Group Assignment

Group Valmiki Community NGO -Navsarjan

Socio-Cultural Environment of Business (2011-2012)

To Prof. Vijaya Sherry Chand By Group 6, Section E Aniketh Talwai Raghupati Das Satyam Saxena Shaurya Sharma

Date 19th December 2011

INDIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT, AHMEDABAD

Table of Contents

Introduction................................................................................................................................ 3 Observations during field visit ................................................................................................... 6 External Linkages ...................................................................................................................... 8 Consequences ........................................................................................................................... 11 Implications.............................................................................................................................. 12 The Road Ahead ....................................................................................................................... 15 Epilogue: An interview ............................................................................................................ 17

Introduction A brief overview of the caste system in India: Caste can be defined as a hereditary endogamous group, having a common name, common traditional occupation, relative rigid in matters of mobility, distinctiveness of status and forming a single homogenous community, according to the National Institute of Open Schooling, which also enumerates the distinctive features of the caste system, such as social segmentation based on caste, hierarchy of castes according to the purity of occupations they perform, restrictions on intermingling between castes, association of occupation with caste and endowment of social and religious privileges. There are roughly 4000 different castes in India, though estimates vary significantly.

(Source: Employment and Unemployment situation among various social groups in India NSS 55 round 1999-00 Page 41 & 42 via Wikipedia) A brief introduction to the Valmiki community and the issue of manual scavenging: The Valmiki community is a sub-caste of the Dalit community, and the occupations that have been linked to their caste are manual scavenging, cleaning and sweeping. The Valmikis occupy the lowest rung of the caste based socio-economic ladder, and are often discriminated against even by other Dalits. The particular Valmiki community that was visited was located in Mehsana town of Gujarat.

Manual scavenging refers to the practice of cleaning human waste from dry toilets (i.e. those not connected to a sewerage system) and cleaning of sewers by hand. Technically, the practice of manual scavenging is prohibited by law. Under the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act of 1993 offenders can face a jail term of up to one year or a fine of Rs. 2000 (source: CNN-IBN). However, despite the existence of such laws, it is estimated that there are over 64,000 manual scavengers in the state of Gujarat alone. Indeed, several municipalities themselves employ manual scavengers to keep their sewers and sanitation systems clean. The Asian Legal Resource Centre, in a submission to the UN, noted that several surveys indicated that there may be as many as 1.2 million manual scavengers in India. The manual scavengers often work in hazardous conditions without any protective gear, and this has contributed to a high incidence of disease amongst the community. Furthermore, many of these workers are employed on a temporary basis, and hence lack job security and the ability to organize. In addition, a large percentage of the scavengers are women, who suffer from both caste and gender based violations.

A brief note on the NGO Navsarjan: Navsarjan is grassroots Dalit organization that strives to eliminate untouchability based practices and seeks to enforce equality, the rule of law, and the upholding of human rights. It is active primarily in Gujarat, and with a presence in more than 3000 villages and a field staff of about 80, it is one of the larger NGOs in its domain. Navsarjan has also been working to improve the lot of the Valmiki community of manual scavengers. It seeks to eliminate the practice of manual scavenging, and to help rehabilitate those currently employed as scavengers, both through direct aid as well as through creating pressure on the State, and to increase the participation of the Valmikis in the affairs of society. To this end, Navsarjan has undertaken several measures for the betterment of the community. It has employed the legal channel and forced the government to act against the practice of scavenging through the lodging of court cases. It also seeks to ensure the provision of education to the children of the Valmiki community and training and vocational skills to the youth. It has worked to increase awareness amongst the community regarding their rights, protections and the benefits that are supposed to be made available to them, and has also sought to unionize the scavenger workforce. It has also undertaken various welfare schemes that benefit the community, such as provision of arable land, insurance schemes and the development of alternate latrine facilities that obviate the need for manual scavenging.
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Observations made during field visit: Definitions of identity: The group that was visited seemed to derive a sense of identity from its labour and by extension its caste. This was repeatedly reinforced in multiple conversations with various members of their community, where the type of labour (scavenging and cleaning) served as much as a marker of identity as a means of livelihood. To an extent, this was expected since both society at large as well as the group itself viewed caste as the prism through which it was identified, and distinguished from, the broader societal whole, and because caste and labour are inextricably tied together in India. However, their labour, or rather the rigor that it demanded, was not only a marker of identity but also a source of pride. Several members of the community pointed to the arduous and taxing nature of scavenging and cleaning to buttress their claim that they deserved a better deal from society. They also pointed out that though their labour was looked down upon, it was essential to the smooth functioning of society, and this often overlooked indispensability seemed to be a source of self-worth. Interestingly, this pride that they, and they alone, performed this crucial and gruelling task, was present even though most members desired a better job, and would leave their current tasks if the opportunity to do so arose. Internal Structure: The group that was visited exhibited a fairly high degree of internal cohesion, with minimal internal stratification. There appeared to be no obvious rifts between different sections of the community. Conversations with various members of the community suggested that caste was such a powerful marker of identity that it served to erase any internal stratification that may otherwise have existed. A brief examination of the community also revealed that there were no significant differences in the economic advancement of various members of the community. Almost all the dwellings of the community were roughly equal in terms of size and quality of construction. The personal effects, such as clothes and accessories, of the various members of the community that were interacted with also seemed to suggest a fairly homogeneous standard

of living. Conversations with various members of the group also served to reinforce this notion. Furthermore, the social hierarchy within the group appeared to be fairly flat. Conversations with various members of the group did not reveal any pecking order that members of the group were forced to adhere to. A cursory examination of the social interactions between the group members also seemed to suggest a fairly egalitarian social dynamic between the members of the group. It is likely that the lack of concentration of economic power is reflected in the fact that no one member of subsection of the group can wield any significant clout over the rest, and that this lack of social hegemony in turn prevents the hoarding of economic clout. An interesting intra-group phenomenon that was evident even during the brief interaction was the egalitarian nature of gender relationships. The female members of the community who were observed did not appear to be subservient to their male counterparts in any respect. Moreover, it was learned that the women, almost without exception, worked and earned valuable income. Indeed, it is likely that this economic value that the women brought to the table was one of the factors that enabled them to deal with men on an equal footing. In addition, a general sense of respect towards women was evident in the men. Furthermore, given the significantly higher mortality rate amongst men as compared to women (which was revealed anecdotally), it is likely that women were disproportionately represented amongst the elderly, which gave them social currency in a society where age is treated with respect and deference. A further observation was that the younger generations seemed to be more energetic and galvanized than their older peers. The youth were far more confident and assertive in almost all facets of behaviour. They were more willing to talk to the visiting students, and were more vehement and wilful in those conversations. They also seemed to be, on average, better educated than preceding generations, and indeed, there was a large cohort of young children who were being educated by the NGO, which augurs for the continuation of this trend. Moreover, while the older generation seemed more resigned to the lack of opportunities in their lives, the youth, perhaps because of increased awareness and self-confidence, were angrier that they were being denied a shot at bettering their lives. Unfortunately, however, the community grappled with problems related to alcoholism and substance abuse. Anecdotal evidence suggested that the nature of the job was a prime causal
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factor, since many consumed intoxicants to numb themselves against the less than appealing nature of their task. Apart from the long term health hazards that consumption of these intoxicants pose, they also serve to increase risks for workers on the job, since they often fail to notice health hazards (such as poisonous gases). In addition, the effectively disposable income of the community is also eroded by expenditure on intoxicants. Another scourge of the community was the health hazards that manual scavenging posed. Since the workers were rarely, if ever, provided with protective equipment, they suffered from recurring health issues, such as skin damage and poisoning. Often this led to workers missing out on their daily wages whilst they recuperated. Moreover, in the absence of access to free healthcare, the amount that workers were forced to pay for medical attention diminished their already meagre incomes. Over the long term, this also manifested itself in higher mortality rates, as reported by several members of the community. Representation: The group seemed to have little, if any, political representation. Conversations with members of the group revealed a cynical and jaundiced view of the political process, and a general disillusionment with the apparatus of the State. The group seemed to have little access to the machinery of the State, and lacked the ability to demand and receive services from the government. Although civil society groups and NGOs have tried to address this issue by petitioning the State on behalf of the community, a sustained lack of access still persists. In addition, the apparatus of the State had a perverse incentive to ignore the plight of the community. Since the practice of scavenging was barred by law, the registration of members of the community as scavengers was discouraged and stalled by various elements of the bureaucracy since it would signal a failure on their part to check the practice. However, the members of the community could not access several benefits if they were not registered. Hence, this wilful blindness by the agents of the State served to deny the Valmikis the resources that had been earmarked for them. External linkages: One of the starkest way in which society at large reinforced the marginalization of the community was through restricting labour mobility. The three primary avenues of employment available to the community were the private sector, government jobs, and odd jobs and trades. Few of the members of the community had the requisite skills to hold private
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sector jobs. Moreover, while members of the community were able to find employment by the municipality, those jobs were often in sewage and sanitation a variation of their traditional occupation of scavenging. Few, if any, were able to get stable employment in government offices. Moreover, most of the trade jobs, such as carpentry or shoe working, worked on an apprenticeship model. However, since many of these professions are dominated by a particular caste, it was extremely difficult for an outsider to break into the system. Since every other caste deigned that the Valmiki community be consigned to scavenging and cleaning alone, it became very difficult for members of the community to be hired for any other jobs. Thus, the scope for labour mobility was severely restricted. Moreover, the rigidity in labour also translated to rigidity socially and economically, because of the strong linkages between labour, caste and social status. The Valmiki community risks being trapped in a viscous cycle since they lack access to different sources of employment, they are forced to perform scavenging and related tasks alone, which in turn strengthens the stereotype of being the scavenging community, which hinders their attempts to seek different avenues of employment. Additionally, since the broader community equates the type of labour performed with caste, and hence social status, it becomes extraordinarily difficult for the Valmikis to ascend the social ladder as long as they perform scavenging related jobs. Additionally, the social hierarchy was maintained not through acts of violence but through exclusion. Conversations with members of the community revealed that the threat of violence or other forms of coercion were relatively low. However, the Valmiki community found it difficult to break free of their position on societys bottom rung since they faced systematic exclusion, especially in the form of lack of access to State services and by the lack of employment opportunities availed to them by other communities. Thus, the social pecking order was upheld through acts of omission rather than commission. This reliance on subtler forms of discrimination rather than overt physical violence, which is the norm else in some other parts of the country, is probably reflective of greater degree of awareness and economic development amongst the Valmikis as compared to other communities in similar positions on the social ladder. Fortunately, civil society groups and NGOs have had a positive impact on the lives of marginalized communities like the Valmikis. These NGOs seem to function primarily as a bridging mechanism between the community and the society and State. Since they are not
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endowed with significant resources or manpower, the NGOs seek to leverage the significantly greater power of the State or private industry to help empower the community. In dealing with the government, this leverage is achieved by guiding members of the community through the various formal channels through which they can seek succour from the State, by petitioning the government on behalf of the otherwise voiceless community or by resorting to the courts to enforce the basic rights and protections afforded to members of the community. The primary means of harnessing the power of the private sector to provide employment was through providing members of the community with the skills required by such employers. The successes enjoyed by the NGOs illustrates that empowerment can be achieved even in resource constrained environments by an intelligent yoking of different sections of society to construct a mutually beneficial framework, and that NGOs have been forced to evolve beyond the traditional mode of operating via fund raising and disbursal. It was instructive to note the crucial importance of the tools of the modern capitalist economy, such as access to credit and entrepreneurial networks, in the economic development of a community. The members of the Valmiki community found it difficult to obtain loans at favourable rates. Furthermore, there were few individuals in the community who had set themselves up in trade or business, which meant that a would-be entrepreneur would find it extremely difficult to find customers, suppliers, financiers and advisers. These two factors severely restricted the ability of the community to start their own businesses and hence catapult themselves up the socio-economic hierarchy and achieve a degree of economic independence. These observations reinforced the need for, and importance of, a supportive financial and commercial substratum in promoting the economic development of marginalized communities. It was a cause of concern that the community was for all practical purposes, divorced from the political process. There appeared to be few, if any, links between the polity and the community, and a cycle of mutually reinforced neglect between the two. The members of the community believed that the political class, regardless of party affiliation, did not speak for them and could not be trusted to better their lives. This disinterest and lack of involvement, along with the relative numerical insignificance of the Valmikis engendered further neglect of the community by politicians. Thus, though the community had a formal political presence through their ability to vote, in reality they were political ghosts invisible, powerless and ignored.

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Consequences: A major consequence of the labour and caste rigidity was the presence of a systemic and pervasive system of discrimination against the Valmikis. This discrimination was rarely enforced through force or overt power, but manifested itself through a social, economic and political system where the dice was loaded against the community. The social, economic and political handicaps of the community served as mutually reinforcing barriers that served to stall the empowerment of the community. Moreover, the very pervasiveness of the system enhanced the sense of frustration and futility amongst the members of the community since the scope of their problems seemed too vast and all-encompassing to combat. Furthermore, the lack of a single oppressor or the use of violence robbed the community of a common, clearly defined opponent against whom they could unite, and reduced the possibility of occurrence of flashpoints that could galvanize the community into action. This ubiquitous discrimination and lack of opportunity creates a mind-set of victimization amongst the members of the community. This leads to the psychological debilitation of the community as a sense of futility shadows every effort made at advancement. This in turn manifests itself either through frustration and anger or through fatalism and resignation. In a community where a large segment of the population comprises of youth, this frustration, accompanied by a higher degree of awareness than in the past, can combine to produce a dangerous environment that is ripe for outbreaks of violence and dissidence. The sense of fatalism is perhaps even more dangerous to the community over the long term, since it saps its members of the will to strive to improve their lot, and can often trigger a slide into alcoholism and substance abuse. On a broader scale, the community risks being permanently excluded from the rising tide of the Indian economy. Although the rapid economic growth over the last decade has benefitted a significant section of the populace, the bulk of that growth and opportunity has been virtually off-limits to the Valmiki community since they lack the skills to enter the private sector, or the ability to tap the State for benefits. This has resulted in a disassociation of the community from the larger society and economy, which prevents the fruits of national development from trickling down to the members of the community. In addition, this disassociation is not merely social or economic, but also in terms of identity. As discussed earlier, the Valmikis derive their identity primarily from their caste and labour. Coupled with the lack of access to opportunities and socio-economic rigidity, the community
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tends to turn inwards and circle the wagons, mentally cutting themselves off from the rest of the populace. This contributes to the widening chasm between the community and the society at large. Implications: A primary implication of the political marginalization of the Valmiki community is the breakdown of the one vote, one value precept. Although on paper the members of the community have as much voting power as any other citizen, their lack of organization and numerical strength, combined with their negligible financial clout, greatly diminishes the political sway that the community is able to exert. This highlights a major flaw of all democracies, since the polity often concludes that the costs of serving a poor, marginalized and numerically weak community is often not worth the number of votes that they would gain as a result. Thus, each vote of a member of such a community is, in reality worth less than that of a numerically larger, richer or more organized group. Moreover, when such devaluation extends over a period of time, it leads to the creation of a permanent minority, where a certain section of society is forever condemned to the margins of the political process since their votes are not valuable enough to the polity. This is particularly true of democracies where voting blocs are drawn along permanent markers such as religions, ethnicity and caste, since the marginalized community would always be on the wrong side of the electoral calculus. This weakness of democracies is due to fundamentally utilitarian principle that underpins them. Though democracies are supposed to represent the will of all citizens, the only way that this translated into practical governance is if the State represents the will of the majority, since universal consensus is never achieved in practice. Thus, while a democracy often functions for the greatest good of the greatest number, it can also be deaf to the demands of those few citizens who are perpetually caught on the wrong side of the numerical divide. Furthermore, it can be construed that democracies where the voting blocs are drawn along ideological lines and elections are driven by issues rather than identity, the possibility of the emergence of a permanent minority is significantly reduced. Ideas, values and positions are constantly evolving and hence the composition of the various voting blocs is always in flux. In addition, unlike identity based markers such as caste or religion, opinions and values are

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always dynamic and changing, and hence a previously marginalized group can gain power by winning converts to its cause, which is not possible when the politics is identity driven. Since universal suffrage alone is insufficient to empower every citizen, the various institutions and mechanisms of the State have a prime role to play in preventing rule by the people to becoming rule of the mob. The various safeguards that are embedded in the constitution to protect the rights of the minority are the primary bulwark against majoritarian rule, since they prevent the numerically, economically and politically dominant majority from exercising their strength at the ballot box and in polity to ride roughshod over the underclass. However, the constitutional protection must be supported by an ecosystem of institutions such as an independent judiciary, an active media and an empowered civil society in order to ensure that those provisions are effectively implemented by the state, and to convert the de jure protections into a de facto reality. Indeed, it is the lack of implementation of the constitutional protections and the various schemes delineated by the government that is the primary scourge of marginalized communities like the Valmikis. This difference between the formal status of marginalized communities and the actual reality they experience is one of the reasons why a democracy, which theoretically should protect all its citizens, often fails the poorest and weakest of them. The ineffective implementation of various laws and schemes meant to benefit marginalized communities often boils down to a lack of incentive for the agents of the State, such as bureaucrats, policemen and elected representatives, to channel the resources of government to groups that cannot wield much influence over the political process. Moreover, many of the most marginalized communities, such as the Valmikis, are unable to adopt one of the traditional political tools used by oppressed groups, namely, forming alliances with other downtrodden sections. Since such communities are often at the very bottom of the social pyramid, even other groups refuse to make common cause with them, though they may face similar challenges. This is especially true in the Indian context, where the barriers thrown up by the caste system often ensure that the weaker castes discriminate amongst themselves, and hence are not able to tap into the political power that would be afforded by uniting under a common banner. Additionally, the weakest sections of the society find themselves absolutely devoid of allies, reinforcing their marginalization and isolation. Throughout history, revolutions and large scale social upheavals have always been marked by large disparity between different elements of the populace and the stalled upward mobility of
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the disadvantaged sections of society. Unfortunately, both these conditions are often present in the most marginalized communities of todays India, such as the Valmikis. The desire to better oneself and to see ones children live a better life is a universal human aspiration, and when this mobility is stalled due to lack of opportunity, it invariably leads to anger and frustration. This anger is often magnified when one sees various other sections advancing whilst one is left behind. The marginalized communitys anger is fuelled by the sense of injustice, since they often work as hard as their better off peers, and by a feeling of being rejected by a society that cannot seem to find a place for them. In the absence of safety valves, such as recourse to the ballot box, an active civil society, or a government safety net, this anger and frustration can often manifest itself through violence. While marginalized and discriminated groups exist throughout the world, the caste system in India throws up several peculiarities of its own. Prime amongst them is the link between labour and caste, which effectively intertwines the social and economic fortunes of a community. This can make it doubly difficult for a marginalized group to break the shackles of oppression, since progress must often be made on both the fronts simultaneously if it is to be lasting. The second is the dominance of caste based politics and voting blocs. In a country where it is said that one votes ones caste, instead of casting ones vote, a caste which does not wield the electoral clout to float a party of its own can find itself effectively shut out of the political process. The third is that caste is a permanent marker of identity, and given the centrality of the caste system to the Indian social milieu, it is extremely unlikely that the divisions drawn along the lines of caste would fade quickly or easily. Thus, it becomes extremely difficult for a member of a marginalized group to shed his or her identity and create a new one. The problems of the marginalized castes can be traced to the original sin that the founding fathers of the nation made in ignoring the value of fraternity in favour of liberty and equality. The dominant role that the caste system plays in the social, economic and political lives of Indians was either ignored, or swept under the rug in the form of reservations, in the hope that Indians, empowered through individual liberty and equality would experience sufficient progress and autonomy so as to obviate the divisions of caste. Unfortunately, that hope proved to be utopian, and the result was that the hard reality of caste butted up against a State that had never reconciled with it. Since the tension between individual autonomy and sense of self, and a caste based identity had never been addressed by the State, it finds itself unable and poorly equipped to handle such issues. Thus, though members of marginalized
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communities such as the Valmikis should have been protected by the individual and human rights provisions of the constitution alone, the presence of caste based politics and channelling government resources through the funnel of caste (as in the case of reservations) consign these members to being viewed through the prism of caste, instead of being seen as individuals in their own right. The Road Ahead: A constant ray of hope that emerged through the course of various discussions with the NGO and the community was the potential of the private sector to empower marginalized castes such as the Valmikis. The private sector is the one sphere in India where the role of caste has been relegated to near obscurity, and where ones identity is defined solely by ones skill, talent and merit. Furthermore, and of great importance to communities like the Valmikis, is that the link between caste, labour and identity is severed in the private sector. This removes several of the impediments that had stalled the progress of the Valmikis, such as labour rigidity and the denial of benefits and opportunities on the basis of caste identity. However, a major stumbling block in the path of marginalized communities is the paucity of skills that are demanded by the private sector. A renewed focus on training and skill acquisition would thus be enormously beneficial to the community. Fortunately, Navsarjan and other NGOs are already working with the community to equip them with the requisite skills. A proactive effort from the State in this regard would be of great assistance to the community. Furthermore, a distinction needs to be made between providing mere literacy and formal education, and equipping the community with the expertise and ability needed to secure employment, since the latter is the ultimate guarantor of progress. Communities like the Valmikis can also gain significantly better access to benefits and resources from the State by increasing the extent and effectiveness of their formal organizations. Since the government machinery often responds only to requests for benefits made through official channels that follow formal procedures, communities need to master the process of petitioning the State so that their appeals can be heard more effectively. Again, while NGOs and civil society groups are already active in this regard, and deal with the government on behalf of marginalized communities, over the long term, backward communities need to develop the organization and ability to interact with the government to enable truly sustainable empowerment.

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A potential game changer in the lives of marginalized communities is technology. Technology has the power to disrupt the traditional labour patterns, and hence change the economic landscape in ways that could give groups like the Valmikis a level playing field. Other formerly backward groups have harnessed the fruits of technology to work for, or start businesses in, new sectors like telecom and call-centres or old ones like transportation which have been upended by new technologies. Since these new technologies have not been monopolized by dominant caste groups, unlike older means of production such as land, they represent an opportunity for hitherto marginalized groups to advance economically. Furthermore, since technology often dramatically alters the way labour is deployed to achieve productive ends, it can prove especially effective in breaking the bonds between caste and labour, and thus hasten the mobility and empowerment of the depressed castes. This is especially true in the case of the Valmiki community, who may be liberated to move on to other, less arduous forms of labour if technology can obviate the need for manual scavenging. In conclusion, the current scenario represent both the greatest opportunity as well the steepest challenge to the nation as it grapples with the issues of marginalized communities like the Valmikis. The youth in these groups are more aware than any of their forebears and see the tremendous scope and opportunity that the country is affording so many of their peers. The nation can either harness their energy and vigour and see a rising tide that lifts all boats, or it can let their hopes collapse into the cesspit of disillusionment, despair and frustration, and reap a bitter harvest.

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Epilogue: An Interview The following transcript records an interview that was conducted with a member of the Valmiki community. Although his opinions do not necessarily reflect the views of the community, they provide a valuable insight into the psyche of the group. Q : What is your name? A : Sir its Rahul Girid Makwana. Q : What is your primary occupation? A : Sir, I am garbage collector and gutter cleaner hired by the municipality. At times the municipality people call for us and ask us to clean out the gutters when they are clogged. At other times there might be a dead dog in the street and we are told to clean up the mess. Q : How long have you been doing this? A : I am 21 years old and I have been doing this work since the age of 15. It was simple for rich people like yourself as well as for us this choice of path. You would call a 'Bh**gi' to clean up any mess or collect the garbage right. Same way for us. We were told this is what we were always meant to do. Q : Does anybody else in your family do the same work as you do? A : This guy here is one of my brothers. He has worked in the same profession as I do for numerous years now and only recently has he quit the municipality. I have two more brothers who are younger than me and who also work with me in the municipality. Q : How many people from this here locality work with you? A : About thirty to forty people from this here area itself work with me for the municipality. Q : Have you ever complained to any authority that you people are being made to do this? A : Sir, we are poor fellows. We have barely any money to feed our families. We work in a contract with the municipality and we choose to do this work. This is expected of us and we have to earn money to eat right. Q : How much do you earn in a month for this work by the municipality?

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A : We are paid Rs. 1200 a month for this. In today's date, with very high prices and inflation, it is not enough to feed six to eight mouths. We literally slave all day and are paid virtually nothing in return. Q : This amount is clearly not enough to run a family. Do you do any other work on the side as well? A : Yes Sir. I also drive a car for few hours during the day. Q: How much are you paid for that work? A : I am paid Rs. 50 per day for this work. Q : Are there other people in your area who also do this car driving work? A : Yes but very few. There are just four of us here who know how to drive a car. Just four of here who do this work on the side as well. Q : Did the Navsarjan people teach you people how to drive a car? A : No Sir, we learnt on our own to do this. Q : Navsarjan says they teach numerous vocational courses like car driving and other like sewing etc. Anybody from your area who learnt such work from Navsarjan? A : There are very few people who take courses from Navsarjan and I was not one of them.

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