahatmaji, and I shall not be here to see Swaraj," old Nehru told him. "But I know you have won it and will soon have it."9 Congress leaders gathered in Motilal's great mansion, Anand Bhavan ("Abode of Peace"), which he'd bequeathed as a national trust to the Congress several years earlier. "Government's capacity for brutality is so great that we must gird up our loins to face more of it," Gandhi told his Congress comrades. "We have still to free the oppressed millions in the world, to free the entire world. It waits for a miracle from India."10 He spoke to them softly in Gujarati, but the passionate intensity and power of his message rivaled that of any general. Congress resolved not to retract its resolutions on civil disobedience and to continue peaceful picketing of all foreign-cloth and liquor shops. Motilal Nehru died on February 6, and Gandhi spoke at his funeral in Allahabad. "What we see before us is a national sacrifice," he told the vast crowd assembled to honor the dead lion of India. "We are here today to serve the cause of peace, and it behooves us to be peaceful.... May God inspire you."11 Gandhi remained at Anand Bhavan, where the Congress Working Committee met a few days later to elect Vallabhbhai Patel as its next president and to plan its next move. Some moderates urged negotiations with the viceroy, but Gandhi was hesitant in view of reports of continued police brutality. "Under organized despotism lucklessness is luck, poverty a blessing, riches a curse, evil is enthroned, goodness nowhere," he explained to a follower, "all values are transposed. We have only felt from afar the heat of the fire we must pass through. Let us be ready for the plunge. That is my reading just now. And it fills me with joy. A halting peace will be dangerous and I can see no sign of real peace coming."12 But before taking the plunge, he wrote again to "Dear Friend" Irwin, asking if they might meet, hoping "to meet not so much the Viceroy of India as the man in you."13 Irwin wired his reply that night, inviting Gandhi to New Delhi on Tuesday, February 17, 1931, for what would become a most remarkable summit, the tiny half-naked Mahatma meeting alone with Britain's tallest, most immaculately attired viceroy. "There was no one present except Gandhi and myself," Irwin noted after their first meeting. "I dwelt upon the change in British opinion, which I hoped India would not make of no avail."14 The viceroy urged Gandhi to accept the principles of federation as well as "reservations and safeguards" that had been hammered out at London's first conference. He asked whether Gandhi and his friends had in mind a "grudging truce" or a "permanent peace" and was pleased to be assured it was the latter. That night Gandhi wrote his own version of their meeting: "very well"
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mini-Round Table Conference. That night Irwin cabled Secretary of State Wedgwood Benn, requesting clear and "precise" instructions from the India Office as to just how far he might go in his negotiations with Gandhi. "I am sure it would be dangerous to permit Congress to say to the world that everything was open for discussion, and that they had made it clear as a condition of participation that if they were not satisfied they would resume civil disobedience."20 He liked Gandhi and had learned "privately" that he too was "pleased" with their talks and "wants peace." Nonetheless Irwin remained "very apprehensive" of Gandhi's clever "manoeuvering" to reopen constitutional issues resolved by the first Round Table Conference. On the next day Irwin told Gandhi he needed time to consult London and hoped they could resume their talks with a larger group in another week. Gandhi regretted the delay, but never lost patience. That week he addressed crowds in Delhi, urging pickets to abjure violence. He also spoke to the Muslim League Council, accepting their invitation as corning from "21 crores" (210 million) of his "brethren," continuing: "I am a Bania, and there is no limit to my greed. It has always been my heart's desire to speak, not only for 21 crores, but for 30 crores of Indians ... to strive for HinduMuslim unity."21 To achieve such unity was "the mission of my life" he told them, adding that "if I die striving for it, I shall achieve peace of mind." On February 27, after receiving his instructions from London, Irwin invited Gandhi to meet him again. They talked for three hours, going over all earlier points, each digging deeper into his entrenched position. "He was in a very obstinate mood" Irwin wrote after Gandhi left him, concluding that "he was either bluffing or had made up his mind that he did not mean to settle."22 Gandhi opted that evening to walk the five miles back to Ansari's house in Daryaganj, rather than allowing himself to be driven in a viceregal vehicle. They next met on March 1, and were quickly deadlocked over questions of boycott and picketing. Gandhi insisted that he meant peaceful picketing, which was permissible under Britain's common law. Irwin maintained that "peaceful picketing" was impossible in the present overheated political climate of India. Next they tackled police violence, which Gandhi called "savagery." The viceroy nodded, but explained that were he to "admit" that "justifiable point" it would open floodgates of charges, inquiries, and bitterness against the police. "I therefore told him that, inasmuch as we really wanted peace, would not it be better to drop it altogether?"23 Much to Irwin's surprise and delight, Gandhi agreed. Then they moved on to the salt tax, Irwin startled by how much importance Gandhi attributed to it. The viceroy insisted that he "could not condone publicly the breaches of law . . . nor could we in present financial circumstances sacrifice revenue by repealing it."
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ter bowing low, reverently to set the simple food she had prepared with her fair hands at the dark naked feet of the man she worshipped as MasterMahatma. Did he realize then that the days of British rule here were numbered? Or did he simply think poor Mira quite mad? It was almost midnight before they finally reached an agreement, the viceroy noted, "[w]ith the old man telling me that he was going to throw his whole heart and soul into trying to co-operate in constitution-building."27 Gandhi returned to meet with Emerson the next day for two hours, Irwin seeing him only briefly to initial their agreement. The Congress Working Committee met on March 5 to endorse the Gandhi-Irwin agreement, directing all Congress committees to discontinue civil disobedience. Gandhi graciously acknowledged the viceroy's inexhaustible patience, industry, and courtesy throughout the very delicate negotiations. He elaborated upon each of the provisions of the agreement, urging all Congressmen "honourably and fully" to implement every clause to "ensure peace."28 A day later Irwin wrote to thank Gandhi. "It has been a great privilege to me to be given this opportunity of meeting and knowing you. ... I do prayas I believethat history may say you and I were permitted to be instruments in doing something big for India and for humanity."29 The euphoria and mutual admiration felt by Gandhi and Irwin was hardly shared by their younger friends and lower echelons of the British services. Jawaharlal's depression only deepened when he read the final draft of the agreement. "Was it for this that our people had behaved so gallantly for a year? Were all our brave words and deeds to end in this?" he cried, quoting from T. S. Eliot's The Waste Land, "'This is the way the world ends, not with a bang, but a whimper.'"30 Irwin's right-wing "steel-frame" of sunbaked ICS men and British police sullenly showed their contempt for the viceroy's "surrender" to the "seditious little fakir." They were not going to let any Indian assassins like Sikh Bhagat Singh escape the gallows merely because a "salt-thief" pled with the viceroy for his clemency. In London, Stanley Baldwin, leader of the Tory opposition, announced that his party would not join in any Round Table Conference attended by Gandhi. On March 23, Gandhi tested the power and limits of his new friendship with Irwin, writing a "Dear Friend" letter to the viceroy in which he passionately appealed for commutation of the death sentences passed on Bhagat Singh and two other terrorists. "Popular opinion demands commutation,"31 Gandhi wrote, warning that the executions, if carried out would endanger "peace." The "revolutionary party" had assured him that sparing Bhagat's life would halt terrorist activities. That very day Bhagat Singh and his companions were hanged. A general strike, protesting the deaths of those "martyrs" was called by Nehru and Subhas Bose, whose hatred for British rule blazed on the eve of the meeting of the Congress, held that year in Karachi.
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imperialist than Irwin, whose viceregal term had ended in April. Willingdon was neither as gracious nor as generous as Irwin had been in dealing with Gandhi, who would soon become his prisoner. From Simla he went to the United Provinces Nainital hill station to meet with Governor Malcolm Hailey, Motilal's old friend. They discussed the recent tragic communal riots and proliferating agrarian problems that plagued India's most populous province. Gandhi disclaimed any idea of a "no-rent" campaign, which Hailey told him the local Congress was trying to launch in order to establish a "parallel government" in the United Provinces.37 Before year's end, Gandhi would hear much more about that from Nehru, who took a lead in organizing agrarian unrest in his province. By late June of 1931, Gandhi prepared his entourage for the Round Table trip, his first visit to London since he'd gone there from South Africa seventeen years earlier. He decided his wife was too sick to travel "any place" outside of India, and he was eager to take only Mira with him to prepare his food in London.38 "You are on the brain," Gandhi now wrote his beloved "Sister," who "managed to tear myself away" from him that June, returning alone to Sabarmati Ashram. "I look about me and miss you," he confessed to Mira. "I open the charkha [spinning-wheel] and miss you. So on and so forth. But what is the use?" he conceded, taking both sides of his dialogue with himself. "You have left your home, your people and all that people prize most, not to serve me personally but to serve the cause I stand for. All the time you were squandering your love on me personally, I felt guilty. . . . And I exploded on the slightest pretext. Now that you are not with me, my anger turns itself upon me for having given you all those terrible scoldings. But I was on a bed of hot ashes all the while." Then he reminded himself that soon they would travel to London together, and that elicited a happy forty-year-old memory of an English public school cheer, with which he ended his letter: "'Cheer boys cheer, no more idle sorrow.'"39 Charlie Andrews managed the mundane housing details of his visit from London, accepting Muriel Lester's offer to accommodate Gandhi's small entourage in her East End welfare settlement, Kingsley Hall. "I would rather stay at your settlement than anywhere else," Gandhi confirmed, "for there I will be living among the same sort of people as those for whom I have spent my life."40 He decided to bring along Mahadev Desai and Pyarelal as well as son Devdas to serve as his London secretariat. Neither of his Congress heirs, Vallabhbhai or Jawaharlal, was invited, though both had been eager to join. On August 29, 1931, Gandhi slowly climbed aboard the S.S. Rajputana with his intimate band of faithful followers. "I shall endeavour to represent every interest that does not conflict with the interests of the dumb
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since it brought Gandhi back to London. MacDonald then told him that his civil disobedience movement was a "mistake and only hindered the British Government." Fenner Brockway and his Independent Labour party hosted a lunch to celebrate Gandhi's sixty-second birthday, four hundred English guests packing the festive Westminister Palace rooms. Yet by early October he knew, as he told a meeting of Friends of India, that "I seem to be failing."47 How could it possibly be otherwise? He hardly had time to meet with, read, or hear all the speeches of other members at the conference, and barely strength enough to survive London's autumnal chills. He was obliged to confess to the "Prime Minister and Friends" at a meeting of the Minorities Committee "with deep sorrow and deeper humiliation that I have to announce utter failure" to secure any "solution of the communal question."48 None of the Muslim delegates with whom he spoke in London and few of the Sikhs would agree to follow his lead. He suggested, therefore, to adjourn the Minorities Committee and refused to agree to any separate electorate formula for untouchables. He announced that "the conscience of Hindus has been stirred, and untouchables will soon be a relic of our sinful past."49 In mid-October he received a cable from Jawaharlal informing him of the "critical" agrarian situation in the United Province. Tenants were being "ejected" from their property, then arrested for criminal trespass, Nehru reported. He was eager to launch a Congress-led action, clearly contrary to the Gandhi-Irwin truce; hence, he was requesting Gandhi's permission. "You should unhesitatingly take necessary steps," Gandhi wired back. "Expect nothing here."50 He had talked himself hoarse in richly paneled rooms filled with princes and British officers, none of whom sympathized with his revolutionary arguments. And he had seen enough outside Westminister Palace to know how little depressed Englishmen worried about India's poverty. He knew before leaving Bombay, of course, how slight a chance he stood of turning the giant luxury liner of Britain's Empire around with his single voice and naked body. But he had resolved to leave no stone of possible reconciliation unturned, no barrier untested by the tap of his bare hands and the cry of his small voice. "Independence has to be earned by sacrifice and self-suffering," he told a Nottingham College audience that October, reiterating the passionate lessons he'd learned long ago in South Africa. "Nations have come to freedom through rivers of blood."51 India would have to go through the same fiery ordeal before England could be convinced that it was good for herself as well to grant India her freedom. He resolved a week later to return home, to "prove by suffering that the whole country wants what it asks for."52 At Pembroke College, Cambridge, he admitted: "I know that every honest Englishman wants to see India free, but . . . feels that the moment
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ing light."59 By now he learned that he too would be arrested, so instead of venturing north to Ahmedabad, he waited in Bombay's Mani Bhavan, sleeping on the roof of that sturdy three-story building, now a museum to his memory. "Bapu slept like a child committed to his Father's hands," Verrier Elwin recalled. "I thought of Christ . . . suddenly ... a whisper: 'The police have come.' We started up and I saw ... a fully uniformed Commissioner of Police at the foot of Bapu's bed. . . . 'Mr. Gandhi, it is my duty to arrest you.' A beautiful smile of welcome broke out on Bapu's face."60 He never resisted arrest, but since it was silent Monday he did not say a word, taking out a pencil to write, "I will be ready to come with you in half an hour." Then he brushed his teeth and retired. Mirabehn, Devdas, and Ba all touched his feet before he left, following him down the three flights of stairs. A crowd had gathered around the car that drove him back, with Vallabhbhai, also arrested that day, to Yeravda jail. Under Regulation XXV of 1827, Gandhi was jailed "during the pleasure of Government" to avoid greater public attention or the embarrassment of a minutely reported trial. Four harsh new ordinances had been passed, stripping India of all its residual civil rights. Arrests of all Congress leaders now followed swiftly. Thus India's brief political truce reverted to war. In four months, 60,000 passionate resisters filled every prison cell in the land.
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Imprisoned Soul of India
ANDHI NEVER despaired behind bars. Adversity only cheered his passionate nature and intensified his resolve. The 1932-33 prison interlude brought the purifying rays of his inner light to focus on Hinduism's gravest injustice, the crime of untouchability. On March 11,1932, Gandhi wrote to India's new secretary of state, Sir Samuel Hoare, to remind him of a warning he had issued in the closing days of the Round Table Conference "that I should resist with my life the grant of separate electorate to the Depressed Classes."1 Now he explained at length why he opposed Britain's announced intention of awarding separate electoral status, which would grant a bloc of separate seats on all the new councils to candidates born only in untouchable communities. Gandhi insisted that untouchable castes remain integral parts of Hinduism's body politic. So strong was his opposition to any political vivisection of his faith that Gandhi informed Sir Samuel, "I must fast unto death" if Britain went ahead and created separately elected representation of untouchables. When Nehru in his own distant prison cell later learned of Gandhi's decision, he felt "annoyed with him for choosing a side issue for his final sacrifice."2 Jawaharlal was angry with Bapu for taking this religious, sentimental approach to a political question. "And his frequent references to GodGod has made him do thisGod even indicated the date of the fast. . . . What a terrible example to set!" the agnostic Nehru noted. Hoare, however, was neither annoyed nor angry. "The dogs bark," he said, "the caravan moves on." His reply to Gandhi was that realizing "fully the strength of your feeling upon the question we intend to give any decision that may be necessary solely and only upon the merits of the case."3
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As soon as Charlie Andrews learned of Gandhi's resolve to fast unto death, he wrote to try to dissuade his friend. "I understand and even appreciate the moral repulsion against 'fasting unto death,'" Gandhi replied. "I will make myself as certain as it is humanly possible to be, that the will that appears to me to be God's is really His, and not the Devil's."4 To Mira, who was at this time also jailed far away, he wrote more intimate details: "Had I learnt to use the body merely as an instrument of service and His temple, old age would have been like a beautiful ripe fruit. . . . My only consolation in thinking over the past is that in all I did I was guided by nothing else than the deepest love for you."5 To son Devdas, also then in another prison, he wrote of the daily routine he and Mahadev and Vallabhbhai followed: "We are happy here. . . . All three of us get up at 3.45 A.M. After we have prayed together, Mahadev goes back to sleep and we two take honey and water and then have a walk. Afterwards I sleep for about a quarter of an hour. At 6.30 all the three have our breakfast."6 Gandhi's only other daily meal was at 4 P.M. In between, however, he ate dates and almonds. He spun more cotton than either of his prison mates. Mahadev went through proofs of his book, being published by Oxford University Press, and took dictation from Gandhi daily for about two hours. Gandhi learned Urdu, read Ruskin [Fors Clavigera], and taught himself astronomy. Vallabhbhai "remains content with reading newspapers mostly," Gandhi reported, the Sardar sometimes reading aloud to them when he came across an interesting or amusing article. From his prison "temple" Gandhi continued to offer sage medical advice to all who sought his help. To one supplicant he offered a remedy for constipation. "You may try it for two or three days and, if it does not work, give it up. Eat twice or thrice a day cooked tandalja [Amaranth] or palak [Spinach] leaveseat nothing else."7 To another he gave his "immediate, and unfailing, remedy for migraine": to bind a mud-pack around one's head before retiring. On August 17, 1932, Ramsay MacDonald announced his Communal Award, reserving seats for "Depressed Classes" as well as Muslims and Sikhs. "In pursuance of my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare," Gandhi wrote "Dear Friend" MacDonald next day, "I have to resist your decision with my life."8 He declared a fast unto death against the reservation of separate seats for untouchables, to begin in one month, on September 20, 1932. "What do you think these people will do?" Vallabhbhai asked his cell mate on September 6, 1932. "I still feel that they will release me on or before the 19th," Gandhi replied. "It will be the limit of wickedness if they let me fast, let no one know about it and then say that I did what I as a prisoner ought not to have done, and that they could do nothing."9 Three days later MacDonald replied, arguing that his award, having doubled the number of Depressed Class votes, should have met with
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fast in Bombay, including Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, brilliant lawyer and political leader of India's untouchables, who later became India's first minister of law and chair of its Constitution-drafting Committee. Ambedkar was furious that Gandhi "singled out" special representational advantages for his community as his "excuse" for fasting unto death. Nonetheless, he agreed to go to Poona to discuss the issue with Gandhi, and on September 22 they met for their prison summit. "I want political power for my community," Ambedkar told Gandhi. "That is indispensable for our survival."19 He demanded his just "compensation" and "due," having himself insisted in London on the seventy-one specially reserved seats that MacDonald granted. "I want to serve the Harijans," Gandhi replied, using the name which means "children of God." First coined by Narasinh Mehta, the "father of Gujarati poetry," the term was made popular by Gandhi, whose adoption of it for the remaining years of his life gave fresh nominal dignity at least to India's millions of outcastes. Gandhi assured Ambedkar that as a "new convert" to his community he was most zealous and wanted a Harijan to be the viceroy of India and a Bhangi "untouchable" sweeper to serve as president of the Congress. Ambedkar had brought an outline of his demands, which Gandhi asked Devdas to have redrafted and which they soon accepted as their agreement. It promised Harijans many more seats in Parliament than MacDonald's award had, but they would not run or be elected separately from the great body of Hinduism. All enfranchised Indians would vote only for competing Harijan candidates for those affirmative action "general" seats. Congress Brahmans from north and south India, including such eminent leaders as Sapru, Jayakar, Malaviya, Rajendra Prasad, and Rajagopalachari, met with Devdas and others the next day to hammer out the scheme that satisfied Ambedkar, guaranteeing almost double the number of legislative assembly seats to his community than MacDonald had offered the "Depressed Classes." Meanwhile cables poured in from around the world, wishing India's Great Soul and "Magician" success and long life. Thousands of Indians had started to fast in sympathy, including Mira.20 The Hindu Leaders' Conference met in Bombay again on September 25 and unanimously resolved "henceforth" that no Hindu should be regarded as "untouchable by reason of his birth." Those so regarded hitherto should all have the same rights as other Hindus "to the use of public wells, public roads and other public institutions."21 The agreement was wired to London, and MacDonald accepted it on behalf of the British government. On September 26 Gandhi broke his fast, drinking a glass of orange juice handed to him by Kasturba. Surrounded by about two hundred people, Gandhi lay on his cot as Bengali Nobel laureate Gurudev Tagore sang a
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his intention to fast, but then a viceregal decision to permit the introduction of special Temple-entry legislation in Madras Province on January 15, 1933, convinced him to postpone his fast "indefinitely."26 Orthodox Hindus attacked Gandhi with "hard swearing at me and libellous charges," making him "feel like the wife whom her many husbands profess to reject because the poor woman cannot give equal satisfaction to all."27 This polyandrous gender role reversal clearly underscores Gandhi's earlier admission to Sarojini Naidu of his passionate preference for feminine sacrificial pain. He was, he insisted, a "faithful wife, staunch in her loyalty" to all those angry "husbands" now maligning her. To pacifist friend Horace Alexander, he regretfully confessed, "I knew that that little fast was not enough penance for moving to right action the great mass of Hindu humanity. Many lives might have to be given before the last remnant of untouchability is gone."28 Congressmen who were not devout Hindus questioned Gandhi's intense preoccupation with this religious issue to the "detriment" of political activity and viewed it as dangerous, focusing India's masses on "magic" fasting, and seeking "divine guidance" in down-to-earth matters of state and social conflict. Nor were all Harijan leaders by any means satisfied with their caste Hindu "Saviour." Many wondered at his choices of venue for launching his attack against Hinduism's orthodox establishment, while others, including Ambedkar, were bewildered by the speed with which he chose first to fast, then not to fast. After his September euphoria, even Gandhi now started to doubt himself. In late January of 1933, three weeks after he postponed his fast, he was chagrined to learn of the viceroy's decision to veto Madras's templeentry bill. The prison superintendent asked Gandhi what he proposed to do. "There is no Inner Voice urging me to go on a fast," he softly replied, "perturbed" though not enough to risk his life again.29 In municipal elections in Cawnpore (Kanpur) at month's end, every Harijan candidate was defeated, making Gandhi appreciate for the first time Ambedkar's insistence on separate electorate reservations. "This defeat makes me sad," Gandhi confessed to an old friend. "I cannot help owning to you my utter stupidity." He had "fondly believed" that the excellent Harijan candidates would easily win most of the elections. "I see, however, that without reservation they would have a poor chance . . . unless caste Hindus develop a high sense of honour."30 Those elections opened Gandhi's eyes wider to the deep roots of caste Hindu prejudice, nourished by several millennia of arrogant repression and inhuman behavior. Now he conceded that perhaps "statutory reservation" was the "fit punishment for our selfishness." What a confession so soon after having nearly fasted to death to stop Harijan affirmative action. Some leaders, who once believed Gandhi-infallible, started to doubt his mental stability.
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sang "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross," Professor Wadia sang a Parsi prayer, and then came Gurudev Tagore's prayer from Gitanjali, followed by the final prayer hymn of "the true Vaishnava," Gandhi's favorite.37 Leaders of the Congress came to Poona to confer with Gandhi, most of them urging him to end the civil disobedience campaign. Gandhi sought an interview with the viceroy before committing himself. However, Willingdon was not Irwin. The reply was negative, and Willingdon warned him against resuming Satyagraha of any kind. Gandhi remained defiant, insisting to his Congress comrades that their workers were "not tired. The country was not tired."38 Government saw that by pursuing his Harijan cause as vigorously as he had, Gandhi lost the support of many powerful Hindus. Nor had he won any Muslim League support, Jinnah having always insisted on the need for separate electoral seats for Muslims and for untouchables as well. The viceroy, therefore, felt quite confident that he could treat Gandhi's offer to talk "peace" with imperious contempt. Gandhi now announced his decision to disband his Sabarmati ashram. Most of his devoted inmates moved to Wardha, soon to become the major new ashram of Sevagram ("Village of Service"). Gandhi informed the government of Bombay that his former ashram's property was held in a registered trust, valued at well over half a million rupees. But since the ashram had refused to pay revenue for the last two years, the government seized and sold much of the movable property. Gandhi turned over the land and its empty buildings to the Servants of Untouchables Society for Harijan work. At the end of July 1933, Gandhi wired Bombay's home secretary to notify him of his intention to lead a Satyagraha march from Ahmedabad to Ras to urge all villagers there to boycott liquor and foreign cloth. He was not, however, permitted to take a single step. He and Mahadev were arrested at midnight on August 1,1933, first taken to Sabarmati Jail and then transferred the next day to Poona's Yeravda. There he was tried by Magistrate Hyam Israel. When asked his occupation, Gandhi replied: "I am by occupation a spinner, a weaver and a farmer."39 Asked his residence, he said "Yeravda jail now." He did not dispute any charge brought against him, but made a brief statement. "I am a lover of peace, and I regard myself a good citizen voluntarily tendering obedience to the laws of the State to which I may belong. But there are occasions in the lifetime of a citizen when it becomes his painful duty to disobey laws. ... I have had recently a spell of freedom and was in the midst of people . . . living in a perpetual fear of loss of liberty and their possessions. ... I sought shelter in selfsuffering."40 After that reaffirmation of his passionate credo of civil resistance, Gandhi requested to be treated as a grade "C" prisoner. Magistrate Israel sentenced him, however, to one year as a grade "A" prisoner, "considering your age and the present state of your health." He was almost sixty-four and weighed less than one hundred pounds.
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17
Return to Rural Uplift Work
HAVE NO ready-made plan," Gandhi told reporters soon after his release from jail. "It is nothing less than a new life for me."1 He had been so severely nauseated on the last day of his fast that he gave away all his worldly possessions, thinking he would die. He now planned to retire from Congress completely and to devote himself only to Harijan work and other constructive programs of social uplift: spinning, weaving, and prohibition. Jawaharlal, also just released from prison, went to Poona to meet with Gandhi in mid-September of 1933. They conferred alone long enough to agree on how much they disagreed and how best to advance common goals they still shared for the good of the nation and its masses. "Vested interests in India will have to give up their special... privileges," Jawaharlal insisted soon after leaving Bapu, agreeing with him, however, that "divesting should be done as gently as possible and with every effort to avoid injury."2 Nehru wanted such change to be accomplished as swiftly as possible. Gandhi was more concerned with the morality of the means rather than the swiftness of achieving the end. Both agreed the Round Table Conferences were "useless," Nehru calling them "a fascist grouping of vested and possessing interests." Having participated in one such conference himself, Gandhi was less harsh, unwilling to label its members "fascist." While Gandhi stressed the importance of "uttermost truthfulness and non-violence," Jawaharlal also favored "secret methods," his faith in the class struggle and most Marxist-Leninist doctrine convincing him of the utility of secrecy in fighting British imperialism to the death.3 They parted
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this kind of unscientific view of things is too readily accepted by a large section of our countrymen," Gurudev Tagore announced.10 Bihar's Dr. Rajendra Prasad, who had just been released from prison, worked round the clock to help save those most severely burned and wounded. Prasad's selfless quake relief work first brought the name of India's first president to national prominence. Though many urged him to rush to Bihar, Gandhi refused to cancel his Harijan tour. "I am tied to Bihar by sacred ties," Gandhi replied. "Perhaps I am serving her best by remaining at my post."11 He then repeated his belief that the calamity was God's "chastisement" for the "grave sin" of untouchability. "Visitations like droughts, floods, earthquakes and the like, though they seem to have only physical origins, are, for me, somehow connected with man's morals."12 Pacifist Muriel Lester now came to India, and visited her friend the governor of Bengal, after meeting with Gandhi. She was invited to dine with the governor but failed to get him to commit resources to Bihar. She then went to see the viceroy. By late February, Gandhi decided to alter his Harijan tour itinerary so as to visit Bihar before going to Bengal. Muriel joined Gandhi on his tour of Bihar in mid-March 1934. Agatha Harrison, who was also a leader of London's Quakers, reached Bombay two days later, and journeyed directly to Bihar to tour with them. Gandhi addressed Bihar's Central Relief Committee in Patna, after visiting several centers of disaster. "Let us, in the face of this calamity, forget the distinction between Hindus and Mussalmans as well as between Indians and Englishmen," he told them. "We are going to work not as Congressmen but as humanitarians ... in a humane task."13 Gandhi now found it more difficult to sleep as this tour continued, rising at one in the morning instead of three. "Please do not get alarmed," he wrote Brother Vallabh. A gang of angry, high-caste Hindu thugs had just recently attacked him as he was getting into his car, badly denting the car with stones. He narrowly escaped that assault, after which he decided to leave the temple town of Puri and its vehicular travel, venturing off on a walking tour of rural Orissa, alone with Mira and just a few others. He enjoyed this pilgrimage on foot, along village paths and tribal jungle trails. "We are camping in the open air on the outskirts of the village. A hut-like structure has been put up for me."14 He knew, of course, that as soon as the "rains set in" this method of touring would prove more difficult, if not impossible. He was ready then to "camp" in the hinterland, finding it much more congenial to his passionate, aging temperament than the hustle and bustle of urban life. In mid-June, Gandhi and his followers all returned by train to Bombay, where Muriel and Agatha awaited him to say good-bye before sailing home. Mira then impulsively decided to join the other English ladies. Gandhi's first letter to his departed beloved began: "It was a chilly parting.
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was ready now to step aside, to leave politics and all the vanities of power to a younger generation of eager leaders. That September of 1934 Gandhi decided to quit the Congress he had revolutionized and led since 1920. "It is not with a light heart that I leave this great organization," he wrote to Vallabhbhai. "My presence more and more estranges the intelligentsia from the Congress. I feel that my policies fail to convince their reason. . . . [T]here is the growing group of Socialists. Jawaharlal is their undisputed leader. . . . The Socialist group represents his views more or less. ... I have fundamental differences with them."24 Thirteen years before the Congress took control of independent India, Gandhi thus quietly removed himself from its organization and petty power plays as well as the growing corruption and violence of its leaders. Gandhi turned back to central India after quitting Congress, devoting all his time and energy to rural uplift work. Since the birth of his first ashram in South Africa he had viewed rural self-sufficiency and self-help, as well as communal harmony, as his ideal goals for society. Sabarmati's Satyagraha Ashram in its last years proved most disillusioning, however, leading him to abandon it. Proximity to fast-growing, industrial Ahmedabad was much less congenial to his aging temperament than the more isolated rural Sevagram, just a few miles from Wardha. Much as he hoped for peace in this retreat so remote from urban chaos and Congress conflicts, Gandhi no sooner settled in Sevagram than his prodigal son, Harilal, wrote to ask his Bapu if he might join the ashram. He invited Harilal, only after satisfying himself that his son had not touched liquor in many months and was striving valiantly to give up "smoke" as well as "sexual pleasure." Widower Harilal hoped, however, to "remarry," an idea Gandhi was initially amenable to, if an appropriate mature Hindu widow could be found. In welcoming Harilal, Gandhi warned him never to "deceive me" or misbehave. "I am an old man now, and you are not a child," sixty-five-year-old Gandhi wrote to his forty-six-year-old son.25 Harilal very much enjoyed ashram life, making many friends there and attracting most inmates merely by virtue of being their Mahatma's son. He became attracted to and hoped to marry Gandhi's "mad," blonde, beautiful German disciple, Margarete Spiegel, whom Bapu had renamed Amala ("Spotless"). When Harilal informed Bapu of his desire and Amala's agreement, Gandhi was so shocked that he insisted "you will have to drop the idea."26 Gandhi ordered Harilal to write and tell her that it was a bad idea. If her response was that "she cannot live without you," Gandhi advised "patience." Harilal tried to remain patient and thought he was doing a perfectly natural thing, wishing to marry a beautiful woman who could speak twelve languages and had left the comforts of her Central European parental home to serve India's Harijans and follow her adored Mahatma. Margarete-Amala loved Harilal with all the unrequited passion for Gandhian
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Six months later, when his blood pressure jumped to over 200, Gandhi broke down and was confined to bed under doctors' orders for almost two months. "The strings of your life, mine and everybody else's, are held by Mira's Lord,"33 he wrote Vallabhbhai, disobeying his doctors' orders by doing so. Though he, Mira, Vinoba, and many other worthy members of his ashram labored every day round the clock, their village uplift work proved so daunting a task that few tangible results could be seen, leaving him as tired and depressed as he had ever been. "The people's indifference persists," one village volunteer reported wearily. "There is no end to the difficulties."34 Mira volunteered to live in village Sindi, where she labored every day, picking up all the excrement of its villagers, dropped as "nightsoil" along the road. She tried her best to teach them the sanitary utility of latrines, until she too fell ill, and high fever forced her to leave for the hills. Many educated Indians viewed Gandhi's passionate preoccupation with rural uplift with skepticism, one writing to ask him if it would not be wiser to focus first on winning political power. "One must forget the political goal in order to realize it," Gandhi replied. "I am afraid the correspondent's question betrays his laziness and despair. .. . [T]he activities that absorb my energies . . . are calculated to achieve the nation's freedom."35 The revolution on which he focused all his passionate strength was in the heartland of rural India, more remote from viceregal palaces than was London from New Delhi. He knew India's heartland, mired deep in mud or dusty soil, better than any politician, Indian or English. On May 29, 1936, Harilal embraced Islam. He changed his name to Abdulla. The announcement was made to a large congregation in Bombay's Jumma Masjid. The assembled Muslims hailed his conversion, many rushing up to shake his hand. Gandhi was "hurt" by the news but expressed "gravest doubt about his [Harilal's] acceptance [of Islam] being from the heart or free from selfish considerations."36 He knew that Harilal was indebted to "some Pathans from whom he had borrowed on heavy interest" and suggested that his conversion was mercenary opportunism. "Harilal's apostasy is no loss to Hinduism and his admission to Islam is a source of weakness to it if, as I apprehend, he remains the same wreck that he was before." Despite his withdrawal from Congress and retreat to a life of remote rural service, Gandhi was forced to return to the maelstrom of politics to resolve a bitter conflict that erupted soon after Jawaharlal Nehru reclaimed Congress's presidential crown but lost the confidence of most members of his own Working Committee. Nehru wanted to reject Britain's offer of responsible provincial governments under completely elected ministries as a step toward full dominion status under the Government of India Act of 1935. Rajendra Prasad, who had presided over the Congress a year earlier, Vallabhbhai Patel, C. Rajagopalachari (C. R.), and a majority of the Work[ 180 ]
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Prelude to War and Partition
HOUGH GANDHI reported in March of 1937, "I am concentrating my attention on village work . . . and cannot think of anything else," less than a month later, he was lured from his rural retreat, back into the political fray.1 The 1935 Government of India Act that had emerged from London's three Round Table Conferences enfranchised some thirty-five million Indians, more than half of whom trekked to polling places throughout British India in February of 1937. Congress candidates won 716 seats, capturing majorities in six of British India's eleven provincial legislative assemblies. Nehru, whose electrifying air-borne campaign, had led the euphoric Congress party to its stunning victory, ordered all minority parties to "line up!" saying there were only two parties left in India, Congress and the British. Jinnah rejected that argument, insisting that the Muslims represented by his Muslim League, were a "third party."2 Then Lord Zetland, the new Tory secretary of state for India, insisted that British provincial governors would all be "obliged," under the new Constitution, to "safeguard the legitimate interests of the minorities."3 And the new viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, firmly reiterated his secretary of state's message, which Congress viewed as nothing but the old British policy of divide and rule with a vengeance. "The latest gesture is one of the sword not of goodwill," Gandhi told the Associated Press, "certainly not of democratic obedience to the will of a democratic majority."4 Zetland refused to back down, however, so the much-hailed, eagerly anticipated experiment in provincial "self-rule" under the 1935 Constitu[ 182 ]
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India have nothing to fear. They have their destiny in their hands, and as a well-knit, solid, organized, united force can face any danger, and withstand any opposition." Vallabhbhai, always the supreme realist, understood how potent a political force Jinnah was destined to become, and urged Gandhi to meet with him in October 1937. But Bapu replied that "Jawaharlal doesn't desire it."9 Nehru's personal and ideological antipathy to Jinnah thus prevented a meeting that might have brought Congress and the League together to govern India's most populous provinces. Gandhi also appreciated Jinnah's power but feared losing his hold over Nehru more than risking greater alienation of the League's Quaid. Gandhi journeyed to Calcutta, at the urgent request of Nehru, Subhas Bose, and other members of the Congress Working Committee, who were all eager to consult him on many troubling matters. He also met with the governor of Bengal. By mid-November, when he headed back to Wardha, he felt weaker than he'd been since his long fast. "I need prolonged rest from all mental toil," he informed Jawaharlal, reporting on his efforts to resolve the conflicts in Bengal. "If we cannot control the situation . . . our holding of offices is bound to prove detrimental to the Congress cause."10 A few days later he wrote in Harijan of those "Storm Signals" indicating that Congress provincial ministries were losing "control over forces of disorder."11 The pains and problems of power daily loomed larger. To Gandhi's mind at least, it seemed "certain" that the Congress organization needed "strengthening and purging." But "extreme exhaustion" caused his blood pressure to shoot up again and doctors urged rest on Juhu Beach, where he went in December. In mid-January he returned to his ashram to meet there with Whitehall's Under Secretary of State Lord Lothian. "My ambition is to see the Congress recognized as the one and only party that can . . . deliver the goods," Gandhi told Lothian.12 The British Indian Federation, a union of princely states and provinces, was to have been inaugurated as the final fruition of the 1935 act, but Gandhi and Congress urged the British to wait, eager for the election of an Indian "Constituent Assembly" to draft a Constitution to replace the present act. Though a Congress ministry now ruled in the United Provinces, Hindu-Muslim riots continued in many parts of that most populous multicultural province of British India. Allahabad itself, Nehru's birthplace and now headquarters of Congress, was the venue of deadly riots in March 1938. "The communal riots in Allahabad," Gandhi wrote, "and the necessity of summoning the assistance of the police and even the military show that the Congress has not yet become fit to substitute the British authority. It is best to face this naked truth, however unpleasant it may be."13 Con[ 184 ]
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in his own heart and mind Gandhi found that "Darkness is still there ... an unaccountable dissatisfaction with myself. Moodiness . . . wholly unnatural to me." Gandhi reported his unnatural moody despair to one of his newest disciples, "Princess" Rajkumari Amrit Kaur of Kapurthala State, whom he playfully addressed as "Idiot," signing off most of his letters to her either as "Tyrant" or "Robber." Christian Amrit was strongly attracted by Gandhi's rural uplift movement and by his self-sacrificing spirit, becoming one of his most generous followers. On the eve of Gandhi's seventies, she was to take Mira's place as his favorite "sister" and most trusted confidante. "The sexual sense is the hardest to overcome in my case," he confessed to her. "It has been an incessant struggle . . . Love."20 Gandhi had decided to try an ancient "magic" method to help revitalize his waning yogic powers. To test and "strengthen" his Brahmacharya he started sleeping naked with several of his young female ashram inmates. Mira was so upset when she learned of his latest test that she felt compelled to remove herself from his presence, rushing off to England, prolonging her absence by extending her trip abroad to the United States. "I must change my manners," he now promised Mira. "About Lilavati [a young ashramite virgin] I can't recall anything of what you say. But once I felt that I had put my arm around her neck. I asked her in the morning. She said she had no knowledge of any touch. Nevertheless from that day I asked her to sleep at a proper distance."21 Gandhi sent Mira's critical letters to "Idiot" Amrit, telling her to "destroy them" as soon as she finished reading, adding that "Robbed of Mira's hysteria, they are sound. I am contemplating some changes."22 "Where am I, where is my place, and how can a person subject to passion represent non-violence and truth?" Gandhi now asked himself, adding in his letter to another ashram woman: "Am I worthy of you all who follow me, am I fit to lead you all?"23 The magic powers of restraint he sought to develop so intensely would allow him to control his feelings completely. Even intimate proximity to naked, nubile bodies should arouse no feelings in him other than a "Mother's love." He believed that this most difficult and challenging test of his celibacy was somehow mystically connected to the purity and perfection of his Ahimsa, and to his power to stop HinduMuslim violence and reach an enduring agreement with Jinnah. "The two hang together," he argued. "I may neither tempt God nor the Devil."24 Dr. Sushila Nayar, another young disciple, the sister of his secretary, helped ease his pain at times by lying on top of him, or massaging his legs and feet. Lilavati also massaged him, and both of them helped daily to rub his body clean in his bathtub. When questioned about his intimacy with Dr. Sushila Nayyar, Gandhi replied: "I have regarded Sushilabehn [Sister Sushila] in the same way as Ba . . . my heart feels no sin in the contact of these two. . .. Sushila has observed brahmacharya since childhood but her observance
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more effectively to unite British India's deeply divided Muslim forces under his own leadership. But Gandhi was faced with more powerful opposition within the Congress itself than he had confronted since Nagpur in 1920. Bengal's brilliant young Netaji ("Leader") Subhas Chandra Bose, who had presided over the last Congress session at Haripura, insisted on a second term, which he won over Gandhi's outspoken criticism in 1939, the first contested election ever held for Congress president. Like Nehru, Bose was much more militant than Gandhi, and also socialist, though closer to Mussolini's variety of national socialism than either to Marxism or Fabianism. Bose had earlier cooperated with Nehru in organizing peasants and workers as well as young intellectuals to fight against exploitative Indian landlords, mill owners, and the British Raj. Gurudev Tagore warmly supported Bose's candidacy and aspirations, as did virtually all Bengalis. Gandhi never trusted Bose, however, fearing his faith in violence, and Nehru viewed him more as rival than comrade. Bose not only defied the Mahatma, who had urged him to step down after completing his year as president but narrowly won reelection. Bose felt most treacherously betrayed by Nehru, moreover, as by the rest of his Working Committee, all of whom resigned shortly after his reelection. He knew then that though he had beaten Gandhi at the polls, the Working Committee's Satyagraha against him would paralyze him from attempting more radical reforms. "Shri Subhas Bose has achieved . . . victory over his opponent," Gandhi wrote in January 1939. "I must confess that ... I was decidedly against his re-election . . . .[T]he defeat is ... mine."29 Hardly the sort of admission to expect from Congress's supreme dictator, as Jinnah had accused him of being less than a month before. Yet if Gandhi was not, in fact, the all-powerful leader of India's largest political organization, to which he no longer even belonged, neither was he devoid of unique influence over its Working Committee and policies. Vallabhbhai Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Azad, Sarojini Naidu, and most other Working Committee leaders not only listened to him with unique admiration but almost always did exactly what he advised. Nehru neither worshipped him nor always listened any more, but he was wise and ambitious enough to realize that without Bapu's support he could never win premier power. "It grieves me to find that Mahatma Gandhi has taken it as a personal defeat," reelected President Bose replied. "I have on some occasions felt constrained to differ from Mahatma Gandhi on public questions, but I yield to none in my respect for . . . India's greatest man."30 Bose could not, however, win back Gandhi's support. Subhas suffered a physical breakdown in the next month, his weakened lungs succumbing to tuberculosis and obliging him to travel to Tripuri's Congress in March in an iron lung. He wore his khaki uniform, nonetheless, the martial costume that would
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for it, we are not ready to pay the price."34 It was a painfully sobering confession, its truth made clear to him by the frustration he suffered in his old home state. "What is to be done with the Princes?" Gandhi asked "My Dear Idiot" Amrit Kaur in June. "Gods confound those whom they want to destroy. It may be that their days are numbered. Only as believers in ahimsa we have to so act that we do not become . . . instruments of their destruction."35 At seventy, Gandhi considered total retirement from public life. "Jawaharlal is quite convinced that I have put back the clock of progress by a century," Gandhi told his new confidante. "I can voluntarily retire from all activity."36 Nehru had his own frustrations on the eve of turning fifty, for not only had he lost his Congress leadership to Bose, who reviled his "treachery," but he had also recently parted from his daughter Indira, who was eager to return to Europe to her brash young lover, Feroze Gandhi, of whom Nehru disapproved. To compound Gandhi's frustrations and feelings of impotence, the early agreement he had struggled so hard to reach in South Africa suddenly dissolved in the acid of resurgent white racism there. "Why is Agreement 1914 being Violated with You as witness?" Gandhi wired his erstwhile "Friend," Prime Minister Smuts. "Is there no Help for Indians except to pass through Fire?"37 But the whole world stood poised now on the brink of a tragic conflagration. On July 23, 1939, Gandhi wrote his "Dear Friend" letter to Adolf Hitler. "It is quite clear that you are today the one person in the world who can prevent a war which may reduce humanity to the savage state. . . . Will you listen to the appeal of one who has deliberately shunned the method of war not without considerable success?"38 He wrote that ignored appeal shortly before war was declared by Britain on September 3, 1939, in response to Germany's invasion of Poland. Viceroy Linlithgow immediately proclaimed India at war, his announcement broadcast twelve hours before Gandhi, whom the viceroy had invited there, reached Simla. They met on September 4. "I told His excellency that my sympathies were with England and France from the purely humanitarian standpoint," Gandhi reported.39 He wished England well, and, though he came to the conclusion that Hitler was "responsible for the war," could not in good conscience support either global combatant.
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War and Peaceful Resistance
HE OUTBREAK of World War II served to galvanize and reunite the Congress in opposition to British imperial rule. The viceroy's autocratic declaration of war, without consulting any Congress leader, infuriated Nehru and led to Subhas Bose's resignation. The Working Committee met in Wardha from September 10 to 14, electing Rajendra Prasad as its new president. Nehru took the lead in drafting the Congress resolution on the war, inviting Great Britain first to declare unequivocally that its "war aims" included freedom and democracy for India, after which India would cooperate fully in the global struggle against fascism and Nazism.1 Gandhi personally had argued for a wholly nonviolent response, but he had won little support, silently bowing to Nehru's militant majority position. Bose started his own Forward Bloc party, which openly favored the Axis powers, leading to Subhas's arrest and his subsequent daring escape through Afghanistan to Berlin, and from there to Japan. "Will Great Britain have an unwilling India dragged into the war or a willing ally co-operating with her in the prosecution of a defence of true democracy?" Gandhi asked the press, after the Working Committee agreed upon its resolution. "Congress support will mean the greatest moral asset in favour of England and France."2 Jinnah, on the other hand, met with the viceroy immediately after his declaration that India was at war, assuring Lord Linlithgow of loyal Muslim support, urging him to "Turn out" the Congress provincial ministries "at once. Nothing else will bring them to their senses. . . . They will never stand by you."3 Gandhi was invited back to Simla by the viceroy in late September. Immediately after their meeting, when he realized in what high regard Linlith[ 191 ]
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gow held Jinnah and his advice, Gandhi wrote an unusual piece on "Hindu-Muslim Unity." "The Muslim League is a great organization," the Mahatma told his Harijan readers. "Its President was at one time an ardent Congressman. He was the rising hope of the Congress."4 He appealed equally to Congress and League members, urging them all to stop attacking one another and to reconcile differences. If enough of them worked and prayed to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity, Gandhi insisted, God would make it "possible tomorrow." On October 3, 1939, a day after his seventieth birthday, Gandhi sent a message to the British people, through the Manchester Guardian's correspondent: "It will be a ... tragedy in this tragic war if Britain is found to fail in the very first test of sincerity of her professions about democracy."5 But on October 17, the viceroy issued his declaration of His Majesty's government's wartime objectives, none of which satisfied the Congress. For India the Act of 1935 remained its wartime Constitution, and Great Britain would only be prepared to open that Act to modification in the light of "Indian views" after the war ended. "The Congress asked for bread and it has got a stone," Gandhi commented.6 Nehru was even more angry at Lord Zetland's negative remarks about the Congress in the House of Lords, charging that he had learned nothing "from events during the past twenty years."7 Thus the stage was set for the resignation of Congress provincial ministries, ending the two-year experiment in Anglo-Congress cooperation. "The Working Committee are of opinion that the Viceregal statement ... is wholly unsatisfactory and calculated to rouse resentment among all those who are anxious to gain . . . India's independence," Congress's leaders resolved on October 22, 1939. "In the circumstances, the Committee cannot possibly give any support to Great Britain. . . . The Committee call upon the Congress Ministries to tender their resignations."8 Jinnah breathed a deep sigh of relief, but not as yet too loud a sigh. He was reluctant to reveal how delighted he was until every Congress ministry agreed with its impulsive Working Committee and removed all of its members from office. Gandhi disliked Nehru's impulsive and angry reactions and knew that the resignation of all Congress provincial governments would strengthen the League and give the British full freedom in militarizing India throughout the war. But he felt too tired to argue with Nehru so he simply told him to "take full charge and lead the country."9 Nehru was hardly ready, however, to break with Gandhi, so their facade of Congress harmony remained to mask the deepening ideological gulf that divided them. "Jinnah Saheb looks to the British power to safeguard the Muslim rights," Gandhi rightly noted on October 30, 1939. "Nothing that the Congress can do or concede will satisfy him."10 The next day he left his ashram for Delhi, where he and Rajendra Prasad drove to Jinnah's new house, No. 10 Aurangzeb Road. All three were then driven in Jinnah's new
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"I can only say Heaven help India, Britain and the world.... If Britain cannot recognize India's legitimate claim, what will it mean but Britain's moral bankruptcy?"15 When asked about prospects for reconciliation between the Congress and the League, he replied that he saw none. Nehru viewed all these meetings called by the viceroy as nothing other than the "Old Game" of British imperial duplicity. By March of 1940, Gandhi felt certain that "there can be no manly peace in the land unless the British bayonet is withdrawn. The risk of riots has to be run. Non-violence will be born out of such risks."16 But few of his own Congress comrades were convinced any more of their Mahatma's peaceful prescription for freedom and communal harmony. Nor were the British, in the midst of the fiercest war the world had ever experienced, listening to his advice that it was time to sheath every bayonet. Nor did Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah or his leading lieutenants of the Muslim League pay much attention now to what they had come to regard as the futile rantings of a mostly-naked, old Hindu Vania. The Congress Working Committee met at Ramgarh March 15-19, 1940, with Maulana Azad presiding. Gandhi attended by "special invitation," and Nehru and Patel were there, of course, as well as Khan Abdul Khan and Rajendra Prasad. Most of them favored launching civil disobedience, but Gandhi was against it. "What has been done in United Provinces is good but I cannot evolve non-violence from the awakening created there by Jawaharlalji," Gandhi warned them. "I don't want people to be crushed. If a fight is launched without proper preparations, it is the poor who will suffer."17 He then offered to withdraw entirely, to remove the "incubus" of his fear of violence from the committee's deliberations, future decisions, and actions. But the Congress Working Committee would not release him. "If after twenty years of practice," Gandhi argued, "I have not been able to win the affection and trust of the Mussalmans, my ahimsa must be of a very poor quality indeed. ... I am sure that, if you release me, I may be able to give civil disobedience a purer and a nobler shape." Azad would not hear of it, however, reminding Gandhi that he had only agreed to wear the Congress crown because Gandhi had pressed him to accept. A week later the Muslim League met in Lahore. It was the League's largest and most important session. "It has always been taken for granted mistakenly that the Mussalmans are a minority," Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah told his attentive audience of some 100,000 Muslims from every state and province of South Asia. "The Mussalmans are not a minority. The Mussalmans are a nation. . . . The problem in India is not of an inter-communal but manifestly of an international character, and it must be treated as such."18 He therefore urged the British to transfer their power after the war to the "autonomous national states" of South Asia's subcontinent. Next day the League's Subjects Committee met to hammer out the "Pakistan"
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the viceroy to offer his personal services to help end the fighting. "I am prepared to go to Germany or anywhere required to plead for peace ... for the good of mankind. This may be a visionary's idea. . . . Perchance it may be wisdom more than a vision."25 Linlithgow replied that there was "nothing for it" now but to fight on until "victory is won." Gandhi imposed total silence on himself, feeling too impotent to speak and finding all that he said useless to stop the "frightful" violence now tearing the world apart. Amrit wrote to ask why he had taken a vow of silence. "It is to avoid irritation and save my energy," he replied. "The output of my work has certainly doubled. Irritation is almost nil. It would be a strain now to speak."26 To another old follower he wrote, "Everything is in a mess." Refusing her request for guidance in trying to organize a women's wing of the Congress, he answered: "We are in God's hands. ... As regards the organization do as your heart bids you."27 So he sank ever deeper into solitude and inaction, just a week before the Congress Working Committee descended upon him to seek his wise counsel. The Working Committee rejected his appeal to reaffirm Congress faith in nonviolence. "The attempt made by me to form peace brigades to deal with communal riots and the like had wholly failed."28 He then asked to be released from the committee, feeling it was no longer appropriate to remain when so many fundamental differences were discovered. He now felt himself "Wandering alone on the cremation ground," he told a dear friend.29 The viceroy invited him to Delhi for a private meeting at the end of June, though Gandhi was at pains to explain to Linlithgow that after his most recent meeting with the Working Committee he could only speak as an individual. The viceroy indicated that he was ready to advise London to announce that self-governing dominion status for India would be "granted within one year of the termination of the war."30 Many commercial, defense, and external affairs details would have to be hammered out, of course, as would the "rights of minorities and the position of Princes." If Congress agreed, the viceroy would increase the number of its leaders on his executive council, which would also include representatives of other parties. Gandhi replied that without a prior "declaration of independence" Congress was not likely to agree to serve on the council. At the meeting, Gandhi gave the viceroy his open letter "To Every Briton." Linlithgow did not pass it along to the British press or His Majesty's government, since Gandhi's appeal to every Briton was that they should all accept nonviolence and stop fighting. He argued that this war was "a curse and a warning" to mankind. He feared that no one and nothing would be spared and that all humans would be reduced to "beasts" unless hostilities swiftly ended. Though he did not want Britain defeated, he claimed to see no difference between the destruction caused by the Nazis in England and that caused by the Allies in Germany. He seriously suggested
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graha. He chose as his first satyagrahi, not Nehru, who was most eager to be selected, but quiet, unassuming Vinoba Bhave. To explain why he chose an unknown rather than flamboyant Pandit Nehru to serve as his surrogate, Gandhi wrote about him at length in Harijan, answering the widely asked question: "Who is Vinoba Bhave and why has he been selected?" He elaborated first upon the Sanskritic scholarly and cotton-spinning virtues of the painfully thin, obscure man, soon to be revered as "India's Walking Saint."35 Vinoba would devote the last decades of his life, after Gandhi's murder, to walking the length and breadth of India's village hinterland, seeking land for the landless and dedicating his frail body to the task of translating his Mahatma's dream of Sarvodaya"The Uplift of All"into socioeconomic reality. "He believes in communal unity with the same passion that I have," Gandhi continued. "He has never been in the limelight on the political platform ... he believes that silent constructive work ... is far more effective. . . . Vinoba is an out-and-out war resister."36 In direct violation of the British gag order against antiwar speech, Vinoba addressed over three hundred persons in central India on October 17, asking why Britain claimed to fight for "democracy" when she continued to deny it to India. Gandhi wrote to inform the viceroy of that breach of the British ban. Each day, prior to his arrest, Vinoba continued to speak out in the same firm, but nonviolent, voice in opposition to the war. At 3 A.M. on October 21, 1940, Vinoba was arrested. By now Gandhi had a long list of volunteers. His second choice was Jawaharlal, who was, of course, "ready." But Gandhi remained unsure of Nehru's true feelings, hence wrote to probe his mind: "I would still like to ask you whether you can see anything to commend itself to you in all I am writing and doing... . My present conception requires those who believe in the plannot in every detail but in the main."37 Nehru cabled at once: "Agree generally."38 Two days later, Gandhi summoned him to Wardha and gave him his marching instructions. On October 31, 1940, Nehru was arrested in the United Provinces and found guilty of sedition for three speeches he had made to villagers earlier in the month. At fifty-one, the man destined in little more than half a decade to become India's first prime minister, was sentenced in Gorakhpur to four years of rigorous imprisonment. Gandhi, however, still remained free. He had expected and hoped since early November to be taken off "at any moment," but the government was in no rush, recalling the troublesome popular reactions to his previous arrests and reluctant to cause so much of a stir in the midst of a war. Gandhi knew that the British had "no faith" in his nonviolence. He now suspected that the viceroy and other officials believed him "a fool," the unwitting tool of Congress colleagues who used his idealism as "a cloak for hiding their violence."39
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His passionate life's message, however, went far beyond achieving selfsufficiency in food, housing, and hand-spun cottons. The greatest power of Ahimsa's deep roots applied to the polity of his dream as well. "There are only two courses openeither Hitler's, that is, the way of violence, or mine, that is, the way of non-violence. Hitlerism and Churchillism are in fact the same thing. ... It is my belief that a time will come when everyone in India will realize that the only correct course is to follow ahimsa."46 It seems that Gandhi was completely unaware of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. He did not, at any rate, remark about the United States joining the war until December 20, 1941, when he responded to questions from the press. "I cannot welcome this entry of America . . . the one country which could have saved the world from the unthinkable butchery that is going on."47 He then reasserted his commitment to nonviolence. In his address to a meeting of the Congress Working Committee in Wardha, Gandhi said that if he were "Viceroy of India today" he would not ask India to "take up the sword" to keep the Empire alive. "I for one should feel that I was committing moral suicide . . . abandoning the faith of a lifetime."48 "I have been taunted as a Bania," Gandhi told his dear friends of the Working Committee. "How can I help it? I was born a Bania. I shall stay a Bania and shall die a Bania. Trade is my profession. I am trading with you and with the world. The article in my possession is an invaluable pearl. . . . I am a trader in ahimsa. Those who can pay the price for it may have it. . . . You have taken a pledge that you would win swaraj only through ahimsa. . . . Today you are ready to depart from it. ... [T]his bargain will not bring you complete independence."49 Gandhi's personal feelings of goodwill to all and his sweetness even to the viceroy at this time of severe stress, hardship, and bitter conflict shone through in an exchange of letters with Linlithgow in February 1942. Bania that he was, Gandhi wrote to request the viceroy's help, of course, in waiving taxes imposed by Bombay on his All-India Spinners' Association. "You will forgive me for inflicting this on you when every moment of yours is pre-mortgaged for winning the war," Gandhi concluded, adding his "love" to Linlithgow's daughter, son-in-law, and grandchild.50 The request for tax exemption was not granted by His Lordship, but Bapu's sweetness elicited an equally charming postscript: "I will give your message to Southby and my daughter, and I know they will value it. ... 'Richard' is the most wonderful baby . . . the very flower of the flock!"51 That postscript, Gandhi wrote in his reply, "breaks the pervading gloom. I wish the general public had the privilege of knowing that your cheerfulness never forsakes you."52 So shone the light of his faith in Ahimsa, piercing the wartime darkness and helping to overcome the war's all but fatal blitz to bonds of friendship forged over the past century in London, Bombay, Calcutta, and New Delhi. The lightning Japanese conquest of Singapore in February 1942 and
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like his own. In the aftermath of that fruitless mission, "Jawaharlal now seems to have completely abandoned ahimsa," Gandhi confided to Brother Vallabh.57 Nehru now advocated guerrilla warfare and the scorched-earth policy used by Russia against Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union, should the Japanese invade India. In Orissa, Indian communists were arming themselves and training in guerrilla tactics, while in Bengal cadres of Subhas Bose's Forward Bloc were preparing to help Japan. Nehru called on Colonel Louis Johnson, President Franklin Roosevelt's personal representative to India, on April 5, 1942, offering guerrilla support to the U.S. troops and informing him that the Congress was "ready to hitch 'India's wagon to America's Star.'"58 "Whereas we have always had differences of opinion it appears to me that now we also differ in practice," Gandhi wrote Jawaharlal when he learned this. "I feel that you are making a mistake. I see no good in American troops entering India and in our resorting to guerrilla warfare. It is my duty to caution you."59 But the United States was not going to abandon Great Britain, though Roosevelt personally favored granting India independence and urged Churchill to do so. Gandhi never approved of either American or Chinese troops in India. "We know what American aid means. ... I see no Indian freedom peeping through all this preparation for the so-called defence of India. It is a preparation pure and simple for the defence of the British Empire."60 His firm belief now was that the British should leave India in an orderly manner "to her fate."61 Asked by reporters what his call for British withdrawal would mean in terms of India's internal security, Gandhi replied: "Under my proposal, they have to leave India in God's hands, but in modern parlance to anarchy, and that anarchy may lead to internecine warfare for a time or to unrestrained dacoities. From these a true India will rise."62 Asked next what he intended to do if the British ignored his advice to leave, Gandhi explained, "I shall have to force them to go, by non-co-operation or by civil disobedience. Or it may be by both."63 Gandhi had gone to Bombay to raise money for a memorial to Charlie Andrews and in eight days collected half a million rupees with the help of Vallabhbhai and Birla, who arranged his talks to appropriate groups of businessmen. Now riots and lawlessness spread throughout mostly Muslim Sind. Gandhi advised Congress members of Karachi's assembly to resign and form a "peace brigade" to settle in the most troubled regions of the faction-riven province and risk their lives trying to persuade criminal elements to desist from murder. A day later more violent deaths occurred, no Congress members proving brave enough, some would say foolish enough, to heed his advice. On July 1, 1942, Gandhi wrote a "Dear Friend" letter to Franklin Roosevelt. Seeking to "enlist" FDR's "sympathy," he noted how much he had profited from works by Thoreau and Emerson, and how many Ameri[ 202 ]
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tempt to strip Nehru of political power. But age and physical frailty left Gandhi too weak to insist upon his proposals or to put them before the committee, of which he was no longer even a member. "You may reject them," he told Nehru, who did just that. Gandhi took the train to Bombay for the meeting of the Congress Committee on August 3, 1942, carrying with him a "confidential" draft of instructions for civil resisters. "The object of our Satyagraha is to secure the withdrawal of British rule and the attainment of independence for the whole of India. . . . Every satyagrahi should understand before joining the struggle that he is to ceaselessly carry on the struggle till independence is achieved. He should vow that he will be free or die."69 The mantra Gandhi coined was "Karega ya marega!" meaning "Do or die!" This last of his Satyagraha movements, however, came to be known as his "Quit India" movement, the catchy phrase soon shouted by Indians to every British soldier and civilian. "The Congress will be satisfied with a plebiscite or any other reasonable manner of testing public opinion . . . that is real democracy," Gandhi wrote on August 6. "The cry of 'Quit India'. .. comes not from the lips but from the aching hearts of millions."70 He was asked by the Associated Press that day if the Congress resolution meant "peace or war?" He replied: "The emphasis in any non-violent struggle ... is always on peace."71 On August 7, Gandhi addressed the All-India Congress Committee and assured them that "Britishers will have to give us freedom when we have made sufficient sacrifices and proved our strength. . . . Sardar Patel. . . said that the campaign may be over in a week. ... If it ends in a week it will be a miracle and if this happens it would mean melting the British heart."72 He also called upon Jinnah and the Muslim League to join the Congress's movement to win democratic freedom for every Indian, indeed, for all mankind. "We are aiming at a world federation in which India would be a leading unit. It can come only through non-violence."73 On August 8, 1942, the day Congress was to vote on his Satyagraha proposal, Gandhi told the News Chronicle: "I have equal love for all mankind without exception."74 That night his resolution was unanimously passed by Congress. Gandhi's last words to the Congress demanded "freedom immediately, this very night, before dawn."75 But before dawn he was arrested, together with every member of the Congress Working Committee in Bombay and fifty additional leaders. "Everyone is free to go the fullest length under ahimsa," Gandhi passionately shouted before he was driven off with Ba, Mira, Sarojini, and Mahadev to the Aga Khan's palace in Poona, where they were all incarcerated. "Satyagrahis must go out to die not to live. ... It is only when individuals go out to die that the nation will survive."76
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War behind Bars
ANDHI'S PRISON TERM in the Aga Khan's Poona palace lasted for almost two years, in many ways his most bitter, painful incarceration. Though the old palace was hardly jail, the malarial swamp on which it stood made its venue more deadly than many of British India's darkest prisons. Mahadev Desai was the first of his tiny band of faithful ashram inmates to expire there. Though Mahadev had been frail for years, fainting at times and complaining of severe headaches, he was only in his early fifties. His death on the morning of August 15, 1942, deeply depressed Gandhi. "Mahadev, Mahadev," Gandhi cried, imploring his faithful secretary's corpse to awake. "Mahadev has lived up to the 'Do or Die' mantra," Gandhi eulogized, as the corpse he had prepared was burned. "This sacrifice cannot but hasten the day of India's deliverance."1 He had written Linlithgow the day before, urging the viceroy to change policy and accept the support of Congress once India was proclaimed a free nation. "Do not disregard the pleading of one who claims to be a sincere friend of the British people," Gandhi argued. "Heaven guide you!"2 Linlithgow refused to reconsider, however, agreeing with Churchill's harsh assessment of Gandhi's "treacherous" nature. In the aftermath of Congress arrests, 250 railway stations were attacked by satyagrahis, telegraph wires cut all across Bihar and in the Eastern United Provinces, and more than a hundred police stations were burned down, with thirty policemen killed inside them. Before the end of 1942, over 60,000 Indians would be jailed, 600 flogged, and 900 officially reported as killed. Military aircraft would be used to machine-gun unarmed
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protesters in Bihar, as had hitherto been done only against armed tribals along the frontier. Many Congressmen went underground, doing as much damage as they could to rail and truck transport, British military establishments, and Allied troops stationed in India. The Quit India Satyagraha thus soon turned into a violent civil conflict, a miniwar fought mostly within north India during the remaining years of World War II. "I had thought we were friends and should still love to think so," Gandhi wrote Linlithgow on New Year's Eve 1942. "However what has happened since the 9th of August last makes me wonder."3 He then listed a series of complaints that had sorely tried his patience over the last six months. He was, of course, considering the last "remedy" available to a satyagrahi when all else had failedfast unto death. The viceroy cabled Gandhi's letter to London, and Linlithgow replied to Gandhi on January 13. "I have been profoundly depressed ... by the policy that was adopted by the Congress in August. . . . [T]hat policy gave rise ... to violence and crime . . . the burning alive of police officials, the wrecking of trains, the destruction of property."4 The viceroy asked Gandhi why he had not publicly condemned such crimes. Gandhi responded immediately: "Your letter gladdens me to find that I have not lost caste with you."5 He then countered each of Linlithgow's points with stronger charges against officialdom's repressive actions, insisting that he was constrained to be "a helpless witness" to all that was happening outside, including the starvation of millions owing to scarcity of food supplies throughout the land. Bengal's worst famine of the century, exacerbated by a lack of vehicular transport, had already taken countless lives, a number that would rise into millions by year's end. After a week of silent reflection and prayer, Gandhi set his fast to begin on February 9, 1943. He would take no solid food, only citrus juices added to water. He proposed to end the fast in less than three weeks if the government gave him "needed relief," but the viceroy's position was unchanged. He expressed "regret" in view of Gandhi's health and age at the decision to fast, adding, however, "I regard the use of a fast for political purposes as a form of political blackmail (himsa) for which there can be no moral justification."6 "You quote my previous writings on the subject against me," Gandhi responded. "You have left me no loophole for escaping the ordeal I have set before myself."7 Posterity would judge, he insisted, which of them had best served his nation and humanity. The Home Department offered to release him before he started to fast, but Gandhi refused, writing "I must not hustle the Government into a decision on this."8 Linlithgow allowed his government's best Indian heart specialist, Dr. Gilder, to be transferred to Gandhi's side, and three days into the fast permitted naturopath Dr. Dinshaw Mehta to check Gandhi's condition. Dr. B. C. Roy, Bengali leader of the Congress, was permitted to join his medical team and stayed in attend[ 206 ]
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visit his parents, suggesting to his Bapu that an Ayurvedic doctor be brought to treat his mother. So Gandhi requested permission for Dr. Mehta to be called back, as well as Vaidyaraj Shiv Sharma of Lahore. Ramdas also came and tried to get his mother released from detention, but Gandhi objected. Harilal tried to visit, but Gandhi never wished to see him again. Manilal was still living in South Africa and cabled in February to know if he should come, but Gandhi replied that he should continue working where he was. Vaidya Sharma tried every Ayurvedic remedy to no avail. Ba died on the evening of February 22, 1944. She was cremated in the same corner of the Poona palace grounds as Mahadev had been. Devdas lit the fire after Gandhi spoke briefly and prayed for his wife of sixty-three years. Gandhi was comforted at this time primarily by Manu, the young daughter of his nephew, Jaisukhlal, who had first come to live with him at the Sevagram ashram after her mother's death in 1942. She became one of his favorite "walking sticks" before his arrest and would later return to stay at his side for the last lonely years of his life. Manu had been permitted to join him shortly before Ba died, and now she remained with him. He later called her his "grand daughter." The "war" he now fought behind bars was waged in his own mind as to whether he should keep young Manu with him in detention or liberate her to pursue her education outside. "I kept thinking over the matter the whole of last night and could get no sleep," he reported, finally deciding that "we must endure our separation. You are a sensible girl. Forget your sorrow. . . . Stop crying and live cheerfully. Learn what you can after leaving the jail."13 He wrote of himself hereafter as her "mother," taking Ba's place as her closest, dearest protector. Manu was eleven at this time. He sent her off to Rajkot, where she lived with cousin Narandas Gandhi, learning accounting as well as music and studying Gujarati literature. She would never marry and would later return to Gandhi as his constant closest companion until his assassination. While Congress leaders languished behind bars, Subhas Bose's Japanese-supported Indian National Army (INA) advanced to the outskirts of Imphal. Anglo-American forces stopped Bose's INA in early May 1944, before they could cross Bengal's eastern border, where Netaji Bose would have been hailed by millions as the "liberator" of his nation. A year later, he died after his plane crashed on Formosa. On May 6, 1944, with the INA bogged down, India's new martial viceroy, Lord Wavell, felt secure enough to release his most famous prisoner and his disciples. Gandhi weighed less than one hundred pounds and was almost seventy-five years old. He and his depleted band of faithful followers were driven directly to Lady Thackersey's Poona mansion, where he was warmly welcomed with marigold garlands, nourishing juices, and the chanting of melodic mantras. He soon regained his strength, thanks to the nurturing care of his "Sister" Premlila Thackersey.
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here. I have always been a friend and servant of yours and of the whole world. Do not dismiss me."20 Jinnah replied in August, inviting Gandhi to his house for talks in early September. So Gandhi journeyed back to Bombay for the longest, most arduous summit meeting of his life, passionately seeking to forestall the vivisection of Mother India. But suffering from a tubercular lung infection, Jinnah was obliged to postpone their meeting. "May Allah grant your early and complete recovery," Gandhi replied after learning of Jinnah's fever. "I don't want you to hurry for my sake."21 Their summit began a few days later, on September 9, 1944. They conferred for over three hours. "It was a test of my patience," Gandhi reported to C. R. "However, it was a friendly talk. His contempt for your Formula and his contempt for you is staggering."22 Jinnah argued that his demand and that of his League was nothing less than Pakistan, as described in the 1940 Lahore Resolution. Gandhi had "not studied it," but promised to do so before their next meeting. Jinnah insisted that Gandhi "represented" the "Hindu Congress." But Gandhi replied that he had come only "as an individual." Jinnah was annoyed by that; he spoke as the president of the Muslim League, and if Gandhi did not represent Congress, what was the "basis" for their talk? Who was to deliver the goods? "I told him, 'Is it not worth your while to convert an individual?' . . . He said I should concede Pakistan and he would go the whole length with me. He would go to jail, he would even face bullets."23 Despite the ever-growing gulf that divided their ideologies, Gandhi and Jinnah deeply respected each other's virtues and remarkable strengths. In 1945, Jinnah told barrister Yahya Bakhtiar that "What I am afraid of is . . . Gandhi. He has brains and always tried to put me in the wrong. I have to be on guard and alert all the time."24 Both of these great leaders tried the other's powers and patience to their limits. Each man was frail, ill, and the target of fanatics and assassins in his own party; both were destined to die in 1948. Jinnah urged Gandhi to accept Pakistan "now," before the war ended. "We should come to an agreement and then go to the Government and ask them . . . force them to accept our solution," Jinnah told Gandhi on the first day of their summit. "I said I could never be a party to that. ... I agree the League is the most powerful Muslim organization. I might even concede that you as its President represent the Muslims of India, but that does not mean that all Muslims want Pakistan. Put it to the vote of all the inhabitants of the area and see."25 That was C. R.'s proposed "formula," for which Jinnah had contempt. He demanded of Gandhi "Why should you ask non-Muslims?" to which Gandhi replied: "You cannot possibly deprive a section of the population of its vote. You must carry them with you, and if you are in the majority why should you be afraid?"26 Jinnah then cross[ 210 ]
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ing Muslim majorities have to be separated according to the Lahore Resolution, the grave step of separation should be specifically placed before and approved by the people in that area."32 Jinnah replied, "It seems to me that you are labouring under some misconception of the real meaning of the word 'self-determination.' . . . [C]an you not appreciate our point of view that we claim the right of self-determination as a nation and not as a territorial unit, and that we are entitled to exercise our inherent right as a Muslim nation, which is our birth-right?"33 Gandhi's answer was, "I am unable to accept the proposition that the Muslims of India are a nation, distinct from the rest of the inhabitants of India. Mere assertion is no proof. The consequences of accepting such a proposition are dangerous in the extreme. Once the principle is admitted there would be no limit to claims for cutting up India . . . which would spell India's ruin."34 Announcing the final breakdown of their talks, Gandhi told the press he was "convinced that Mr. Jinnah is a good man," but "he is suffering from hallucination when he imagines that an unnatural division of India could bring either happiness or prosperity to the people concerned."35
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No Peace
HAT IS A WAR CRIMINAL?" Gandhi responded to a Western reporter on the eve of the war's end. "Was not war itself a crime against God and humanity and, therefore, were not all those who . . . conducted wars, war criminals? . . . Roosevelt and Churchill are no less war criminals than Hitler and Mussolini."1 He saw little hope for peace through the United Nations, born in San Francisco that April of 1945, and was unwilling to journey west to teach the "art of peace" to America. He felt challenged to the limits of his waning strength in his quest to bring peace to India. Viceroy Wavell tried to lure Congress and Muslim League leaders into his administration, thereby launching the last phase of Britain's devolution of power prior to granting independence. His broadcast in mid-June 1945, unveiling the plan he'd been hatching since his appointment, revealed his political naivete. He proposed a new Executive Council with an equal number of "caste Hindus and Muslims," functioning under the 1935 Constitution. Under his plan only the viceroy and commander in chief would remain Englishmen. Wavell wired his first invitation to Gandhi, who responded with the disclaimer that he represented "no institution." Nonetheless, Wavell urged him to join his Simla Conference, and Gandhi agreed. His acceptance wire, however, informed the viceroy that there were "no caste and casteless Hindus" who were "politically minded" and insisted that Congress alone represented "all Indians." Gandhi urged Wavell to invite Maulana Azad, president of the Congress, and told Azad to convene a Working Committee meeting in Bombay. So, by the eve of the Simla Conference, Gandhi was
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back in harness as the force behind Congress, despite his repeated disclaimers of power or influence. Viceregal wires energized Gandhi. He felt much stronger since meeting with Jinnah and started talking again about his much earlier expressed desire to live for 125 years. "That should be everybody's life-span."2 He met Vallabhbhai Patel in Panchgani, a hill station near Poona, where they rested for a few days before journeying on together to Bombay to meet with the Congress Working Committee there on June 22. In Britain, general elections that July brought an end to Churchill's power. Labour's Clement Attlee moved into 10 Downing Street, and Gandhi's old vegetarian friend, Lord Pethick-Lawrence, took control of Whitehall as secretary of state for India. Bengal-born British communist R. Palme Dutt ditched former Tory secretary Leo Amery for the House of Commons seat in Birmingham, and Nehru's close friend Krishna Menon and L. S. E. professor Harold Laski became deputy chairs of the Labour party. Labour's victory brought Congress aspirations and demands for Swaraj from the remote realm of dreams to imminent realization. Wavell's conference was thus overtaken on the eve of its start by the swiftness of political change in London. Nonetheless, the Simla show went on as planned. Gandhi was greeted en route there by "crowds at every station, delirious and deaf with love or joy."3 He immediately met the viceroy and remained in the salubrious summer capital of the British Raj until mid-July 1945. Nehru arrived a week after Gandhi did and tried without success to reach agreement with Jinnah on a power-sharing formula. Jinnah refused to negotiate with Azad, whom he called a "show-boy" Muslim. Wavell soon viewed Jinnah's intransigence as "the main stumbling-block" to agreement.4 By remaining aloof at Simla, Gandhi conserved his strength and permitted Nehru to return to Congress's center stage a year before he reclaimed its presidency from Azad. Wavell liked Nehru better than either Gandhi or Jinnah, viewing him initially at least as "an idealist. . . straight and honest."5 Gandhi, Nehru, and every member of the Congress deputation in Simla blamed Jinnah's refusal to allow any Congress Muslim to join the viceroy's council for the conference failure. But Gandhi also believed "that the deeper cause is perhaps the reluctance of the official world to part with power."6 A special train transported him back to Wardha, stopping briefly at Agra Cantonment station to allow him to address a student crowd gathered to await him there. "Study and work for the country's freedom" was his brief message. From there he went to Poona with Vallabhbhai Patel, where they were both treated for various digestive tract ills by Dr. Dinshaw Mehta. Gandhi long suffered from amoebic dysentery and hookworm, Patel from constant intestinal blockage and prostate problems. The Congress Working Committee set its meeting in Bombay in September of 1945 to al[ 214 ]
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low both patients to attend. Nehru joined them at Mehta's clinic before the meeting started in mid-September. Gandhi proceeded to Bombay but was too weak from an attack of influenza to attend the Congress meeting. After talking for hours with Nehru, both in Poona and Bombay, Gandhi wrote to him about "the sharp difference of opinion that has arisen between us." Gandhi reaffirmed his own faith in everything he had written thirty-five years ago in Hind Swaraj, and wrote of how troubled he was by Jawaharlal's rejection of virtually all he believed. "I believe that if India, and through India the world, is to achieve real freedom," Gandhi informed Nehru, "we shall have to go and live in the villagesin huts, not in palaces. Millions of people can never live in cities and palaces ... in peace. Nor can they do so by killing one another, that is, by resorting to violence and untruth."7 His "ideal village" still only existed "in my imagination," Gandhi conceded. Nonetheless he outlined its noble virtues and characteristics: "In this village of my dreams the villager will not be dull. . . . He will not live like an animal in filth and darkness. Men and women will live in freedom. . . . There will be no plague, no cholera and no smallpox. Everyone will have to do body labour." He passionately confessed his dream to Nehru, knowing that Jawaharlal was young enough and strong enough to carry it to fruition in freedom after the British left. They disagreed on many things, but "we both live only for India's freedom," Gandhi told the man destined to be prime minister. "Though I aspire to live up to 125 years rendering service, I am nevertheless an old man, while you are comparatively young. That is why I have said that you are my heir. ... I should at least understand my heir and my heir in turn should understand me."8 Nehru was eager to oust the British by force, if they lacked sense enough to leave quickly. That October in Bombay, Nehru called upon a cheering crowd to "prepare" for the last "battle for freedom."9 Amrit told Cripps that Gandhi alone could keep India's masses nonviolent, but he had less control over Congress youth ready to fight at the behest of Nehru. The British now made the political mistake of bringing captured officers of Bose's Indian National Army to trial for treason in Delhi's Red Fort. Nehru led their defense in a flamboyant trial, rousing popular revolutionary fervor among Delhi's Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, since all three religions were represented by the INA defendants. Wavell feared that Nehru might try to use Netaji Bose's popular militant mantra, Jai Hind! ("Victory to India") to rouse his former troops in support of Congress's demands for the more rapid transfer of power. Hindu-Muslim rioting rocked the slums of North India's most crowded cities, from Bombay to Calcutta, as preparations began for national assembly elections scheduled to start in December. Gandhi journeyed to Calcutta in December of 1945 to meet with Bengal's governor Richard Casey, one of the brightest British administrators. As
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governor, Casey had encouraged schemes for river water conservation throughout Bengal, employing millions of idle workers, raising rice enough to feed that recently famine-stricken province. Gandhi now advised Casey to focus on hand spinning rather than longer-range schemes, advocating the immediate employment of peasants who had nothing to do for at least half the year. Gandhi also urged the release of all political prisoners now that the war was over and independence was near at hand. Casey had the good sense to act upon much of Gandhi's advice. On Christmas Eve, Gandhi wrote "Dear Friend" Casey to urge him for "humanitarian" reasons to cancel the salt tax, but the governor wasn't quite ready to go so far.10 Gandhi no longer delivered long speeches "[n]ow that I am old," but softly prayed at his evening meetings, which in Bengal were often attended by more than 100,000 people. "I experience supreme peace here," Gandhi confessed to his worshipful admirers. "Is it not enough that we should cheerfully shoulder the burden of the small tasks that fall to our lot?"11 But in 1946 Gandhi's tasks became much larger. Britain's Labour government geared up to transfer its power over India. In January, a British parliamentary delegation led by Robert Richards arrived in India. Elections held throughout British India in December of 1945 proved how powerful a force Jinnah's Muslim League had become, sweeping all thirty separate Muslim seats in the Central Assembly, while the Congress only won fiftyfive of the general seats, four less than it had held before. In Delhi the parliamentary delegation heard as many loud shouts of "Pakistan Zindabad!" ("Victory to Pakistan!") as of Bose's battle cry "Jai Hind!" Jinnah assured his joyous followers that "Pakistan" would soon "be at your feet."12 Communal conflicts continued to escalate in Bengal, yet Gandhi optimistically advised Hindu friends: "We can achieve everything by love. Love can never be impatient nor can it ever be angry. If you behave with Muslim brethren in this spirit their anger will go."13 He scheduled a meeting with the Aga Khan to discuss Hindu-Muslim problems in Bombay or Poona in February. In late January of 1946, Gandhi left by train for Madras where Agatha and C. R. were waiting to join him in celebrating the silver jubilee of South India's Hindi Language Society. There he urged every Tamil Indian to learn Hindi, soon to be India's national language. He also appealed for money for his Harijan Fund and called for total abolition of untouchability. In Madras, he met Richards and the other members of his British parliamentary delegation, urging them to lobby in London for India's freedom and for immediate release of all political prisoners. In Madras he told students and teachers that "truth and non-violence were really more powerful than the atom bomb." Gandhi spoke and wrote passionately of the dreadful destruction caused by that bomb, hoping India would never be "so foolish" as to rely upon such weapons of mass destruction. "Do I still adhere to my faith in truth and non-violence? Has not the atom bomb exploded that
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faith?" he asked in his revived Harijan. "Not only has it not done so but it has clearly demonstrated to me that the twins constitute the mightiest force in the world. Before it the atom bomb is of no effect."14 His faith in twins Satya and Ahimsa had never been stronger. By February 1946, famine threatened much of India, at a time when the entire world's stock of food grains was severely depleted. Wavell invited Gandhi to New Delhi, hoping to persuade him to meet with Jinnah and himself so that all three of them could sign a national appeal against hoarding or wasting food. Gandhi was, however, unwilling to join what he considered Britain's "same old game of parity between Hindus and Muslims."15 So the viceroy sent his secretary George Abell to Sevagram to try to change Gandhi's mind. Abell was pleased to find Gandhi "more friendly" than he'd anticipated and to learn that he'd already written an article for Harijan that mostly met Wavell's requirements. Abell urged a stronger statement and persuaded Gandhi to agree to a number of things he wrote down against wasteful use of food grains and "criminally wicked" hoarding.16 Gandhi advised that the viceroy immediately install a national government ready to cope with the anticipated disaster, which Abell admitted wouldn't be easy since they must first try to get the Muslim League to join, as well as the Congress.17 Before month's end, Gandhi urged Abell to put the Indian army to "constructive" antifamine work, digging wells where most urgently needed. He also pointed out the potential for growing more food by turning all public gardens into vegetable plots and distributing such food through cooperative societies. Foodstuffs in military warehouses should be "released forthwith" to starving people, and bribery as well as hoarding must be repressed with impartial vigor.18 Gandhi promised Vallabhbhai to join him in Bardoli in late February, but shortly before, on February 18, 1946, India's first naval mutiny "strike"erupted in Bombay harbor, aboard the Indian Navy's cruiser Talwar. Young nationalist mutineers, excited by reports of Bose's rebel army "heroes," and Nehru's ardent defense of those charged with "treason" in the Red Fort trial, took control of India's largest naval vessel, hauling down its Union Jack and raising India's tricolor in its place, pointing their ship's big guns at the city. Congress quickly sent its strongest troubleshooter, Vallabhbhai Patel, to deal with that crisis. Patel firmly called on the mutineers to surrender, before a British naval cruiser, Glasgow, reached Bombay. "To what a pass have things come!" Gandhi commiserated with Brother Vallabh. "I hope you are well."19 He was very much relieved a few days later when the mutineers all listened to Sardar Patel and peacefully surrendered. "They were badly advised," wrote Gandhi. "They were thoughtless and ignorant, if they believed that by their might they would deliver India from foreign domination."20
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Gearing up to transfer its imperial power to India, Prime Minister Clement Attlee's Labour Cabinet appointed a troika of its ministers, Pethick-Lawrence, Stafford Cripps and A. V. Alexander, to undertake Britain's final Cabinet Mission to India. "My colleagues are going to India with the intention of using their utmost endeavours to help her attain . . . freedom as speedily and fully as possible," the prime minister announced in mid-March.21 India herself would have to choose her future situation and position in the world, Attlee explained to Britain's House of Commons. He hoped India would decide to remain within the British Commonwealth. The Cabinet Mission reached India on March 23, 1946, the sixth anniversary of the Muslim League's Lahore resolution, celebrated by Muslims as "Pakistan Day." Cripps met with Jinnah on March 30, finding him "reasonable but completely firm on Pakistan."22 The troika all met Gandhi three days later. He began by urging them to abolish the salt tax. Briefing them on his recent talks with Jinnah, he told them that "Jinnah is sincere but his logic is utterly at fault," but then advised them to invite Jinnah to "form the first Government and choose its personnel."23 The Cabinet Mission was not willing to take his advice any more than Mountbatten would be a year later. They later opted instead to ask Nehru, considered by Attlee as well as Cripps to be India's best potential prime minister due to his Harrow-Cambridge sophistication, brilliance, and charm. Pethick-Lawrence thanked Gandhi for coming to help them in their mission and expressed "penitence" for Britain's many "misdeeds in the past."24 Though Gandhi met with the Cabinet Mission as often as they wished and did his best to assist them to reach their painfully delayed decision and devise their final formula, his primary passion and interest at this time was to teach nature cure therapy to India's impoverished villagers. His recent prolonged stay with Vallabhbhai at Dr. Mehta's clinic had reignited his old interest in naturopath cures. He now purchased the clinic from Dr. Mehta, holding it in trust for "poor" patients, but impoverished villagers could hardly afford to leave their fields unattended to come for treatment to Poona. So Gandhi decided to go to them, choosing first the neighboring Maharashtrian village of Uruli for this experiment. "Why have I got involved in nature cure in the evening of my life?" he wrote about his decision in Harijan. "Was I not too old to take up new things? . . . The still small voice within me whispers: 'Why bother about what others say? . . . You have confidence in your capacity. ... If you hide this talent and do not make use of it, you will be as a thief.'"25 As long as he pursued his reborn passion for nature cures with "perfect detachment," he believed that his work would help him to live 125 years, since the primary goal of ancient India's Ayurvedic medicine was to prolong life. Gandhi's universal cure for every sickness was prayer, primarily repeti[ 218 ]
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tion of Lord Rama's name, which he always found salubrious. His inner voice told him that by helping to cure others he would ensure greater longevity to himself. His remedies in addition to constant prayer varied, as reflected in the careful records he kept of individual illnesses. He kept records of the remedies: For Vithabai he prescribed "sun-bath in the nude, followed by a hip-bath and a friction-bath in cold water."26 For Hira: "She should chew fruit and. . . . mud-poultice on the abdomen." For Arjun, "Urine will pass regularly, if he is seated in hot and cold water by turns." Salu: "She should be given sun-bath even in this heat." Hirunana: "Fruit-juices for two days: then . . . [s]un-bath, hip-bath and friction-bath." For himself, Gandhi kept his second young "walking-stick" Abha with him throughout his village work. Abha's young husband, Kanu, was Gandhi's greatnephew, who remained too busy in Sevagram to join his wife as their Mahatma's helper. "I like my new occupation," Gandhi wrote Kanu. "Abha has been a good girl these days; she remains cheerful."27 For most of April, Gandhi stayed in Valmiki Mandir ("Temple") on the outskirts of Delhi's Harijan Bhangi-sweeper's quarter, keeping himself available to Pethick-Lawrence and Cripps whenever they called for him. He also met with Congress comrades, spun, and practiced his nature cures on Harijans. Thanks to his friend and patron Birla he had a telephone and electricity wired into the temple, as well as clean drinking water and a bathtub. He never missed his full massage, which Abha usually gave him, or his evening bath, part of his own nature cure therapy. Congress's Working Committee met in Delhi that month and elected Nehru its next president. Attlee's three "Wise Men" worked around the clock through mid-May, finally agreeing upon a three-tiered scheme of confederation that would allow Britain to transfer its powers to a single, weak central government of India, under whose loose authority were to be powerful "groups" of provinces, essentially the Muslim majority provinces later to comprise "Pakistan," the rest being most of British India's Hindumajority provinces. Those "groups" would enjoy virtual autonomy over most matters of government influencing the lives of their predominantly Muslim and Hindu populations. Within each of the group clusters the individual old British Indian provinces would remain with provincial assemblies, free to vote to change their "group" allegiance after five or ten years, should they opt to do so, based on provincial plebiscites. It was a brilliant confederal scheme, primarily drafted by Cripps, which would potentially have saved South Asia most of the slaughter and hatred that accompanied partition. The Cabinet Mission moved up to Simla in May. Gandhi was invited to join them but initially refused. When Cripps pressed him, however, he finally requested government quarters for his entourage of fifteen, and noted his special food requirements, which included a goat, for his daily quota of
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milk. The official Simla residence, "Chadwick," was properly prepared by government for Gandhi's entourage, provisioned as he required. But soon after moving into that spacious mansion, Gandhi spent "half a day" searching anxiously for a small pencil he used to write notes and letters, which were not dictated to one of his secretaries. "I am very conservative in my feelings," he confessed to Agatha Harrison, trying to explain why he desperately needed that "small bit of pencil which had been with me for a long time. I could not reconcile myself to its loss."28 Gandhi had become a villager in more ways than the spare simplicity of his attire. His life so fully integrated with nature's daily routine and seasons was unsettled by the speed with which he'd been "lifted" from central India's scorching May heat to Himalayan heights and cool breezes. He felt "grieved" by the "immorality prevalent among the people of Simla," Anglo-India's official playground-on-high for all who sought escape from India's crowded misery. Gandhi's old pencil was a familiar reminder of his true identity, a tiny anchor he needed now to help steady his fingers, to center his soul, suddenly swept away from its village moorings, flying too high too swiftly to this wasteland of luxury. Gandhi soon sent most of his entourage back to Delhi, resolving to carry on in Simla virtually alone, keeping only young Sudhir Ghosh, his liaison to the viceroy, and Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, who stayed with him in Chadwick. By mid-May, the Simla talks stalled, halted by the familiar deadlock between Congress and the League and, restless and lonely, Gandhi decided to return to Delhi. From Delhi he wrote Amrit, "Of course I miss you and do not."29 Sushila Nayar joined him in Delhi as did Abha. No agreement could be reached between Congress and the League, so the Cabinet Mission issued its own plan on May 16, of which Gandhi warmly approved. The three-tiered confederal constitution would give Muslims most of their Pakistan demand, while saving South Asia from the tragedy of partition. "It contained the seed to convert this land of sorrow into one without sorrow and suffering,"30 Gandhi told his prayer meeting that evening in Delhi. The "alternative" as the mission's report rightly warned would be "a grave danger of violence, chaos, and even civil war."31 The strong second-tier "groups of Provinces" were the creative key in the Cabinet Mission's plan, which as its authors cautiously explained would have to be accepted in its entirety in order to work properly. Gandhi's enthusiastic positive response to the mission's proposal was not seconded by Nehru, who only read its strong "Pakistan" grouping as further proof of British divide and rule duplicity. Nehru, moreover, was now not only the president-elect of Congress, but also prime minister-inwaiting of India. On the eve of the Cabinet Mission's arrival in Delhi, fiftyeight-year-old widower Nehru had flown off to Singapore, where he met with royal Lord Louis Mountbatten and his flamboyant forty-four-year-old
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wife, Lady Edwina Ashley Mountbatten. For Jawaharlal and Edwina, whom Nehru helped to lift from the floor of Singapore's St. John Ambulance Welfare Center onto which she had fallen, it was love at first sight.32 She had read and adored his autobiography, sharing his socialist ideas and his compassionate concerns for India's impoverished masses. Lord Mountbatten, soon to replace Wavell as India's next (and last) viceroy, also immediately admired Nehru, whose formal education, charm, and English accent matched his own. Nehru viewed the Cabinet Mission's plan as too generous to Jinnah's demands and rushed in frustration from sweltering Delhi to the cooler air of Kashmir after it was announced. Gandhi left Delhi for the hills of Mussoorie on May 28 and returned on June 9 to attend a Working Committee meeting to decide on Congress's list of potential ministers for the viceroy's new interim cabinet. Jinnah insisted that the Cabinet be composed of five Muslim League ministers, five "Hindus" from the Congress, an additional Sikh, and a Christian or AngloIndian. Congress refused to surrender its right to select a Muslim, like Azad, which Gandhi informed Wavell "was a point of honour with Congressmen."33 So India's unity shattered on the adamantine rock of a single "Muslim member," insisted on by Nehru and Congress, unacceptable to Jinnah and his League. Gandhi, for all his wisdom, was impotent to break the deadlock. To "Dear Friend" Pethick-Lawrence, sick and very tired by now of India, Gandhi wrote "that it will be wrong on my part if I advise the Congress to wait indefinitely until the Viceroy has formed the Interim Government or throws up the sponge in despair. Despair he must, if he expects to bring into being a coalition Government between two incompatibles."34 When Agatha, Horace Alexander, and Sudhir Ghosh all read that letter, Gandhi's honest assessment of the impossibility of reconciling Congress and the League to joining an interim united government on the eve of independence, they urged him not to send it, fearing the negative impact it could have on Attlee's Cabinet. Though he pocketed that letter, Gandhi wrote Cripps in mid-June, advising him not to "choose" between "the Muslim League and the Congress, both your creations."35 Cripps's health had also broken down, and Gandhi advised him to return to England. But Sir Stafford was not quite ready to pack up, determined "to leave nothing undone which may help a solution of the difficult problems here."36 He could not yet bring himself to see he had failed a second time in less than half a decade to break the Hindu-Muslim deadlock. "The Mission . . . have done their best. But the best falls far short of India's needs," Gandhi told Norman Cliff on the eve of the troika's departure. "India is being robbed of millions of pounds by Britain."37 He feared that Britain's entrenched Indian civil service was working "to torpedo" every decent proposal to expedite the transfer of power, as soon as the Cabinet Mission flew home on June 29. At his first press conference after resuming his presidency of the Con[ 221 ]
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gress in early July 1946, Nehru insisted that Congress would enter the forthcoming Constituent Assembly "completely unfettered by agreements and free to meet all situations as they arise." This was a blatant repudiation of the Cabinet Mission's plan, especially the virtual autonomy promised to the groups of provinces, without which Jinnah's League would have rejected, instead of having accepted, the plan. When Jinnah read the press reports of Nehru's statement, he was outraged, calling on the Muslim League to prepare for "direct action," bidding "good-bye to constitutions and constitutional methods."38 Gandhi was almost equally surprised at his "heir's" impulsive behavior. "If it is correctly reported, some explanation is needed," Bapu wrote to Jawaharlal. "It must be admitted that we have to work within the limits of the State Paper. ... If we do not admit even this much . . . Jinnah Saheb's accusation will prove true."39 But Nehru refused to retract a single word he said, not fearing Jinnah's threats and not caring for Bapu's anxiety. "A great many things seem to be slipping out of the hands of the Congress," Gandhi sadly reported to Brother Vallabh in late July.40 Violence had been rampant for the past week in Ahmedabad, a post strike had spread through Bombay, and Harijans as well as Muslims ignored the pleas of Congress for peace. Gandhi called for "senseless disorder" to end, pleading with Dr. Ambedkar to call off the Satyagraha he'd launched against all business in Bombay. Disorder was not conducive to independence, Gandhi insisted, and made many British officials shake their heads in amazement. On August 16, 1946, Calcutta turned into a killing field, starting in Maniktolla, where mobs of Muslims, responding to the League's proclamation of direct action, butchered neighboring Hindus, who retaliated on the next day. For four days and nights, the city was a scene of continuous communal slaughter that claimed the lives of four hundred, left thousands wounded, and made tens of thousands homeless. The underworld of India's most populous city took unfettered control, as all of Calcutta's police and soldiers stayed home on officially proclaimed holiday or slept in their barracks. Congress blamed Muslim League Chief Minister H. S. Suhrawardy for having proclaimed August 16 a holiday and the viceroy for having failed to call out the troops. Eleven days after the Calcutta killing started, Wavell met with Nehru and Gandhi and told them that what he had seen could only be avoided elsewhere "by some lessening of communal tension" through coalition governments.41 He urged them to reopen negotiations with Jinnah. Gandhi and Nehru believed, however, that Wavell himself was to blame and had to be replaced. Gandhi wired Sudhir Ghosh in London, asking him so to inform Pethick-Lawrence and Attlee of Congress's lack of confidence in the viceroy. Sudhir met at once with the old secretary of state, whose response was "rather sticky," but two days later Sudhir spoke to Attlee, who showed "more understanding."42 The prime minister brought the
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matter before his entire Cabinet and appointed a new viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, within the year. Gandhi felt obliged to remain in Delhi, but was so sick over the murderous Calcutta riots that he chose to remain silent, words failing him. A few days later he wrote in Harijan: "If through deliberate courage the Hindus had died to a man, that would have been deliverance of Hinduism and India and purification of Islam in this land. As it was, a third party had to intervene ... to still mutual savagery. "43 He urged all the new ministers of the interim government, led by Nehru, sworn in by Wavell on September 1, 1946, to "ever seek to attain communal harmony."44 Vallabhbhai Patel was put in charge of Home Affairs, which gave him control over India's police. Nehru kept External and Commonwealth Affairs portfolios himself. "The way to Purna Swaraj has at last been opened," Gandhi announced, but his optimism was overtaken by the chaos and violence spreading its poison throughout India. Rioting rocked Bihar and deadly stabbings became daily occurrences in Delhi. Most passengers considered it unnecessary to buy train tickets and simply jumped aboard for long journeys. Looting, arson, and murder were rampant in the central provinces as well as in Bihar. In Jubbulpore, Hindu fanatics, shouting "Death to Christians," attacked actors, whose play ended with a prayerful hymn to Jesus. "We have gone completely mad," Gandhi wrote to a sadly depressed disciple.45 Still, he strongly objected to Congress ministers calling upon the army and police to break up striking workers or stop protestors, arguing that would only "admit" Congress's "impotence." But every evening Gandhi prayed that Nehru and Jinnah would agree to cooperate in running the interim government and work together to stop the slaughter, hunger, corruption, and black marketing. Deadly floods now ravaged Assam, and in Eastern Bengal there was greater violence caused by human intolerance. While in Delhi, Gandhi learned that the small Hindu community of Noakhali District had come under assault from Muslim neighbors and women were being abducted and converted to Islam. So, on the eve of what was to have been his return to Sevagram, Gandhi resolved that God wanted him to go to Bengal. Some of those who heard his protests, denouncing that "tarnishing" of Bengal's "fair name," asked Gandhi why he did not fast to stop such communal madness. "There is no inner call," he replied. "Let people call me a coward if they please. I have faith that when the hour arrives God will give me the strength."46 Two weeks after he turned seventy-seven, Gandhi resolved to undertake his first pilgrimage to Noakhali in Eastern Bengal, determined to walk alone through that district's sea of blood, seeking by his act of passionate self-sacrifice to stop its deadly flow.
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HAVE COME to stay here with you as one of you," Gandhi told Bengali refugees gathered at Laksham Junction. "I have vowed to myself that I will stay on here and die here if necessary, but I will not leave Bengal till the hatchet is finally buried and even a solitary Hindu girl is not afraid to move freely about in the midst of Mussalmans."1 On the eve of his Noakhali pilgrimage, Gandhi was told of murderous riots by Bihar's Hindu majority against Muslims in "retaliation" for the attacks against Hindu women in Eastern Bengal. "Bihar of my dreams seems to have falsified them," he wrote just before leaving Calcutta for his rural pilgrimage. "A bad act of one party is no justification for a similar act by the opposing party."2 Bengal's Chief Minister Suhrawardy had intended to accompany Gandhi to Noakhali but was detained by urgent business in Calcutta; he sent his Labour minister to facilitate Gandhi's journey. They traveled East initially by rail and boat, stopping to allow Gandhi to talk with refugees and villagers along the way. "Let us turn our wrath against ourselves," he told Hindus gathered to hear him at every stop.3 His mantra for this pilgrimage was "Do or Die." He anticipated months of walking from village to wounded village to impart hope and courage to all who saw and heard him and witnessed his unarmed, intrepid bravery. "The work here may perhaps be my last," he confessed to Brother Vallabh. "If I survive this, it will be a new life for me. My non-violence is being tested here in a way it has never been tested before."4 Gandhi resolved to live in Muslim villages, attended only by his Bengali-speaking interpreter N. K. Bose and his secretary, Parasuram. Abha had come with him to Bengal, but not to the villages, and young Manu fell
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ill shortly before he left Delhi obliging her temporarily to remain at home. In each village Gandhi tried to establish a Peace Committee, comprised of at least one Hindu and one Muslim. He taught them Satyagraha and the values of Ahimsa. He prayed with them and told them of his early experiences in rural Bihar and of his struggles in South Africa, where most of his followers were Muslims. "War results when peace fails. Our effort must always be directed towards peace, but it must be peace with honour and fair security for life and property."5 Back in Delhi, Nehru urged Wavell to convene India's Constituent Assembly in December. Jinnah refused, however, to join it, and Gandhi rejected Nehru's appeal to him to return to the capital, determined to do or die in Bengal. Nehru, sick of arguing with Wavell, after having thought no less than "fifty times" of resigning from the viceroy's council, accepted Attlee's invitation to London in early December 1946.6 Jinnah was also invited, going with Liaquat Ali Khan who became Pakistan's first prime minister. Nehru took his soon-to-be Sikh Minister of Defense Baldev Singh to London, rather than Vallabhbhai Patel, with whom he never felt at ease. The brief summit in London did not bring Nehru and Jinnah any closer, however. So Nehru flew home to convene India's Constituent Assembly on December 9, 1946, in the circular central hall of New Delhi's new Parliament House, all the Muslim League seats on the floor of which remained ominously empty. Gandhi felt that in view of the Muslim League's "boycott," the Constituent Assembly should not have met.7 He rightly anticipated that the Delhi meeting without the League was an admission of Pakistan's anticipated reality and only underscored the demise of India's unity. Nor was his pilgrimage through Noakhali successful. "In spite of all my efforts exodus continues and very few persons have returned to their villages," he informed Suhrawardy.8 With most Muslim murderers still free, fearful peasants did not dare to return to their despoiled huts. Gandhi recommended an impartial official inquiry. To Agatha, he wrote, "I have never been in such darkness as I am in today. ... It is due to my limitations. My faith in ahimsa has never burned brighter and yet I feel that there is something wanting in my technique."9 He believed that there was a mysterious key and searched for the method of perfect self-purification and suffering to stop all killing, to turn hatred into love. Manu was now quite well and most eager to join him. "I consider you silly," Bapu responded playfully. "You have received education but learnt no wisdom. I do not, however, wish to point out your faults. I will do so and pull your ears when you come here."10 He agreed to allow Manu to be brought to him by her father, insisting that Jaisukhlal could "leave Manu with me on condition that she would stay with me till the end."11 Manu felt nervous about what the "others" might say if they learned that she was
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sleeping alone with her " Mother "-Bapu. But Gandhi reassured her, promising that he would see to it nobody "harassed" her, and that she would be "perfectly safe." Nirmal Bose, who stayed with him, noted how strangely Gandhi behaved shortly before Manu came. Sushila Nayar had joined him in mid-December, insisting she alone knew how to take care of him, and Bose was awakened after three in the morning by loud voices, Gandhi's shouting and Sushila's "anguished cry." Then Bose heard "two slaps" followed by "a heavy sob."12 "At night while reading Bapu's diary," Sushila recalled, "I read 'I had a curious dream.' I casually asked him what it was. He did not say ... At three o'clock the next morning, I woke up with the noise of Bapu jumping in bed. He said he was very cold and was taking exercise to warm up. After that, he asked me if I was awake and started telling me of his curious dream. ... I could see that he was getting worked up. So ... I walked away. Suddenly I heard him slap his forehead. I rushed back and stopped him."13 Gandhi tried to convince Bose that he had "slapped himself," not Sushila. "I am not a Mahatma," Gandhi told a prayer gathering in Srirampur village the next day. "I am an ordinary mortal like you all and I am strenuously trying to practice ahimsa. Today I lost my temper."14 "Don't hide even a single thought from me," Gandhi told Manu three days later. "Have it engraved in your heart that whatever I ask or say will be solely for your good. . . . You will play your full role in this great sacrifice even though you are foolish."15 That night he awoke at 12.30 A.M. "Woke up Manu at 12.45 A.M. Made her understand about her dharma," he reported in his diary. "She could still change her mind, but once having taken the plunge she would have to run the risks. She remained steadfast."16 Next morning he walked "double the usual distance," but felt no fatigue. The following night he woke up at 1.30 A.M. and worked by candlelight until prayer time. A day later, his Monday of silence, Gandhi wrote to Bose: "I do not know what God is doing to me or through me."17 He asked Bose to walk over to Sushila's village to report what he had written in his diary, thus remained entirely alone with Manu, whom he affectionately called by her diminutive Manudi. "Manudi is very well," he wrote her father. "She is giving me satisfaction."18 On Christmas Day he dictated a letter to Brother Vallabh at 3 A.M., thanks to Manu: "I allowed her to come and stay with me. ... And now I am dictating this to her, lying with my eyes closed so as to avoid strain."19 He reported how difficult and problematic the "situation" remained. "Truth is nowhere to be found.... [H]einous crimes are committed in the name of religion." He was, nonetheless, "very happy" and considered his health "excellent."20 Manudi's presence and support proved salubrious to her Bapu. She "alone" was now with him, "and does all work for me." Nehru and Acharya Kripalani, newly elected president of the Congress
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came to visit Gandhi on December 28 and remained with him until December 30. They arrived at midnight, two hours after Gandhi had fallen asleep. Manu had transferred Gandhi's commode and hand basin to Nehru's hut for Jawaharlal's convenience. When Nehru later learned of it, he reprimanded her. "Bapu gave orders," she explained. "You could tell him that Jawaharlal forbade you,"21 Nehru replied. Nehru told Gandhi about the growing rift between Congress and the League and of the latest Cabinet stalemate resulting from Finance Member Liaquat Ali Khan's refusal to approve any expenditure or accept any budget. Gandhi wrote a memo to the Working Committee expressing his belief that it was still best to leave the Constituent Assembly until Jinnah's League was persuaded to join it. "I feel that my judgment about the communal problems and the political situation is true," Gandhi wrote to warn Nehru the morning Jawaharlal left, rightly fearing that Congress's course was headed for partition and its disasters.22 "If the Hindus and Muslims cannot live side by side in brotherly love in Noakhali, they will not be able to do so over the whole of India, and Pakistan will be the inevitable result," Gandhi told his prayer meeting on New Year's Eve. "India will be divided, and if India is divided she will be lost for ever."23 He well knew from all Nehru had told him that "today mine is a cry in the wilderness. But I repeat that there is no salvation for India except through the way of truth, non-violence, courage and love." His passionate faith in Ahimsa thus continued to grow, as he delved deeper into his brahmacharya yogic experiments. Gandhi's typist and shorthand secretary, Parasuram, resigned on New Year's day 1947. He was shocked to find Gandhi sleeping naked with Manu. She also bathed and massaged his naked body, finding nothing wrong in doing anything Bapu asked of her. Gandhi insisted that he was never aroused when he slept beside her, or next to Sushila or Abha. He felt only as a "Mother" to these most intimate disciple-helpers. "I am sorry," Gandhi replied to Parasuram. "You are at liberty to leave me today."24 He woke that morning at 2 A.M. "God's grace alone is sustaining me," he confided to his diary. "I can see there is some grave defect in me somewhere which is the cause of all this. All around me is utter darkness."25 He woke Manu, telling her "to remain alert and wide awake." Pyarelal reported that he muttered to himself: "There must be some serious flaw deep down in me which I am unable to discover . . . could I have missed my way?"26 He walked four miles from Srirampur to Chandipur barefoot, reaching his destination before 9 A.M. Twenty gun-bearing military police traveled just ahead of him to be sure that no robbers lurked beside the overgrown paths. He spoke in each village to men, women, and children unafraid to come forward and offered them reassurance, urging them to pray and to be brave enough to be ready to die rather than to run away. Wherever he
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went, many houses had been looted, burned down, and left in rubble, testimony to the savagery of last year's riots. Leaning heavily on Manu's shoulder with his left hand, holding his walking stick in his right, Gandhi was wearied more by the violent scars he witnessed than the one to five miles he walked daily. By January 4 in Kazirbazar, he feared that attendance at his prayer meetings was so swiftly dwindling that one day soon he would be left "without any audience."27 Mira, who ran her own ashram for sick cows in the north, heard from Parasuram of their break. She expressed alarm at what she heard. "Everything depends upon one's purity in thought, word and deed," Gandhi replied. "We often use the word 'purity' and excuse all sorts of lapses. Do not ever worry how I am faring or what I am doing here. If I succeed in emptying myself utterly, God will possess me. Then I know that everything will come true but it is a serious question when I shall have reduced myself to zero."28 Rajendra Prasad also heard, tactfully suggesting that it would be better for Gandhi to ask his grandnephew Kanu to take Manu's place. "It is futile to worry," Bapu replied to his friend. "Manu has come of her own accord. She was keen to come only to work under me and I agreed to it and she is working with zest. She is not as capable as Kanu, but where faith and purity exist talent and strength must follow."29 Ramdas also heard, and was worried about his father. "Don't at all worry," Bapu replied. "Manu has taken up a lot of work and ... I have asked her to write about her sharing the bed with me."30 He still felt himself surrounded by "darkness," fearing that might indicate "a flaw" in his "method." He was scrupulously truthful enough, and passionately introspective enough to ask of his son, "Could it be that I am nurturing only weakness in the name of nonviolence!"31 Gandhi was testing the "truth" of his faith in the fire of "experience." His had always been a practical philosophy, an activist faith. He appears to have hoped that sleeping naked with Manu, without arousing in himself the slightest sexual desire, might help him to douse raging fires of communal hatred in the ocean of India, and so strengthen his body as to allow him to live to 125 in continued service to the world. By January 19, however, less than a month since she had joined him, Manu showed signs of growing alienation. "I shall be happy if I know whether you will accompany me on the walk in the morning or in the evening or at both times."32 She did not reply. Her withdrawal upset him. So he wrote, "I don't know how I can help if you are scared all the time."33 To celebrate Purna Swaraj day on January 26, 1947, a journalist brought the Indian flag to Gandhi in the village of Bansa, asking him to raise it. "But for the poisoned atmosphere prevalent here, I would have unfurled the tri-colour flag myself," he told his prayer meeting. The journalist did it, however, as those gathered there sang India's anthem, Jana-ganamana. "There can be only one call at present that we shall not rest till free[ 228 ]
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dom is won," Gandhi said. "Today brother is fighting brother. How can there be a Pakistan before we win our freedom?"34 He felt so troubled about Manu's anxiety and listlessness that he wrote to his old Calcutta comrade Satis Chandra Mukerji, seeking his opinion. "A young girl (19) who is in the place of a granddaughter to me by relation shares the same bed with me, not for any animal satisfaction but for (to me) valid moral reasons. She claims to be free from the passion that a girl of her age generally has and I claim to be a practised brahmachari. Do you see anything bad or unjustifiable in this juxtaposition?"35 Mukerji chose not to answer that question. Manilal Gandhi, however, was shocked when he heard the news. "Do not let the fact of Manu sleeping with me perturb you. I believe that it is God who has prompted me to take that step," his Bapu replied. "Do not get [Father-in-law] upset and bear with me. I write this because Kishorelal and others have got upset. I see no reason for that."36 Gandhi asked a Bengali doctor he met to "suggest any recipe" for helping him live to 125. The doctor only advised him to return to Calcutta "to recoup his health."37 He now spoke of his new technique for prolonging life and reducing conflict at his prayer meeting in Amishapara. "He had his granddaughter with him. She shared the same bed with him. The Prophet had discounted eunuchs who became such by an operation. But he [Gandhi] welcomed eunuchs made such through prayer by God. His was that aspiration. It was in the spirit of God's eunuch that he had approached what he considered was his duty . . . and he invited them to bless the effort."38 Vallabhbhai was now worried about him from reports he received. Bapu wrote his "Brother": "I want you not to be unhappy. Please leave me in the hands of God."39 District Muslim League Secretary Mujibur Rahman urged Gandhi to leave Noakhali, informing him that local Hindu and Muslim leaders could take responsible care of their own people. Some men asked him now if they too should sleep with young girls? "What he did was for all to do if they conformed to conditions observed by him," Gandhi replied. "If that was not done, those who pretended to imitate his practice were doomed to perdition."40 Gandhi believed, as he told Nirmal Bose, that "there is an indissoluble connection between private, personal life and public. . . . [Y]ou cannot overlook private deflections from the right conduct. If you are convinced . . . you should pursue my connection with Manu and if you find a flaw, try to show it to me."41 Nirmal argued against the practice but failed to convince Gandhi that he did anything inappropriate, since he firmly believed God directed his actions, and approved of his loving (nonsexual) intimacy with Manu. Gandhi then wrote to Vinoba to explain that he slept with Manu in order to test what had been "my belief for a long time that that alone is true brahmacharya which requires no hedges. ... I am not con[ 229 ]
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scious of myself having fallen. . . . My mind daily sleeps in an innocent manner with millions of women, and Manu also, who is a blood relation to me, sleeps with me as one of these millions. ... If I do not appear to people exactly as I am within, wouldn't that be a blot on my non-violence?"42 Vinoba "did not agree," but he "did not wish to argue."43 Gandhi's selfeffacing passionate insistence on truth, much like his need to test the purity of this pilgrimage sacrifice, could to his mind, best be proved by his fearless confession that he daily contemplated sleeping with "millions of women," as he slept with Manu, innocently, unagressively, emptying himself of all masculine force and sexual violence, stripping himself naked of ego. Only when the painful pleasure of his passion left him fortified as a karma yogisadhu, his mind and heart perfectly indifferent to pleasure and pain, would he truly be ready to defeat the forces of evil hatred unleashed in his sacred Motherland and prove himself worthy of living to 125. Manu now seems to have sought escape from his experiment in sickness. "You must discover a remedy for this cold of yours," he ordered. "Ramanama is an unfailing remedy."44 But Manu's repetition of Lord Rama's name does not appear to have helped cure her. So he suggested that "you should wrap something round your chest and throat. . . . Nature's laws must not be violated. Learn to bear this in mind."45 That same day he almost "collapsed," finding his one-and-a-half mile trek to Gopinathpur nearly more than he could manage. It was the first time since coming to Noakhali that he "retraced his steps." Gandhi's faith in himself also weakened now as Vallabhbhai Patel told him very forcefully, as Gandhi wrote to their mutual friend and generous patron, G. D. Birla, "that what I look upon as my dharma is really adharma [evil behaviour]. . . . The link between you and me is your faith that my life is pure, spotless and wholly dedicated to the performance of dharma. ... I would therefore, like you to take full part in this discussion. ... [I]f I am conducting myself sinfully, it becomes the duty of all friends to oppose me vehemently."46 Gandhi's deep respect and love for Birla as well as Patel made him scrutinize his motives and his actions in light of their doubts, admitting: "I am not God. I can commit mistakes; I have committed mistakes; this may prove to be my biggest at the fag end of my life." Gandhi's Noakhali frustrations were compounded by Muslim threats to boycott Hindus throughout that district as long as he remained there. Bengali Muslim League leaders like former Premier Fazlul Huq insisted that he stop "preaching Islam." To try to cheer him, Congress local leaders held a "grand reception" in Devipur, decorating the entire village with Congress flags, streamers, and floral garlands. But that "vain display" only angered Gandhi, who berated its Congress organizer, "knowing my strong views on khadi, that ribbons and buntings made of mill cloth would only hurt me."46 After seeing so much costly decor hung in his "honor," Gandhi wondered to
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himself "whether I am not living in a fool's paradise. It seems that God has woken me up with a rude shock to enable me to see where I stand." Now accepting the futility of his mission, he resolved to leave Noakhali, "disgusted by myself," as he told Manu. "I even wonder whether I am really going to pass the test of my ahimsa."47 A few days later Manu suggested that they stop sleeping together. Gandhi "readily agreed."48 On March 2, 1947, Gandhi left for Bihar, though Nehru and Kripalani urged him to come directly to Delhi for a Congress meeting and most Bihari Congress leaders wished he would leave their province alone. But he was determined, if possible, to find out how many Muslims had been murdered in the recent riots there. Reports were so widely conflicting that he found it hard to ascertain the exact number killed. Bihar's Congress government refused to appoint an impartial commission of inquiry, and Chief Minister Shrikrishna Sinha and Rajendra Prasad offered little help in answering his probing questions. "It was Bihar that made me known to the whole of India," Gandhi berated, reminding them of his Champaran inquiry so long ago. "This Bihar of ours has today committed a heinous crime. The atrocities perpetrated on a handful of Muslims have no parallel, so say the Muslims, in the annals of History. . . . We ought to overcome violence by love. . . . Are we going to compete in atom bomb? Are we going to match barbarism with even more barbarous acts?" Rather than do so, he argued, "India has placed before the world a new weapon."49 That at least was his nonviolent hope, his fondest dream, to vanquish barbarism with Ahimsa. Riots rocked Punjab following the resignation in March of its HinduSikh-Muslim coalition ministry. The British governor proclaimed autocratic rule as the crowded bazaars of Lahore burned and mayhem spread across what was the richest wheat-producing province of India. Communal hatred and terrified cries of fear and pain rumbled louder all across north India, drowning out Gandhi's noble whispers of trust in love. Gandhi wrote to Nehru to ask why the Working Committee of the Congress had passed a resolution on the "possible partition of the Punjab," which Kripalani was quoted as having said in Madras might also be "possible" in Bengal. Gandhi again informed Nehru of how adamantly he opposed any partition based on communal grounds and the two-nation theory. But as Gandhi had absented himself from the Working Committee meeting in Delhi, Nehru and Kripalani felt freed to ignore the old man, whose passions neither of those younger socialist modernists even pretended to understand. And the political situation kept deteriorating in every part of India. "Everyone is preparing openly for a fight and is busy collecting arms," Gandhi told his Patna prayer meeting on Pakistan Day. "If these preparations continued the peace established through the army or the police will... be the peace of the grave."50
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Viceroy Lord Mountbatten invited Gandhi to meet with him in New Delhi at the end of March, and Gandhi agreed. Mountbatten asked Gandhi how to stop the rampant killing. Gandhi's answer was to "invite Jinnah to form a government of his choice at the centre and to present his Pakistan plan for acceptance even before the transfer of power. The Congress could give its whole-hearted support to the Jinnah Government."51 Mountbatten was "staggered" by that suggestion, but when he later asked Nehru about it, Jawaharlal's response was totally negative. Old Bapu, Nehru insisted, had been away from New Delhi "too long" and was "out of touch."52 "Whatever the Congress decides will be done; nothing will be according to what I say," Gandhi now realized, his depression deepening. "My writ runs no more. If it did the tragedies in the Punjab, Bihar and Noakhali would not have happened. No one listens to me any more. I am a small man."53 That evening, Gandhi tried to hold a prayer meeting in the garden of Valmiki Mandir, where he stayed, but when Manu began to recite the Muslim credo, an angry young Hindu rushed up to her, shouting "You go away from here. This is a Hindu temple!"54 Gandhi told the intruder he was free to leave, but others wanted to pray. The young fanatic refused to be silenced, but he was not arrested. He belonged to the Hindu Mahasabha or Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R.S.S.) extremist Hindu group, one of whose followers would soon assassinate Gandhi. At another prayer meeting that week two well-dressed sturdy young Hindus rose to tell Gandhi to leave their temple. "This temple belongs to Bhangis [Harijan sweepers]," Gandhi replied. "I too am a Bhangi."55 The arrogant toughs remained standing, however, shouting at him. Now others shouted that he should continue to pray. Gandhi tried to pray softly. "Go to the Punjab," someone shouted. Those standing near the angry man tried to force him out, but Gandhi urged patience, his Ahimsa now tried to its passionate limits. Then, wisely, he opted to leave the platform, sensing perhaps that his life was in danger. Still, Delhi's police took no notice, arresting none of the disrupters. On April 3, 1947, Gandhi noted many more angry protestors and announced how "disturbed" he was to have learned "today" that those "persons obstructing prayers" belonged to a "big" organization, the R.S.S.56 Gandhi still thought, however, that those zealous Hindu fanatics "love me," refusing to recognize the fact that many former Brahman admirers had lost respect for him. Some thirty young goondas now told him to go to "your room" if he wished to pray there. Then police hustled the thugs out of the temple, but Gandhi was not ready to resume prayers. His blood pressure had shot up again. "May God be kind to all and grant independence to India," he prayed, quickly leaving the platform. Gandhi now talked with Punjab Hindu refugees, who urged him to visit the Punjab. "It is more valiant to get killed than to kill," Gandhi told them.57 He counseled all refugees to return to their homes and nonviolently
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accept death if they could not convert their attackers with the silent power of their passionate suffering and Ahimsa. Whenever he met with Mountbatten, Gandhi reiterated his "scheme" about inviting Jinnah to take Nehru's job as the "best solution" for India's problems. But Mountbatten liked and trusted Nehru more than Jinnah. The viceroy was too naive about India to appreciate the wisdom of Gandhi's idea, and Nehru was too fond of power to surrender it so soon after grasping the golden ring of prime minister-in-waiting. By April 1947, Gandhi understood that neither Nehru nor Mountbatten had the slightest intention of accepting his Jinnah plan to avoid partition. "He regretted his failure very much," Mountbatten noted in his top secret minutes of their final meeting. Gandhi also received many angry letters in Delhi, mostly accusing him of being "subservient" to Jinnah or a "fifth-columnist" or "communist."58 One envelope addressed him as "Mahmud Gandhi," another as "Jinnah's slave." Nehru encouraged him to visit Punjab. He was also invited back to Noakhali by Hindu friends, who feared further violence there. Disappointed not to be asked to stay in Delhi by Mountbatten, Gandhi headed back to Bihar on April 13. "I worship the Gita. The Gita ordains that one should perform one's own duty," he commented. Better "death in the discharge of one's own duty" the Gita taught; attempting to carry out "another's function" was "fraught with danger."59 Hence, Gandhi concluded that staying in a place like Delhi, which was another's domain, would for him be both dangerous and frustrating. Unfortunately, later that year he would forget that wise scriptural warning. Many Biharis asked why he did not go to Punjab, where countless fires raged and the riots had recently intensified, instead of returning to now peaceful Patna. His "inner voice," Gandhi told them, had ordered him to return to Bihar and to Noakhali. He received mostly "abusive letters" now, few admiring ones, and fewer seeking his advice. He kept calling for public exposure of Hindu criminals and an end to the conspiracy of official silence, urging Suhrawardy to tell everything that happened in the killings in Calcutta. He talked of another possible fast. "I cannot take poison nor hang or shoot myself. I can end my life only by fasting."60 He no longer hoped to live to 125. Gandhi was sensitive and wise enough to know that many of those around him had now stopped listening to his once universally respected advice. "Is my thinking out of tune with the times?"61 he asked Saraladevi Sarabhai, whose sister-in-law had helped him in Ahmedabad's strike over thirty years before. To Muslim leaders in Bihar, he confessed: "I no longer command the same influence as I used to. ... If I had been a minister, perhaps, I too would have acted similarly."62 He knew how long it had taken before Nehru agreed to see him in Delhi, and how little of the prime min[ 233 ]
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ister's precious time could be spent on him. He had only one weapon left. But he wasn't ready to use it. In New Delhi, Lord Mountbatten was daily briefed by Krishna Menon on Nehru's views as to remaining within the Commonwealth as well as accepting partition, and by the end of April Mountbatten and Nehru were in virtual agreement. Congress was to meet in Delhi in early May, and Gandhi agreed to return for that meeting from Patna. He reached Valmiki Mandir on May 1. "I am a prisoner of Jawaharlal and the Sardar [Patel]," Gandhi told Rajendra Prasad, who walked with him on May 2. "If they release me I would like to leave by the first available train."63 That afternoon his prayer meeting was stopped by a Hindu thug shouting: "Victory to Hinduism."64 Gandhi urged him to calm down, and then police dragged the antagonist away. Gandhi confessed that day that he wanted no "swaraj" if the British would only give it with partition. Nehru told him that that was "Mountbatten's Plan," not daring to admit as yet that he and Krishna Menon had agreed. Gandhi warned: "Remember, if you divide India today, tomorrow. . . . [w]e might escape its consequences because we are on the brink of death but generations to come will curse us at every step for the kind of swaraj we shall have bequeathed to them."65 He alone accurately anticipated the tragic aftermath of partition and its murderous legacy of more than half a century of Indo-Pakistani wars and hatred. The more Gandhi saw of Delhi with its tide of war-weary hungry refugees, the more he heard of the fires raging all over Punjab, the more passionately depressed he became. On May 4 he told Rajendra Prasad that "what we regarded as non-violent fight was not really so. ... Had we followed the path of truth and non-violence we would not have seen human hearts so devoid of humanity."66 Before leaving Delhi for Calcutta on May 8, Gandhi went to speak with Jinnah possibly to ask him if he would take the premiership of united India. "I cannot tell you everything that took place between us," Gandhi told his last prayer meeting in Delhi. "Let me tell you that everyone had tried to stop me from going to Jinnah Saheb. They asked me what I would gain by going to him. But did I go to him to gain anything? I went to him to know his mind. ... I claim to have his friendship. After all he also belongs to India. Whatever happens, I have to spend my life with him. . . . We shall have to live in amity."67 Whether or not he now told his old friend Jinnah of the brilliant "scheme" he had pressed in vain on Mountbatten, Gandhi had the courage to ignore Nehru's strong negative advice and met with Jinnah, in what proved to be their final meeting. Jinnah was almost as near the end of his life as was Gandhi. He too had one dream. Gandhi's was to save his Mother India from death by vivisection. Jinnah's was to bring his child, Pakistan, to birth by India's partition.
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On the train to Calcutta, Gandhi wrote Mountbatten, continuing to warn him that "it would be a blunder of the first magnitude for the British to be a party in any way whatsoever to the division of India."68 He felt particularly "sure the partition of the Punjab and Bengal" would prove to be "a needless irritant." He was quite prescient, almost clairvoyant in seeing the horror and tragedy bound to ensue from the partitioning of Punjab and Bengal. But Mountbatten's mind was made up. His marching orders in London had been to wrap up Britain's withdrawal from India by no later than June of 1948. Soon after landing in Delhi he had resolved to finish the job ten months earlier. With the help of Krishna Menon, Nehru, and his wife Edwina, Mountbatten managed to advance the deadline to midAugust 1947. The Sikh minority of Punjab feared being under Muslim rule in Pakistan, yet could win no promise of their own Sikhistan from either Britain or India; however, the bloody implications of partitioning Punjab through the heart of this minority were recognized too late by Nehru to stop the British express. Jinnah was almost as shocked as Gandhi at the prospects of partitioning Muslim-majority Bengal as well as Punjab, but he too was powerless to halt Mountbatten's partition juggernaut that crushed a million lives under its wheels. In mid-May, Mountbatten flew to London to reassure Attlee, Cripps, and the new secretary of state for India, Lord Listowel, of the urgency of partition. He also visited the ailing Churchill, bringing back his last personal message to Jinnah: "[AJccept this offer with both hands."69 Mountbattan had tea in London with Krishna Menon, bearing Jawaharlal's surgical prescription for India's communal civil war. To "get rid of that headache," Nehru agreed to "cut off" India's head.70 He accepted partition and Pakistan, urging Mountbatten to finish that surgery without delay, wanting no further discussions of it with Jinnah. Gandhi reached Calcutta on May 10. The next day he met with Suhrawardy, who told Bapu of his dream of a united sovereign Bengal. Mountbatten had refused to consider Suhrawardy's plan, rejecting it without reference to London's Cabinet. Nor would Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah ever take the aspirations of Bangladeshi nationalists seriously. In Calcutta, Gandhi sought to reach an agreement with Suhrawardy that could save Bengal the terrors of partition. "If the Muslims believe that they can take things by force they will have nothing at all," Gandhi warned the chief minister, who came to call on May 12, 1947. "But, by peaceful means, they may have the entire country."71 Suhrawardy confessed that his "chief obstacle" was that no Calcutta Hindus listened to him, though his proposals were "utterly sincere." Gandhi then offered to move into his house and serve as his "secretary." Suhrawardy was dumbstruck by the offer and left. Nirmal Bose, who walked the chief minister to his car, heard Suhrawardy mutter, "What a mad offer! I have to think ten times before I can
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fathom its implications."72 Then Gandhi wrote him: "If you would retain Bengal for the Bengalis-Hindus or Mussalmansintact by non-violent means I am quite willing to act as your honorary private secretary and live under your roof till Hindus and Muslims begin to live as [the] brothers that they are."73 He passionately resolved once again to "Do or die!" insisting: "I wish to die in harness, with the name of Rama on my lips. My faith in this yajna [sacrifice] is growing so strong that I feel God will grant me this wish. I am the lone adherent of my views today. But Gurudev's [Tagore's] Ekla Chalore ["Walk Alone"] sustains me. That is why I do not feel lonely and God gives me the courage to put up a determined fight with many of my friends."74 So he walked on alone with God as his guide, the suffocating heat of Calcutta's summer a cool prelude to partition.
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23
Freedom's Wooden Loaf
WHY SHOULD a third party intervene in a dispute between us brothers?" Gandhi asked his Congress friends after returning at their behest to Delhi in late May of 1947. "This Viceroy is a very intelligent man. He will displease no party and still have his own way." Mountbatten, Gandhi warned, was "an unknown friend," much more "dangerous to us" than "known enemies" like his viceregal precursors, Lords Linlithgow and Wavell, "for we knew what their policy was."1 He was asked by his followers in Delhi why Congress was ready to agree to partition, when he said it would be the worst possible thing. "Who listens to me today?" Gandhi replied. "I am being told to retire to the Himalayas. Everybody is eager to garland my photos and statues. Nobody really wants to follow my advice." Partition would destroy India, he passionately argued. "The prospect of power has demoralized us."2 Nehru and Patel told Gandhi "that my reading of the situation is wrong and peace is sure to return if partition is agreed upon."3 He sensed they feared that he had "deteriorated with age." He remained certain, however, of the monstrous tragedy awaiting them all on that mine-strewn road of division. "Let not the coming generations curse Gandhi for being a party to India's vivisection." Independence with partition, Gandhi warned, would be "like eating wooden laddoos, if they eat they die of colic; if they don't they starve."4 "I have described Jawaharlal as the uncrowned king," Gandhi told his prayer meeting on June 3. Yet India remained "a poor nation," so poor, as he put it, that its elected leaders should walk rather than ride in cars. "One who lives in a palace cannot rule the Government."5 He said it directly to
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Nehru as well, every time they met, urging him and Patel to turn New Delhi's palatial homes and grand office buildings into hostels for homeless refugees, moving themselves into Harijan quarters, such as he occupied, or peasant huts. But none of Delhi's rulers listened any longer to the "ravings" of an old "fool," though not so long before most of them had considered him a "saint." "Corruption is rampant among the civil servants," Gandhi charged, and ministers of state were "surrounded by wicked persons whom they are not able to control," all of which left inadequate food supplies for the starving, no housing for naked refugees, and violence and "rot" throughout Delhi. Some old friends, seeing how disgusted and distressed Gandhi was, urged him to launch Satyagraha against Nehru's Raj, but he refused to lead any mass movement against the Congress he once resurrected and long led. "I would not carry on any agitation against that institution."6 He continued to be challenged at prayer meetings, urged to leave Delhi, to retreat as a true Sadhu (wise man) should to any cave in the Himalayas. He still hoped with the sublimated powers of his sexual restraint to prevail in his last valiant sacrificial effort to save Mother India from vivisection. "A perfect brahmachari never loses his vital fluid," Gandhi explained, reiterating ancient Hindu yogic philosophical faith in the magic powers of male seminal "golden" fluids, life-prolonging as well as life-generating, allowing him to "never become old in the accepted sense. . . . [I]ntellect will never be dimmed."7 Gandhi felt that nothing he told Nehru was now acceptable to his former political disciple. "The more I contemplate the differences in outlook and opinion between the members of the W. C. and me," he wrote Jawaharlal, "I feel that my presence is unnecessary even if it is not detrimental to the cause we all have at heart. May I not go back to Bihar in two or three days."8 As the death tolls mounted east and west of Delhi his sense of failure intensified. "There is no miracle except love and non-violence which can drive out the poison of hatred," Gandhi told all pilgrims who attended his evening prayer meetings. "I have faith that in time to come India will pit that against the threat of destruction which the world has invited upon itself by the invention of the atom bomb."9 To Mira, far away in her ashram in Uttarkashi, he regretfully wrote that "mine is a voice in the wilderness. Or could it be that I am growing too old and therefore losing my grip over things?"10 To beloved Manu, he admitted, "If I did not feel unhappy I would be a person with a heart of stone."11 Abha joined them in Delhi that July, though she, like Manu, had been quite sick. Gandhi loved to nurse his "daughters" back to health, administering mud-packs and enema nature cures himself, precisely monitoring their daily diets and hours of sleep. Despite his loving care, however, Manu ran so high a fever from appendicitis that he finally agreed to allow
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and Patna. At Lahore station he was greeted by Congress workers, who asked when he would come to stay there. "The rest of my life is going to be spent in Pakistan," Gandhi promised, "maybe in East Bengal or West Punjab, or perhaps, the North-West Frontier Province."16 But he could not stop just yet, rushing on to keep promises to Noakhali to return before August 15. To him "the whole of India" remained his country, for, as he told Bihar's university students in Patna two days later, he could not reconcile himself "to the idea of partition. . . . He wanted to live both in Hindustan and Pakistan. . . . [B]oth were his homelands."17 He urged everyone who heard him now to join him in a fast on August 15. "We do not have food grains, clothes, ghee or oil. So where is the need for celebrations? On that day we have to fast, ply the charkha [spinning wheel] and pray to God." Gandhi reached Calcutta on Sunday, August 10. He had planned to move on to Noakhali the next morning, but "many Muslim friends" pleaded with him to stay, fearing renewed attacks by Hindu mobs as that premier city of Clive, Kipling, and Curzon was about to begin its much diminished incarnation as the mere capital of partitioned West Bengal. Calcutta's former Muslim majority had by then fallen precipitously to under a quarter of its multimillion population. That Monday evening, August 11, Suhrawardy came to add his voice to the moving appeals of West Bengal's other Muslim leaders. "I would remain if you and I are prepared to live together," Gandhi challenged his old friend. "We shall have to work till every Hindu and Mussalman in Calcutta safely returns to the place where he was before."18 This time Suhrawardy agreed. Then they moved into abandoned old Hydari House, symbolizing by their courageous cohabitation the spirit of Hindu-Muslim unity that had so long eluded civil wartorn South Asia. "I am stuck here and now I am going to take a big risk," Bapu wrote Brother Vallabh, alerting Sardar Patel to the dangerous move he had made on the eve of independence. "Keep a watch. I will keep on writing."19 To add to their personal dangers from renewed communal conflict, drought now threatened the entire subcontinent. Monsoon rains, which should have started in June, were as yet nowhere to be seen in the Bay of Bengal's cloudless sky that hottest of all Indian summers. Terrified Hindu and Sikh refugees now marched over the dust-choked plains of Punjab toward Delhi in lines that soon were to stretch as long as a hundred miles. "Suhrawardy and I are living together in a Muslim manzil in Beliaghata," Gandhi reported the day after Nehru delivered his famous midnight "Tryst with Destiny" speech in the packed central hall of New Delhi's Parliament, through which Bapu had slept. "We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again," Prime Minister Nehru told his national audience. "The future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfill the pledges we have so often taken. .. . The
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"I was in bed," Bapu wrote Brother Vallabh. "I ... got up. ... I went to face the crowd but the girls would not leave my side. . . . Glass windows were being broken and they started smashing the doors. "26 None of the angry mob would listen to him. Bricks were thrown, but when the police superintendent arrived, the "youngsters dispersed." The next day, Gandhi decided to fast. He took water, however, without which he would have died in Calcutta's heat wave in just a few days. "What was regarded as a miracle has proved a short-lived nine-day wonder," he informed Patel. "Rajaji [C. R., now governor of Bengal] called at night. He admonished me a lot, tried hard to persuade me not to go on a fast."27 Gandhi could not be dissuaded, however, from a course of action he considered divinely inspired. He always listened to his inner voice and promised to stop fasting only after the riots stopped. "If the riots continue what will I do by merely being alive? What is the use of my living? If I lack even the power to pacify the people, what else is left for me to do?"28 Suhrawardy, Sarat Bose, Bengal's Hindu Mahasabha leader Debendra Nath Mukerjee, and many other Calcutta politicians came to his bedside, pleading with him to stay alive, promising to do nothing more violent, praying, cajoling, and trying to lure him back from the release he now so passionately sought. On September 4 at 9.15 P.M. he drank a glass of diluted orange juice, after telling those crowded into his bedroom: "I am breaking this fast so that I might be able to do something for the Punjab. I am doing so at your assurance and ... I expect that the Hindus and Muslims here will not force me to undertake a fast again."29 To the apologetic young men, who bowed silently before him, Gandhi said: "Act as peace squads without arms."30 To those who requested a message from him for their "Peace Army Party" (Shanti Sena Dal) he said: "My life is my message." On September 7, 1947, he entrained for Delhi, eager to move on to Punjab.
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Great SouPs Death in Delhi
KNEW NOTHING about the sad state of things in Delhi when I left Calcutta," Gandhi confessed after returning to India's capital on September 9, 1947. He had heard so many stories of Delhi tragedies that day to resolve that "I must not leave Delhi for the Punjab until it had regained its former self."1 Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Punjab brought with them tales of such horror and woe that Delhi itself turned into a killing field against Muslims, whose families had lived there in peace for centuries. "Retaliation is no remedy," Gandhi warned. "It makes the original disease much worse." Sardar Patel and Rajkumari Amrit were waiting with several Cabinet ministers and thousands of others to greet him at old Delhi's jammed Shahadara Station. "After alighting from the train I found . . . others equally sad. Has the city of Delhi which always appeared gay turned into a city of the dead?"2 Gandhi wondered, as he was driven from the station around the old city. He saw tens of thousands of squatters on the roads and in crowded dark alleys and heard horror stories in Delhi's Muslim university, the Jamia Millia. Its vice-chancellor, Dr. Zakir Hussain, who became India's first Muslim president a quarter century later, told of how he was almost murdered in Punjab. Gandhi lowered his head in "shame" as he listened to such reports. Then he went to where Hindu and Sikh refugees stayed and heard of the murders of their families by Muslims in Punjab. "They asked me how I could comfort them. ... I would like to tell the refugees that they should live truthfully and without fear . . . not entertain any thoughts of revenge or hatred [nor] throw away the golden apple of freedom won at a great cost."3 So Gandhi tried in Delhi what he had done in
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Calcutta and before that in Bihar, appealing openly, equally to Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, urging each to love the others and to abandon arms. He had intended to move back to the old temple near Delhi's Harijan Bhangi quarters, but Nehru and Patel wouldn't hear of it, and Birla insisted he return to his own walled home in the safest part of New Delhi. Birla House had a large garden just behind Gandhi's bedroom and enclosed rear porch, where several hundreds could gather each evening to hear his prayers. The argument that finally convinced Gandhi to accept such elegant hospitality was that the Harijan temple was needed for Punjabi refugees. Bapu did not want to have them ordered out to make room for him. On September 16, when Gandhi's prayer meeting opened with Abha reading from the Quran, an angry young man in the audience rose to shout: "To the recitation of these verses, our mothers and sisters were dishonoured, our dear ones killed. We will not let you recite these verses here." Someone else shouted: "Gandhi murdabad (death to Gandhi)."4 The meeting had to be abandoned, and Gandhi returned with the help of his beloved walking-sticks to the enclosed rear porch of Birla House. He tried not to show his frustration at having once again failed to teach love and nonviolence to the hate-crazed Hindu refugees from Punjab flooding daily into Delhi. "Today we have all lost our senses, we have become stupid," Gandhi told those who gathered next evening to see him. "It is not only the Sikhs have gone mad, or only the Hindus or the Muslims.... India is today in the plight of the [sinking] elephant king. I want to rescue it if I can. What should I do?"5 He wanted to go to Pakistan, prepared to die trying to save all Hindus and Sikhs there. He never spoke again of wanting to live 125 years. "When one's efforts do not bring forth results, one must dry up like a tree which does not bear fruits."6 Trains full of Hindu and Sikh corpses kept coming from Pakistan. In the opposite direction rolled other trains choked with the bodies of Muslims trying to flee retaliatory slaughter. Amritsar station was turned into a crematorium, the station of Lahore a cemetery. The death toll mounted so swiftly that no one could keep precise count of the butchery, but before year's end, hundreds of thousands of Hindu-Sikh corpses rolled east, almost the same number of murdered Muslims moving west. No Punjab train would be cleaned that year of its stench of rotting flesh. "Have they all been possessed by some madness now after freedom?" Gandhi cried. "Shall we throw away in our intoxication that freedom which has come after so many sacrifices? How shameful it is!"7 Yet even now, depressed, tired, disgusted, and frustrated as he was by everything he saw, read, and heard, Gandhi did not abandon his passionate hope that somehow this madness could be stopped. His answer was simple. "We must purify ourselves . . . [by] being courageous. A person who can be
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Though he never sought conventional power or any job in India's government, Gandhi had waited within earshot of Nehru and Patel, hoping that they might invite him to replace Lord Mountbatten. It seemed gallingly inappropriate to Gandhi for this British royal naval person to remain the ceremonial head of independent India. Now that the cameras had stopped rolling at all the ceremonial speeches and changing of the flags, now that virtually all Britain's troops had sailed home, it was surely time for India to have its own Indian governor-general head of state, which Gandhi knew he deserved to be. He had playfully suggested several times that a "Harijan girl" would be India's "best" president, yet each time he said that he added how happy he would be to serve as her unpaid "advisor" or secretary. Those who understood Gandhi knew why he said that, and also why he now bemoaned the fact that no one listened to him any longer. What to Gandhi must have been doubly galling, moreover, was that Jinnah had taken over as Pakistan's governor-general from his nation's birth, refusing to acquiesce to Mountbatten's vain attempts to persuade him that he be permitted to serve both dominions jointly as supreme governor-general. Were Gandhi India's governor-general now he could easily have launched another summit with his old friend Jinnah. Together they might have been able to agree on a formula to stop the slaughterGandhi's most passionate aspiration. "If we wish to bring about the rule of God or Ramarajya in India, I would suggest that our first task is to magnify our own faults and find no fault with the Muslims," Gandhi announced to his prayer meeting two weeks after his birthday and one week before the first Indo-Pak War over Kashmir started. "I do not say that the Muslims have done no wrong. They have caused a lot of harm. . . . But ... If I start thinking about those wrongs, I shall go crazy and I shall not be able to serve India. What if I begin to think that I have no enemies and expose my own faults before the world and close my eyes to those of others?"15 Gandhi had met with Mountbatten earlier that day and after asking him about the "situation" in Delhi, "I had to hang my head in shame. For, even now, the Hindus and the Muslims are not one at heart. . . . Today my wings are clipped. If I could grow my wings again, I would fly to Pakistan."16 Mountbatten had sense enough to realize that Gandhi truly deserved the job he retained as the historic hangover of his previous position as viceroy. And Mountbatten was keen to go back to command his fleet at sea. He had, after all, completed the mission Attlee had given him, withdrawing British forces from India without losing a man and transferring Britain's sovereignty to two dominions. Time for him to move on. Delhi was much too hot and dry. So Mountbatten was quite ready to let the old man, whom he never really understood but who had done rather well in keeping Calcutta more or less calm, take over as India's governor-general. Every Indian
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Pakistan," Nehru warned his colleagues. On October 25 he cabled Attlee that "a grave situation has developed" in the state, arguing that India might have to send aid, to help restore its "internal tranquility." He promised that such aid "in this emergency is not designed in any way to influence the State to accede to India." That question, Nehru declared, "must be decided in accordance with wishes of the people."20 Less than a day later, Nehru and Mountbatten launched India's largest airlift. More than one hundred Indian planes took off from Delhi and neighboring airports, packed with Sikh soldiers carrying enough armor and ammunition to secure Srinagar and its airport from advancing Muslim tribals. Kashmir was to become the primary major preoccupation of India's central government for the next three months. Not only did it take up most of Nehru's and Mountbatten's time but it preempted all of India's air transport and virtually all of its fuel, arms, and martial supplies, flown round the clock, weather permitting, up to Srinagar, capital of India's only Muslim-majority state, with a total population less than 1 percent of India's. "The trouble in Kashmir has been thrust upon us and yet it may well be the saving of us in many ways," Nehru told his generals. "It may go a long way in settling our problem with Pakistan."21 To anxious Attlee, who kept wiring Mountbatten asking what Dominion India was doing and why, Nehru cabled: "Our military intervention is purely defensive in aim and scope, in no way affecting any future decision about accession that might be taken by the people of Kashmir." Jinnah angrily accused Nehru and India of trying to steal Kashmir from its rightful place in Pakistan by "fraud and violence."22 Mountbatten had promised Jinnah to fly with Nehru to Lahore to negotiate a cease-fire and a settlement on Kashmir, but Nehru pretended to be sick on the eve of their flight, so Mountbatten had to go alone to confer with Pakistan's governor-general, who was in fact by then fatally ill. "I hope that soon our troops will take the offensive," Nehru wrote aggressively to prod his officers in Kashmir. "This has been done at tremendous cost to us and holding up most of our other activities in India. All our air services have stopped and every available plane is going to Kashmir. . . . I see no reason why any of you should go to Lahore to confer with Mr. Jinnah. ... There is very little to discuss. ... It is obvious that a plebiscite cannot take place till complete law and order have been established. I see no chance of this happening."23 Nehru had agreed to the plebiscite only at Mountbatten's insistence and to placate Attlee, since India was, after all, engaged in undeclared war with a fellow dominion of the British Commonwealth. But Nehru was determined to win his war in Kashmir at any price. He even turned now against his once dear "friend," Sheikh Abdullah, whom he had placed on Srinagar's throne as prime minister, when that Lion of Kashmir wanted to fly to Pakistan in order to negotiate with Jin-
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cannot live in security. There are miscreants who will kill him or throw him out of a running train. ... I have to fight against this insanity and find out a cure for it. ... I am ashamed of what is happening today; such things should never happen in India."31 In his last speech to Congress in midNovember of 1947, Gandhi emphasized "that if you maintain the civilized way . . . whatever Pakistan may do now, sooner or later, she will be obliged by the pressure of world opinion to conform. Then war will not be necessary and you will not have to empty your exchequer."32 By the end of November, Gandhi felt that Delhi had turned into a "firepit," burning with communal riots, murders, and plunder, thousands of refugees continuing to pour in daily. Also, "Kashmir is in the cauldron," he wrote, while "those brothers and sisters who joined the Congress . . . are scrambling for power and fame."33 He tried again now to convince militant Nehru to step down, saying at his prayer meeting, "Unfortunately, none of our Ministers is a peasant. The Sardar [Patel] is a peasant by birth and has some knowledge of agriculture, but. . . Jawaharlal is a scholar and a great writer, but what does he know about farming? More than 80 per cent of our population are peasants. In a true democracy, there should be the rule of peasants in our country. They need not become barristers. They should know how to be good farmers."34 He suggested that Jawaharlal might at best be the "secretary" of a peasant prime minister. "Our peasant ministers would stay not in a palace but in a mud-house, and would toil on the land throughout the day. Then alone can there be a true peasant rule."35 Nehru, however, was too busy fighting his war in Kashmir to think of stepping down. Instead he moved into New Delhi's Teen Murti Marg mansion, built by the British for their commander in chief, a grand residence with lovely spacious gardens and a high gate of spiked steel. Nehru's High Commissioner to Pakistan Sri Prakasha sensibly suggested that perhaps the wisest thing to do about Kashmir, since it was mostly Muslim, would be to let Pakistan have it. "I was amazed," Nehru thundered, "that you hinted at Kashmir being handed over to Pakistan. . . . The fact is that Kashmir is of the most vital significance to India. . . . Kashmir is going to be a drain on our resources, but it is going to be a greater drain on Pakistan."36 Pakistan's ailing Prime Minister Liaquat AH Khan flew to Delhi that November with his Finance Minister Ghulam Mohammed, at Mountbatten's invitation, to confer with Nehru and Patel about Pakistan's share of British imperial sterling assets. These were to have been released by India three months earlier but remained locked inside New Delhi's treasury vault. Mountbatten asked Gandhi to join him in his first meeting with Liaquat, knowing how negative Nehru felt, yet how dishonest it would be for India to rob Pakistan of its share of imperial assets. Gandhi, of course, insisted that India remain true to its word. Gandhi worried more about how much money was being squandered [ 250 ]
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settlement on these lines it will be good for both." If India's Pandit Prime Minister had only listened to the man he was soon to hail as "the Light" of India's "life," India could have saved countless millions of pounds, two wars, and the lives of at least 50,000 men. But when Nehru heard what Gandhi had said, he angrily chastised him. "I have been severely reprimanded for what I said concerning Kashmir," Bapu confided to the attendees at Birla House a few days later. "The advice I gave is the kind of advice the humblest man may give. Occasionally it becomes one's duty to offer such advice.... Kashmir is a Hindu State, the majority of its people being Muslims. The raiders . . . say that the Muslims of Kashmir are being ground down under the tyranny of Hindu raj and that they have come for their succour. ... It seems obvious to me, as it should seem obvious to others . . . that if Sheikh Abdullah cannot carry with him the minority as well as the majority, Kashmir cannot be saved by military might alone."43 Gandhi believed that "If the right thing is done and the right direction given to the process," the "present darkness in the country Kashmir may become . . . light." He passionately urged Pakistan and India to "come together and decide the issue with help of impartial" mediation. He all but openly offered himself as that mediator, asking aloud at his prayer meeting, "Is there no one in India who is impartial?"44 But Mahatma Gandhi's peaceful solution for the Kashmir conflict, formulating an honorable way for India to extricate itself from the costly, deadly war, was completely ignored by Nehru. Not only did Nehru silently reject Bapu's wise and kind offer, but he also resented Gandhi's daring to intrude into the one foreign policy area Nehru most coveted as his own personal domain. "I hold that self-government is ... only a means to good government," Gandhi wrote at year's end. "And true democracy is what promotes the welfare of the people. The test of good government lies in the largest good of the people with the minimum of control. . . . [I]n my view a system that admits of poverty and unemployment is not fit to survive even for a day."45 He had tried his best to stop the bloodletting in Delhi, Punjab, and Kashmir. He had spoken out fearlessly and truthfully, hoping to elicit some compassionate deeds of wisdom from the powerful men who all loved to call themselves his disciples and him the nation's "Father." But as yet he heard no response from Delhi's power elite. He had but one weapon left, yet he hesitated to use it. On January 2, 1948, Gandhi read an angry Hindu's letter, asking how he could still be "friendly with Muslims" when war with Pakistan might turn every Muslim in India into a traitor. "It is this attitude that was responsible for the partition of the country," Gandhi commented. "Only the good and the noble can be brave. Stupid people can never be brave. Today the poison around us is only increasing. Kashmir has added more poi[ 252 ]
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istan the unpaid partition funds. "This is no policy of appeasement of the Muslims. . . . [T]he present gesture on the part of the Government of India . . . ought to lead to an honourable settlement not only of the Kashmir question, but of all the differences between the two Dominions. Friendship should replace the present enmity."53 Despite the swiftness of the Nehru Cabinet's action and dire warnings from his doctors that his kidneys were failing, Gandhi refused to break his fast until "complete friendship between the two Dominions, such that members of all communities should be able to go to either Dominion without the slightest fear of molestation" was realized.54 Thousands, Sikhs and Muslims as well as Hindus, came to stand outside Birla House, all shouting slogans of peace and unity. The leaders of every community and party came to promise to love and trust one another as they loved him and to beg him to eat again. He asked them to put what they said in writing. On January 18, he stopped fasting when over one hundred leaders, from Nehru and Patel to Azad and Prasad, including all the heads of every party in Delhi, signed a seven-point declaration in Hindi and Urdu, promising to "live in Delhi like brothers and in perfect amity," taking "the pledge that we shall protect life, property and faith of Muslims."55 On January 20 Gandhi was carried out to a platform at the back of Birla's garden, but the microphone wasn't working. His feeble voice would only reach the ears of Manu and Sushila, who bent beside him and repeated aloud what he said. "I have no doubt that one who is an enemy of the Muslims is also an enemy of India," he said.56 Then a hand grenade exploded behind him. The crowd ran in every direction. Gandhi alone stayed calm, unmoved by the terrifying sound. He thought some soldiers were practice firing. The explosion behind his back had been meant as a diversion by a terrorist Hindu gang who had come up by train from Poona and Nasik and were hiding in the Birla servants' quarters behind the platform. Terrorist Digambar Badge was then supposed to rush forward and toss a second grenade at Gandhi's head, but Badge's "courage failed." He and his five coconspirators fled the garden instead, escaping in a taxi waiting for them just outside the gate. Only one terrorist, a Punjabi refugee named Madanlal Pahwa, who tossed the grenade, was caught and immediately taken into custody. Nathuram Vinayak Godse, his brother Gopal Godse, and their coconspirator Narayan Apte, all escaped and remained free in Delhi until they attacked again ten days later. No policemen followed that taxi full of young, well-dressed Hindu fanatics. No one even reported the taxi's license or raced after it. Only trembling Pahwa was arrested, but he told his interrogators little more than that he was a Punjabi refugee, a "good Hindu," and an "Indian patriot."57 Daily looting of Muslim homes continued, moreover, as did the exodus from Delhi of terrified Muslim families. Gandhi was eager to leave as soon
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rosary, and glasses, keeping them with her notebook and his spittoon as she positioned herself on his right side. Abha was his left hand's walking stick, and she joked as she moved into place, "Bapu, your watch must be feeling very neglected. You would not look at it."62 "Why should I, since you are my time-keepers?" They walked toward the garden. "But you do not look at the time-keepers," she responded gaily. He laughed. As they headed down the crowded garden path, most of those waiting bowed to greet him, moving aside to allow them to pass without obstruction toward the platform. "I was walking on his right," Manu recalled. "From the same direction a stout young man in khaki dress, with his hands folded, pushed his way through the crowd and came near us. I thought he wanted to touch Bapu's feet."63 But hate-crazed Nathuram Godse, whose small pistol was cradled in his chubby hands, was not interested in Gandhi's feet. He aimed his gun point blank at the Mahatma's bare chest and fired three bullets as fast as he could press the pistol's trigger. "The atmosphere was charged with smoke and the sky resounded with the boom. Bapu still seemed walking on. . . . 'Hei Ra . . . ma! Hei Ra . . . !' On his lips." Mahatma Gandhi's passionate heart poured its crimson blood out onto his white shawl. His gentle body collapsed and stopped breathing at 5.17 P.M.
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His Indian Legacy
HE SHOCK OF GUILT and the remorse felt by most Indians as word of Mahatma Gandhi's assassination spread helped to subdue the fires of hatred that Bapu had failed to extinguish in his life. It was not a Pakistani Muslim but a self-proclaimed "devout" Hindu Brahman who murdered the Mahatma, a man who soon proudly insisted in court that he acted to "save" India as well as Hinduism. "The light has gone out of our lives," Jawaharlal Nehru declaimed that night, fighting back tears as he delivered his beautifully poignant tribute to Gandhi over Radio India. "Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him . . . is no more. . . . [W]e will not see him again as we have seen him for these many years. We will not run to him for advice and seek solace from him. . . . The light has gone out, I said, and yet I was wrong. For the light that shone in this country was no ordinary light. The light that has illumined this country . . . represented . . . the living, the eternal truths, reminding us of the right path, drawing us from error, taking this ancient country to freedom."1 Nehru vowed to do everything in his power to stop the spread of communal hatred, insisting "We m u s t . . . root out this poison.... We must hold together and all our petty . . . conflicts must be ended in the face of this great disaster." All extremist Hindu parties were now banned, many of the better known Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Mahasabha leaders as well as terrorist gangs were arrested. In Poona, Bombay, and Nasik, angry mobs burned Brahman homes and beat many khaki-clad militants. India's police used their iron-tipped sticks vigorously, smashing the skulls of hitherto strutting young Hindu zealots. Tens were killed, hundreds wounded,
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thousands left homeless, and tens of thousands jailed for "disrupting" India's "peace." Gandhi was dead by the time his bloodstained body was brought inside Birla House and laid on the hard board atop which he had slept. Manu continued to cry as she recited his favorite Gita stanzas. Vallabhbhai Patel and daughter Maniben were there as Dr. Bhargava bent over Bapu's corpse to confirm that it was devoid of breath. His Great Soul had flown to Lord Rama's heaven, or so every good Hindu believed, since his last passionate cry was "Hei Rama." "Bapu is no more!" Bhargava solemnly announced. Devdas was the first of his sons to arrive. Nehru came with him, eyes swollen, hands shaking, distracted, tearful, and almost in shock, unlike Patel, who never trembled. Nehru embraced Home Minister Patel, and each of them vowed to stand beside the other, as Bapu had urged, and to discard the baggage of their petty disputes. Thus, Gandhi's death helped to unite India's government, as well as most of Delhi's now contrite Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. Millions of mourners gathered outside Birla House, and all along every road leading to it, promising to live up to Bapu's passionate teaching. The crowd grew so restive, pushing, shouting, and pressing their faces against every steel bar at the gate that Patel wisely decided to have Bapu's corpse moved to the roof, where it was illuminated and elevated so it could be seen by many thousands. "Mahatma Gandhi-ki-jai!" they roared. He had finally won the martyr's "victory" and release he had so passionately desired. The army, which Gandhi might well have dissolved had he been governor-general, took charge of his state funeral. They placed his flowercovered body on a gun carriage made in America, and a seventy-nine-gun salute to the Apostle of Ahimsa incongruously shattered Delhi's mournful silence the next morning. Ramdas reached Birla House at 11 A.M., and then the several-mile-long procession began. It was led by four armored cars, followed by the governor-general's horse guard of lancers and a specially selected force of two hundred of India's tallest army, navy, and air force guards who pulled the carriage with Gandhi's body at a slow march. The police followed, trying to keep the growing crowds at bay. Manilal remained in South Africa, but Harilal, though not invited, came from Madras to his father's cremation site, Raj Ghat ("Royal Steps"), along the river Yamuna (Jumna). He was seen lurking, bedraggled and bearded, around the pyre. As Gandhi's eldest son, Harilal should have been asked to ignite the fire, which Ramdas did. The heavily garlanded, wreathed, sandalwood pyre soaked with clarified butter and incense lit up Delhi's sky with its sparks at a quarter of five and burned all through the chilly night, as Gandhi's light of love and nonviolent passion for peace turned to ashes. On February 12, 1948, Manu, Abha, Sushila, Devdas, and Ramdas
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landlords for "gifts of land" (Bhoodan) to be distributed to their landless peasants. Looking even more frail than Gandhi, Vinoba walked from village to village with his disciples, young and old, mostly Indian, though some Europeans, Japanese, and Americans joined his entourage.6 He asked the largest landowners of each village to "adopt" him as their "fifth son" and then to allocate one-fifth of their land to him for redistribution among the village's landless peasants. Vinoba's saintly appearance and his message of Ahimsa usually elicited a positive response, even from the most hardhearted landlords. The land parcels given to him were often too steep or dry to cultivate and invariably took longer to transfer to hungry peasants than anticipated. In a few years, nonetheless, Vinoba collected millions of acres and had redistributed almost a tenth of those gifts, launching a nonviolent agrarian revolution among many of India's most desperately depressed peasants. In 1954, after years of struggling with Bhoodan, Vinoba embarked on his even more innovative Gramdan ("Gift of Village") movement. He asked every landholder to whose village he walked voluntarily to give him all their property deeds, so that he could equitably redistribute the land among all village tillers and workers. By 1957 he had walked through Bihar and most of Maharashtra and received over four million acres from 50,000 villages. Vinoba never lost heart or his temper, carrying on with perfect Ahimsa and infinite patience. The last phase of his creative Sarvodaya movement was called Jivandan ("Gift of Life"), the sort of gift he and Gandhi gave of themselves to the service of India's poorest and neediest. Vinoba's call for Jivandani volunteers in 1958 was answered first by socialist Jaya Prakash (J. P.) Narayan. J. P. abandoned politics, at least its traditional Western form, in favor of selfless service and committed the remaining years of his life to peacefully trying to transform India's rural economy. J. P.'s goal, like Vinoba's, was to bring Gandhi's dream of Ram Rajya (the mythical "Golden Age" when Lord Rama ruled) to realization. Many others joined that idealistic movement. Considering the size of India's population, however, and its rapid growth, Jivandanis have remained a tiny minority, passionate in commitment and inspirational in their self-sacrifice, but hardly able to transform India's rural economy or remove the growing ills and inequities of urban magnets like booming Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Bangalore, and Madras. Urban industrial pollution and other barbarisms of civilization, especially violence, are the antithesis of everything Gandhi lived for and so passionately advocated. In his birth centenary tribute to Mahatma Gandhi, G. Ramachandran, secretary of India's Gandhi Peace Foundation, sadly noted, "The world seems to have little to do with Gandhi and satyagraha. . . . [C]ivilization is now in the grip of escalating violence.... Non-violence is still only a trickle
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fluent overseas Indians residing in the United States. They displayed a spirit of jingoism and militant confidence contrary to every facet of Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy. "What worries me is that security vis-a-vis Pakistan may become the top item on our policy agenda" was the correct prediction of one professor at Delhi's Center for the Study of Developing Societies. "That's very sad for a country like India. We have a lot of other things to handlehunger, poverty, clean drinking water."10 Secretary S. K. Bandopadhaya, of Delhi's Gandhi Memorial Trust, was equally explicit about the potential dangers to Indian development if India's leaders focused on martial defense, neglecting social and educational reforms, as well as Gandhian rural rehabilitation. "While our leaders are talking about nuclear bombs as a deliverance," Bandopadhaya warned, "350 million of our people remain below the poverty line, nearly 50 percent of our population is illiterate, and 100,000 of our villages don't even have safe drinking water."11 Half a century after Mahatma Gandhi's assassination, India has, nonetheless, continued to celebrate Gandhi's birth as a national holiday and has engraved his smiling face and message of peace on all of its newest treasury notes. India's leaders still reverentially place flowers on the hallowed ground where his corpse was cremated. But in its proliferation of arms and in its foreign policy, New Delhi has for the most part turned away from Bapu's ideal course and life's teaching. Sabarmati ashram survives as a museum and library dedicated to Mahatma Gandhi's memory, where his papers are lovingly preserved, carefully edited, and published under the auspices of the Navajivan Trust he established in Ahmedabad. Sevagram ashram remains a living legacy, where Gandhi's passionate band of spiritual heirs have dedicated their lives to Sarvodaya. In Porbandar and Bombay, Ahmedabad, Calcutta, and New Delhi, the buildings in which Mahatma Gandhi was born, lived, worked, and died have been preserved as national monuments and museums, where tourists and pilgrims with faith in truth and love come to pay their respects. In New Delhi, Birla House has been turned into a museum, repository of Bapu's last few precious possessions and the blood-drenched khadi he wore when assassinated. Outside that once elegant building, India's peasant poor and landless Harijans squat to mourn him every day. They arrive by bus, on bike, and on bare feet, praying as they move through the rear porch of the great house to circle the specially covered spot in the garden where a Mahatma was murdered. These mostly illiterate peasants seem to understand, as many better educated, wealthier Indians may never be able to, how great and wise a man their Bapu was. India's outcaste underprivileged millions and many of its minorities remember that he devoted his passionate life to them and died for them. Some gather each dawn to chant ancient Upanishadic prayers he loved best:
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By pitting his Great Maha-Atma Soul against the vast armed force of the world's largest, strongest modern empire, Mahatma Gandhi proved the strength of invisible soul-force. By so passionately embracing suffering all his mature life and fearlessly following his inner voice wherever it led him, Gandhi lived the message of Love and Truth he believed to be twin faces of God. His greatest luxury was to serve those who needed him: the sick, the hungry, people without work or pride or hope. He never gave up his quest to liberate India from imperial bonds of exploitation and to liberate humankind from the shackles of prejudice, fear, and hatred, and from the terrors of brutal racial and religious, class and caste conflict. He courted pain as most men did pleasure, welcomed sorrow as others greeted joy, and was always ready to face any opponent or his own death with a disarming smile of love. He lived to the full his mantra, "Do or die!" Still, he failed to convert most of modern India to his faith in the ancient yogic powers of Tapas and Ahimsa as superior to the atom bomb. He was not, of course, the first or only prophet of peace murdered by a self-righteous killer, nor, most unfortunately, would he be the last. But he was the greatest Indian since the fifth-century B.C. "Enlightened One," the Buddha.
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His Global Legacy
ARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., was "deeply fascinated" by the life and teachings of Mahatma Gandhi, reading about them first in his senior year at theological seminary. King found the power of Gandhi's passion "profoundly significant" and recalled: "As I delved deeper into the philosophy of Gandhi ... I came to see ... that the Christian doctrine of love, operating through the Gandhian method of nonviolence, is one of the most potent weapons available to an oppressed people in their struggle for freedom."1 As pastor of the Montgomery (Alabama) Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, King helped to liberate the United States from the poison of racial discrimination and nonviolently transformed America's civil rights movement, leading to his own assassination in 1968. King never met Gandhi, but he was so inspired by his life and work that he visited India in 1959, eager to meet Gandhi's disciples. "To other countries I may go as a tourist," the thirty-year-old King told Indian friends, "but to India I come as a pilgrim. This is because India means to me Mahatma Gandhi, a truly great man of the age."2 Martin Luther King was not the first nor the only great black leader in the United States to be inspired by Gandhi's life and its message of love, hope, faith, and courage. W. E. B. Du Bois had earlier invited Gandhi to visit America on behalf of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). "It may well be," Du Bois prophetically predicted prior to King's assassination, "that real human equality and brotherhood in the United States will come only under the leadership of another Gandhi. "3
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The director-general of UNESCO, Dr. Federico Mayor, wrote in his tribute that "Mahatma Gandhi gave us the example that throughout our lives we can be dissenters, even rebels, but never through violence, and this is what we must try to teach our children,. . . that 'All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'"9 That first article of the International Declaration of Human Rights has thus been formally identified by the United Nations as one part of Gandhi's global legacy. A quarter century earlier, Burma's U Thant, the first Buddhist secretary-general of the United Nations, noted: "The Buddha taught his disciples never to show anger nor bear malice. . . . Gandhiji believed that non-violent methods . . . could achieve more enduring results than those obtained by the use of force."10 Religious genius and innovator that he was, Gandhi's emphasis on the primacy of moral principles and nonviolent means above any and all material ends, his faith in "God" as "Truth" and "Love," immortalize his global legacy. "Mahatma Gandhi cannot die!" wrote Kenneth Kaunda, first president of Zambia, who proudly considered himself and his nation's great Nobel Peace Prize winner Chief Luthuli, disciples of Gandhi. "His thoughts, words and deeds continue to influence and free millions of people in this our one world. Indeed they will continue to be a positive force for good . . . through non-violence."11 Following King's assassination on April 4, 1968, cartoonist Bill Mauldin depicted Mahatma Gandhi waiting on his mat to welcome King into heaven with a loving greeting: "The odd thing about assassins, Dr. King, is that they think they've killed you."12 To millions unborn at the time of his death, Mahatma Gandhi's name continues to resound with inspirational powers unique to our century. In a world of plastic modernity and growing insensitivity to violence and pain, to the broadening chasm between the pleasure-loving wealthy and the hundreds of millions of people who never sleep a night without hunger, Gandhi's passionate life and his message of love, redolent more of Via Dolorosa than modern Delhi, inspires global admiration and emulation. "Sixties kids like me were his disciples when we went South in the Freedom Summer to sit in for civil rights and when we paraded ... to stop the war in Vietnam," wrote Johanna McGeary for Time., which chose Gandhi as one of Einstein's millennial runner-ups. "Our passionate commitment, nonviolent activism, willingness to accept punishment for civil disobedience were lessons he taught. . . . His work and his spirit awakened the 20th century to ideas that serve as a moral beacon for all epochs."13 In addition to America's Dr. King, Rosa Parks, and Cesar Chavez, among Time's choices of Gandhi's global "children and spiritual heirs" were Tibet's Dalai Lama, Poland's Lech Walesa, Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi, South Africa's Desmond Tutu and Nelson Mandela, and assassinated Philippines' president Benigno Aquino, Jr. The list should have included Northern Ireland's Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire as well, who wrote on the fiftieth anniversary
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to convince his own "heirs" of the wisdom of his nonviolent faith neither nullifies the power of his passion to which he sacrificed his all nor the wisdom of his warnings against every war. A hundred years from now, people the world over may still "scarcely" believe, as Albert Einstein once said of Gandhi, that "such a one as this ever in flesh and blood" did walk "upon this earth." As those who wait outside Birla House daily cry: "Mahatma Gandhi amar rahel" "Mahatma Gandhi is immortal!"
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NOTES
ABBREVIATIONS OF WORKS FREQUENTLY CITED CWMG M. K. Gandhi, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vols. 1-90 (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Trust, 1967-1984). G's A Mohandas K. Gandhi, An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957). IO Indian Opinion. SSA M. K. Gandhi, Satyagraha in South Africa, trans. V. G. Desai (Stanford: Academic Reprints, 1954). YI Mahatma Gandhi, Young India, 1919-1922, 2nd ed. (New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1924). PREFACE 1. Stanley Wolpert, A New History of India, 6th ed. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 453. 2. Gandhi's Speech at Prayer Meeting, New Delhi, September 18, 1947, The Collected Works ofMahatma Gandhi (hereafter CWMG), vol. 89 (August 1, 1947-November 10, 1947) (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Trust, September 1983), p. 202. 3. M. K. Gandhi, "Atom Bomb and Ahimsa," Harifan, 7-7-1946, CWMG, 84 (April 14, 1946-July 15, 1946) (November 1981), p. 394. INTRODUCTION 1. The translation of Rig-Veda: x, 129 is by W. Norman Brown, Man in the Universe (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966), pp. 29-30, quoted in Stanley Wolpert, A New History of India, 6th ed. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 35-36. 2. M. K. Gandhi, "The Law of Suffering," Young India, June 16,1920, in Young India, 1919-1922 by Mahatma Gandhi (New York: V. W. Huebsch, 1924), pp. 230-31. 3. Linguistics professor Samuel R. Levin of the City University of New York and his wife, Classics scholar Dr. Flora R. Levin, kindly informed me of the Greek, Latin, and Gothic etymologies of and principal parts as well as complex meanings of the Latin verb patior, Greek pascho and epaphon, and Gothic fijan. Thanks also to Professor Henry Hoenigswald of the University of Pennsylvania, my authority for adding "hellish connotations" to the earliest Vedic Sanskrit meaning of tapas, "heat." CHAPTER 1 1. Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, vol. 2 (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1958), pp. 309-10. 2. D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, vol. 8, 194748 (New Delhi: Publications Division, Government of India, 1963), p. 20. 3. Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi, p. 311. 4. CWMG, 81 (July 17-October 31, 1945), p. 319.
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1. 2. 3. 4.
6. 7. 8. 9.
G'sA, p. 255. Ibid., p. 259. Gandhi, SSA, p. 83. Ibid., pp. 84-85. M. K. Gandhi, Johannesburg, February 23, 1903, in CWMG, vol. 3 (1898-1903) (1960), pp. 280-82. "Ourselves," Indian Opinion, 4-6-1903, CWMG, 3, p. 313. (Hereafter IO.) "Lord Milner on the Asiatic Question," IO, 11-6-1903, CWMG, 3, p. 337. Ibid., p. 338. M. K. Gandhi to Haridas V. Vora, Johannesburg, June 30, 1903, CWMG, 3, pp. 352-53.
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CHAPTER 8 1. Gandhi to "Colonial Secretary of the Transvaal," Johannesburg Gaol, January 28, 1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 40-42. 2. Gandhi, SSA, pp. 155-56. 3. Ibid., p. 162. 4. Ibid., p. 159. 5. Gandhi's "Speech at Meeting of British Indian Association," Johannesburg, January 31, 1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 45-46. 6. Gandhi, SSA, p. 167. 7. Ibid., p. 170. 8. Gandhi to "My Dear Friends," February 10, 1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 75-76. 9. "Secret of Satyagraha," IO, 22-2-1908, CWMG, 8, p. 91. 10. Ibid., pp. 91-92. 11. "A Brief Explanation," IO, 22-2-1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 99-100. 12. Gandhi, SSA, pp. 184-85, and last quote, p. 187. 13. Gandhi to "The Editor, Indian Opinion," CWMG, 8, p. 272. 14. "Satyagraha Again," IO, 27-6-1908, CWMG, 8, p. 323. 15. "Trial of Harilal Gandhi and Others," Johannesburg, July 28, 1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 405-406. 16. Gandhi to "The Editor, Indian Opinion," 8-8-1908, CWMG, 8, pp. 432-33. 17. "Satyagraha Again," IO, 27-6-1908, CWMG, 8, p. 324. 18. "Sarvodaya: What Is Just?" CWMG, 8, pp. 373-34. 19. Gandhi's "Speech at Mass Meeting," August 16, 1908, CWMG, 8, p. 458. 20. Gandhi's "Speech," August 23, 1908, CWMG, 8, p. 475. 21. Gandhi's "Message to Indians," Volksrust, October 14, 1908, IO, 24-10-1908, CWMG, 9 (September 1908-November 1909) (April 1963), p. 104. 22. Mohandas to "Beloved Kastur," Volksrust, November 9, 1908, CWMG, 9, p. 106.
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[277]
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[279 ]
[280 ]
[281 ]
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[285 ]
[286]
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CHAPTER 18 1. Interview to Pandit Indra, March 20, 1927, The Hindu, 21-3-1937, CWMG, 65 (March 15-July 31, 1937) (July 1976), p. 11. 2. Wolpert, Nehru, p. 222. 3. April 1937, CWMG, 65, p. 63, fn. 1. 4. Message to Associated Press of America, April 12, 1937, CWMG, 65, p. 75. 5. Gandhi's Speech to Seva Sangh, Hudli, April 20, 1937, CWMG, 65, p. 119. 6. Ibid., p. 121. 7. Gandhi to "Dear Shri Jinnah," May 22, 1937, CWMG, 65, p. 231. 8. Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, p. 153; and next quote, ibid. 9. Bapu to "Bhai Vallabhbhai," October 9, 1937, CWMG, 66 (August 1,1937-March 31, 1938) (October 1976), p. 212. 10. Bapu to "My Dear Jawaharlal," November 18, 1937, CWMG, 66, pp. 296-97. 11. "Storm Signals," Harijan, 20-11-1937, CWMG, 66, p. 300; next quote, ibid., p. 301. 12. "A Message" for Lord Lothian, January 20,1938, CWMG, 66, p. 344. 13. "Our Failure," March 22, 1938, CWMG, 66, pp. 405-406.
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CHAPTER 19 Wolpert, Nehru, p. 256. Gandhi's Statement to the Press, September 15, 1939, CWMG, 70, p. 177. Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, p. 171. Hindu-Muslim Unity. On the Train to Wardha, September 28, 1939, CWMG, 70, pp. 212-14. 5. Message to British People, October 3, 1939, CWMG, 70, p. 229. 6. Statement to the Press, Segaon, October 18, 1939, CWMG, 70, p. 267. 7. Wolpert, Nehru, p. 257. 8. Congress Working Committee Resolution, October 22, 1939, CWMG, 70, Appendix 13, pp. 419-20. 9. Bapu to "My Dear Jawaharlal," October 26, 1939, CWMG, 70, p. 297. 10. Hindu-Muslim Unity, October 30, 1939, CWMG, 70, p. 318. 1. 2. 3. 4.
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CHAPTER 23 1. Talk with Socialists, May 27, 1947, CWMG, 88 (May 25, 1947-July 31, 1947) (May 1983), p. 14. 2. Talk with a Co-Worker, May 29, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 33. 3. Talk with Manu Gandhi, June 1, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 50. 4. Ibid., p. 52. 5. Speech at Prayer Meeting, June 3, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 67. 6. A Letter, June 3, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 63. 7. Walls of Protection, June 8, 1947, CWMG, 88, pp. 101-102. 8. Gandhi to Nehru, June 9, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 113. 9. Talk with Visitors, June 9, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 116. 10. A Letter, June 15, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 159. 11. Talk with Manu Gandhi, June 15, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 159. 12. A Letter, July 12,1947, CWMG, 88, p. 320. 13. Letter to Jaisukhlal (Gandhi), July 15, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 340. 14. A Letter, July 20,1947, CWMG, 8^, p. 378. 15. Speech at Prayer Meeting, July 29, 1947, CWMG, 88, p. 461.
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[297]
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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
The most important primary source materials for Gandhi's life are published in ninety volumes of the Collected Works ofMahatma Gandhi, by Delhi's Publications Division of the Government of India's Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, by "kind permission" of Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, volume 1 in January 1959 to volume 90 in April 1984. Most of Gandhi's literary works have been reproduced in those volumes of his Collected Works, but several of his important books were published earlier and remain in print, accessible to the general reader. These include: Gandhi's Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth, trans. By Mahadev Desai (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1948); his Hind Swaraj and Other Writings, ed. A. J. Parel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); his Satyagraha in South Africa, trans, by V. G. Desai (Stanford: Academic Reprints, 1954); his Sarvodaya (The Welfare of All) (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1954); Gandhi's Speeches & Writings (Madras: Natesan, 1922); Young India, 1919-1922 by Mahatma Gandhi, 2nd ed. (New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1924); Indian States' Problem (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Press, 1941); and M. K. Gandhi, Delhi Diary (Prayer Speeches from 10-9-47 to 30-1-48) (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House,1948). Gandhi's secretary Mahadev H. Desai kept a daily diary during the first five years that he worked with Gandhi, seven volumes of which have been published: Day-to-Day with Gandhi, ed. N. D. Parikh, vols. 1-7 (Varanasi: Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, January 1968-January 1972). Gandhi's other secretary, Pyarelal, published three volumes of his records of Gandhi's activities, the first two entitled, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, vols. 1 & 2 (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1956). Pyarelal finished volume 1 of The Early Phase, and his sister, Dr. Sushila Nayar completed volume 2 (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, February 1965). Sushila Nayar subsequently completed two more volumes, Mahatma Gandhi's Last Imprisonment: The inside story (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1996) and In Gandhiji's Mirror (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991). The longest chronicle of Gandhi's life was written by D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, 8 vols. (Delhi: The Publications Division, Ministry of Information &C Broadcasting, Government of India, 1954). Of the many biographies of Gandhi published since his death, the most balanced are Judith M. Brown, Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989); Geoffrey Ashe, Gandhi (New York: Stein & Day, 1968); Robert Payne, The Life and Death of Mahatma Gandhi (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1969); Dhananjay Keer, Mahatma Gandhi: Political Saint and Unarmed Prophet (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1973); Rajmohan Gandhi, The Good Boatman: A Portrait of Gandhi (New Delhi: Viking, 1995); Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Harper, 1950); and B. R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958). The most insightful analysis into Gandhi's psyche is Erik H. Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence (New York: W. W. Norton, 1969). The earliest, most sensitive introduction to Gandhi was first written in French by Remain Rolland, trans, by Catherine Groth, Mahatma Gandhi (New York 8c London: Century, 1924). Several other illuminating memoirs of Gandhi were written by his Western European disciples and contemporaries in London and South Africa as well as India, the best of which are Madeleine Slade, The Spirit's Pilgrimage (New York: Coward-McCann, 1960); Horace Alexander, Gandhi through Western Eyes (London: Asia Publishing House, 1969); C. F. Andrews,
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Select Bibliography
Mahatma Gandhi: His Own Story (London: Allen &c Unwin, 1930), and Mahatma Gandhi at Work (Allen & Unwin, 1931); the Reverend Joseph J. Doke, An Indian Patriot in South Africa (London, 1909); Henry S. L. Polak, M. K. Gandhi: A Sketch of His Life and Work (Madras: Natesan, 1918); Millie Graham Polak, Mr. Gandhi: The Man (London, 1931). The best work on Gandhi's youth and early manhood is by Professor Stephen Hay, whose "Gandhi's First Five Years," appears in Encounter with Erikson: Historical Interpretation and Religious Biography, ed. D. Capps, W. H. Capps, and M. G. Bradford (University of California, Santa Barbara: Scholars Press, 1977); also Hay's "Jaina Goals and Disciplines in Gandhi's Pursuit of Swaraj," in Rule, Protest, Identity: Aspects of Modern South Asia, ed. Peter Robb and David Taylor (London: Curzon Press, 1978); and Hay's "Jain Influences on Gandhi's Early Thought," "Between Two Worlds: Gandhi's First Impressions of British Culture," and "Ethical Politics: Gandhi's Meaning of Our Time," in South Asia Series, Center for South and Southeast Asia Studies, Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley Reprint No. 359. The best work on Gandhi's experiences in London is James D. Hunt, Gandhi in London, revised ed. (New Delhi: Promilla Publishers, 1993); also see Hunt's Gandhi and the Nonconformists (New Delhi: Promilla, 1986). For Gandhi's two decades in South Africa, see E. S. Reddy and Gopalkrishna Gandhi, eds., Gandhi and South Africa (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1993); Maureen Swan, Gandhi: The South African Experience (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1985); Henry S. L. Polak, The Indians of South Africa (Madras: Natesan, 1909); Robert A. Huttenback, Gandhi in South Africa (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971). The best book of photographs of Gandhi, including some of his most moving statements is Gandhi: The Man, compiled by Eknath Easwaran (San Francisco: Glide Publications, 1972). For Gandhi's early political activism in India, see Judith M. Brown, Gandhi's Rise to Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), and her Gandhi and Civil Disobedience: The Mahatma in Indian Politics, 1928-34 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977). Ghanshayam Das Birla's memoirs include all the letters written by Gandhi to him as well as his to Gandhi in Bapu: A Unique Association, four volumes (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1977). Shriman Narayan has edited The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi in five volumes (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1968). Chandrashanker Shukla compiled the contributions of fifty-four people who, like himself, knew Gandhi in his Incidents of Gandhiji's Life (Bombay: Vora & Co Publishers, 1949). Prafulla Chandra Ghosh's Bengali memoir of Gandhi was translated into English by Dr. S. C. Sen Gupta, Mahatma Gandhi as I Saw Him (Delhi: S. Chand & Co. 1970). Sibnarayan Ray edited an excellent "International Symposium" on Gandhi India and the World (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1970). Another excellent anthology on The Meanings of Gandhi was edited by Paul F. Power (An East-West Center Book: Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1971). For the centenary of Gandhi's birth, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, in association with R. R. Diwakar and K. Swaminathan, edited Mahatma Gandhi: 100 Years (New Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1968), containing memoirs and tributes from Gandhi's followers as well as world leaders. The following year, Norman Cousins edited Profiles of Gandhi (Delhi: Indian Book Company, 1969), another anthology of global tributes. B. R. Nanda edited a more comprehensive anthology of tributes in Mahatma Gandhi: 125 Years (New Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations, 1995). For more extensive study of this subject the following books are recommended: Ahluwalia, B. K., and Shashi Ahluwalia, Netaji and Gandhi (New Delhi: Indian Academic Publishers, 1982). Ambedkar, B. R., What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables (Bombay: Thacker & Co., 1945).
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Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi, ed., The Mahatma and the Poet: Letters and Debates between Gandhi and Tagore, 1915-1941 (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1997). Birla, G. D., In the Shadow of the Mahatma (Bombay: Vakils, 1968). Bondurant, Joan V., Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, rev. ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969). Bose, N. K., My Days with Gandhi (Calcutta: Nishana, 1953). Bose, N. K., and P. H. Patwardhan, Gandhi in Indian Politics (Bombay: Lalvani Publishing House, 1967). Chatterjee, Margaret, Gandhi's Religious Thought (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983). Chopra, Dr. P. N., The Sardar of India: Biography of Vallabhbhai Patel (New Delhi: Allied Publishers Ltd., 1995). Chopra, Dr. P. N., and Dr. Prabha Chopra, eds., The Collected Works of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, 12 vols. (Delhi: Konark Publishers Ltd., 1990-98). Choudhari, M., Exploring Gandhi (New Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1989). Dalton, Dennis, Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action (New York: Columbia University Press 1993). Desai, Mahadev, The Gospel of Selfless Action, or, The Gita According to Gandhi (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1946). Devanesen, Chandran D. S., The Making of the Mahatma (New Delhi: Orient Longmans, 1969). Engineer, Asghar Ali, ed., Gandhi and Communal Harmony (New Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1997). Galtung, Johan, The Way Is the Goal: Gandhi Today (Ahmedabad: Gujarar Vidyapith, 1992). Gandhi, Rajmohan, The Good Boatman: A Portrait of Gandhi (New Delhi: Viking, 1995). Gandhi, Rajmohan, Rajaji: A Life (New Delhi: Penguin, 1997). Ghosh, Sudhir, Gandhi's Emissary (Bombay: Rupa, 1967). Green, Martin, Gandhi: Voice of a New Age Revolution (New York: Continuum, 1993). Harrison, Irene, Agatha Harrison: An Impression by Her Sister (London: 1956). Hunt, James D., Gandhi and the Nonconformists (New Delhi: Promilla, 1986). Iyer, Raghavan, The Moral and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1973). Iyer, Raghavan, ed., The Essential Writings of Mahatma Gandhi (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996). Jha, D. C., Mahatma Gandhi The Congress and The Partition of India (New Delhi: Sanchar Publishing House, 1995). Juneja, M. M., The Mahatma and the Millionaire (Hissar: Modern Publishers, 1993). Kripalani, J. B., Gandhi: His Life and Thought (New Delhi: Publications Division, 1970). Mansergh, N. and E. W. R. Lumby, eds., The Transfer of Power, 12 vols. (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1970-83). Mashruwala, K. G. In Quest of Truth (Ahmedabad: Shravana, 1983). Menon, V. P., The Transfer of Power in India (Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1957). Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). Moon, Penderal, ed., Wavell: The Viceroy's Journal (London: Oxford University Press, 1973). Moore, R. J., Escape from Empire (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983). Nanda, B. R., Gandhi: Pan-Islamism, Imperialism and Nationalism (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989).
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Narayan, Shriman, ed., The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, 5 vols. (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1968). Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography (London: John Lane, 1936). Oldfield, Josiah, "Gandhi as I Knew Him," John O'London's Weekly (March 29,1930), pp.1000-1004. Parekh, Bhikhu, Colonialism, Tradition and Reform (New Delhi: Sage, 1989). Parekh, Bhikhu, Gandhi's Political Philosophy: A Critical Examination (London: The MacMillan Press, 1989). Patel, C. N., Mahatma Gandhi in His Gujarati Writings (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1981). Philips, C. H., and M. D. Wainwright, eds., The Partition of India (London: Allen & Unwin, 1970). Prasad, Rajendra, Autobiography (Bombay: Asia, 1957). Puri, Rashmi-Sudha, Gandhi on War and Peace (New York: Praeger, 1987). Pyarelal, The Epic Fast (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1932). Ray, Baren, ed., Gandhi's Campaign Against Untouchability, 1933-34: An Account from the Raj's Secret Official Reports (New Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1996). Reddy, E. S., and Gopalkrishna Gandhi, eds., Gandhi and South Africa (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1993). Rothermund, Dietmar, Mahatma Gandhi: An Essay in Political Biography (New Delhi: Manohar, 1991). Roy, Ramashray, Self and Society: A Study in Gandhian Thought (New Delhi: Sage, 1984). Rudolph, Lloyd R., and Susanne H. Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967). Sareen, T. R., Subhas Chandra Bose and Nazi Germany (New Delhi: Mounto Publishing House, 1996). Sharp, Gene, Gandhi as a Political Strategist (Boston: Extending Horizon, 1979). Sheean, Vincent, Lead Kindly Light (New York: Random House, 1949). Stern, Elizabeth (pseud. Eleanor Morton), Women in Gandhi's Life (New York: Dodd, Mean, 1953). Tagore, Rabindranath, Mahatma Gandhi (Santiniketan: Visva-Bharati, 1963). Tendulkar, D. G., Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1967). Upadhyaya, J. M., Mahatma Gandhi: A Teacher's Discovery (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1969). Watson, Francis and Maurice Brown, Talking of Gandhi/i (Calcutta: Orient Longmans, 1957). Wolpert, Stanley A., Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1962). Wolpert, Stanley, Jinnah of Pakistan (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984). Wolpert, Stanley, Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Wolpert, Stanley, A New History of India, 6th ed. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). Woodcock, George, Mohandas Gandhi (New York: 1971).
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INDEX
Abdullah, Dada, 33-35, 37, 39-40, 44, 49 Abdullah, Sheikh, 239, 248, 251 Abell, George, 217 Abha 219, 220, 224, 238, 241, 244, 255-56, 258 African-American, 37 Afridi Pathans, 247 Afrikaners, 35, 46 Aga Khan, 204, 216 Agrarian unrest, 160, 162, 163 Ahimsa, viii, 5, 46, 97, 186, 195, 199, 200, 217, 225, 227, 232, 253, 263 Ahmed, Sahibzada Sultan, 102 Ahmedabad, viii, 17, 84, 87, 92; Mill-strike, 93, 101, 222, 262 Akali ("Immortal") Party, 111, 116 Alexander, Horace 11, 170, 221, 267 Alexander, A. V, 218 Alexander, Police Superintendent, 44, 50 Allahabad, 130, 154, 184, 259 Ali, Mohamed, 92, 103, 112, 116, 118, 119 Ali, Shaukat, 92, 103, 112, 117, 131 Ali, Syed Ameer, 69 Ambedkar, Dr. B. R., 168, 170, 222 American Negro, 37 Amery, Leo, 199, 214 Ampthill, Lord, 73, 74 Amritsar, 101, 103, 104, 244 Andrews, Charles ("Charlie") Freer, 80, 89, 103,116, 142, 160, 166, 169, 195, 202 Ansari, Dr., 130, 155 Aquino, Benigno, 266 Arjuna, 127 Arnold, Edwin, 22 Asiatic Ordinance Bill, 59; Asiatic Registration Ordinance, 64 Ashram, 17, 55, 84, 91, 98, 104, 121, 124, 139, 144, 147, 172 Asquith, Herbert, 63 Ataturk, Mustafa Kamal, 117 Attlee, Clement, 201, 214, 218, 222, 248 Atom bomb, viii, 216, 217, 231, 238, 249, 261, 263 Ayurvedic naturopathy, 179, 208, 218 Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam, 183, 194, 201, 203, 213, 254 Bajaj, Jamnalal, 110, 125, 148, 179 Baker, A. W.,37
Bakhtiar, Yahya, 210 Baldwin, Stanley, 121, 158 Banaras Hindu University, 85 Bande Mataram, 56 Banerjea, Surendranath, 56, 65 Bangalore, 125 Bangladesh, 56, 235 Bapu, vii, 7, 11, 211, 222, 225, 227, 240, 245, 249, 253, 255, 257, 262 Bardoli, 114, 131 Belgaum Congress, 118 Bengal, 55, 120; Famine throughout, 206, 216, 223, 235 Benn, William Wedgwood, 138, 156 Besant, Annie, 22, 43, 53, 85, 86, 90, 91, 100, 119 Bhagavad Gita, 22, 92, 96, 233, 258 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 261 Bhave, Vinoba, ix, 92, 122, 125, 179, 198, 229, 259, 260 Bhoodan ("Gift of Land"), 92, 260 Bhownaggri, Sir Muncherji, 61, 62, 74 Bihar, 88, 175, 205-6, 231 Birdwood, Sir George, 61 Birkenhead, Lord, 121 Birla, G. D., 117, 122, 179, 202, 219, 230, 244 Birla House, 244, 252, 253, 258, 268 Blavatsky, Madame Helena, 22 Boer War, 45, 57, 64 Bombay, 17, 28, 41, 43, 48, 55, 83, 85, 101, 130, 168, 204, 214 Bondurant, Professor Joan, x Bose, N. K., 224, 226, 229, 235 Bose, Netaji Subhas Chandra, 103, 158, 184, 185, 188, 191, 201, 207, 215 Botha, General Louis, 64, 78, 79 Brahmacharya, 15, 17, 26, 58, 92, 122, 177, 186, 229, 238 British Commonwealth, 133, 218, 234 Brown, Professor Judith M., x, 267 Brown, Professor W. Norman, ix, 267 Bubonic plague, 42, 53, 54 Buddha, 22, 263, 266 Buller, General, 46 Burma, 266 Cabinet Mission, 218ff, 221-22 Calcutta, 7, 10, 41, 48, 51, 55, 84, 108, 121, 132, 222, 240
[ 303 ]
Index
Cape Town, 60, 63, 78 Chamberlain, Joseph, 45, 46, 49, 50 Chamberlain, Neville, 189 Champaran, 88 Chaudhrani, Saraladevi, 109 Chauri Chaura, 113-14, 141 Chavez, Cesar, 266 Chelmsford, Lord, 88, 91, 96-7 China, 42, 202 Chittagong, 149 Chotani, Mian Mohamed, 108 Christianity, 22, 26, 37, 53, 58, 71, 104, 223, 264 Churchill, Winston, 58, 62, 155, 200, 201, 202, 205, 207, 209, 213, 214, 235, 245 Civil disobedience, 98, 99, 101, 107, 114, 142, 144, 147, 155,163, 172, 202 Cotton, Sir Henry, 61 Cotton hand spinning, 92, 117, 198 Crewe, Lord, 74, 76, 87 Cripps, Sir Stafford, 201, 215, 218, 221 Curzon, Viceroy Lord, 51 Curzon-Wyllie, Sir William, 73 Dalai Lama, 266 Dandi 142, 144, 147, 148 Das, C. R., 103, 116, 117, 120 Das Gupta, Satish Chandra, 9 Dawn, 207 Delhi, viii, 8, 99, 130, 243, 245, 248, 250, 253 Desai, Mahadev, viii, 90, 92,125, 149, 160, 166, 172, 204, 205 Dhaka, 56, 199 Dharasana Salt Depot, 149, 150, 151 Doke, Reverend Joseph J., 68, 72 Du Bois, W. E. B., 264 Durban, 33-34, 41, 44, 49, 50, 55, 57, 80 Dutt, R. Palme, 214 Dyer, Brigadier Reginald, 101 Einstein, Albert, 265, 268 Elgin, Earl of, 60, 61 Elwin, Verrier, 164 Ethiopian Church, 37 Erikson, Erik H., 15, 16, 17 Faering, Esther, 90, 104-5, 106, 114,130 Fischer, Louis, 203 Fisher, Margaret, x Formosa, 208 Galbraith, Professor and Mrs. J. Kenneth, x Gandhi, Chhaganlal, 52, 55, 75, 83 Gandhi, Devdas, 45,114, 135, 148, 160, 164, 166, 207, 258 Gandhi, Gopal, ix Gandhi, Harilal, 24, 34, 45, 69, 70, 72, 75, 84, 120, 135, 178, 179, 180, 208, 258 Gandhi, Jaisukhlal, 208, 225 Gandhi, Karamchand ("Kaba"), 13, 16 Gandhi, Karsandas, 13, 14, 16 Gandhi, Kasturba, 14, 28-29, 34, 42-43, 52, 58, 69, 71, 82, ("Ba") 83, 104,149, 164, 171, 177, 207, 208 Gandhi, Lakshmidas, 13, 18, 28, 30, 57, 69 Gandhi, Maganlal, 49, 66, 78, 83, 88, 90, 91-92, 116 Gandhi, Manilal 34, 45, 48, 75, 77, 88, 151, 208,229, 258 Gandhi, Manu, 208, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 238, 239, 241, 253, 254, 255-56, 258,259 Gandhi, Mahatma ("Great Soul") Mohandas Karamchand: advocates Ahimsa, 114, 200, 204, 225, 253, 263; assassination, 256; birth and early life in Gujarat, 13-18; in Bombay, 18; Christian impact on, 22-23, 37; admitted to London's Inner Temple, 23; advises Cabinet Mission, 218; almost assassinated, 68, 177, 254; against partition, 193, 237; and naturopathy, 218-19; and Subhas Bose, 188; and M. A. Jinnah, 137, 185, 209-10, 232, 234, 246; and Jawaharlal Nehru, 112-13, 129-30, 141, 203, 215,245,251; and Vallabhbhai Patel, 93, 109, 127,144, 177, 203, 214, 230, 249; and Rajendra Prasad, 176,180, 192, 234; and C. Rajagopalchari, 195, 203, 209ff.; and Jan Smuts, 80; anti-war, 70, 137; attends London Round Table Conference, 161ff.; launches Satyagraha in South Africa, 59ff; and in India, 89, 95, 107ff.; leads anti-Salt tax march, 144ff.; reaches agreement with Lord Irwin, 158; urges self-determination for Kashmir, 239, 247; calls upon India and Pakistan to "sit together" to resolve Kashmir conflict, 251; urges abolition of untouchability and Harijan discrimination, 119, 165, 175; urges Hindu-Muslim unity, 100, 103, 118; urges daily hand spinning and weaving, 115ff., 124; urges women to join the non-violent struggle for freedom, 148 Gandhi, Narandas, 179, 208 Gandhi, Puttibai, 13 Gandhi, Dr. Rajmohan, ix, 267 Gandhi, Ramdas, 45, 148, 208, 228, 258 Gandhi Memorial Trust, 262 Gandhi Peace Foundation, 260 Gelder, Stuart, 209 Ghosh, Profullah Chandra, 10 Ghosh, Sudhir, 220, 221, 222 Girdharlal, Sheth, 84
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Index
Glasgow (ship), 217 Godse, Gopal. 254, 259 Godse, Nathuram V.. 23, 254, 256, 259 Gokhale, Gopal Krishna. 43, 46, 47, 48, 51, 53, 55, 65, 72, 77, 78, 81, 83 Government of India Act (1919), 108, 116 Government of India Act (1935), 180 "Great March" in South Africa, 79 Gramdan ("Gift of Village"), 260 Gujarat, 13, 48, 84, 91, 97, 127 Gujarati, 54, 55, 56, 58, 71, 72, 76, 87, 88 Gujral, Former Prime Minister Inder Kumar, ix Haji Ally, 60, 61, 63, 69 Haji Joosab, Haji Muhammad, 37 Haji Khan, Tyeb Muhammad, 35, 37 Hamidiya Islamic Society, 59, 60 Harifan, 87, 91,168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 216, 219, 222, 244 Harrison, Agatha, 176, 189, 199, 207, 216, 220, 225 Hay, Professor Stephen, ix Hely-Hutchinson, Sir Walter Francis, 41 Hemchandra, Narayan, 25 Hills, Arnold, 25-26 Hind Swaraj ("Indian Home Rule"), 76, 77 Hindi, 87, 110, 118, 215, 216, 254 Hindu Mahasabha, 130, 131, 132, 232, 242, 257, 259 Hindu-Muslim conflicts, 69, 77, 103, 112, 118, 119, 124, 131, 162, 184, 186, 187, 193, 199, 221, 246 Hindu-Muslim unity, 100, 103, 11, 117, 128, 185, 192, 195, 199, 211 Hinduism, 37, 42, 43, 47, 85, 96, 103, 118, 119, 165, 168 Hindus, 56, 77, 91, 132, 167, 244, 254 Hitler, Adolf, 189, 190, 197, 200, 202, 213 Hoare, Sir Samuel, 165 Holistic healing, 179 Home Rule League, 90, 110 Human rights violations, 35, 47, 59, 102, 164 Hunter, Lord, 102 Huq, Fazlul, 230 Hussain, Dr. Zakir, 243 Hydari House, 11, 240, 241 Hyderabad, 259; Nizam of, 259 Imphal, 208 Indian Ambulance Corps, 36, 57, 82 Indian civilization, 122 India's Constituent Assembly, 225, 251 Indian Home Rule, 22 Indian Independence Act, 239 Indian National Army, 189, 201, 207, 208, 215 Indian National Congress, 17, 21, 22, 40, 43,
46, 65, 85, 104, 111, 118, 128, 133, 141, 188, 249, 253 Indian National Congress Working Committee, 136, 158, 159, 177, 183, 188, 192, 194, 196, 200, 214, 249 Indian Navy mutiny, 217 Indian Opinion, 52, 53, 54, 66, 69, 74, 76, 77 Inner Temple Inn, 23 International Declaration of Human Rights, 266 Irish Home Rule, 22 Irwin, Viceroy Lord, 121, 127, 138, 144, 150, 154, 157-58 Islam, 180, 195, 209, 223, 230 Iyer, Professor Nandini, x Iyer, Professor Raghavan, x
Jain, 19 Jainism, ix Jallianwala Bagh massacre, 101 Jameson's Raid, 46 Jamia Millia, 243 Jammu, 251 Jammu and Kashmir (State), 247 Japanese, 202, 207 Jayakar, M. R., 83, 110, 152, 155 Jesus Christ, 3, 23, 53, 65, 90, 164, 223 Jha, D. C., ix Jinnah, Quaid-i-Azam ("Great Leader") M. A., 7, 9, 10, 21, 24, 30, 65, 69, 87, 91, 98, 108, 110, 116, 128, 130, 131, 137, 139, 172, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 191, 192, 193, 194, 201, 204, 207, 209, 210, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222, 233, 234, 245, 246, 248. Jivandan ("Gift of Life"), ix, 92, 260 Johannesburg, 36, 51, 53, 60, 63 Johnson, Colonel Louis, 202 Johnston's Family Hotel, 37 Joshi, Mavji Dave, 18, 48 Kali 9 Kanpur (Cawnpore), 159, 170 Karachi, 201, 202, 255 Karachi Congress, 158-59 Kargil War, 261 Kashmir, 221, 239, 247, 250, 251, 253, 254, 261; promise of plebiscite in, 248; Indo-Pak War over, 246, 247, 248, 252, 253 Kashmir, Maharaja of, Hari Singh, 239, 247 Kaunda, Kenneth, 266 Kaur, Rajkumari Amrit, 186, 190, 195, 215, 220, 243 Kelappan, K., 169 Khadi (hand-spun and handwoven cloth,) 125, 145
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Index
Khan, Abdul Ghaffar, 185, 194 Khan, Liaquat All, 225, 227, 250 Kheda (or Kaira) Satyagraha, 92-93, 95 Khilafat, 103, 107, 112, 117, 119 Khuhro, M. A., 255 King, Dr. Martin Luther, x, 264, 266 Kitchlew, Dr., 108 Kochrab, 84 Kripalani, Acharya, 226 Krishna, 23,127 Kruger, Paul, 46 Labour Party victory, 214 Lahore, 102-3, 131,141, 194, 208, 231, 240, 244 Lahore Resolution, 210, 212, 218 Lancashire, 145 Laski, Harold, 214 Lester, Muriel, 8, 160, 176 Lincoln's Inn, 24, 87 Linlithgow, Lord, 182, 190, 193, 196,197, 200,205 Listowel, Lord, 235 London, 19, 20, 21, 23, 82, 160, 207 London Round Table Conferences, 138, 141, 152, 153, 159, 162, 163 Lothian, Lord, 184 Lucknow, 88, 132, 139 Luther, Martin, 64 Luthuli, Chief, 266 MacDonald, Prime Minister Ramsay, 138, 153, 166 Madras, 44, 84, 128, 216 Maguire, Mairead, 266 Mahabharata, 23 Maharashtra, 43, 72, 106, 218 Mahatma ("Great Soul"), 5, 7, 11, 42, 48, 53, 63, 73, 104, 109, 111, 116, 122, 125, 132, 137, 198,226,245 Makanji, Gokuldas, 14 Malaviya, Pandit Madan Mohan, 112, 168 Mandela, Nelson, 265, 266 Mani Bhavan, 164 Manning, Cardinal Henry Edward, 25 Marathi, 72 Maritzburg, 35 Marwari, 17 Maxwell, Sir Reginald, 207 Mayor, Dr. Federico, 266 Mehta, Dr. Dinshaw, 206, 208, 214, 218 Mehta, Dr. P. Jivraj, 20, 28,125 Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, 32, 43, 47, 51, 72 Mehtab, Sheikh, 13,14, 15,16, 29, 41, 69 Menon, Dr. E. K., 106 Menon, V. K. Krishna, 8, 214, 234, 235 Milner, Alfred, 46, 51, 52 Ministry of Atomic Power, 261 Mirabehn (or Mira), 122, 124,125, 128, 145, 149, 153, 160, 163, 164, 166, 167, 171, 176, 177, 180, 186, 204, 228, 238 ModhVania, 14, 18,28 Mohammed, Ghulam, 250 Mohani, Hasrat, 108 Moksha, 267 Montagu, Edwin Samuel, 91, 138 Moonje, Dr. B. S., 132 Morarji, Narottam, 116 Morley, John, 21, 57, 62, 73 Moscow, 127, 128 Mountbatten, Lady Edwina Ashley, 8,116, 221,235 Mountbatten, Viceroy Lord, 7, 9, 116, 220-21, 223, 232, 234, 235, 241, 246, 248, 250 Mukerjee, Debendra Nath, 242 Mukerji, Satis Chandra, 229 Muller, Max, 40 Munshiram, Mahatma, 84, 89. See also Shraddhanand, Swami Muslim League, 10, 85, 87, 121, 172, 182, 187, 192, 194, 204, 216 Muslim nation, 212 Muslims, 7, 8, 9, 36, 56, 183, 244 Mussolini, Benito, 163, 188, 197, 213 Nagpur, 109, 132 Naidu, Sarojini, 117, 121, 140, 148, 151, 167, 204 Nankana, 111 Naoroji, Dadabhai, 21, 51, 53, 61 Narayan, Jaya Prakash (J. P.), ix, 187, 260 Narayan, Prabhavati 187 Narayanan, President K. R., ix, 87 Natal, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40, 50 Natal Indian Congress, 40, 45, 57, 58, 63 Naturopathy, 179, 206, 207-8, 209, 218, 238 Navajivan ("New Life"), 102 Navajivan Press, viii Navajivan Trust, 262 Nayar, Pyarelal, viii, 160, 255 Nayar, Dr. Sushila, viii, 186, 220, 226, 254, 258 Nazimuddin, Khwaja, 10 Negro "problem," 203 Nehru, Indira, 169, 190, 261 Nehru, Jawaharlal 7, 8, 9, 25, 76, 109, 112-13, 120, 127, 128, 130, 132,133, 137, 139, 141, 146, 157, 158, 160,162,163, 169, 171, 174,177,178,180-81, 188, 190, 193, 195, 198, 202, 203, 211, 214, 219, 220, 222, 225, 227, 232, 233, 240, 245, 247, 250, 252, 253, 255, 257, 261
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Index
Nehru, Motilal, 76, 103, 104, 109, 116, 117, 120, 130 131, 132, 146, 152, 154 Newman, Cardinal John Henry, 9 Noakhali, 8, 9, 223, 225, 229, 240 Non-violence, 113, 114, 204, 228, 234, 249, 264, 267, 268 Nuclear weapons, 261 O'Dwyer, Sir Michael, 102 Oldfield, Dr. Josiah, 22, 61 Ollivant, Sir Edward Charles, 30-41 Orissa, 176, 202 Ottoman Empire, 107 Pahwa, Madanlal, 254 Pakistan, 9, 137, 159, 193, 194ff., 201, 203, 210, 211, 218, 219, 225, 229, 234, 235, 239, 244, 245, 246, 248, 253, 255, 261 Pakistan Day, 218, 231 Panchayat, 40 Panchayati Raj, 251 Pankhurst, Mrs. Emmeline, 74 Parasuram, 224, 227 Parks, Rosa, 266 Parsi Rustomji, 44 Parsis, 40, 61, 77 Partition of South Asia, 219, 220, 237, 241-42, 244 Patel, Maniben, 116, 153, 258 Patel, Sardar Vallabhbhai, 93, 96, 98, 109, 127, 131, 139, 144, 154, 159, 166, 177, 180, 184, 188, 202, 203, 204, 214, 217, 226, 229, 230, 239, 242, 243, 249, 253, 255, 258 Patel, Viththalbhai, 136, 139, 151 Patwardhan, Achyut, ix Patwardhan, Pama, ix Patwardhan, Rao Sahib, ix Peace, 204 Peace Army, 249 Pearson, William W., 80, 89 Pethick-Lawrence, Lord, 214, 218, 221 Pethick-Lawrence, Mrs., 74 Phoenix Ashram, 55, 58, 78, 80, 88 Pilgrim's Progress, The (Bunyan), 61 Polak, Henry S. L., 53, 54, 55, 72, 89, 90 Poona, 43, 81, 83, 168, 254 Porbandar, 13, 14, 28 Prejudice, racial or "colour," 35, 37, 58, 60, 61, 130,190, 264 Prasad, Dr. Rajendra, 168, 176, 180, 191, 192, 228,231,234,241,254 Pretoria, 35, 37, 50, 64 Prohibition, 130, 142, 174 Punjab, 101, 108, 231, 235, 241 Purna Swaraj ("Complete Independence"), 133, 140,142,223, 228, 255 Quetta earthquake, 179 Quit India movement, 74, 204, 206, 207 Racism, 36, 37, 40, 44, 52, 121, 130 Radcliffe, Sir Cyril, 239 Radhakrishnan, Dr. S., 261 Rahman, Mujibur, 229 Rajagopalachari, C. (C. R.), 168, 180, 195, 203, 209, 210, 211, 216, 242 Rai, Lala Lajpat, 108, 131, 132 Raj Ghat, 258 Rajkot, 13, 28-29, 42, 48, 52, 83, 179, 189, 208 Rajkot, Rana of, 30 Ram Rajya ("Rama's Rule"), 90, 246, 260 Rama, 20, 48, 90, 99, 136, 236, 255, 256, 258 Ramachandran, G., 260 Ramanama, 21, 207, 219, 230 Rambha, 13, 20 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R. S. S.), 232, 257, 259 Ray, Professor Sibnarayan, x Reading, Lord, 112, 115 Red Fort trial, 215, 217 Richards, Robert, 216 Rig Veda, 3 Ritch, Louis W., 53, 62, 65 Robinson, Sir John, 40 Rolland, Romain, 122, 163 Roosevelt, President Franklin D., 202, 203, 207, 213 Rowlatt, Justice, 98 Rowlatt Bills (and Acts), 98, 99 Roy, Dr. B. C., 206 Rural uplift, 178, 180 Ruskin, John, 26, 54, 76 Russia, 202 Sabarmati, 17, 84, 88, 101, 145, 172 Salt, H. S., 21 Salt march, 142, 144ff., 147 Salt tax, 130, 142, 143, 150, 151, 156, 216, 218 Santiniketan, 83, 120 Sapru, Tej Bahadur, 152, 155 Sarabhai, Ambalal, 93-94 Sarabhai, Anasuyabehn, 93-94 Sarabhai, Saraladevi, 233 Sarvodaya, 25, 55, 92, 198, 259, 262 Satya, 5, 66, 217 Satyagraha, 3, 6, 59, 66, 71, 79, 89, 92-93, 99, 107, 119, 131, 197ff., 204, 206, 225 Satyagraha Ashram, 84, 178 Satyagraha Sabha, 99 Satyagrahi, 68, 70, 73, 97,100, 204 Schlesin, Sonya, 53, 90
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Index
Selborne, Lord, 57, 60 Self-determination, 212 Servants of India society, 83, 84 Setalvad, Sir Chimanlal, 102 Sevagram ("Village of Service") ashram, 172, 178, 208, 217, 259, 262 Shanti Sena Dal, 242 Shaw, George Bernard, 22 Sharma, Vaidyaraj Shiv, 208 Shiva, 3 Shraddhanand, Swami, 84, 89, 99, 103, 124 Sikbistan, 235 Sikhs, 111,221,235,244 Simla, 112, 128, 159, 190; conference, 213-14, 220 Simon, Sir John, 121 Sind, 202 Singh, Baldev, 225 Singh, Bhagat, 132, 158 Singapore, 200, 220 Sita, 90 Slade, Madeleine, 122, 157. See also Mirabehn Sly, Sir Frank, 89 Smuts, General Jan, 64, 67, 69-70, 76, 78, 80, 190 Soul-force, 91, 263 South Africa, 33, 38, 41, 49, 208 South Asia, 219, 220 Spiegel, Margarete ("Amala"), 178 Spinning wheel (charkha), 114-15, 118, 119, 123 Srinagar, 239, 248 Srinivasa Sastri, V. S., 84, 85, 100 Suffragette movement, 63, 74 Suhrawardy, Huseyn Shaheed, 10, 11, 222, 225, 235, 240 Sukhdev, 132 Suu Kyi, Aung San, 266 Swadesh,i 56, 84, 100 Swami, Becharji, 19 Swaraj, 70, 85, 91, 97, 104, 123, 135, 199, 200 Swarajist Party, 117, 120 Tad Ekam, 3 Tagore, Gurudev Rabindranath, 56, 83, 109, 120, 168, 176, 188, 236 Talwar, 217 Tapas, 3, 5, 86, 263 Tata, Lady, 109 Tata, Ratanji Jamsetji, 77 Tendulkar, D. G., viii Thackersey, Lady Premlila, 171, 173, 177, 208 Theosophical Society, 22, 85 Thoreau, Henry David, 68, 72, 76 Tibet, 266 Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 23, 43, 46, 70, 74, 91 Tolstoy, Leo, 55, 76 Tolstoy Farm, 55 Transvaal, 34, 36, 45, 49, 50, 59, 78 Transvaal Asiatic Registration Act, 64, 78 Transvaal British Indian Association, 51, 57 Travancore State, 119 True democracy, 252 Tuker, Sir Francis, 10 Tutu, Archbishop Desmond, 266 U Thant, 266 UNESCO: year of "International Tolerance," 265-66 Union of South Africa, 64, 78 United Nations, 213, 266 United States of America, 123, 200, 262, 264 Unto This Last (Ruskin), 54 Untouchability, 85, 87, 118, 119, 165, 167, 169, 175, 216 Untouchables, 42, 47, 162, 168 Urdu, 254 Vaishnava, 14, 18 Vajpayee, Prime Minister A. B., viii, 261 Varanasi (Banaras), 86 Vedic Aryan, 75, 96 Vegetarian Society, 21 Vishnu, 125 Volksrust jail, 71, 72, 79 Vora, Haridas, 52 Vykom, 119 Wacha, Sir Dinshaw, 43, 47, 100 War criminals, 213 Wardha, 125, 172, 177, 183, 191, 209, 255 Wavell, Lord, 208, 213, 215, 217, 222, 225 Wedderburn, Sir William, 51, 65 West, Albert, 55 Western civilization, 75, 76; "Satanic," 95, 120, 129 Willingdon, Lord, 159, 163 World peace, India's contribution to, 123, 140 World War I, 46, 82, 87, 107, 117 World War II, 206 Yeravda Prison, 115, 150, 164, 172 Yogic powers, 60, 118, 130, 136, 186, 238 Young India, 117, 131, 133, 137, 143 Zambia, 266 Zetland, Lord, 182 192 Zulu Revolt, 57
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