THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

KDITKI)
T. E. I5Y

PAGE,

LiTT.D.,

and W.

H. U.

ROUSE, Litt.D.

TACITUS
DIALOGUS AGRICOLA GERMANIA

GERMANICUS CAESAR,
CAPITOLINE MUSEUM, ROMt

TACITUS

^.'^c; "^

3\A

488tO^

CONTENTS
riALOGLE ON ORATORY
Introduction
3

Text and Translation

Critical Notes

17

131

AGUICOLA
Introduction
149
167

Text and Translation

GERMANIA
Introduction

Text and Translation

255 263

APPENDICES
Agricola
335

Germama

345

INDEX
Dialogue on Oratory
Agricola

355 363

Germania
Mai' ok

365

Western Europe accordinc; to TAnTus 37 Map of Germans AccouuiMi to Tacitus Jt cnil

i

THE DIALOGUS OF PUBLIUS C O R N J] 1 U S T A C I T U S

1.

TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM PETERSON, HONORARY DOCTOR OF LETTERS IN THE

UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, PRINCIPAL OF McGILL UNIVERSITY, MONTREAL

INTRODUCTION
Every one knows by what a slender thread of transmission some of the greatest of the Hterary monuments of antiquity have come down to modern
Tliis is especially the case with the minor works of Tacitus. They have long been known to depend on a single manuscript, and it is part of the romance of their rediscovery that a portion of that manuscript came to light again only ten years ago in

times.

a small Italian town.

Tile first trace of the existence of such a MS. occurs towards the end of the year 1425, when we find Foggio rejoicing in the offer that had been made him by a Hersfeld monk of a codex containing certain unknown works of Tacitus aliqua opera Cornelii Taciti nobis ignola. But the volume never arrived, and Poggio left Rome (14.52) without the sight of it. In the interval, however, the Hersfeld brother crossed the Alps more than once again, and in the course of telling him what he thought of him for his failure to fulfil his promise, Poggio may have been able to get the facts about the book he had so greatly coveted. In any case, its recovery followed a few years before Poggio's death. It was in 4,0 that Enoch of Ascoli was sent into Northern Europe by Pope Nicholas V to search for Greek and Latin books, and notwithstanding the scepticism of some scholars, it has long been a generally received tradition that it is to this mission of Enoch's that 3
:

INTRODUCTION
works of Tacitus. was understood that what he brought back with him to Rome in 1455 was only a copy ot the Hersfeld original. But here comes in an instance of the gradual growth of knowledge.
OAve the recovery of the lost
Till recently it

we

When it fell to me to edit the Dialngtis for the Oxfoi'd Press (1893) I called attention to a neglected
but not unimportant codex now in the British Museum, which contains at the end of the Suetonius fragment

De

GrcDiimaticis

et

lihetoribus

treatise generally

found in fifteenth-century MSS. bound up with the Dialogus and the Gennania the words Hie anti-

exemplar finit et hoc integrum videtur} The obvious inference from this note was that, instead ot being copied by or for Enoch at Hersfeld, the antiquissimuin exemplar had actually made its way from Hersfeld to Italy, where as a matter of fact several MSS. of the minor works of Tacitus were produced after the year 1 460. Confirmation of this suggestion came to hand when Sabbadini announced, in 1901, the discovery in an Ambrosian MS. of certain references which Pier Candido Decembrio (1399-1477) had entered in his diary, desci'ibing a manuscript which he says he had actually seen and handled at Rome in the year 1455, and which contained, in the following order, (l) the Gerviania, (2) the Agricola, (3) the Dialogus, and (4) the Suetonius fragment. And the sequel is even more remarkable. At the International Congress of Historians held at Rome in 1903, intimation was made of the discovery in the library of Count Guglielmi-Balleani at lesi, in the district of Ancona, of a fifteenth-century codex in which is incorporated a portion (one whole quaterquis.sivinm
1

"

Here the very ancient codex comes

to

an end, and this

treatise appears to be complete."

INTRODUCTION
the Agricola from the anliqii'issimum exemplar century) tliat Enoch brought from Hersfeld.^ The critical problems, such as they are, that have been raised by these discoveries cannot be dealt with here at any length. They centre mainly round tlie Dialogus. It is a testimony to the general faithfulness of the tradition that the text of the Gcrmania and the Agricola remains on the whole undisturbed. And even for the Dialogus the main surviving difficulty turns not so much on textual problems as on the allocation of their parts to the various speakers, and the length of the great lacuna at the end of ch. S.*). It is with the Dialogus that I must concern myself in the remainder of this brief introduction. Tiiough its authorship was long considered doubtful, the Dialogus is now generally accepted as a genuine work of Tacitus. An obvious discre])ancyof style ^ is tlie only argument that might seem to lead to an opposite conclusion. But, on the other hand, the testimony of the MSS. is unanimous the general point of view of t)ie writer largely coincides with that of Tacitus as known by his historical works and there are even striking points of resemblance in diction, syntax, and phraseology. Some recent critics wish to put the date of the pubHcation of the Dialogus as late as a.d. 95, or
nioii) of (teiilh
; ;

^ See Annibaldi, VAgricola e La Oermania di Cornelia Tarilo nel VIS. Latino 8 dclla hihliotcca del Conte G-Balleani in Icsi, Citta di Caatdlo, 1907, and tlie same editor's La Oermania {Lei\Y/Ag, 1910) also Wissowa's preface to the Leyden facsimile (Sijthoft, Leyden, 1907). 2 The case of Carlyle has sometimes been cited as a parallel. Speaking of the difference of stj-le between the Life of Schiller and the Diamond Necklace, Huxley says he often

if they had come down to us as anonymous ancient manuscripts, the demonstration that they were written by different persons might not have been quite easy." Nineteenth Century, 1894, p. 4.

wondered whether

INTRODUCTION
97-98 (i.e. after Domitian's death), arguing that it shows so many signs of acquaintance Avith Quintilian's Institidio that it cannot have been published before tliat work, which apjieared in a.d. 94-95. But it is impossible to believe that the historian can have written the Dialogiis as a sort of separate effort,
even
a.d.

time when the style which is his most notable characteristic must have taken on the features which it reveals in his next work, the Agricola. It seems much more 2:)robable that a long interval elapsed between the composition of the Dialogiis and the date at which, two years after the close of Domitian's sombre reign, Tacitus penned the biography of the great soldier whose son-in-law he was (a.d. 98). In the earlier treatise the author seeks to embody the results of those literary and rhetorical studies by which, following the usual practice of the period, he had prefaced his career at It must have been written either in the the bar.
in imitation of Cicero, at the very

reign of Titus (a.d. 78-81), or in the early years of Domitian's princi])ate. The only difficulty of the former alternative, which is adopted by those who believe that Tacitus did not break the silence which he is known to have imposed on himself under Doniitian, is that it gives an interval of not more than seven years from the dramatic date of the debate ^ to which the future historian says he listened when '' quite a young man " {iiivenis admodum). But
1 That Tacitus intended his readers to conceive the i)iaZo5re, so far as it had any foundation in fact, as having taken place in the sixth )ear of Vespasian's reign, say in the middle or towards the end of A.D. 74, is fairly obvious from the historical references in oh. 17. There is really no inconsistency in the calcuhition of 120 years from the death of Cicero, though that would bring us strictly to A.D. 77, instead of 74 " centum
:


INTRODUCTION
even seven years represent a great development, and the first alternative remains On the other hand, the more probable of the two. we may take tlie view, if we prefer it, that Tacitus had failed to discern Domitian's true character in the first years of his principate, or that he had the courage deliberately to speak out about men like Vibius Crispus, who, after gaining a bad reputation under Nero and V'espasian, still survived in the reign of their successors, while not failing at the same time to give expression to an ingenuous appreciation of the advanOn this suptages inherent in the imperial system. position we may put the date of the composition of the Dialogus as late as a.d. 84-85, when the author would be nearly thirty years of age. The real subject of the treatise, which is the decadence and dethronement of eloquence, is dealt What goes before is introducwith in chs. 28tl. tory. To begin with, there is tlie section (chs. 1-t) which describes the circumstances in wliich the conversation narrated is pictured as having taken The scene is laid in the house of the poetplace. pleader Maternus,^ who is obviously intended to figure as the leading personage of the piece. Following the introduction comes the first part of the Dialogue projjcr (chs. 5-13), in which Marcus Aper, a self-made man from Gaul, and now one of the most distinguished leaders of the bar, champions
at that time of life
viginti anni'' is no doubt given as a round figure to represent the outside limit recognised in antitiuity for the duration '^ vniua /luiiunis aetas." of a huin:ui life 1 As was probably the case with all the other interlocutors, Maternus was dead when Tacitus wrote. He had achieved fuiue under Nero (A.D. r)4-68) for a tragedy which he tells us "broke the power of Vatinius" (ch. 11), and has now resolved to forsake the bar in favour of the Muses.
et

INTRODUCTION
the profession of oratory against that form of eloquentia which finds utterance in poetry. Aper is

His attitude is in Maternus, whose short reply (chs. 11-] 3) is an eloquent revelation not only of a different point of view in regard to the question at issue, but of another way of looking on life. The leading note in the character of Maternus is moral earnestness. With him the practical advantages on which Aper had dwelt are of little weight
realistic, practical,

and

utilitarian.

effective contrast to that of

he

is

meditative,

reflective,

and

idealistic.

The

second part (chs. 14-27) begins with the entrance of Vipstanus Messalla, a man of noble birth and wide accomplishments, who is known to us from the Histories (S, 9) as having thrown the weight of his great influence and high personal character into the Tliis scale in favour of Vespasian against Vitellius. part again contains two speeches, one by Aper, the other by Messalla. The former challenges the newcomer to show cause for his Avell-known preference for the oratory of former da3-s, and for his habitual disparagement of contemporary eloquence. As for himself, Aper does not admit any decadence or
decline.
is

The

difference

between "old" and

"new"

to him only a relative difference, and should even be considered, in view of changed conditions, a mark of progress. Messalla, on the other hand, is the cham2:ion of antiquity, a " convinced classicist," and his rejoinder (chs. 25-27) consists in a vigorous

vindication of the '^ancients " and a counter-attack

He is proceeding to cite on the "moderns." examples when Maternus breaks in to remind his visitor that the subject on which he had undertaken to speak was not the fact of the decline of eloquence, but the reasons underlying it. These, Messalla says.

INTRODUCTION
are quite obvious.
liim,
is

Tlie prime cause, accordinfr to

the laxity and iudifierenee whicli nowadays prevail in connection with the trainiui,'- of the young, oU'ering a strong contrast to the careful methods of former times (chs. 28-32). Then there is the superficial training- in the practice of declamation, Avith its fictitious cases and unreal atmos])here (chs. 33-35).^ Here Messalla's speech breaks off abruptly, and the problems of the Dialogue begin. A great gap occurs in the MSS., which cannot have exceeded in extent one-fourth of the whole treatise, while it may have been less. We have lost in this lacuna the closing portion of MessaUa's discourse, and in all probability a contribution also fi-om Secundus.^ When the text resumes we find a new speaker in possession of the debate, who to all outward ap])earThe MSS. give chs. 36-41 ance is Maternus. as one continuous whole, and there is nothing to disconnect the discourse from the words Finierat Malcrnus, with which the last chapter opens. But It is ui'ged that if chs. 36there are difficulties. are a continuous, they are at least not an that, in fact, Maternus repeats himartistic whole self unnecessarily and even contradicts himself; and,

See the interesting paper on " Declamations under the in vol. x of the Proceedinys of the Classical Association (January 191.3), pp. 87-102. 2 Julius Secundus is known to us from Quintilian (10, 1, 120 : 3, 12) as an eloquent speaker, who lacked, however, the qualities of spontaneity and force. It is not out of keeping with his retiring disposition that, though he figures so prominently in what may be called the setting of the stage for the Dialofjue, he is not mentioned in the last chapter. He has compliments for Aper as well as for Maternus at the end of the tirst act (ch. 14), but as regards the real issue discussed in chs. 28-41, there was probably little to difterentiate him from Maternus.
1

Empire" by Professor Summers


INTRODUCTION
that the first part of his speech would be more appropriate in the mouth of Secundus. It is quite probable, as already stated, that something from Secundus may have fallen out in the great lacuna, but I still adhere to the traditional view v.hich gives chs. 36-4 1 to Maternus, the leading character of the piece. The attempt to split up these chapters, assigning 36-40, 8 to Secundus, and the rest (after a second lacuna) to Maternus, does not seem either necessary or defensible.^ Throughout the whole section the last speaker is dealing, not witli the moral decadence to which Messalla had addressed himself, but with the changed conditions of public life, in which he finds an additional reason for the decline of eloquence. His point of view is that while republican conditions were more favourable to oratory, as had been the case also in Greece, yet there are
furthei-j
^ I refer in particular to Giideinan's recent effort {Classical Philology, Octoher 1912) to utilise the new manuscript evidence in support of the theory of a second lacuna. The note in Deceuibrio's diary tells us that after the great gap at the end of ch. 35 the Hersfeld arclietype still possessed "folia duo cum dimidio" of the Dialogus. i.e. five pages. Four of these pages Guderaan seeks to show would be exactly taken up by the text as we have it from the beginging of ch. 36 to the point (40, 8) at which another folio is supposed to have been lost on the assumption that the character of the writing was the same for these pages as it is in the Agricola quaternion now surviving in the codex at lesi. This assumption can be shown, however, to be unfounded, and the theory is further negatived by the fact that the remainder of the text after 40, 8 would require two pages more instead of the one indicated by

Decembrio. The view that what the manuscripts give as a continuous speech by Maternus should be divided into two parts must continue to rest on internal evidence only. See my article in the American Journal of Philology, Januarj'-March 1913 (xxxiv. 1), pp. 1-14 also G. Andresen in the Wochen;

schriftf. kluss. Philologie,

February

10, 1913.

10

INTRODUCTION
compensatory advantages under a more stable form of government. It is with this consoling reflection that he begins what is left of his discourse, and with this he also ends. Eloquence thrives, he says, on disorder, and though there may have been more oratorical vigour under republican conditions, the country had a heavy price to pay in the revolutionary legislation of the Gracchi and in the death of Cicero. The settled calm that now pervades the State is a great compensation for any restrictions upon the sphere of public ipcaking, and for this we ought to be thankful. To these representations Messalla would have liked
to

make

a further reply in his capacity of lauchUor

acli.

temporis

But Maternus promises

is

liim another

opportunity and the meeting

adjourned.

As already stated, Maternus is undoubtedly put forward as the protagonist in the whole discussion. It is he Avho guides and directs the development of the debate, speaking for Secundus as well as for himself in ch. l6, bringing the real issue into relief in ch. 2t, recalling Messalla to his text in ch. 27, and prevailing on him to make a new departure in ch. .33. ^Iaternus is retiring from the jirofession partly because he has a personal preference for jioetry, which he regards as a superior form of utterance {ehnjucntid), and partly because or the narrower limits with which forensic oratory has to content itself now as contrasted with former times. It is his attitude that takes the discussion beyond the bounds set for it in the question which in his very Hrst sentence Tacitus tells us was so often For himput to him by his friend Fabius Justus. self, Maternus needs no proof of the superiority of At his hands the the "ancients" (24, 11 27, 5).
:

INTRODUCTION
representative ot
fitures,

once

modern

rhetoric suffers

two discom-

in the discussion on the comparative

merits of poetry and oratory, and agam in the debate on the "old" and the "new," The length of his closing speech need not excite any surpi-ise when it is remembered that he is in his own house, and that his note is the reconciliation of opposing tendencies. Moreover it is fairly obvious that Maternus is to be regarded as giving expression to the convictions held by the author of the Dialogits himself. The changed conditions both of public life and of forensic practice must have meant a good deal for both of them, and in his resolution no longer to suppress the personal preference he entertained for poetry and the muses, the poet-pleader naturally had the support of the future historian. It is accordingly in the character of MaternusTacitus that the motive and main purpose of the treatise are to be looked for, and it is from this that the Dialogus derives its unity, even in its present somewhat mutilated form. The various interlocutors in the debate present us with an interesting picture of the literary and intellectual conditions prevailing at Rome towards the end of tlie first century. Though full of problems, some of which have not even yet been fully solved, the treatise to which they contribute their several parts is a work of sur])assing interest, which amply deserves all the attention it has received from scholars during the last quarter of a century. The Dialogus merits the designation which was applied to it after its reappeai-ance in the world of letters it is really an aureolus libellus.
:

W.
McGiLL University, Montreal

P.

May
J2

1913

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS

The
text of the Dialogns, as also of the Gennania and the /Igrico/n, rests ultimately on the Hersfeld archetype, of which some account has been given in the foretjoino- Introduction. So far as the Dialosn.s is concerned, this original was transcribed by two copyists whose versions (now no longer extant) stand respectively at the head of what are known family and the Y family, the former as the 862 (A) and the consisting of the Vaticnnus Leidensis (B), the latter comprising practically all other codd. The question has been much debated which of these two groups contains the more faithful reproduction of the archetype. Hitter ( 81-8) was the first to use the Leidensis for the constitution of his text, and twenty years later Michaelis, following Nipperdey, relied mainly on the I'aticanits, holding that these two codd. had together preserved the better His conclusions were disputed by Scheuer tradition. (see the Introduction to my edition jjublished by tiie Oxford Press, pp. Ixxxii-lxxxix), and recent editors In my note incline to rely as fully on Y as on X. on the great lacuna (No. 56, p. 142) I take account of the fact that the extracts from Decembrio's diary But it seems safer, for reasons are in favour of Y. given elsewhere, to adhere to an eclectic method If any of criticism as between the two families. portion of the Dialogus had been contained in the quaternion of the Hersfeld archetype Avhich came

13

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS

the question might have been more definitely settled. But it has nothing except a part of the Agiicola, and as that treatise does not occur either in the Valicanvs or the Le'ulcnsis we have no adequate basis of comparison. It is significant also that the Agricola is not included in the editio piinceps, published at Venice in 1470 by Vendelin de Spira (editio Spirensis). Obviously this treatise had been dissevered from the Hersfeld codex not long after its reappearance at Rome, and those into whose hands it passed were not prepared at once to make it common property.
to light, again so recently at lesi,

After the first edition, the text of the Dia/ogns owed ofits advances, among others, to Puteolanus, who published his first edition at Milan in 1475, and his second at V^enice in 1497 Beroaldus (1514); Beatus Rhenanus (1519 and 1533); Lipsius, who brought a new manuscript belonging to the Y family (the Farnesianus) into play for his great edition produced at Antwerp in 15'^4, and reissued nine successive times up to the last Leyden reprint in 1 607 Pithoeus,

most

whose third edition appeared

Pichena(l607); Gruter (l607)
Schulze
;

at
J.

in l604 Gronovius(l672)

Paris

Heuraann (1719); Ernesti (1752); Brotier (1771) (1788); Dronke (1828); Orelli (1830) Bekker (1831); Ritter (1848) and Haase (1855). Of these, Ritter was the first to use the codex Leidensis, discovered by Tross in 1841, and fortu;

nately to-day available for students in a facsimile reproduction (SijthofP, Leyden, 1907). In the same way Ad. Michaelis, following Massmann and Nipperdey, gave a prominent place to the other member of the X family (the Vaticanus), and made at the same time (1868) a scientific statement of the interrelationships of all the codd.

14

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS

Since Michaelis, and apart from complete editions of the works of Tacitus like those of Halm (fourtii edition, 1889) and Miiller (1887), the following separate editions of the Dia/ogus may be specially

mentioned

Peter (Jena, 1877).

Baehrens (LeijiziiT, 1881). OrcUi-Andrcsen (Berlin, 188t). Goelzcr (Paris, 1887; second edition, but practically unchanged, 1910).

Novak (Prague, 1889). V'almaggi (Turin, 1890). Wolff ((^otha, 1890).

Andresen (third
edition, Leipzig, 1891).

Peterson (Oxford, 1893)Bennett (Boston, 89 1-). Gudeman (Boston, 1891'; smaller edition, 1898).
1

C. .lohn (Berlin,

899).

Sehone (Dresden, 1899). H. Rohl (Leipzig, 1911). The text adojitcd in this volume is not identical In minor matters of with any previously published. orthography and punctuation I have been guided by the same jirinciples as thosewhieh were followed in my
edition in the Clarendon Press Series, but otherwise In there are important variations and divergences. several passages both text and interpretation may be said to have gained something from further study. My notes have been limited, in the main, to what As for the text, it I may call residual difficulties. may fairly be regarded, after all the work done by
critics and commentators during the last quarter of a century, as embodying as great a degree of finality as is at present attainable. yj,

15

Oratio autem, sicnt corptis ho^nints, en

est in

demum

pidchra

qua non eminent venae nee ossa numerantur,

sed tempercdiis ac bonus sanguis implct

exsiirgit
loris

membra
et

ct

ipsosque nervos rubor tegit

decor

commendat.
Ch. 21, adfn.

Ego aidem

oratorem, sicid

locupletem

ac lautum

patrem familae, non eo tantum vo/o

tecto tegi

quod
et

imbrem ac vcnlnm
oculos delectet
;

arceat, sed etiam

quod visum

non ea

solum

ijislrui

supellectile

quae necessariis usibus

eius et auruiji et

sujficiul,

sed

sit in

apparatu
vianus, ut

gemmae,

ut

sumere

in

aspiccre saepius libeat.

Ch. 22, ad

fin.

Neque
est
et

oraioris

vis

et

facullas,

sicnt

ceterarum

reruvi, angustis et brevibus terminis cluditur, sed is

orator qui de omni quaestione j)ulchre

et

ornate

ad persuadendum apte dicerepro dignitate rerwn, ad utiliiatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium
possit.

Ch. 30, ad Jin.

Kam

quo modo nohiles equos carsus

ct

spalia probant,
nisi liberi

sic est aliquis

oratorum campus, per quern

et solidi ferantur

debilitatur ac Jrangitur eloquentia.

Ch. 39.

16

DIALOGYS DE OltxVTOllim

17

COKNELII TACITI DIALOGVS DE ORATORIBVS

p.
1

Saepe ex

me

requiris, luste Fabi, cur,

cum

i^iiora

saecula tot eminentium oratorum ingeniis gloriaque

floruerint, nostra j)otissimum aetas deserta et laude

eloquentiae orbata vix

iicque

nomen ipsum oratoris

nisi

retineat

enim

ita

appellamus
diserti

antiquos^

horum

autem temporum

causidici

et advocati et

patroni et quidvis potius

quam

oratores vocantur.

Cui percontationi tuae respondere et tam magnae

quaestionis pondus excipere ut aut de ingeniis nostris

male existimandum
aut de
iudiciis,
si

sit, si

idem adsequi non possumus,

si

nolumus, vix hereule auderem,

mihi mea sententia pi'oferenda ac non disertissimorum^

ut nostris temporibus^
esset,

hominum sermo repetendus

Ita

quos eandem banc quaestionem pertractantes

iuvenis

admodum
viris et

audivi.

non ingenio, sed

subtibter
et

memoria

et recordatione opus est, ut quae a prae-

stantissimis

excogitata

dicta

graviteraccepi,
abiles causas

cum singub diversas quidem sed probadferrent, dum formam sui quisque et

p.

OOllNELlUS TACITUS

A DIALOGUE ON OKATORY Dkau Justus Fadius, Tliere a question that you

is

often j)ut to me.

ajves

whereas former were so prolific of ijjreat orators, men of genicis and renown, on our generation a signal blight has fallen it lacks distinction in elocjiience, and
is

How

it tliat,

scarce

which we apply exclusively lime, calling good speakers

'

of 'orator/ of olden of the present day pkaders,' 'advocates,' 'counsel,' anything rather
retains
so
as to the

much

the

name

men

than

'orators.'
is

To attempt an answer
to
:

to

your

take up a difficult investigation, involving this grave dilemma either it is want of ability that keeps us from rising to the same high standard, in which case we must think meanly of our powers, or it is want of will, and in that event we shall have to condemn Such an attempt I should really our taste. scarce presume to make, if it were my own views that I had to put forward, instead of rei)roducing a conversation between certain persons, very good speakers, according to our present-day standards, whom I listened to when quite a youth as they held high debate over this very issue. So it is not intellectual ability that I require, but only power of memory, in order now to recount the sagacious thoughts and the weighty utterances which I heard

conundrum

19

TACITVS
animi et ingenii redderent^ isdem nunc numeris
is-

denKjue rationibus persequar, servato ordine disputationis.

Neque enim

defuit qui

diversam quoque
et inrisa vetust-

partem susciperet, ac
ate

multum vexata

nostrorum temporum eloquentiam antiquorum

ingeniis anteferret.

Nam
em

postero die

quam

Curia tius Maternus Caton-

recitaverat^

cum

offendisse

potentium animos

diceretur,
oblitus

tamqunm

in eo tragoediae argiimento sui

tantum Catonem

cogitasset,

eaque de re per

urbem frequens sermo haberetur, venerunt ad eum

Marcus Aperet
genia
fori

lulius

Secundus^ celeberrima turn

in-

nostri^quos ego utrosque

non modo in iudiciis

studiose audiebam^ sed domi quoque et in publico ad-

sectabar mira studiorum cupiditate et

iuvenili^ ut fabulas

quodam ardore

quoque eorum et

disjiutationes et

arcana semotae dictionis penitus exciperem^ quamvis

maligne plerique opinarentur nee Secundo jwomptum

esse

sermonem

et

Aprum ingenio potius

famam
Secundo purus

et vi naturae

quam

institutione et litteris

eloquentiae conet jjressus et^ in

secutum.

Nam

et

quantum

satis erat^

profluens sermo non defuit^ et

potius

Aper omni eruditionc imbutus contemnebat

20

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
li])s of those eminent men, reproducing the same divisions and tlie same arguments. The explanations which they severally ottered, though discrepant, had each something to recommend it, and in putting them forward the speaker reflected in every case his individual way of thinking and feeling. I shall adhere moreover to the order in which they actually sjioke. For the opposite point of view also found a champion in one who, roundly abusing the old order of things, and holding it up to ridicule, exalted the eloquence of our own times above the genius of the past. It was the day following that on which Curiatius Maternus had given a reading of his Cato,' when coiM't circles were said to have taken umbrage at the way in which he had thrown himself in the play heart and soul into the role of Cato, with never a thought of himself The thing \vas the talk of the town, and Maternus had a call from Marcus Aper and Julius Secundus, then the leading lights of the bar at Rome. Of both of them I can say that, being passionately fond of rhetorical studies, and fired with youthful enthusiasm, I made a practice not only of listening attentively to their pleadings in court, but also of attaching myself to them at their homes and attending them out of doors. I wanted to drink in

from

tlie

'

their casual talk as well,

and their

discussions,

and

the confidences of their esoteric discourse, notwithstanding the many spiteful critics who held that Secundus was not a ready speaker, and that Aper's
title to oratorical renown was based on ability and inborn talent rather than on any literary training. The fact is that Secundus was the master of a style that was idiomatic and precise and fluent enough for his purpose, while Aper was a ma!i of all-round

21

TACITVS
litteras

quam

nesciebat^

tamquam maiorem
si

industriae
eius nullis

et laboris gloi'iam habitiirus

in/i^eniun^

alienariim urtium adminicailis

3
Igitur
lit

iiiniti

videretur.

intravimus cubiculuni Matcrni, sedenteni

])ridie recitaverat

ipsumque quern

librum inter manus

habentem depreliendinius.
Turn Secundus "Nihilne te" inquit, "Materne^fabulae

malignorum terrent quo minus offensas Catonis

?

tui

ames

An

ideo librum istum adpreliendisti ut diligsi

entius retractares et, sublatis

pretationi

qua jiravae inter-

materiam dederunt, emitteres Catonem

non quidem meliorem, sed tamen securiorem?"

Turn
ille
:

" Leges tu quid

Maternus
si

sibi

debuerit,

et adgnosces

quae

audisti.

Quod

qua omisit Cato,

;

sequenti

recitatione

Thyestes dicet

hanc
ipse

enim

tragoediam disposui iam et intra

me

forniavi.

Atque ideo maturare

libri

huius editionem festino, ut

dimissa priore cura novae cogitationi toto pectore

incumbam."
" Adeo te
tragoediae istae non satiant/' inquit

Aper, " quo minus omissis orationum et causarum

studiis
circa

omne tempus modo

consumas
^

circa
?

Tliyestem

Medeam, ecce nunc cum te tot amicorum

131.

See note

1. p.

22

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
Icarninn^,

who

as reffanls literature "was not so mucli

helieviu''-

ignorant as

clisclaiiitiil^

that his industry

and aj)j)licatiun would redound more to his credit if it were thought that Iiis natural talents did not need the ))roj) of any extraneous aeeoniplishnients. Well, on entering Maternus's room we found him sitting with a book in front of him the very same iVom which he had given liis reading on the |)revious day whereupon Seeundus said, " Has the talk of your detractors no terrors for you, Maternus ? Does it not make you feel less enamoured of that exasperating Cato of yours? Or is it with the idea of going carefully over it that you have taken your drama in hand, intending to cut out any passages that may have given a handle for misrepresentation, and then to ))ul)lis!i a new edition of Cato,' if not better than the first at least not so dangerous?" To this he rejoined, " The reading of it will show you what Maternus considered his duty to himself: vou will find it just as you heard it read. Yes, and if 'Cato' has left anything unsaid, at my next for reading it shall be supplied in my 'Thyestes so I call the tragedy which I have planned and of which I have the outline in my head. It is just because I want to get the first play off my hands and to throw myself whole-heartedly into my new theme

'

'

that

am

hurrving to get this work ready for

i)ul)liea-

tion."

" So then," said Aper, '^ you liave not had enough of Otherwise you would not those tragedies of yours ? turn vour back on your ))rofession of speaker and The ph-ader, and spend your whole time on plays. other day it was ' Medea,' and now it is Thyestes' and all the wliile you are being clamoured for in the
'
;

23

TACITVS
causae, tot coloniarum et municipiorum clientelae in

forum vocent^ quibus vix

suffeceris, etiain si

non

novum

tibi i])se

negotium importasses^ Domitium et

Catonem^

id est nostras

quoque

historias et
^."

Romana

nomina, Graeculorum fabulis adgregare

4

Et Maternus
nisi

" Perturbarer hae tua severitate,

frequens et adsidua nobis contentio iam prope in

vertisset.

consuetudinem

Nam

nee tu agitare et

in-

sequi poetas intermittis^ et ego, cui desidiam advoca-

tionum

obicis,

cotidianum hoc patrocinium defenden-

dae adversus te poeticae exerceo.

Quo

laetor magis

oblatum nobis iudicem qui

me

vel in

futurum vetet

versus facere, vel, quod iam pridem opto, sua quoque

auctoritate compellat ut omissis forensium causarum
angustiis, in quibus mihi satis superque

sudatum

est,

sanctiorem illam et augustiorem eloquentiam colam."

5

"

Ego

vero,"

inquit Secundus,

" antequam

me
^

iudicem Aper recuset, faciam cjuod probi et moderati

iudices solent, ut in
iis

cognitionibus excusent

in

quibus manifestum est

gratia praevalere.

alteram apud eos partem

Quis enim nescit neminem mihi

coniunctiorem esse et usu amicitiae et adsiduitate

contubernii

quam Saleium Bassum, cum optimum

1

See note See note

2, p.
3, p.

131. 131.

24

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
list of your friends' cases, ami the of colonies and country-towns for which you ou<4;ht to act. Why^ you could hardly meet all those calls even if you had not so gratuitously shouldered this new occupation of tackin""" on to (ireeklino- legends a Domitius and a Cato, that is to

forum by the
e(ju<illy
loiiL!,'

loiii;-

list

say, stories also from our own anjials, with Roman names." " I should he ffreatly put out by your harsh words," said Maternus, " had not frequent and constant disputation become for us by now almost a second nature. You on your part are never done assailing the poets with your invective, and I, whom you

charge with neglect of professional duty, am daily retained to defend the art of ])oetry against you. This makes me all the more glad that we have here an arbitrator who will either forl)id me to write verse in future, or will throw his influence into the scale to make me realise perforce a long-cherished dream, and forsaking the narrow sphere of pleading at the bar, which has taken too much out of me already, cultivate the gift of utterance in its higher and holier form." "As for me," said Secundus, "before Aper declines to have me as an umpire, I shall follow the usual jiractice of upright and conscientious judges, who ask to be excused from acting in cases where it is obvious that one of the two parties stands higher in Everybody knows their good graces than the other. that no one is closer to me than Saleius Bassus,^ an old friend with whom I have enjoyed continuous Not only is liassus the best of personal association. men but lie is also a really ideal poet ; so if poetry is
1 For Saleius Bassus and others mentioned Index of Proper Names.

in tlie text see

25

TACITV^S
virum tuni absolutissimum poetam
acciisatiir, iion
?

Porro

si

poetica

alium video reum locupk-tiorem."

iiujuit

" Securus

sit "

Aper "

et Saleius Bassus et

(juisquis alius

studium poeticae et carminiim gloriam

fovet,

cum

causas agere non possit.

litis

Et ego enim,'
-,

([iiatenus

arbitrum

huius invenimus

non

])atiar

Maternum
ajiud lios^
et

societate plurium (U-fendi^ sod ijisum solum

arguam quod

iiatus

ad eloquentiam virilem
et

oratoviam, qua

parere simul

tuevi amicitias,

asciscere necessitudines, complecti provincias possit.

omittit studium quo

non aliud
vel

in civitate nostra vel

iiicmuliiis ^

ad utilitatem fructuosius
vel

ad voluplatem
vel

ad dignitatem amplius

ad urbis famam pul-

chrius vel ad totius impei'ii atque

omnium gentium

notitiam inlustrius excogitari potest.

Nam

si

ad utilitatem vitae omnia consilia factaque

sunt^ quid
est tutius
^

nostra dirigenda

quam

earn

exercere
amicis,

artem

qua

semper armatus

pi'aesidium

opem

alienis^

salutem jiericlitantibus, invidis

et terrorem ultro feras, ipse

vero et inimicis
securus
potestate
1 3

metum

et

velut
?

quadam
Cuius

perjietua
vis
2

potentia

ac

munitus

et

utilitas
5, p.

rebus

See note
See note
See note

4, p. 131,
6, p. 8, p.

See note

131.

132,

* See note

7, p.

132.

132.

2(j

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
to be put
will find a

on her defence, I do not know where 3'ou more representative respondent." " Saleius Bassus may kee]) his mind at rest/' Aper rejoined, " and so may every one who, not being competent for the bar, sets his heart on the pursuit of poetry and on making himself famous by his verse. That the yAea. of being only one among many should be put forward in defence of Maternus is something

that now
suit

that we have found an arbitrator in this too on my side am not going to allow. No, 1 shall make him sole defendant, to answer before this court to the charge that, though a born orator and a master of the sturdy kind of eloquence which would enable him to make friendships and preserve them, to form extended connections, and to take whole provinces under his wing, he turns his back on a profession than which you cannot imagine any in the whole country more productive of j)raetical benefits, or that carries with it a sweeter sense of satisfoction, or that does more to enhance a man's personal standing, or that brings more honour and renown here in Rome, or that secures a more brilliant reputation throughout the Empire and in the world

at large.

" If practical advantage is to be the rule of all we think and all we do, can there be any safer line to take than the practice of an art which gives you an ever ready weapon with which to protect your friends, to succour those to whom you are a stranger, to bring deliverance to jiersons in jeopardy, and even to strike fear and terror into the hearts of malignant foes, while you yourself have no anxiety, entrenched as you are behind a rampart of inalienable authority and power? While things are going well with you, it is in the refuge it affords to others, and in the

27

TACITVS
prospere fluentibus aliorum perfugio et tutela intellegitur
:

sin

proprium periculuni increpuit, non her-

cule lorica et gladius in acie firmius

muuimentuni

quam

reo et periclitanti eloquentia, praesidium simul

ac telum, quo propugnare pariter et incessere sive in

iudicio sive in senatu sive

apud pnnci])em

possis.

Quid

aliud infestis patriljus nu])er Eprius Marcellus

quam
minax

eloquentiam suam opposuit, qui accinctus

et

disertam quidem sed inexercitatam et eius modicer-

taminum rudem Helvidii sapientiam elusit ?

utilitate

Plura de

non

dico, cui parti

arbitror.

minlme contra dicturum

Maternum meuni

Ad

voluptatem oratoriae eloquentiae transeo, cuius

iucunditas

non uno aliquo momento, sed omnibus

prope diebus ac prope omnibus horis contingit.

Quid

enim dulcius

libero et

ingenuo animo et ad voluptates

videre plenam semper et fre-

honestas nato

quam

quentem domum suam concursu splendidissimorum hominum^ idque scire non pecuniae, non orbitati, non
officii

alicuius

administrationi,

sed

sibi

ipsi

dari

ipsos quin

immo

orbos et locupletes et potentes venire

et

plerumque ad iuvenem

pauperem, ut aut sua aut

A^llane

amicorum discrimina
ingentiuni

commendent.

tanta

opum

ac

magnae potentiae voluptas quam

totius orbis

spectare homines veteres et senes et

1

See note

9, p.

133.

28

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
protection it gives them, that its efficacy and usefuhiess are most in evidence but wlien danger hurtles round your own head, then surely no sAvord or buckler in the press of arms givesstouter support than does eloquence to him who is imperilled by a prosecution for it is a sure defence and a weapon of attack withal, that enables you with equal ease to act on the defensive or to advance to the assault, whether in the law courts, or in the senate house, or in the Emperor's cabinet council. What was it save his eloquence that enabled Eprius Marcellus a short while ago to confront the senate, with every one against him ? Ready for the fray and breathing defiance, he could parry the blows of the philosopher Helvidius, who for all his clever speaking was, as regards that sort of contest, an inexperienced novice. I need say no more under the head of practical advantage, for here my friend Maternus is not at all likely, I take it, to join issue with me. " I pass to the satisfaction which eloquence affords. It is not for a single instant only that its delights are ours, but almost every day of the week, nay almost every hour of the day. What greater gratification can there be for a free-born gentleman, fashioned by nature for lofty pleasures, than to see his house filled to the door every day with a company of persons of the highest rank, and to know that he owes this compliment not to his wealth, not to his childless condition, not to the fact that he holds some office or other, but Why, people who have no one to leave to himself.^ their money to, and the rich and the great, are always coming to the barrister, young and poor though he may be, to get him to take up their own cases or those of their friends. Can vast wealth or great power bring with it any satisfaction comparable to the sight of grave
;
;

29

TACITVS
gratia subnixos in siimma rei'um

omnium abundantia
se

confitentes id quod ojitimum

sit

non

liabere
!

lam
in

vero qui togatorum comitatus et egressus

publico siiccies
!

quae

quae

in iudiciis veneratio

quod

illud

gaudium consurgendi adsistendique

et in

inter

tacentes

unum

conversos

coire

populum

et circumfundi

coram
duerit

et accipere adfectum,
!

qucmcumque

orator in-

Vulgata dicentium gaudia et imperitorum

oculis ex])osita percenseo
ipsis
:

quoque

ilia

secretiora et

tantum

orantibus nota maiora sunt.

i)rofert

Sive ac-

curatam meditatamque

orationem^ est quodgaudii

dam
aliqua

sicut
;

ipsius

dictioniSj

ita

pondus et

constantia

sive

novam

et

recentem curam non sine

attulerit^

trejiidatione animi

ipsa

sollicitudo

commendat eventum

et lenocinatur voluptati.
ipsius
in

Sed
vel

extemporalis audaciae atque

temeritatis

praecipua iucunditas est

sicut in agi'o,

nam

ingenio quoque,

quamquam grala

quae diu serantur atque

elaborentur,^ gratiora
^

tamen quae sua sponte nascuntur.

Equidem, ut de

me

)so

fatear,

non eum diem

laetiorem egi quo mihi latus clavus oblatus est, vel

quo homo novus

et in civitate

minime

favorabili natus

quaesturam aut tribunatum aut praeturam accepi,

1

See note 10,

p.

133.

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY

and reverend

seniors, men with the whole world at their feet, freely owning that, though in cireunistanees

of the utmost affluence, they lack the greatest gift of ? Just look, again, at the imposing retinue of clients tliat follows you when you leave your house What a brave show you make out of doors What an amount of deference is paid to you in the law courts What a supreme delight it is to gather yourself to your feet, and to take your stand before a hushed audience, that has eyes only for you And the growing crowd streams round about the speaker, and takes on any mood in Avhich he may care to wrap himself, as with a cloak. It is the notorious delights of speech-making that I am enumerating, those that are full in view even of the uninitiated but there is far more in those that are not so obvious, and that are known only to the orator himself. If he comes out with an elaborate oration which has been carefully rehearsed, his feeling of satisfaction, like the discourse itself, has about it something solid and abiding if again he happens to pi-oduce not without a feeling of nervousness some new composition, just off the stocks, his very anxiety deepens the impression produced and enhances the joy of success. But quite the most exquisite delight comes from speaking extempore, in bold fashion and even with a touch of daring for the domain of intellect is though you like a piece of ground under tillage, find pleasure in what takes a long time to sow and cultivate, yet the growth that comes by nature is more pleasing still.
all
!

" Let me make this avowal about my own case. The day on which I was invested with the robe of a senator, or that on which I was elected quaestor, or tribune, or praetor, though a man of new birth and a native
31

TACITVS
quam eos
aecunique
in

quibusniihi pro mediocritate huius quantul-

diccndo facultatis aut reuni ))rospere

^

defendere, aut apiul centum viros

feliciter orare, aut

causam aliquam

apud

piinci2:)em ipsos illos libertos

et procuratores principum tueri et defendere datur.

Turn mihi

sujn*a ti'ibunatus et praeturas et consulatus

si

ascendere videor, turn liabere quod^

non

ullro oritur,^

nee

codicillis

datur nee

cum

gratia venit.
gloria

Quid

fama

et laus cuius artis

est
?

cum oratorum
^

comparanda

Quinam

inlustriores

sunt in url)e non solum

sed etiam apud

apud negotiosos

et rebus intentos,

iuvenes vaeuos^ et adulescentes^ quibus

indoles est et bona spes sui
?

modo et

recta
prius

Quorum nomina
?

parentes liberis suis ingerunt

Quos saepius vulgus

quoque imperitum

et tunicatus hie jiopulus transeuntes

?

nomine vocat

et digito deraonsti'at

Advenae quoque

et peregrini iam in municipiis et coloniis suis auditos,

cum primum

urbeni attigerunt, requirunt ac velut

adgnoscei'e concupiscunt.
8

Ausim contendere Marcellum hunc Eprium, de quo

1

See note See note

11, p. 183.
13, p. 134.

See note 12,

p.

133.

* See note 14, p. 134.

.32


A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
community which is not at all popular at Rome, such days have been in no greater degree red-letter
of a

days for

me

than those on which

enjoy the oppor-

modest extent of my poor ability as a speaker, of securing an acquittal in a criminal trial, or of pleading some case successfully before the centumviral court,^ or of undertaking the defence of some
tunity, to the

redoubtable freed man or imperial agent in the Emperor's presence-chamber. Then it is that I feel I am rising above the level of a tribune, a praetor, or even a consul, and that 1 possess an asset which, unless it comes unbidden, cannot either be conferred by letters-patent or follow in the train of popular favour. " Wh}', where is there a profession whose name and fame are to be compared with renown in oratory ? What class of men enjoys greater prestige here in Rome than our public speakers, in the eyes not only of busy men, engrossed in affairs, but also of younger persons, who have leisure, and of those too who have not yet come to man's estate, provided always that they are of good natural disposition and have some outlook? Are there any whose names are dinned at an earlier age by parents into their children's Are there any to whom the plain man ears? in the street, our citizens in their working-clothes, more frequently point as they pass by, saying, ' There goes So-and-so ? Visitors also and non-residents, as soon as they set foot in the capital, ask for the men of whom in their country-towns and colonies they have already heard so much, and are all agog to

'

make them
"
I

out.

would make bold to affirm that our friend Eprius Marcellus, of whom I have just been speaking, and
1

See note 11,

p. 133.

33

TACITVS
modo
locutus sum^et Crispum Vibium (libentius enim
novis et recentibus

quam

remotis et oblitteratis exesse in extremis partibus

emplis utor) non minus

nolos'^

terrarum
tur.

quam Capuae aut

illis

Vercellis, ubi nati dicun-

Nee hoc

alterius bis, alterms ter milies sest-

ertium praestat^
videri

quamquam ad
numen

has ipsas opes possunt

venisse, sed
ipsa elo-

eloquentiae beneficio

quentia; cuius

et caelestis vis
edidit, ad

multa quidem
fort-

omnibus saeculis exempla

quam usque

unam homines

ingenii viribus pervenerint, sed haec,

ut supra dixij proxima et quae

non auditu cognos-

cenda, sed
sordidius

oculis spectanda

haberemus.

Nam

quo

et abiectius

nati

sunt quoque notabilior

paupertas et angustiae rerum nascentes eos circumsteteruntj eo clariora et ad

demonstrandam

oratoriae

eloquentiae utilitatem inlustriora exempla sunt^ quod

sine

commendatione

natal ium^ sine substantia facult-

atum, neuter moribus egregius, alter habitu quoque

corporis contemptus, per multos iam annos potentissimi sunt civitatis ac,

donee

libuit^

principes fori,

nunc principes in Caesaris amicitia agunt feruntque

cuncta^ atque ab ipso principe
See note 15,

cum quadam reverentia

p.

134.

34

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
Vibius Crispus
(I prefer to cite

instances that are fresh

so far

and of recent date rather than those which are

back as to be half-forgotten), are just as well known in the uttermost parts of the earth as they are at Capua or Vercellae, which are mentioned as the places of their birth. And it is not their great wealth that they have to thank for this, 200 millions of sesterces ^ in the one case and 300 ^ in the other, though it would be possible to hold that it is to their eloquence that they owe that wealth no, what makes them famous

simply their eloquence. In all ages the divine influence and supernatural power of eloquence have given us many illustrations of the high position to which men have climbed by sheer intellectual capacity but these are cases which, as I have said already, come home to us, and it has been vouclisafed us to see them with our own eyes instead ot learning of them by hearsay. The meaner and the more humble was the origin of those two men, and the more notoi-ious the poverty and want that hemmed in their young lives, so the more brightly do they shine as conspicuous examples of the practical advanThough they had none tage of oratorical power. of the recommendations of birth or the resources of wealth, though neither of the two was of preeminently high moral character, while one ot them had an exterior that made him even an object of derision, yet after being now for many years the most powerful men in Rome, and so long as they leaders of the bar, they take cared for such success to-day the leading place in the Emperor's circle of And friends, and get their own way in everything. by Vespasian himself they are regarded with an for affection that is not unmixed with deference
is
;

About 1,700,000.

About 2,550,000.

35

TACITVS
diliguntur; quia Vespasianus^ venerabilis senex et

patientissimus veri^ bene intellegit ceteros quidem

amicos suos
ipsi
1

iis

niti

quae ab ipso acceperint quaeque

alios

accumulare et in
et

congerere promptum
attulisse

sit,

Marcellum autem

Crispum

ad amicitiam

suam quod non

a priucipe acceperint nee accipi possit.

Minimum
ac
tituli

inter tot ac tanta

locum obtinent imagines

et statuae,

quae neque ipsa tamen negleg-

untur,

tarn

hercule

quam

divitiae

et

opes,

quas

facilius invenies qui vituperet

quam

qui fastidiat.

His igitur et honoribus et ornamentis et facultatibus

refertas

domos eorum videmus qui

fo'-ensibus

se

ab

ineunte adulescentia causis

studio dederunt.

et

oratorio

Nam
oratio),

carmina

et

versus,

quibus

totam

vitam
fluxit

Maternus insumere optat (inde enim omnis

neque dignitatem ullam auctoribus

suis con-

ciliant

neque

utilitates

alunt
et

voluptatem autem
infructuosam
conse-

brevem,
quuntur.

laudem

inanem

Licet haec ipsa et quae deinceps dicturus

si

sum

aures tuae, Materne, respuant, cui bono est

apud te Agamemnon aut lason diserte loquitur?

Quis ideo

domum

defensus et

tibi

obligatus vedit
vel, si

Quis Saleium nostrum, egregium poetam

hoc

honorificentius est, praeclarissimum vatem, deducit

1

See note

16, p. 13i.

36

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
our aged and venerable Emperor, who never shuts his eyes to facts, is well aware that while all the rest of his favourites owe their position to the advantages they have received from him, advantages which he finds it quite easy to amass for himself and to lavish on others, Marcellus and Crispus, on the other hand, have brought to the friendship that unites them to him an element which they never got from an Emperor and which is absolutely incommunicable. Alongside of these many great achievements, medallions and inscriptions ^ and statues are of very and yet even these are not to be little account lightly regarded, any more than wealth and riches, which you will always find men more ready to denounce than to disdain. " Such then are the honours and distinctions and resources which we find to repletion in the houses of those who from youth up have dedicated themselves to the practice of law and the profession of oratory. " As for poetry and verse-making, to which Maternus is eager to devote the whole of his life for that was the starting-point of this talk they neither bring their author any higher standing nor do they advance and the satisfaction they his material interests

fame is empty and you will not relish what I am saying, Maternus, or what I intend to state in the but I ask all the same, course of my argument When an Agamemnon or a Jason talks well in one Does any of your plays, who profits by that } one gain a verdict by it, and feel beholden to Take our you accordingly, as he goes home
furnish
is

as short-lived as their

profitless.

Very

likely

.''

friend Saleius,

more

a first-rate poet, or complimentary designation a

if

that

is

most

illus-

See note 17,

p. 134.

37

aut salutat aut prosequitur

si

TACITVS ? Nempe

si

amicus

eius,

propinquus,

si

denique ipse in aliquod negotium

te,

inciderit,

ad hunc Secundum recurret aut ad

es,

Materne, non quia poeta

facias
;

neque ut pro eo versus

hi

enim Basso domi nascuntur, pulchri quidem

et iucundij

quorum tamen

hie exitiis est, ut

cum

toto

annOj per omnes dies,

magna noctium

parte

unum
ambire

librura excudit et elucubravit, rogare ultro et

cogatur ut sint qui dignentur audire,etne id quidem

gratis
;

nam

et

domum

mutuatur et auditorium exlibellos dispergit.

struit et subsellia

conducit et

Et

ut beatissimus recitationem eius eventus prosequatur,

omnis

ilia

laus intra
flore

unum

aut alterum diem, velutin

herba vel

praecerpta^, ad nullam certam et solid-

am

pervenit frugem, nee aut amicitiam inde refert

aut clientelam aut

mansurum

in

animo cuiusquam
et voces inanes et

beneficium, sed clamorem

vagum

gaudium

volucre.

Laudavimus nuper ut miram et

eximiam Vespasiani liberalitatem, quod quingenta

sestertia Basso donasset

Pulchrum
:

id

quidem,

in-

dulgentiam principis ingenio mereri

pulchrius,
si

quanto tamen

ita res familiaris exigat, se

ipsum

colere,

suum genium ^
Adice quod
1

propitiare,
si

suam

experiri liberalitatem
aliquid elaborare

poetis,

modo dignum
2

See note

IS, p. 134.

See note 19, p. 134.

38

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
does any one escort him to his house, or wait on him to pay his respects, or follow in his Why surely, if any of his friends or relatives train? gets into trouble, or even himself, he will hie him to you, Secundus, or to you, Maternus, not because you are a poet, or with any idea of getting you to write verses in his defence Bassus has his own homesupply of these, and pretty, charming verses they are, though the upshot of them all is that, when he has concocted after long lucubration a single volume in a whole year, working every day and most nights as well, he finds himself obliged to run round into the bargain and beg people to be kind enough to come and form an audience. That too costs him something, for he has to get the loan of a house, to fit up a recitation-hall, to hire chairs, and to distribute programmes. And even supposing his reading is a superlative success, in a day or two all the glory of it passes away, like a plant culled too soon in the blade or the bud, without reaching any real solid fruitage what he gets out of it is never a friend, never a client, never any lasting gratitude for a service rendered, but only fitful applause, empty compliments, and a satisfaction that is fleeting. were full of praise the other day for Vespasian's striking and extraordinary generosity in pi-esenting Bassus with five hundred thousand sesterces.^ And to win for oneself by one's ability the favour of an but how Emperor is, no doubt, a fine thing much finer is it, if the low state of one's fortune should make it necessary, to pay court to oneself instead, to be one's own good genius, and to make trial of one's own bounty ? And there is more. poet, when he is minded laboriously to produce
trious bard
:

We

About 4250.

39

TACITVS
et efficere velint, relinquenda conversatio et iucundjtas
ipsi dicunt, in

amicorum
utque

urbis,

deserenda cetera

officia,

nemora

et lucos^ id est in solitudinem

secedendum
10

est.

Ne opinio quidem et fama^cui soli serviunt et quod unum esse pretium oranis laboris sui fatentur, aeque
poetas quani oratores sequitur^ quoniam mediocres

poetas

nemo
^

novit,

bonos

pauci.

Quando enim
urbem

rarissimarum
penetrat,

recitationum fama in totam

nedum ut per tot provincias innotescat.? Quotus quisque, cum ex Hispania vel Asia, ne quid
de Gallis nostris loquar, in urbem venit, Saleium

Bassum
semel

requirit

Atque adeo
contentus
vidisset.

si

quis requirit, ut

vidit, transit et

est,

ut

si

picturam

aliquam vel statuam

sermonem
minibus,

sic accipi

volo

Neque hunc meum tamquam eos quibus natura

sua oratorium ingenium denegavit deterream a carsi

modo

in

hac studiorum parte oblectare

otium et nomen inserere possunt famae.

Ego

vero

omnem

eloquentiam omnesque eius partes sacras et

venerabiles puto, nee solum cothm-num vestrum aut

heroici carminis

sonum, sed lyricorum quoque iuclascivias et

unditatem et elegorum

iamborum amariet

tudinem

et

epigrammatum
1

lusus
p. 135.

quamcumque

See note 20,

40

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
some creditable composition, has to turn his back on the society of friends and on all the charms of cityabandoning every other function, he must retire life
;

into the solitude, as poets themselves say, of tlie woods and the groves. " Nor is it even the case that a great name and

fame, which

is

the only object they strive

:

for, protoil, falls

average poets no one knows, and good poets but few. Why, take your public readings, few and far between as they are when do they get noised abroad throughout the capital, to say nothing of coming to be known in the various provinces ? How very seldom it is that, when a stranger arrives in Rome from Spain or Asia Minor, not to mention my own native land of Gaul, he makes inquiry after Saleius Bassus And if anyone does happen to ask for him, when once he has clapped eyes on the poet, he passes on his way, quite satisfied, ^just as if it had been a picture or a statue that he had seen. Nov/ I do not want you to take what I am saying as though I am trying to frighten away from verse composition those who are constitutionally devoid of oratorical talent, if they really can find agreeable entertainment for their spare time in this branch of literatui'e, and gain for themselves a niche in the temple of fame. My belief is that there is something sacred and august about every form and every department of literary expression I am of the opinion that it is not only your tragic buskin or the sonorous epic that we ought to exalt above the pursuit of non-literary accomplishments, but the charm of lyric poetry as well, and the wanton elegy, the biting iambic, the playful epigram, and in fact all the other
:
!

testing that it is the one reward of all their to the lot of poets as much as of orators

41

TACITVS
aliam

speciem

eloquentia

habeat
^

anteponendam
Sed tecum

ceteris aliarum artium studiis

ci*edo.

mihi, Materne, res

est,

quod,

cum
Vt

natura tua in

ipsam arcem eloquentiae

adepturus in levioribus
natus
esses,

ferat^, errare
subsistis.

mavis et
si

summa

in Graecia

ubi

ludicras

quoque

artes

exercere

honestimi
dedissent,

est,

ac tibi Nicostrati

robur ac vires di

non paterer inmanes

illos et

ad pugnam

natos lacertos levitate iaculi aut iactu disci vanescere,

sic

nunc

te

ab auditoriis et theatris in forum et ad

causas et ad vera pi-oelia voce,

cum praesertim ne
quod plerisque
sit

ad

illud

quidem confugere

possis,

patrocinatur,

tamquam minus obnoxium

ofFendere

poetarum quam oratorum studium.

vis

Effervescit

enim

pulcherrimae naturae tuae, nee pro amico aliquo,

sed,

quod periculosius

est,

pro Catone offendis.

officii

Nee

excusatur ofFensa necessitudine

cationis aut fortuitae

aut fide advo-

et

subitae dictionis

impetu

meditatus videris hanc^ elegisse personam notabilem

et

cum
:

auctoritate dicturam.

Sentio quid responderi

possit

hinc ingentes existere adsensus, haec in ipsis

auditoriis praecipue laudari et

1

mox omnium

sermo-

2
3

See note 21, p. 135. See note 22, p. 135. See note 23,
p. 135.

42

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY forms in which literature finds utterance. My

is
:

quarrel

with you, Maternus, and it is this though your natural gifts point upwards to the true pinnacle of eloquence, you prefer to wander in byjiaths, and when you could easily reach the top you loiter over comparatively trivial pursuits. If you had been a Gi-eek, a native of a country where it is quite respectable to practise the arts that serve only for pastime, and if heaven had given you the great bodily strength of a Nicostratus, I should protest against allowing your brawny arms, framed for combats in the arena, to be thrown away on the tame sport of hurling the javelin or the discus and in the same way now I am trying to get you away from the lecture-hall and the stage to the forum and to the real contests of actions-atlaw. And all the more since you cannot shelter yourself behind the plea which helps out so many, namely, that people are less likely to take umbrage at the professional activity of the poet than at that Why, your generous temof the public speaker. perament is up in a blaze at once, and it is not in defence of a friend that you make yourself objectionable, but, what is more dangerous, in defence of Cato. And the offence you give cannot be held excused by the obligation to render a friendly service, or by loyalty to a client, or by the excitement of an unpremeditated utterance, made off-hand no, it looks as if of set purpose you had selected that characteristic personality, whose words would have great weight. it is this I know what can be said on the other side that excites unbounded applause, it is this that in the recitation-room promptly secures great commendation and afterwards becomes the theme of universal
; ;
.

43

TACITVS
nibus
ferri.

Tolle igitur quietis et securitatis ex-

cusationem,

cum
si

tibi

sumas adversarium superiorem.

Nobis

satis sit privatas et nostri saeculi controversias

tuerij in

quibus

quando

necesse

sit

pro periclitante
sit

ami CO potentiorum aures offend ere, et probata

fides et libertas excusata."
1 1

Quae cum

dixisset

Aper

acrius, ut solebat, et in-

tento ore, remissus et subridens Maternus " Paran-

tem" inquit "^me non minus diu accusare oratores quam Aper laudaverat (fore enim arbitrabar ut a
laudatione

eorum digressus detrectaret poetas atque

arte

carminum studium prosterneret)

avit,

quadam

mitig-

concedendo

iis

qui causas agere non possent ut

sicut in causis agendis

versus facerent.

Ego autem

efficere aliquid et eniti fortasse

possum,

ita recitatione

tragoediarum et ingredi

famam
^

auspicatus sum,
et

cum

quidem
hodie

pr'mcipe

Nerone

improbam

studiorum
fregi, et

quoque sacra profanantem Vatinii potentiam

si

quid in nobis notitiae ac nominis

est,

magis

arbitror

carminum quam orationum

et

gloria

partum.

Ac iam me deiungere
comitatus istos

a forensi labore constitui, nee aut frequentiam salut-

egressus

antium concupisco, non magis quam aera et imagines,

quae etiam

me

nolente in
1

domum meam
2-t, p.

inruperunt.

See note

135.

See note 25,

p. 136.

44

A DIALOGUE ON, ORATORY

Away then with the plea that what you peace and quietness, seeing that you deliberately choose an adversary who is so much above you. For us orators let it suffice to play our j)arts in private and present-day controversies, and if in these it is at times incumbent^ in defence of a friend who is in jeopardy, to say what is displeasing to the powers that be, may we win commendation for our loyalty and indulgence for our outspokenness." Aper's words were, as usual with him, somewhat vehement in their tone, and his face was hard set. When he had finished, Maternus replied blandly, and " I was getting ready to make with a quiet smile my impeachment of the orators as thoroughgoing as Aper's eulogy had been for my expectation was that he would turn from that eulogy to disparage poets and lay the pursuit of poesy in the dust. But he quite cleverly disarmed me by yielding the point that verse comjjosition may be indulged in by anyone who would not make a good lawyer. Now while I might accomplish something, though possibly not without etfoi't, as a barrister, yet on the other hand it was by dramatic readings that I took the first step on the path of fame, Avhen in Nero's reign I broke the power of Vatinius, that unconscionable usurper who was desecrating even the sanctity of and any reputation or renown I may jjossess letters to-day is due, I fancy, to the fame of my poetry rather than to my speeches. And now I have determined to throw off the yoke of my practice at the bar. The retinue that attends you when you go out of doors, and the crowd of morning callers have no charms for me, any more than the bronze medallions which even against my will have forced their way into my house.
remark.
is

want

45

TACITVS

Nam

statum hucusque ac securitatem melius innoe^

entia tueor

qiiam eloquentia, nee vereor ne mihi

umquam
facienda
1

verba in senatu nisi pro alterius discrimine

sint.

Nemora

vero et luci et secretum ipsum, quod Aper

increpabatj tantam mihi adferunt voluptatem ut inter

praecipuos carminum fructus

numerem quod non

in

strepitu nee sedente ante ostium litigatore nee inter

sordes ac lacrimas reorum componuntur, sed secedit

animus
sedibus

in

loca

pura atque

innocentia

fruiturque

sacris.
:

Haec eloquentiae

primordia,

haec

penetralia

hoc primum habitu cultuque commoda

ilia

mortalibus in

casta et nullis contacta vitiis pec-

tora influxit; sic oracula loquebantur.

Nam

lucrosae

huius et sanguinantis eloquentiae usus recens et malis

moribus natus, atque, ut tu dicebas, Aper, in locum

teli repertus.

Ceterum

felix illud et, ut

more nostro

loquar,

aureum saeculum,

et

oratorum et criminum

inops, poetis

et vatibus abundabat, qui

bene

facta

canerent,
ullis

non qui male admissa defenderent.

Nee

aut gloria maior erat aut augustior honor, primum

et
dis

apud deos, quorum proferre responsa

epulis

interesse

ferebantur,
*

deinde apud
See note 26, p. 136.

illos

genitos

46

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
have gone I find in uprightness a readier protection than in eloquence for my personal standing and my peace of mind and I am not afraid of ever having to address the senate except in the interests of some one else who is in jeopardy. " As for the woods and the groves and the idea of a quiet life, which came in for such abuse from Aper, so great is the joy they bring me that I count it among the chief advantages of poetry that it is not written amid the bustle of the city, with clients sitting in wait for you at your own front door, or in association with accused persons, shabbily clothed and weeping for all they are worth no, the poetic soul withdraws into the habitations of purity and innocence, and in these hallowed dwellings finds its delight. Here is the cradle of eloquence, here its holy of holies this was the form and fashion in which the faculty of utterance first won its way with mortal men, streaming into hearts that were as yet pure and free fi-om any stain of guilt poetry was the language of the oracles. The gain-getting rhetoric now in vogue, greedy for human blood, is a modern invention, the product of a depraved condition of society. As you said yourself, Aper, it has been devised for use as a weapon of offence. The age of bliss, on the other hand, the golden age, as we poets call it, knew nothing of either accusers or accusations but it had a rich crop of poets and bards, who instead of defending the evil-doer chanted the praises of those that did well. And to none was greater fame or inore exalted rank accorded ihan to them, first in high heaven itself; for they were the prophets, it was said, of the oracles of the gods, and were present as guests at their banquets ; and thereafter at the courts of godfar as I
;
:

So

47

TACITVS
sacrosque reges, inter quos

neminem
si

causidicum, sed

Orphea

et

Linum

ac, si introspicere altius veils,

ipsum

Apollinem accepimus.

Vel

haec fabulosa nimis et

composita videntur, illud certe mihi concedes, Aper,

non minorem honorem Homero quam Demostheni

apud
posteios,

nee angustioribus terminis famam

Euripidis aut Sophoclis

includi.

quam

Lysiae aut Hyperidis

Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam

quam

qui Vergilii detrectent, nee ullus Asinii aut

Messallae liber tam inlustris est

aut Varii Thyestes.

quam Medea

Ovidii

Ac ne fortunam quidem vatum

oratorum
vita.

et illud felix contub-

ernium comparare timuerim cum inquieta et anxia

Licet
illos

certamina et pericula sua

ad consulatus evexerint, malo securum et quietum

Vergilii secessunij in

quo tamen neque apud divum

Augustum

gratia caruit

neque apud populum Romantestis

um

notitia.

Testes

Augusti epistulae,

ipse

populus, qui auditis in theatre Vergilii versibus surrexit universus et forte

praesentem spectantemque
sic

Vergilium veneratus est

nostris

quasi Augustum.

Ne

quidem temporibus Secundus Pomponius Afro

Domitio vel dignitate vitae vel perpetuitate famae

cesserit.

exempla

Nam Crispus iste et Marcellus, ad quorum me vocas, quid habent in hac sua fortuna
}

concupiscendum
48

quod timent, an quod timentur ?

'

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
born holy kings, in whose company we nevei* hear of a pleader, but of an Orpheus, a Linus, and, if you care to go further back, Apollo himself. If you think there is too much legend and fiction about all this, you surely will admit, Aper, that Homer has been revered by after ages just as much as Demosthenes, and that the fame of Euripides or Sophocles is not confined to narrower limits than that of Lysias or Hyperides. And to-day you will find a larger number of critics ready to disparage Cicero's reputation than Virgil's while there is no published oration of Asinius or Messalla so celebrated as the ' Medea of Ovid or the Thyestes of Varius. " Nor should I hesitate to contrast the poet's lot in life and his delightful literary companionships with the unrest and anxiety that mark the orator's career. What though in his case a consulship be the crown of all the contests and lawsuits he so dearly loves for my part I would rather have the seclusion in which Virgil lived, tranquil and serene, without forfeiting either the favour of the sainted Augustus, or popularity with the citizens of Rome. This is vouched for by the letters of Augustus, and by the behaviour of the citizens themselves for on hearing a quotation from Virgil in the course of a theatrical performance, they rose to their feet as one man, and did homage to the poet, who happened to be present at the play, just as they would have done to the Emperor himself. And in our own day too Pomponius Secundus ranks just as high as Domitius Afer, alike in personal standing and in enduring reputation. As for your Crispus and your Marcellus, whom you hold up to me as patterns for imitation, what is there about their boasted condition that we ought to covet Is it the fear they feel, or the fear they inspire in others }
;
'

'

.''

49

TACITVS
ii

quod,
stant

cum
niliil^

cotidie aliquid rogentur,

quibus prae07rt? ^

indignantur? quod adligati

adula-

tione nee imperantibus

umquam
?

satis servi

videntur

nee nobis

satis
?

liberi

Quae haee summa eorum

potentia est

tantura posse liberti solent.

Me

vero

dulces, ut Vergilius ait, Musae,

remotum

a sollici-

tudinibus et curis et necessitate cotidie aliquid contra

aiiimiim facieiidi, in
ilia

sacra illosque fontes ferant

nee insanum ultra et lubricum forum famamque pal-

lentem

"

trepidus experiar.

Non me fremitus

salutant-

ium nee anhelans

libertus excitet, nee incertus futuri

testamentuni pro pignore scribam, nee plus habeara

quam quod

})0ssim cui velim relinquere

facalis et

quandoque enim
veniet
^
:

meus

dies

statuarque tumulo non maestus et atrox, sed hilaris

et eoronatus, et pro
(juani
J

memoria mei nee consulat

quis-

nee roget."
finierat

V'ixdum
stinctus,

Maternus, concitatus et velut

Messalla cubiculum

in-

cum Vipstanus
est,

eius

ingressus

suspicatusque ex ipsa intentione singu-

lorum altiorem inter eos esse sermonem,

See note 27,
2

"Num j)arum
p.

p. 130.
p. 137.

ggg n^te 28,

187.

See note

2(1,

4 See note 31, p. 137.

50

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
they are from day to of petitions, tliey set the backs up of those whom they are unable to oblige ? Or that, being constrained to curry favour in every direction, they can never show themselves either sufficiently servile to the powers that be, or sufficiently independent to us ? And what docs this great power of
Is
it tlie

fact tliat^ besieged as

day by

all sorts

amount to ? Why, the Emperor's freedmen possess as much. As for myself, may the ' sweet Muses,' as Virgil says, bear me away to their Geon *^ holy places where sacred streams do flow, beyond the reach of anxiety and care, and free from the obligation of performing each day some task that goes against
theirs

often

the grain. May I no longer with the mad racket and the or tremble as I try a fall with do not want to be roused from

have anything to do
hazards of the forum, white-faced Fame. I sleep by the clatter of

morning

callers or
;

by some breathless messenger from

the palace I do not care, in drawing my will, to give a money-pledge for its safe execution through anxiety as to what is to happen afterwards ^ I wish for no larger estate than I can leave to the heir of my own free choice. Some day or other the last hour will strike also for me, and my prayer is that my effigy may be set up beside my grave, not grim and scowling, but all smiles and garlands, and that no one shall seek to honour my memory either by a motion in the senate or by a petition to the Emperor." Scarce had Maternus finished, speaking with animation and in a soi't of ecstasy, when Vipstanus Messalla and divining from the look of entered the room fixed attention on each and every face that the subject of their conversation was one of special importance,
;

See note 30,

p. 137.

51

TACITVS
tempestivus " inquit " interveni secretum consilium
et causae alicuius

meditationem tractantibus

"
?

" Minime^ minime " inquit Secundus, "atque adeo

vellem maturius intervenisses

delectasset

enim

te et

Apri nostri accuratissimus sermo,

cum Maternum

ut

omiie ingenium ac studium suum ad causas agendas

converteret exhortatus est, et Materni pro carminibus
suis laeta,

utque poetas defendi decebat, audentior et

similior oratio."
iste infinita

poetarum quam oratorum

^'^

Me vero " inquit

" et sermo

voluptate
vos, viri

adfecisset, atque id

ipsum delectat, quod

optimi et tempoi-um nostrorum ora tores, non forensibus

tantum negotiis

et declamatorio studio ingenia vestra

exercetis, sed eius

modi etiam disputationes adsumitis,

quae et ingenium alunt et eruditionis ac litterarum

iucundissimum oblectamentum cum vobis qui

putatis adferunt,

ista dis-

tum etiam
luli

iis

ad quorum aures per-

venerint.
te,

Itaque liercle non minus probari video in

Africani vitam comjionendo

Secunde, quod

spem liominibus

fecisti ])lurium eius

modi librorum,

quam

in

Apro, quod

nondum ab

scholasticis contro-

versiis recessit et

otium suum mavult novorum rhetor-

um more quam veterum oratorum consumere." Tum Aper " Non desinis, Messalla, vetera tantum
:

et antiqua mirari,

nostrorum autem temporum studia

inridere atque contemnere.

Nam

hunc tuum

ser-

52

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
lie

" Have I come in at the wrong moment, saitl disturbing a private consultation, in which you are busy with tlie preparation of some case or other?" " Not at all," exclaimed Secundus, " not at all on
: :

wish j'ou had come in sooner. You would have been delighted with our friend Aper's carefully elaborated discourse, which was an appeal to Maternus to devote all his talent and energy to pleading at the bar, and also with Maternus's enthusiastic vindication of his verses in a speech which, quite appropriately for one who was championing the poets, was somewhat daring and more in the style of poetry than of oratory." " Why, surely," he I'ejoined, " I should have enjoyed the talk immensely but what delights me is the very fact that distinguished persons like yourselves, the foremost speakers of the present day, do not confine your intellectual exercises to legal issues and the pi'actice of declamation, but undertake in addition discussions of this sort, which strengthen the intellect and furnish at the same time, both to yourselves who take part in the debate and also to those to whose ears it comes, the most delightful entertainment that literary culture affords. As the author of a biography of Julius Africanus, you, Secundus, have made the public hope for many more volumes of the kind, and I find that for this people are just as well pleased with you as they are with Aper for not having yet withdrawn from the rhetorical exercises of the schools, and for choosing to spend all his leisure after the fashion of the new rhetoricians rather than of the orators of former days." "My dear Messalla," Aper rejoined, "you are never done admiring what is old and out of date, and that alone, while you keep pouring ridicule and scorn
the contrary,
I
;

53

TACITVS
iiioneni

saepe excepi,

cum

oblitus et tuae et fratris

tui eloquentiae

neminem
^

lioc

tempore oratorem esse

audacius quod

contendeies jnircm
raalignitatis

antiqiiis^ eo, credo,

opiniouem nonverebariSjCum earn gloriam

concedunt ipse
inquit
'^

quam

tibi alii

tibi

denegares."

" Neque
ago,

illius "

sermonis mei paenitentiam

te ipsun),

neque aut Secundum aut Maternum aut

Aper,

quamquam interdum

in

contrarium disputes,

a]iter sentire credo.

Ac velim impetratum abaliquo

infinitae differentiae scrutetur
ijise

vestrum ut causas huius

ac reddat, quas

mecum

plerumque conquiro.

Et

quod quibusdam

solacio est niihi auget quaestionem,

quia video etiam Graiis accidisse ut longius absit ah

Aeschine et Demosthene Sacerdos

quis alius

iste Nicetes, et

si

Ephesum

vel Mytilenas

concentu scholasticaut Africanus

orum

et clamoribus quatit,
ipsi a

quam Afer

aut vos
16

Cicerone aut Asinio recessistis."

" inquit

"

Magnam

Secundus " et dignam tractatu,

quaestionem movisti.
1

Sed quis earn

33, \\ 138.

iustius explicabit

See note

54

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
on the culture of the present day, I have often heard you speak as you are speaking now, maintaining, with never a thought of how eloquent you are yourself, or how eloquent your brother i is, that we have no orator with us to-day who can hold his own with those of former times and all the more daringly, I feel sure, because you did not need to be afraid of any imputation of petty jealousy, seeing that you were denying to yourself the reputation that others

say

is

justly yours."

said Messalla, "I make no apologies for the sort of talk you say you have heard from me, and what is more, I don't really believe that Secundus or Maternus has any different opinion, or you either, A])er, though at times you argue in support of the o]>posite view. I only wish I could induce some one of your number to investigate the reasons for the prodigious contrast that there is, and to report the I find myself often askresults of his investigation. And what brings comfort to ing what they can be. some is to me only an aggravation of the difficulty, namely, the knowledge that the same thing happened also in Greece. Take your friend Sacerdos Nicetes, for instance, and all the rest that make the walls of Ephesus or Mytilene shake with rounds of applause from their approving pupils the interval that separates them from Aeschines and Demosthenes is a wider one than that by which Afer or Africanus or you yourselves stand removed from Cicero or Asinius." "It is an important issue," Secundus said, "that 3'ou have mooted, and one well worth discussion. But is there any one who could more properly unfold it than yourself, seeing that to pi*ofound scholar-

"Well,"

See note

32, p. 138.

55

quaiii tu,

ad cuius

TACITVS summam eruditionem

et pi'aestant-

issiiiium inijeniuin

cura quoque et meditatio acces" inquit

"
sit ?

Et Messalla " Aperiam

si

" cogitationes meas,

quoque sermoneni hunc nostrum adiuvetis." " Pro duobus " inquit Maternus " joromitto nam et e<^o et Secundus exsequemur eas partes quas intellexerimus te non tarn omisisse quam nobis reliAprum enim solere dissentire et tu paulo quisse. ante dixisti et ipse satis manifestus est iam dudum in contrarium accingi^ nee aequo animo perferre banc nostram pro antiquorum laude concordiam." " Non enim " inquit Aper "inauditum et indefensuni saeculum nostrum patiar hac vestra conspiratione damnari sed hoc primum interrogabo, quos
illud a vobis ante impetravero, ut vos
;
:

vocetis antiquos,

tione ista determinetis

quam oratorum aetatem significa? Ego enim cum audio antiquos,

et olim natos intellego, ac

quosdam veteres
versantur

mihi

ante

oculos

L'lixes

ac

Nestor^

quorum

aetas mille fere et trecentis annis saeculum nostrum

antecedit
profertiSj

vos autem

Demosthenem
constat

et

Hyperidem

quos

satis

Philippi et Alexandri
ut utrique superstites

temporibus
essent.

floruisse, ita

tamen

Ex quo adparet non multo

:

plures

quam

trecentos annos intei'esse inter nostram et

thenis aetatem

Demos-

quod spatium temporis

si

ad infirmita-

tem corporimi nostronuii

atur.
si

longum videad naturam saeculorum ac respectum immensi

referas, fortasse

56

"

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
ship and

eminent
?
:

ability

you have added much

careful study

Messalla replied " If I can first get you to promise that you too will lend me a helping hand with my discourse, I shall be glad to let you knowwhat I think." " I undertake for two of us/' said Maternus

" both Secundus and I will take up the points, whatever they may be, which you do not so much overlook as deliberately leave to us. As to Aper, you said a little while ago that he has the habit of opposition and moreover it is quite clear that for some time past he has been girding himself for the fray, and that our unanimous eulogy of the ancients is more than he can tamely endure." " Certainly," Aper rejoined " you are in collu:

not allow judgment to go by default^ and without a hearing, against our own times. But to begin with, I shall ask this question who is it that you call the ' ancients,' and what period of oratory do you designate by your use of the word } For myself, when I hear people speaking of the ' ancients,' I take it that they are referring to persons remote from us, who lived long ago I have in my mind's eye heroes like Ulysses and Nestor, whose epoch antedates our own times by about thirteen hundred years. You on the other hand bring forward Demosthenes and Hyperides, whose date is well authenticated. They flourished in the days of Philip and Alexander, and indeed survived both these princes. This makes it plain that between our era and that of Demosthenes there is an interval of not much more than three hundred years a period which may perhaps seem long if measured by the standard of our feeble frames^ but which, if considered in relation to the process of the ages and the endless lapse of time,
sion,

and

I Avill

57

TACITVS
hiiiiis aevi,
lit

perquam breve

et in proximo est.
is

Nam

si,

Cicero in Hortensio scribit,

caeli

est

magnus

et verus

annus quo eadcm positio

siderumque quae cum

maxime

est

rursum

exsistet, isque

annus horum quos

nos vocamus annorum duodeeim milia nongentos quin-

quaginta quattuor complectitur, incipit Demosthenes

qucm vos veterem et antiquum fingitis, non solum eodem anno quo nos, sed etiam eodem mense
vester,
exstitisse.

17

Sed transeo ad I^atinos oratores, in quibus non Menenium, ut puto, Agrippam, qui potest videri antiquus, nostrorum temporum disertis anteponere soletis, sed Ciceronem et Caesarem et Caelium et Calvum et Brutum et Asinium et Messallam quos
:

quid antiquis temporibus potius adscribatis

nostris,

quam

non

video.
et

Nam

ut de Cicerone ipso loquar,

Hirtio

nempe

Pansa consulibus, ut Tiro libertus

eius scripsit, septimo idus Deccmhrcs occisus est,

quo

anno divus Augustus Q. Pedium consules

publicam rexit
Claudii
et

in

locum Pansae et Hirtii

se et

sufFecit.

Statue sex et quindivus

tres
bis

quaginta annos, quibus

;

mox
Tiberii

Augustus rem
et
viginti,

adice

et

prope quadriennium Gai, ac

quaternos

denos
ac

Neronis annos, atque ilium Galbae et

Vitelli
felicis

Othonis

et

longum

et

unum annum,
:

sextam iam

huius principatus

stationem quo
et viginti

Vespasianus rem publicam fovet

centum

anni ab interitu Ciceronis in hunc diem colliguntur.

58

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
altogether short and but as yesterday. For if, as Cicero tells us in his Hortcnsius,' the Great Year, the True Year, is that in which the constellations in the heavens above us come back again to the same position in which they are at any particular moment, and if the Great Year includes 12,95i of our so-called years, then it follows that your boasted Demosthenes, whom you make out to be an ancient, one of the olden times, must have lived not only in the same year as ourselves, but also in the same month. " But I pass on to the orators of Rome. Among them it is not Menenius Agrippa, I take it, who may well be considered an ancient, that you are in the habit of rating above good speakers of the present day, but Cicero, and Caesar, and Caelius, and Calvus, and Brutus, and Asinius, and Messalla though in regard to these I fail to see any reason why you should credit them to antiquity rather than to our own era. Just take Cicero it was, as you know, in the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa that he was put to death, on the 7th December, as his freedman Tiro has left it on record, in the year in which the sainted Augustus appointed himself along with Quintus Pedius to take the jjlace of Hirtius and Pansa. Count the fifty-six years in which the sainted Augustus thereafter held the helm of state to these add twenty-three years for Tiberius, nearly four for Caligula, fourteen each for Claudius and Nero, that one long year for Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, and now the sixth stage of this auspicious reign in which Vespasian is making the country happy the addition gives us only a hundred and twenty years from the death of Cicero to the present day, no more than the
is
'

59

uiiius li(niinis aetas.

TACITVS Nam ipse

ci

ef^o in

Britannia vidi

seneni qui se I'ateretur

pugnae

interfuisse

qua

Caesarem inferentem arma Britanniae arcere

et pellere adgressi sunt.
Ita
si

litoribus
C.

eum, qui armatus

Caesari restitit, vel captivitas vel voluntas vel fatum

aliquod

in

urbem

pertraxisset,

aeque
audire

idem
potuit

et

Caesarem
nostris

ipsum et Ciceronem
interesse.

et

quoque actionibus

Proximo quidem

eongiario ipsi vidistis plerosque senes qui se a divo

quoque Augusto semel atque iterum accepisse congiarium narrabant.

Ex quo

colligi potest et

Corv-

inum ab

illis

et

Asinium audiri

potuisse,

(nam

Corvinus in

medium usque Augusti

extremum
duravit)
:

principatum,

Asinius paene ad

ne dividatis

saeculum, et antiquos ac veteres vocitetis oratores

quos eorundem

hominum

aures adgnoscere ac velut

coniungere et copulare potuerunt.

18

Haec ideo
fama

praedixi ut,
laus

si

qua ex horum oratorum

adquiritur,

gloriaque
in

temporibus
et

earn

docerem

medio sitam

propiorem nobis qiiam

Servio Galbae aut C. Carboni quosque alios merito

antiquos vocaverimus
et

sunt enim horridi et impoliti,

rudes et informes^ et quos utinam nulla parte

esset

imitatus
Cicero.

Calvus vester aut Caelius aut ipse

fortius

Agere enim

iam et audentius volo,

60

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
of an individual. Why, I saw with my own eyes man in Britain who could make the statement that he had taken a hand in the fight in which, when Caesar was attempting the invasion of that island, his compatriots tried to head him ofi' and repel him from their shores. Now if the person who thus offered armed resistance to Caesar had come all the way to Rome as a slave, or on a visit, or by some other chance, it is quite possible that he might have listened to Caesar himself on the one hand, and to Cicero, and on the other have been present at our own judicial pleadings. You yourselves anyhow at the last public distribution of largess saw quite a number of old men who told us that they had more than once received a gratuity from the sainted Augustus himself. The obvious inference fi'om this is that they might have listened to Corvinus as well as to Asinius, for Corvinus lived to the middle of the reign of Augustus, Asinius almost to the end of it so that you must not make two e})ochs out of one, and keep on sjieaking of ' remote antiquity in reference to orators whom the same persons could have heard with their own eai's and so have connected closely
life

an old

'

why I have said all this by Avay of introduction is that I wanted to show that we have a common property in any lustre the name and fame of these orators may shed upon the times, and that it is nearer to us than to Servius Galba, or Gaius Carbo, and all the rest who may properly be called 'ancients'; for they are really rough and unfinished, crude and inartistic, and generally with such qualities that one could wish that neither your admired Calvus, nor Caelius, nor Cicei'o himself had made them his model in anything. I want to take a bolder line
61

with ourselves. " The reason

TACITVS
si

illud

ante

praedixero, mutari

cum temporibus
Sic Catoni
et seni
sic

formas quoque et genera dicendi.

comparatus

C.

Gracchus
et

plenior

uberior,
sic

Graccho

politior

ornatior
et

Crassus^

utroque
Cicerone

distinctior

et

urbanior

altior

Cicero^

mitior Corvinus et dulcior et in verbis niagis elaboratus.

Nee quaero

quis disertissinius

hoc interim
eloquentiae

probasse contentus sum, non esse

unum

quoque quos vocatis antiques plures species deprehendi, nee statim deterius esse quod diversum est, vitio autem malignitatis humanae Vetera semper in laude, praesentia in fastidio esse. Num dubitamus inventos qui prae Catone i Appium Caecum magis mirarentur ? Satis constat ne Ciceroni
vultum, sed in
illis

quidem obtrectatores
tumens, nee
et superfliiens et

defuisse,

quibus

inflatus

et

satis pressus

sed supra
-

modum

exsultans
Legistis

parum Atticus

videretur.

utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Cicei'onem missas epistulas,

ex quibus

facile est

deprehendere Calvum quidem

Ciceroni visum exsanguem et attritimi,

Brutum autem
Ciceronem a

otiosum atque diiunctum

Calvo quidem male

rursusque

taraquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut ipsius verbis utar, tamquam ' fractum atque elumbem.' Si me interroges,
audisse

omncs mihi videntur verum

singulos veniam, nunc milii
est.
1

dixisse

sed

cum

universis

mox ad negotium

See note 34, See note 35,

p. 1.S8.
p. 13S.

62

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
now, and to speak more resolutely, first premising however that the forms and types of oratory change with the times. Thus Gains Gracchus, as compared with old Cato, has greater fullness and wealth of diction, Crassus is more highly finished and more
ornate than Gracchus, while Cicero is more luminous, more refined, more impassioned than either the one or the other. Corvinus again is mellower than Cicero, more engaging, and more careful in his choice of words. I am not asking which is the greatest orator for my present purpose it is enough for me to have made the point that eloquence has more than one fashion of countenance, and that even in those whom you speak of as ' ancients a variety of types can be discovered. Where change occurs, we are not immediately to conclude that it is a change for the worse you must blame it on the car])ing spirit of mankind that whereas what is old is always held in high esteem, anything modern gets the cold shoulder. We do not doubt, do we, that there have been those who admired Appius Caecus more than Cato ? Cicero himself, as is well known, had his detractors they thought him turgid and puff}', wanting in conciseness, inordinately I'xuberant and redundant, in short,not Attic enough. You have read, of course, the letters of Calvus and Brutus to Cicero, from which it is easy to gather that, as for Calvus, Cicero thought him bloodless and attenuated, just as he thought Brutus spiritless and disjointed while Cicero was in his turn criticised by Calvus as flabby and pithless, and by Brutus, to use If his own expression, as 'feeble and emasculate.' you ask me, I think they all spoke the truth but I shall deal with them individually later on at present
:
'

am

considerincj

them

as a class.

TACITVS
19

Nam

quatenus antiquorum admiratores hunc velut

antiquitatis constituei'e solent^ qui usque
*^

terminum

ad Cassium * * * *

equidcm Cassium

quern ream

faciunt, quein ])vimum adfirniant flexisse abista vetere

atque directa dicendi

via,

non

infirmitate ingenii nee

inscitialitterarumtranstulisse se ad aliud dicendi genus

contendo^ sed iudicio et intellectu.

paulo ante dicebam,
diversitate
tionis esse

Vidit namque^ ut

cum

condicione

temporum

et

aurium formam quoque

ac speciem oraille

mutandam.

Facile perferebat prior

populus, ut imperitus et rudis^

impeditissimarum orasi

tionum
quis

spatia,

atque

id

ipsum laudabat

dicendo

diem eximeret.

lam vero longa principiorum

argumentorum

praeparatio et narrationis alte repetita series et mult-

arum divisionum

ostentatio et mille

gradus, et quidquid aliud aridissimis Hermagorae et

Apollodori

libris praecijiitur, in

honore erat

quod
^

si

quis odoratus philosophiam videretur atque

ex ea

locum aliquem

orationi

suae

insereret,
;

in

caelum

laudibus ferebatur.

Nee mirum erant enim haec nova

quoque oratonnn paucissimi

et incognita, et ipsorum

praecepta rhetorum aut philosophorum placita cogno1 2

See note 30, See note 37,

p.

138.

p. 139.

64

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
"The common practice of the eulogists of antiquity to make this the line of demarcation between the ancients and ourselves. Down to the time of Cassius Now as to Cassius^ who is the object of their attack, and who according to them was the first to
is
.

turn away from the straight old path of eloquence, is that it was not from defective ability or want of literary culture that he went in for another style of rhetoric, but as the result of sound judgment and clear discrimination. He saw that with altered conditions and a variation in the popular taste, as I was saying a little while ago, the form and appearance of oratory had also to undergo a change. The public in those olden days, being untrained and unsophisticated, was quite well pleased with longwinded and involved orations, and would even bless the man who would fill up the day for them with his harangues. Just consider the lengthy exordia, designed to work upon the feelings of the audience, and the narrative portion, starting from the beginning of all things, and the parade of countless heads in the arrangement, and the thousand and one stages of the proof, and all the other precepts that are laid down in the dry-as-dust treatises of Hei'magoras and Apollodorus, all these were held in high esteem; and on the other hand, when there was anyone who was credited with having some slight smattering of philosophy, and who could slip some stock passage into his oration, he was praised to the skies. And All that sort of thing was new and no wonder. unfamiliar, and very few even of the orators themselves had made acquaintance with the rules of the But rhetoricians or the tenets of the philosophers.

my argument

65

TACITVS
veiJint.

At hercule
cortina

|)er\ ulgatis

iam omnibus^ cum

elementis
sit,

vix

in

quisquam adsistat quin

studiorum^ etsi non instructus, at certe imbutus

novis et

exquisitis eloquentiae itineribus opus est,

per quae orator fastidium aurium effugiat, utique apud

eos iudices qui vi et potestate,

non

iure aut legibus

cognoscunt, nee accipiunt tempera, sed constituunt,

nee exspectandum habent oratorem duni

illi

libeat

de ipso negotio .dicere, sed saepe ultro admonent

atque
alio

transgredientem revocant et festinare se

testantur.

20

Quis nunc feret oratorem de infirmitate valetudinis

suae praefantem, qualia sunt fere principia Corvini
?

Quis quinque in Verrem libros exspectabit de exceptione et formula perpetietur

ilia

.'

Quis

immensa
Caecina

volumina quae pro

legimus
et, nisi
?

M. Tullio aut

Aulo

Praecurrit hoc tempore iudex dicentem

aut cursu argumentorum aut colore senten-

tiarum autnitore et cultu descriptionum invitatus et

corruptus est, aversatur.
^"ulgus

quoque adsistentium

et adfluens et vagus auditor

adsuevit iam exigere

orationis
;

laetitiam

et

pulchritudinem

nee magis

perfert in iudiciis tristem et

impexam antiquitatem
et in ipsa
sui

quam

si

quis in scaena Roscii aut Turjiionis Ambivii

velit.

exprimere gestus studiorum incude

Iam vero iuvenes

qui

positi,

profectus

causa

66

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
everything has become common property, time when there is hardly any casual auditor in the well of the court who, if he has not had a systematic training in the rudiments of the art, cannot show at least a tincture of it, what we need is novel and choice methods of eloquence, by employing which the speaker may avoid boring his hearers, especially when addressing a court which decides issues, not according to the letter of the law, but by virtue of its own inherent authority, not allowing the speaker to take his own time, but telling him how long he may have, and not waiting patiently for him to come to the point, but often going so far as to give him a warning, or call him back from a digression, and protest that it has no time to spare. " Would anyone to-day put uj) with a speaker who begins by referring to his own poor health, the usual sort of introduction with Corvinus? Would anyone sit out the five orations against Verres ? Would anyone endure the interminable arguments about pleas and procedure which we get in the speeches delivered in defence of M. Tullius or Aulus C'aecina? Nowadays your judge travels faster than counsel, and if he cannot find something to engage his interest and prejudice him in your favour in a good-going proof, or in piquant utterances, or in brilliant and highly wrought pen-pictures, he is against you. The general audience, too, and the casual listeners who flock in and out, have come now to insist on a flowery and ornamental style of speaking they will no more put up with sober, unadorned old-fashionedness in a court of law than if you were to try to reproduce on the stage the gestures of Roscius or Ambivius Turjno. Yes, and our young men, still at the nialleable gtage of their education, who hang round our public

now

tliat

and

at a

67

TACITVS
oratores sectantur, non solum audire, sed etiam referre

domum

aliquid inlustre et

dignum memoria volunt

traduntque in vicem ac saepe in colonias ac provincias

suas scribunt^ sive sensus aliquis arguta et brevi sententia effulsit, sive locus exquisito et poetico cultu
eiiituit.

Exigitur enim iam ab oratore etiam poeticus

decor, non Accii aut Pacuvii veterno inquinatus, sed

ex Horatii et Vergilii et Lucani sacrario prolatus.

Horum
Neque
ad

igitur auribus et iudiciis

obtemperans nosexstitit.

trorum oratorum aetas pulchrior et ornatior

ideo minus efficaces sunt orationes nostrae quia

aures

iudicantium
si

cum

volui)tate

perveniunt.
terapla

Quid enim

infirmiora

horum temporum

credas, quia non rudi caemento et informibus tegulis

exstruuntur, sed
2
1

marmore nitent

et auro radiantur

Equidem fatebor

vobis simpliciter
in

me in quibusdam
vix som-

antiquorum vix risum,

quibusdam autem

num

tenere.

Nee unum de populo/ Canutium aut

Attium, memorabo, nc quidloqiiar de Furnio et Toranio

quique

alii

omncs in eodem valetudinario haec ossa et

:

banc maciem probant

ipse mihi Calvus^

cum unum
et altera

et viginti, ut puto, libi-os reliquerit, vix in

una

oratiuncula satis

facit.
;

Nee

dissentire ceteros ab hoc

meo
68

iudicio

video
1

quotus enim quisque Calvi in

See note 38, p. 139.

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
speakers in order to improve themselves, are eager not only to hear but also to take home with them some striking and memorable utterance they pass it on from mouth to mouth, and often quote it in their home correspondence with country-towns and provuiceSj whether it be the flash of an epigram embodying some conceit in pointed and terse phraseology, or the glamour of some passage of choice poetical beauty. For the adornment of the poet is demanded nowadays also in the orator, an adornment not disfigured by the mouldiness of Accius or Pacuvius, but fresh from the sacred shrine of a Horace, a Virgil, a Lucan. It is by accommodating itself to the taste and judgment of hearers such as these that the orators of the jjresent day have gained in grace and attractiveness. And the fact that they please the ear does not make our speeches any the less telling in a court of law. Why, one might as well believe that temples are not so strongly built to-day because they are not put together out of coarse uncut stone and ugly-looking bricks, but glitter in marble and are all agleam with gold. " I make the frank avowal that with some of the 'ancients' I can scarcely keep from laughing, while with others I can scarcely keep awake. And I am not going to name anyone belonging to the rank and file, a Canutius or an Attius, not to mention Furnius and Toranius, and all the others who, being inmates of the same infirmary, have nothing but approval for the familiar skin and bones Calvus himself, in spite of the fact that he left behind him as many, if I am right, as one-and-twenty volumes, hardly comes up to standard in any one of his addresses, or two at the most. And I do not find that the world at
;
:

69

TACITVS
Asitium aut
in

Drusum

legit

At hercule

in

omnium

studiosoriun nianihus versantur accusationes quae in

Valiniiim insciibuntiir. ac praecipue secunda ex his

oratio
;

est enini verbis ornata et sententiis, auribus

iudicuni

adcommodata, ut

scias

ipsum quoqiie Calvum

voluntatem
ei

intellexisse quid naelius esset, nee

quo

minus
ac

sublimius

et cultius

diceret,

sed ingenium

vires defuisse.

Quid

ex Caelianis orationibus

nempe
in

eae placenta sive universae sive j^artes earum,

quibus nitorem et altiludinem horuni temporuni

adgnoscimus.
liians

Sordes autem

reliqiiac

verborinn^ et

compositio et inconditi sensus redolent anti;

quitatem

nee

quemquam adeo antiquarium puto

est.

ut

Caelium ex ea parte laudet qua antiquus

Con-

cedanius sane C. Caesari ut propter magnitudinem

cogitationum et occupationes rerum minus in eloquentia effecerit

labat^ tarn hercule

rehnquamuS;,

quam divinum eius ingenium postuquam Brutum philosophiae suae nam in orationibus minorem esse fama
:

sua etiam admiratores eius fatentur

nisi forte quis-

quam

aut Caesaris

i)ro

Decio Samnite aut Bruti pro

Deiotaro rege ceterosque

eiusdem lentitudinis ac
et

teporis libros legit, nisi qui

carmina eorundem
in

miratur.

Fecerunt enim et carmina et

melius

biblio-

thecas rettulerunt, non

felicius,

quam

Cicero,

sed

quia

illos
1

fecisse pauciores sciunt.

See note 39, p. 139.

Asinius

70

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
large dissents from this criticism. How very few there are who read his impeachment of Asitius or Drusus
!

the other handj the orations entitled ' Against Vatinius are a common text-book with students, especially the second for it is rich in style as well as in ideasj and well suited to the taste of a law court, so that one may readily see that Calvus himself knew the better part, and tliat his comparative lack of elevation and elegance was due not so much to want of taste as to want of intellectual force. Take, again, the speeches of Caelius surely those give satisfaction, either in whole or in part, in which we find the polish and elevation of style that are characteristic of the present day. For the rest, his commonplace phraseology, his slipshod arrangement, and his ill-constructed periods savour of old-fashionedness, and I do not believe that there is anyone so devoted to antiquity as to praise Caelius just because he is old-fashioned. As to Julius Caesar we must no doubt make allowance. It was owing to his vast designs and all-absorbing activities that he accomplished less as an oi'ator than his superhuman genius called for just as in the case of Brutus we must leave him to his well-loved philosophy, for even his admirers admit that as an orator he did not rise to his reputation. You won't tell me that anybody reads Caesar's oration in defence of Decius the Samnite, or Brutus's in defence of King Deiotarus, or any of the other unless, speeches, all equally slow and equally flat, indeed, it be some one who is an admirer also of their For they not only wrote poetry, but what is poetry. more they sent copies to the libraries. Their verse is no better than Cicero's, but they have had more Asinius too, though he luck it is not so notorious.
'
:

On

71

TACITVS
quoque,

quamquam
et

propioribus temporibus natus

sit^

videtur mihi inter Menenios et

Appios studuisse.
tragoediis sed

Pacuvium certe

Accium non solum

etiam orationibus
est.

suis expressit:

adeo durus et siccus

Oratio autem, sicut corpus hominis, ea

demum
mem-

pulchi-a est in

qua non eminent venae nee ossanume-

rantur, sed temperatus ac bonus sanguis implet

bra et exsurgit toris ipsosque nervos rubor tegit et decor

commendat.
stetit

Nolo Corvinum insequi^ quia nee per

ipsum

quo minus laetitiam nitoremque nos;

trorum temporum exprimeret

videmus enim quam

iudicio eius vis aut animi aut ingenii suffecevit.

22

Ad
libus

Ciceronem venio,
suis
fuit

cui

eadem pugna cum

est.

aeqiia-

quae mihi vobiscum

Illi

enim
elo-

antiquos mirabantui-, ipse

suorum
ulla re

temporum

quentiam anteponebat
aetatis oratores
^

nee

magis eiusdem
iudicio.

praecurrit

quam

Primus

enim excoluit orationem, primus

adhibuit et compositioni artem
attentavit
;

et verbis

delectum

locos quoquelaetiores

etquasdam sententias
^

invenit, utique in

iis

orationibus quas senior iam

posuit, id est^

et iuxta finem vitae

comet ex-

postquam magis profecerat usuque

perimentis didicerat quod

esset.
1

optimum dicendi genus

2

Nam priores eius orationes non carent vitiis antiSee note 40,
p. 139.

geg ^otg

41^

p 139

72

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
own time, must have pursued his seems to me, in the company of people like Meiieniusand Agrippa: at all events he modelled himself upon Pacuvius and Accius in his speeches as well as in his tragedies so stiff is he, and so dry. No, it is with eloquence as with the human frame. There can be no beauty of form where the veins are prominent, or where one can count the bones sound healthful blood must fill out the limbs, and riot over the muscles, concealing the sinews in turn under a ruddy complexion and a graceful exterior. I don't want to make an attack on Corvinus, as it was not his fault that he did not exhibit the luxuriance and the polish of the present day indeed we know how poorly supported his critical faculty was by
is

nearer to our
it

studies, as

imagination or intellectual power.

the same battle to I have with you. While they admired the ancients, he gave the preference to the eloquence of his own day and it is in taste more than anything else that he Cicero outdistances the orators of his period. was the first to give its proper finish to oratorical style. He was the first to adopt a method of selection in the use of words, and to cultivate artistic arrangement further, he tried his hand at flowery passages, and was the author of some pointed saj'ings, at any rate in the speeches which he wrote when well on in years and towards the close of his career, that is to say, when his powers were well developed, and he had learned by experience and practice the As to his qualities of the best type of oratory. earlier speeches, they are not free from the oldfashioned blemishes. He is tedious in his introduc1

"

come now

to Cicero,

who had

fight with his contemporaries that

73

TACITVS
quitatis
:

lentus est in principiis, longus in narrationi;

bus. otiosiis circa excessus

incalescit
;

tarde commovetur, raro

pauci sensus apte et

cum quodam lumine

terminantur.

Niliil excei'pere, nihil referre possis^ et

velutin rudi aedificio, firmus sane paries et duraturus,

sed non satis expolitus et splendens.

Ego

auteni

oratorem,

siciit

locupleteni ac lautum patrem familiae,

tegi

non eo tantum volo tecto

quod imbrem ac ventet oculos delectet

um

arceat, sed etiam

quod visum

non ea solum
usibus
sufficiat,

instrui supellectile

quae necessariis

sed

sit

in apparatu eius et

aurum

et

gemmae^ ut sumere
libeat.

in

manus, ut aspicere saepius

Quaedam
:

vero procul arceantur ut iam oblit-

terata et olentia
iiifectum^ nulli

nullum

sit

verbum

velut rubigine

sensus tarda et inerti structura in

;

morem annalium componantur

insulsam
scurrilitatem, variet

fugitet

foedam et

compositionem, nee

omnes
3

clausulas

uno
'

et

eodem modo determinet.

'

Nolo inridere rotam Fortunae

illud tertio

et

'

ius

verrinum et
'

quoque sensu

in

omnibus orationibus pro

sententia positum

'^esse videatur.'

Nam et haec invitus

rettuli et plura omisi,

quae tamen sola mirantur atque

74

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
long-winded in the narrative parts^ and wearisome in his digressions. He is slow to rouse himself, and seldom warms to his work only here and there do you find a sentence that has a rhythmical cadence and a flash-point at the finish. There is nothing you can extract^ nothing you can take away with you
tionSj
;
:

just as in rough-and-ready construction work, where the walls are strong, in all conscience, and lasting, but lacking in polish and lustre. own view is that the orator, like a prosperous and wellfound householder, ought to live in a house that is not only wind and weather proof, but pleasing also to the eye ; he should not only have such furnishings as shall suffice for his essential needs, but
it
is

My

also

number among his belongings both gold and precious stones, so as to make people want to take him up again and again, and gaze with admiration. Some things there are again that must be carefully avoided, as antiquated and musty. There should be never a word of the rusty, mouldy tinge, never a sentence put together in the lame and listless style of the chroniclei's. The orator ought to avoid discreditable and senseless buffoonery, vary his arrangement, and refrain from giving the self-same cadence to all his period-endings. " I don't want to make fun of Cicero's ' Wheel of Fortune,' and his ' Boar's Sauce,' ^ and the tag esse videatur, which he tacks on as a pointless finish for every second sentence thi-oughout his speeches. It has gone against the grain to say what I have said, and there is more that I have left out though it is precisely these blemishes, and these alone, that are
:

ius verrinuni

may

law."

The joke occurs

be either "Boar's sauce" or " Verrine in the speeches against Verres, i. 1,

121.

75

TACITVS
exprimunt
ii

qui se antiques oratores vocant.

Nemi-

neni nominabo^ genus

hominum significasse contentus;

ante
oculos
illi

sed

vobis

utique

versantur
et

qui

Lucilium pro

Horatio

Lucretium pro Vergilio

legunt, quibus eloquentia Aufidii Bassi aut Servilii

Noniani ex comparatione
sordet,

Sisennae

aut

Varronis

qui

rhetoruni

nostrorum
mirantur.

commentarios

fastidiunt

oderunt,

Calvi

Quos more
se-

prisco

apud iudicem fabulantes non auditores

quuntur^ non populus audit, vix denique litigator

perpetitur
:

adeo niaesti et inculti

illani ipsani

quam

iactant sanitatem

non

firmitate, sed ieiunio conse-

quuntur.

Porro ne in corpore quideni valetudinem

medici

probant

quae nimia anxietate

contingit;

parum

est aegruni

non

esse,

fortem et laetum et

alacrem volo.

Prope abest ab infirmitate in quo sola

sanitas laudatur,

Vos

vero, viri disertissimi, ut potestis, ut facitis,

inlustrate

saeculum

nostrum

pulcherrimo

genere

dicendi.

Nam

et te, Messalla, video laetissima quaevos,

que antiquorum imitantem, et

cunde,
ita gravitati

Materne ac Seet
is

sensuum nitorem

cultum verbordo rerum,

orum
76

miseetis, ea electio inventionis,

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
admired and imitated by those who call themselv'es I mention no names, orators of the good old school. as it is enough for me to indicate a type but you of course will have in your mind's eye thearchaists who prefer Lucilius to Horace, and Lucretius to Virgil, who consider the style of Aufidius Bassus and Servilius Nonianus very inferior as compared with that of Sisenna or Varro, who, while they admire the di-aftspeeches which Calvus left behind him, have nothing but feelings of disdain and repugnance for those of our own contemporaries. Such persons as these, when they prose along before a judge in the
;

antique style, cannot hold the attention of their audience the crowd refuses to listen, and even their clients can scarcely })ut up with them. So dreary are they and so uncouth and even the sound condition which they make their boast they owe not to any Why, in dealing with stui'diness, but to banting. the human body, doctors have not much to say in praise of the patient who only keeps well by worrying about his health. It is not enough not to be ill I If like a man to be strong and hearty and vigorous. soundness is all you can commend in him, he is really next door to an invalid. "Do you, my eloquent friends, continue as you are so well able to do to shed lustre on this age of ours by your noble oratory. You, Messalla, on the one hand, model your style, as I know, on all that is while as richest in the eloquence of former days for you, Maternus and Secundus, you have such a happy combination of deep thinking witli beauty and elegance of expression, you show such taste in the selection and arrangement of your subject-matter, such copiousness where necessary, such brevity where possible, such grace of construction, such
;
: ;

77

TACITVS
ea quotiens causa poscit ubertas, ea quotiens permittit
bievitas,
is

conipositionis

decor,

ea sententiarum

planitas est, sic exprimitis adfectus, sic libertatem

temperatis, ut etiam
vidia tardaverit,
nostii."

si

nostra iudicia malignitas et invobis dicturi sint posteri

verum de

24

Quae cum Aper

rente,

dixisset,

" Adgnoscitisne " inquit

Maternus " vim et ardorem Apri nostri ?

quo
impetu
saeculum

Quo

tor-

nostrum
!

defendit

Quam

copiose ac varie vexavit antiquos

spiritu,

Quanto

non solum ingenio ac

arte ab ipsis

sed etiam eruditione et

mutuatus

est per

quae

mox

ipsos inces-

seret

Tuum
;

tamen, Messalla, promissum immutasse

exigi-

non debet neque enim defensorem antiquorum

mus, nee

quemquam nostrum, quamquam modo laudati sumus, iis quos insectatus est Aper comparamus. Ac
ne ipse quidem
ita sentit,

sed more vetere et a nostris

philosophis saepe celebrato sumpsit sibi contra dicendi

partes.

Igitur

exprome nobis non laudationem

anti-

quorum (satis enim illos fama sua laudat), sed causas cur in tantum ab eloquentia eorum recesserimus, cum praesertim centum et viginti annos ab interitu Ciceronis in

hunc diem

effici

ratio

temporum

collegerit."

25

Tum Messalla: "Sequar praescriptam a te, Materne,

formam
;

neque enim diu contra dicendum

est Apro,

qui })rimum, ut opinor, noniinis controversiam movit,

tamquam parum
78

proprie antiqui vocarentur quos satis

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
perspicuity of thought^ so well do you give expression to deep emotion, so restrained are you in your outspokenness, that even if spite and ill-will interfere with a favourable verdict from us who are your contemporaries, posterity assuredly will do you justice." "There is no mistaking, is there," said Maternus, when Aper had finished speaking, "our friend's passionate impetuosity ? With what a flow of Avords, with what a rush of eloquence, did he champion the With what readiness and age in which we live versatility did he make war upon the ancients What natural ability and inspiration, and more than that, what learning and skill did he display, borrowing from their own armoury the very weajions which he was All the same, afterwards to turn against themselves Messalla, he must not be allowed to make you break your promise. It is not a defence of antiquity that we need, and in s])ite of the compliments Aper has just been paying us, there is no one among us whom we Avould set alongside of those who have been the object of his attack. He does not think there is, any more than we do. No adopting an old method and one much in vogue with the philosophers of the present day, what he did was to take on himself the Well then, do you set before role of an opponent. us, not a eulogy of the ancients (their renown is their best eulogy), but the reasons why we have fallen so far short of their eloquence, and that though chronology has proved to demonstration that from the death of Cicero to the present time is an interval of only one hundred and twenty years." Thereupon Messalla spoke as follows " I shall
! ! !

keep to the lines you have laid down, Maternus Aper's argument does not need any lengthy refutation. He began by raising an objection which hinges,
79

TACITVS
constat ante

centum annos
;

fuisse.

Mihi autem de
antiques sive

vocabulo pugna non est

sive

illos

maiores sive quo alio mavult nomine appellet^

dum

modo

in confesso sit
fuisse.

eminentiorem illorum temporum

eloquentiam
rejiugno, t
si

Ne

illi

quidem
^

parti sermonis eius

cominus fatetur

plures formas dicendi

etiam isdem saeculis,

nedum

diversis exstitisse.

Sed
et

quo modo inter Atticos oratores primae Demostheni

tribuuntur,

proximum autem locum Aeschines

I.ysias et

Hyperides et

Lycurgus obtinent, omnium

tamen- concessu haec oratoruni aetas maxime probatur,

sic

apud nos Cicero quidem ceteros eorundem temdisertos antecessit^ Calvus

porum

autem

et Asinius

et Caesar et Caelius et Brutus iure et prioribus et

sequentibus anteponuntur.
specie differunt,

Nee

refert

quod inter se
Adstrictior

cum genere

consentiant.

Calvus,numerosior AsiniuS;, splendiclior Caesar, amarior

Caelius, gravior Brutus, vehementior et plenior et

valentior Cicero

omnes tamen eandem sanitatem

si

eloquentiae prae se ferunt, ut

in
iis,

omnium

pariter libros

manum
esse

sumpseris

scias,

quamvis in diversis ingensimilitudinem

quandam

iudicii ac voluntatis

et

cognationem.

Nam quod invicem se obtrectaverunt,

eorum inserta ex quibus mutua
et
2

et sunt aliqua epistulis

malignitas detegitur, non est oratorum vitium, sed

hominum.
1

Nam

et

Calvum

Asinium

et ijisum

See uote 42, p. 139.

gee note 43, p. 140.

SO


A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
it seems to me, on a mere name. Aper thinks it ncorreet to apply the term 'ancients' to persons who are known to have lived only one hundred years ago. Now I am not going to fight about a word he may call them ' ancients or ' ancestors,'

as

'

or anything else he likes, so long as it is admitted that the eloquence of those days stood higher than

have I any objection to that part of his which he comes to the point, and acknowledges that not only at different but at the same epochs more types of eloquence than one have made their appearance. But just as in Attic oratory the palm is awarded to Demosthenes, while next in order come Aeschines, Hyperides, Lysias, and Lycurgus, and yet this era of eloquence is by universal consent considered as a whole the best so at Rome it was
ours.

No more
in

argument

Cicero who outdistanced the other speakers of his own dav, while Calvus and Asinius and Caesar and Caeliusand Brutus are rightly classed both above their predecessors and above those who came after them. In the face of this generic agreement it is unimportant that there are special points of difference. Calvus is more concise, Asinius more rhythmical, Caesar more stately, Caelius more ])ungent, Brutus more dignified, Cicero more impassioned, fuller,and more forceful; yet they all exhibit the same healthfulness of style, to such an extent that if you take up all their speeches at the same time you will find that, in spite of diversity of talent, there is a certain family likeness in taste and
aspiration.

As

to their

mutual

I'ecriminations,

and

there do occur in their correspondence some passages that reveal the bad blood there was between them, that is to be charged against them not as orators, but yes, and as human beings. With Calvus and Asinius

81

TACITVS
Ciceronem credo
ceteris
solitos

et

invidere

et
:

livere

et

humanae

infirmitatis vitiis adfici

solum inter

hos arbitror Brutum non malignitate nee invidia, sed

simpliciter et ingenue iudicium animi sui detexisse.

An
C.

ille

Ciceroni invideret^ qui mihi videtur ne Caesari

invidisse
?

quidem
are Aper
fatear

Quod ad Servium Galbam

si

et

Laelium
^

attinet^ et

quos alios antiquiorum agit-

non

destitit^

non exigit defensoreni, cum

ut nascenti adhuc

quaedam eloquentiae eorum

adultae defuisse.
si

nee 26

satis

Ceterum

omisso optimo

illo

et perfectissimo gen-

ere eloquentiae eligenda

hercle C. Gracchi

sit

forma dicendi, malim

L. Crassi maturitatem
:

impetum aut

quam quam
enim

calaniistros

Maecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis

liirta

adeo melius est orationem vel

toga induere

fucatis et meretriciis vestibus insignire.

Neque
quidem
actores

oratorius iste,

immo

hercle ne

virilis

cultus estj quo plerique

ita

temporum nostrorum

utuntur ut lascivia verborum et levitate senten-

tiarum et licentia compositionis histrionales modos

exprimant.

Quodque

vix

auditu fas

esse

debeat^

laudis et gloriae et ingenii loco plerique iactant cantari

saltarique commentarios suos

unde

oritur

ilia

foeda

See note 44,

p. 140.

82

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
with Cicero himself it was quite usual, I take it, to harbour feelings of jealousy and spite they were liable to all the failings that mark our poor human nature. To my thinking Brutus is the only one of them who showed no rancour and no ill-will in straightforward and ingenuous fashion he spoke out what was in his mind. Was it likely that Brutus Why, he does would have any ill-will for Cicero not seem to me to have felt any for Julius Caesar himself. As to Servius Galba and Gaius LaeUus, and any of the other ' ancients,' speaking compai-atively,
;
:
.''

whom Aper
does not

persistently disparaged, their case any defence I am free to admit that their style of eloquence had the defects that are incidental to infancy and immaturity.
so
call

for

" If, however, one had to choose a style without taking absolutely ideal standards of eloquence into account, I should certainly prefer the fiery spirit of Gaius Gracchus or the mellowness of Lucius Crassus to the coxcombry of a Maecenas or the jingle-jangle of a Gallio for it is undoubtedly better to clothe what you have to say even in rough homespun than to parade it in the gay-coloured garb of a courtesan. There is a fashion much in vogue with quite a number of counsel nowadays that ill befits an orator, and is indeed scarce worthy even of a man. They make it their aim, by wantonness of language, by shallow-pated conceits, and by irregular arrangement, to produce the rhythms of stage-dancing and whereas they ought to be ashamed even to have such a thing said by others, many of them actually boast that their speeches can be sung and danced though that were something creditable, to, as This is the origin of distinguished, and clever.
;

83

TACITVS
et praepostera, sed

tamen frequens exclamatio^, ut

oratores nostri tenere dicerCj liistriones diserte saltare

dicantur.

Equidem non negaverim Cassium Severum,

est, si lis

quern solum A])er noster norainare ausus

comparetur qui postea fuerunt, posse oratorem vocari,

quamquani
habeat

in

magna

parte librorum suorum plus

;

bilis

quam

sanguinis

primus enim contempto

ordine rerum, omissa modestia ac pudore verborum,

ipsis

etiam quibus utitur armis incompositus et studio

feriendi

plerumque deiectus, non pugnat, sed

dixi,

rixatur.

Ceterum, ut

sequentibus comparatus et varietate

eruditionis et lepore urbanitatis et ipsarum virium rob-

ore

multum

ceteros superat,
in

quorum neminem Aper

sustinuit.

nominare et velut

aciem educere

Ego
et

autem exspectabam ut incusato Asinio et Caelio

Calvo aliud nobis

agmen

produeeret, pluresque vel

certe totidem nominaret, ex quibus alium Ciceroni,

alium Caesari, singulis deinde singulos opponeremus.

Nunc
tentus

detrectasse nominatim antiquos oratores con-

neminem sequentium
in

laudare ausus est nisi in

publicum et
offenderet
si

commune

veritus, credo, ne multos

Quotus enim

paucos

excerpsisset.

quisque

scholasticorum
1

non

hac sua persuasione

See note 46,

p. 140.

84

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
the epigram, so shameful and so wrong-headed, but yet so common, which says that at Rome ' orators speak vohiptuously and actors dance eloWith reference to Cassius Severus, who quently.' is the only one our friend Aper ventured to name, I should not care to deny that, if he is compared with those who came after him, he may be called a real orator, though a considerable portion of his compositions contains more of the choleric element than of good red blood. Cassius was the first to treat lightly the arrangement of his material, and to disregard
propriety and restraint of utterance. He is unskilful in the use of the weapons of his choice, and so keen is he to hit that he quite frequently loses his balance. So, instead of being a warrior, he is simply a brawler. As already stated, however, compared with those who came after him, he is far ahead of them in all-round learning, in the charm of his wit, and in sheer strength and pith. Aper could not prevail on himselfto name any of those successors of Cassius, and to bring them into the firing-line. My expectation, on the other hand, was that after censuring Asinius and Caelius and Calvus, he would bring along another squad, and would name a greater or at least an equal number from whom we miglit pit one against Cicero, another against Caesar, and so, champion against champion, throughout the list. Instead of this he has restricted himself to a criticism of certain stated orators among the ancients,' without venturing to connnend any of their successors, except He was afraid, I fancy, in the most general terms. of giving offence to many by specifying only a few. Why, almost all our professional rhetoricians plume themselves on their pet conviction that each of them
'

35

TACITVS
fruitur, ut

se ante
?

Ciceronem numeret, sed plane

quo

post Gabinianum

At ego non verebor ^ nominare

sit et

singulos,

facilius

propositis exemplis adpareat quibus gradibus fracta

deminuta eloquentia."
" ^

27

" Adpara te

inquit Maternus " et potius exsolve

eiiim hoc
colligi

promissum.

Neque

desideramus,
in

disertiores esse antiquos,

quod apud

me quidem

eonfesso est^ sed causas exquirimus quas te solituni

tractare paulo ante dixisti jilane niitior et eloquentiae

temjiorum nostrorum minus

iratus,

antequam

te

Aper

ofFenderet maiores tuos lacessendo."

" Non sum

tione,

"

inquit " ofFensus Apri

si

viei

disputa-

nee vos ofFendi decebit,

quid forte aures

vestras perstringat,

cum

sciatis

hanc esse eius modi

citra

sermonum

legem, iudicium animi

damnum
antiquis

adfectus proferre."

" Perge " inquit Maternus "et

loquaris, utere antiqua

cum de

libertate, a

qua vel magis

degeneravimus quam ab
28

elocjuentia."
re-

Et Messalla, " Non reconditas, Materne, causas

quiris,

nee aut

tibi

ipsi
si

aut huic Secundo vel huic

Apro

ignotas, etiam
in

mihi partes adsignatis prosentimus.

ferendi

medium quae omnes

1

Quis

See note

46, p. 140.
p. 140.

See note 47,

86

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
is to be ranked as superior to Cicero, though distinctly inferior to Gabinianus. " I shall not hesitate, on the other hand, to name

individuals in order to show, by the citation of instances, the successive stages in the decline and fall of eloquence. Thereupon Maternus exclaimed " Get ready, and rather make good your promise. do not want you to lead up to the conclusion that the ancients excelled us in eloquence. I regard that as an established fact. What we are asking for is the reasons of the decline. You said a little while ago that this forms a frequent subject of consideration with you that was when you were in a distinctly milder frame of mind, and not so greatly incensed against contemporary eloquence, in fact, before Aper gave you a shock by his attack on your ancestors." " My good friend Aper's discourse did not shock me," Messalla replied, " and no more must you be
" :

We

may chance to grate upon that it is the rule in talks of this kind to speak out one's inmost convictions without prejudice to friendly feeling." " Go on," said Maternus, " and in dealing with the inen of olden times see that you avail yourself of all the old-fiishioned outspokenness which we have
shocked by anything that
j'our ears.

You know

fallen

away from even more than we have from

eloquence." "My dear Maternus," Messalla continued, "the You know reasons you ask for are not far to seek. them yourself, and our good friends Secundus and Aper know them too, though you want me to take the role of the person who holds forth on views that are common to all of us. Everybody is aware that it

87

TACITVS
enim ignorat
isse

et eloquentiam et ceteras artes desciv-

ab

ilia

vetere gloria non inopia hominum, sed

desidia iuventutis et

neglegentia pareiitum et in?

scientia praecipientium et oblivione nioris antiqui

quae mala })rimum in urbe nata^

fusa^

iam

in provincias
:

manant.

mox per Italiam Quamquam vestra

vobis notiora sunt

ego de urbe et his propriis ac

vernaculis

vitiis

loquar^ quae natos statim excipiunt

si

et per singulos aetatis gradus cumulantur,

severitate ac
disci])lina

prius de

maiorum

circa

educandos

formandosque liberos pauca praedixero.

Nam
natus^ sinu
tueri

pridem suus cuique

in cellula

filius^

ex casta parente

non

emptae

nutricis, sed

gremio ac

matris educabatur,

cuius

praecipua laus erat

domum

et inservire liberis.

Eligebatur autem

maior aliqua natu propinqua, cuius probatis spectatisque

moribus
;

omnis

eiusdem

familiae

suboles
fas

committeretur

coram qua neque dicere

erat

quod turpe

dictu,

neque facere quod inhonestum

studia

factu videretur.

Ac non

modo

curasque, sed
sanctitate

remissiones

etiam

lususque

puerorum
Sic

quadam ac verecundia temperabat.

Gracchorum^
praefuisse
sic

Corneliam

Aureliam Caesaris,
ac

sic

Atiam Augusti
principes

educationibus

produxisse

liberos accepimus.

Quae

disciplina ac severitas eo

pertinebat ut sincera et integra et nullis pravitatibus

88

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
not for lack of votaries that eloquence and the other arts as well have fallen from their former high estate, but because of the laziness of our young men, the carelessness of parents, the ignorance of teachers, and the decay of the old-fashioned virtue. It was at Rome that this backsliding first began, but afteris

wards

it

permeated

Italy

and now

it is

way abroad.
capital

You know
;

provincial conditions,

making its how-

do I am going to speak of the and of our home-grown Roman vices, which catch on to us as soon as we are born, and increase with each successive stage of our development. But first I must say a word or two about the rigorous system which our forefathers followed in the matter of the upbringing and training of their children. " In the good old days, every man's son, born in wedlock, was brought up not in the chamber of some hireling nurse, but in his mother's lap, and at her knee. And that mother could have no higher praise than that she managed the house and gave herself to her children. Again, some elderly relative would be selected in order that to her, as a person who had been tried and never found wanting, might he entrusted the care of all the youthful scions of the same house in the presence of such an one no base word could be uttered without grave offence, and no wrong deed done. Religiously and with the utmost delicacy
ever, better than I
;

she regulated not only the serious tasks of her youthful charges, but their recreations also and their games. It was in this spirit, we are told, that Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, directed their upbringing, Aurelia that of Caesar, Atia of Augustus thus it was that these mothers trained their princely children. The object of this rigorous system was that the natural disposition of every child, while still sound at
:

89

TACITVS
detorta unius cuiusque natura toto statini pectore
arriperet artes honestas, et sive ad

rem militarem sive

ad

iuris

scientiam sive ad eloquentiae studium in-

clinasset^ id

solum ageret,

id

universum

haiiriret.

29

At nunc natus
ancillae, cui
servis,

infans delegatur Graeculae alicui

altei'

adiungitur unus aut

vilissimus nee

ex omnibus
serio minisei'roribus

plerumque

cuiquam
fabulis

terio

adcommodatus.

Horum

et
;

teneri statim et rudes animi imbuuntui*

nee quis-

quam

in tota

domo

pensi habet quid coram infante

domino aut

dicat aut faciat.

Quin etiam ipsi parentes

nee probitati neque modestiae parvulos adsuefaciunt,

sed lasciviae et dicacita ti, per quae paulatimimpudentia
inrepit et sui alienique contemptus.

lam vero propria

et peculiaria huius urbis vitia paene in utero matris

concipi mihi videntur, histrionalis favor et gladia-

torum equorumque studia

quibus occupatus et ob-

sessus animus quantiilum loci bonis artibus relinquit?

Quotum quemque
loquatur
?

invenies qui domi quicquam aliud

alios

Quos
si

adulescentulorum
?

sermones

excipimus,

quando auditoria intravimus

Ne

prae-

ceptores quidem ullas crebriores

cum

audit oribus suis

90

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
the core and untainted, not warped as yet by any might at once hiy hold with heart and soul on virtuous accomplishments, and whether its bent was towards the army, or the law, or the pursuit of eloquence, might make that its sole aim
vicious tendencies,

and

its

all-absoi-bing interest.

" Nowadays, on the other hand, our children are handed over at their birth to some silly little Greek serving-maid, with a male slave, who may be any one, to help her, quite frequently the most worthless member of the whole establishment, incompetent for any serious service. It is from the foolish tittle-tattle of such persons that the children receive their earliest impressions, while their minds are still pliant and unformed and there is not a soul in the whole house who cares a jot what he says or does in the presence of its lisping little lord. Yes, and the parents themselves make no effort to train their little ones in goodness and self-control they grow up in an atmosphere of laxity and pertness, in which they come gradually to lose all sense of shame, and all respect both for themselves and for other people. Again, there are the peculiar and charactei'istic vices of this metropolis of ours, taken on, as it seems to nie, almost in the mother's womb, the passion for play actors, and the mania for gladiatorial shows and horseracing and when the mind is engrossed in such occupations, what room is left over for higher pursuits How few are to be found whose home-talk runs to any other subjects than these ? What else do we overhear our younger men talking about whenever we enter their lecture-halls And the teachers With them, too, such topics supply are just as bad. material for gossip with their classes more frequently than any others ; for it is not by the strict administra-

.''

.^

91

TACITVS
fabulas habent
;

colligunt

enim

discipulos

non

severi-

tate disciplinae nee iiigenii experimento, sed ambit-

ione salutationum et inlecebris adulationis.

30

Ti'anseo prima discentium elementa, in quibus et

ipsis

parum laboratur nee

:

in auctoribiis

cognoscendis

nee
vel

in

evolvenda antiquitate nee

in notitia vel

rerum

liominum vel teniponun

satis

operae insumitur.
;

Sed expetuntur quos rhetoras vocant

fessio

quorum prosit,

quando primum

in

hane urbem introducta

quamque nullam apud maiores

nostros auctoritatem

habuerit, statim tlicturus referam necesse est

animum

ad eam disciplinam qua usos esse eos oratores ac-

cepimus quorum
et in

infinitus labor et cotidiana meditatio

omni genere studiorum adsiduae exereitationes

libris.

ipsorum etiam eontinentur

Notus est vobis

utique Ciceronis liber qui Brutus inscribitur, in euius

extrema parte (nam prior commemorationem veterum

oratorum habet) sua
quentiae
velut
initia,

suos gradus, suae elorefert

:

quandani

educationem

se

apud Q. Mueium ius civile didicisse, apud Philonem Academicum, apud Diodotum Stoicum omnes philosophiae partes penitus hausisse
;

neque
in

iis

doctoribus
contigerat,

contentum quorum

ei

eopia

urbe

Achaiam quoque

et

Asiam peragrasse, ut omnem

Itaque

omnium artium

varietatem complecteretur.

hercle in libris Ciceronis

deprehendere

licet

non

geometriae, non

niusicae,

non

grammaticae, non

92

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
by giving proof of their ability by pushing themselves into notice at morning calls and by the
tion of discipline^ or
to teach that they get pupils together, but
tricks of toadyism.

" I pass by the first rudiments of education, though even these are taken too lightly it is in the reading of authors, and in gaining a knowledge of the past, and in making acquaintance with things ^ and persons and occasions that too little solid work is done. Recourse is had
:

instead to the so-called rhetoricians. As I mean to speak in the immediate sequel of the period at which this vocation first made its way to Rome, and of the small esteem in which it Avas held by our ancestors, I must advert to the system which we are told was followed by those orators whose unremitting industry and daily })re})aration and continuous practice in every department of study are referred to in their own j)ublished works. You are of coui'se familiar with Cicero's ' Brutus,' in the concluding portion of which treatise the first part contains a review of the speakers of former days he gives an account of his own first beginnings, his gradual pi'ogress, and what I may call his evolution as an orator. He tells us how he studied civil law with Q. Mucius, and

thoroughly absorbed philosophy in all its departments as a pupil of Philo the Academic and Diodotus the Stoic and not being satisfied with the teachers who had been accessible to him at Rome, he went to Greece, and travelled also through Asia Minor, in order to acquire a comprehensive training in every variety of knowledge. Hence it comes that in Cicero's works one may detect the fact that he was not lacking in a knowledge of mathematics, of music, of
;

See note 48.

p. 141.

93

TACITVS
denique
ullius

ingenuae

artis

scientiam

ei defuisse.

Ille dialecticae

subtilitatem,

ille nioralis partis utilit-

atem^

ille

rerum motus causasque cognoverat.

optimi
viri,

Ita

est enim,

ita

ex multa eruditione et
scientia
;

plurimis artibus et
et exuberat
ilia

omnium rerum

exundat

admirabilis eloquentia

neque oratoris

vis et facultaSj sicut

ceterarum rerum, angustis et

is

brevibus terininis eluditur, sed

est orator qui

de

omni quaestione pulchre

et ornate et ad persuadend-

um
3
1

apte dicere pro dignitate rerum, ad utilitatem

possit.

temporum, cum voluptate audientium

Hoc

sibi

illi

veteres persuaserant, ad hoc efficiendum

intellegebant opus esse, non ut in rhetorum scholis

declamarent, nee ut

fictis

nee ullo modo ad veritatem

accedentibus controversiis linguani

exercerent, sed ut
iis

modo

et

vocem

artibus

pectus implerent in

quibus de bonis ac malis, de honesto et tuqii, de

iusto et iniusto disputatur
;

haee enini est oratori

subiecta ad

dicendum materia.

Nam
ita

in iudiciis fere

de aequitate, in deliberationibus de
tionibus ^

ulililate, in laiida-

de honestate disserimus,
:

tamen ut plerum-

que haec in vicem misceantur

varie et ornate

de quibus copiose et

nemo dicere potest nisi qui cognovit naturam humanam et vim virtutum pravitatemque
1

See note 49,

p. 141.

94

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
in short, of any department of the higher learning. Yes, Cicero was quite at home in the subtleties of dialectic, in the practical lessons of ethical philosophy, in the changes and origins of
linguistics

Yes, my good friends, that is natural phenomena. the fact it is only from a wealth of learning, and a multitude of accomplishments, and a knowledge that is universal that his marvellous eloquence wells forth like a mighty stream. The orator's function and activity is not, as is the case with other pursuits, hemmed in all round within narrow boundHe only deserves the name who has the aries. ability to speak on any and every topic with grace and distinction of style, in a manner fitted to win conviction, ap])ro})riately to the dignity of his subjectmatter, suitably to the case in hand, and with resulting gratification to his audience. "This was fully understood by the men of former They were well aware that, in order to attain days. the end in view, the practice of declamation in the schools of rhetoric was not the essential matter, the training merely of tongue and voice in imaginary debates which had no point of contact with real life. No, for them the one thing needful was to stock the mind with those accomplishments which deal with good and evil, virtue and vice, justice and It is this that forms the subject-matter of injustice. Speaking broadly, in judicial oratory our oratory. argument turns upon fair dealing, in the oratory of debate upon advantage, in eulogies upon moral character, though these topics quite frequently overNow it is impossible for any speaker to treat lap. them with fullness, and variety, and elegance, unless he has made a study of human nature, of the meaning
:

95

TACITVS
vitiorum et intellectum

eorum quae nee

in virtutibus

nee in

vitiis

numerantur.

Ex

his fontibus

etiam

ilia

profluunt,

ut facilius
ira^

iram iudicis vel instiget vel

et proniptius

leniat qui scit quid

ad miserationem

impellat qui scit quid

sit

misericordia et quibus animi

motibus concitetur.

In his artibus exercitationibussive

que versatus
cupidos sive

orator^

apud

infestos sive

apud

apud invidentes

sive

apud

tristes sive

apud timentes dicendum habuerit, tenebit venas

animorum, et prout cuiusque natura postuiabit adhibebit

instruniento et ad

manum et teniperabit orationem^ parato omni omnem usum reposito. Sunt apud
fidei

quos adstrictum et collectum et singula statim argumenta concludens dicendi genus phis

meretur
Alios

apud hos dedisse operam dialeeticae

proficiet.

fusaetaequalis et ex communibus ducta sensibus oratio

magis delectat

ad hos permovendos mutuabimur a

Peripateticis aptos et in

omnem disputationem paratos

ne Epicuri

iam

locos.

Dabunt Acadeniici pugnacitatem^ Plato

altitudinem,

Xenophon iucunditatem

quidem

et Meti'odori honestas

quasdam exclaniationes

adsuniere iisque^ prout res poscit, uti alienum erit

oratori.

Neque enim sapientem informamus neque

enni
qui

Stoiconim comitem, sed

quasdam

artes

96

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
of goodness and the wickedness of vice, and unless he has learnt to appreciate the significance of what ranks neither on the side of virtue nor on that of vice. This is the source from which other qualifications The man who knows what anger also are derived. is will be better able either to Avork on or to mollify the resentment of a judge, just as he who understands compassion, and the emotions by which it is aroused, will find it easier to move him to pity. If your orator has made himself familiar with these branches by study and practice, whether he has to address himself to a hostile or a friendly or a grudging audience, whether his hearers are ill-humoured or apprehensive, he will feel their pulse, and will handle theni in every case as their character requires, and will give the right tone to what he has to say, keeping the various implements of his craft lying ready to hand for any and every purpose. There are some with whom a concise, succinct style carries most conviction, one that makes the several lines of proot with such it will be an yield a rapid conclusion advantage to have paid attention to dialectic. Others are more taken with a smooth and steady flow ol speech, drawn from the fountain-head of universal experience in order to make an impression upon these we shall borrow from the Peripatetics their stock arguments, suited and ready in advance for either side of any discussion. Combativeness will be the contribution of the Academics, sublimity that of nay, there will Plato, and charm that of Xenophon be nothing amiss in a speaker taking over even some of the excellent aphorisms of Epicurus and Metrodorus, and applying them as the case may demand. It is not a professional })hilosopher that we are delineating, nor a hanger-on of the Stoics, but the man
:

97

TACITVS
haurire^

omnes

libare debet.

Ideoque et

iuris civilis

scientiam veteres oratores comprehendebant, et gram-

matica musica geometria imbuebantur. Incidunt enim

causae, plurimae

quidem ae

paeiie omnes, quibusiuris

notitia desideratur, pleraeque

autem

in quibus

haec

quoque
32

scientia requiritur.

Nee quisquam

resjjondeat sufficere ut ad

tempus

simplex quiddam et uuiforme doceamur.

Primum

enim
qiie

aliter

utimur

propriis, aliter

commodatis, longe-

interesse

manifestum

est

possideat quis quae

profert an mutuetur.
scientia etiam
aliiid

Deinde ipsa multarum artium

agentes nos ornat, atqiie ubi
et excellit.

minime credas eminet

Idqiie

non doctus

modo et prudens auditor,

sed etiam populus intellegit,

ac statim ita laiide prosequitur ut legitime studuisse,

ut per

omnes eloquentiae numeros

isse, ut

denique

oratorem esse fateatur; quern non posse

ere

aliter exsist-

nee exstitisse
in aciera

umquam

confirmo nisi

eum

qui,

tamquam

omnibus armis instructus,

exierit.

sic in

forum omnibus artibus armatus

neglegitur

Quod adeo

abhorum temporum

disertis ut in actioni-

bus eorum huius quoque cotidiani sermonis foeda ac

98

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
who, while he ought lliorouglily to absorb certam branches of study, should also have a bowing acquaintance with them all. That is the reason why the orators of former days made a point of acquiring a knowledge of civil law, while they received a tincture also of literature, music, and mathematics. In the cases that come one's way, what is essential in most instances, indeed almost invariably, is legal knowledge, but there are often others in which you are expected to be well versed also in the subjects just mentioned. " Do not let any one argue in reply that it is enough for us to be coached in some straightforward and

meet the case immeTo begin with, the use we make diately before us. of Avhat belongs to ourselves is quite different from our use of what we take on loan there is obviously a wide gulf between owning what we give out and borrowing In the next place, breadth of culture it from others. is an ornament that tells of itself even when one is not making a point of it it comes prominently into
clearly defined issue in order to
:
:

view where you would

fully

it. This fact is appreciated not only by the learned and scholarly portion of the audience, but also by the rank and file. They cheer the speaker from the start, protesting that he has been properly trained, that he has gone through all the points of good oratory, and that he is, in short, an orator in the true sense of the word and such an one cannot be, as I maintain, and never was any other than he who enters the lists of debate with all the equipment of a man of learning, like a warrior taking the field in full armour. Our clever speakers of to-day, however, lose sight of this ideal to such an extent that one can detect in their pleadings the shameful and discreditable blemishes
:

least expect

99

TACITVS
pudenda vitia deprehendantur ut ignorent non teneant senatus consulta, ius htiitis civitatis
;

leges,
i

ultro

derideant, sapientiae vero studium et praecepta priid-

entium penitus reformident.

In paucissimos sensus

et angustas sententias detrudunt eloquentiam velut

expulsam regno siio, ut quae olini omnium artium domina pulclierrimo comitatu pectora implebat, nunc
circumcisa et amputata, sine apparatu, sine honore,

paene dixerim sine ingenuitate, quasi una ex

dissimis artificiis diseatur.

sordi-

Ergo banc primam

recesserimus.

et

praecipuam causam arbitror

cur in tantum ab eloquentia antiquoruni oratorum

Si testes desiderantur, quos potiores

nominabo quam apud Graecos Demosthenem, quem studiosissimum Platonis auditorem fuisse memoriae proditum est ? Et Cicero 2 his, ut opinor, verbis refert, quidquid in eloquentia effecerit, id se non rhetorum qfficinis, sed Academiae spatiis consecutum. Sunt
aliae causae,

aequum
os

est,

explevi, et

magnae et graves, quas a vobis aperiri quoniam quidem ego iam meum niunus quod mihi in consuetudine est, satis multquos,
si

offendi,

forte

haec audierint, certum

philosophiae scientlaudo,
ineptiis

habeo dicturos me,

dum

iuris et

iam tamquam
meis plausisse."
3 te

oratori

necessariam

Et Maternus " Mihi quidem " inquit " susceptum a munus adeo peregisse nondum videris ut incohasse
1

See note 50, p, 142. See uote51,p. 142.

100


A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
even of our everyday speech. They know nothing of statute-law, they have no hold of the decrees of the senate, tliey go out of their way to show contempt for the law of the constitution, and as for the pursuit of philosophy and the sages' saws they regard them with downright dismay. Eloquence is by them degraded, like a discrowned queen, to a few commonplaces and cramped conceits. She who in days of yore reigned in the hearts of men as the mistress of all the arts, encircled by a brilliant retinue, is now curtailed and mutilated, shorn of all her state, all her
distinction, I had almost said all her freedom, learnt like any vulgar handicraft.

and

is

and foremost reason an extent from the eloquence of the orators of old. If you want witnesses, what weightier evidence can I produce than Demosthenes among the Greeks, who is said to have been one of Plato's most enthusiastic students Our own Cicero tells us too I think in so many words that anything he accomplished as an orator he owed not to the workshops of the rhetorician, but to the spacious precincts of the Academy. There are other reasons, important and weighty, which ought in all fairness to be unfolded by you, since I have now done my part and have as usual put up the backs of quite a number, who will be sure to say, if my words chance to reach their ears, that it is only in order to cry uj) my own jiet vanities that I have been extolling a knowledge of law and philosophy as indispensable
I

" This then

take to be the

first

why Ave have degenerated

to such

.''

to the oi'ator."

have

seems to me that you you undertook. You have only made a beginning of it, and you have traced out for us what I take to be nothing more

"Nay,"

said Maternus, "it

failed so far to fulfil the task

101

TACITVS
tantum
et

velut

vestigia

ac

liniamenta

quaedam

ostendisse videaris.

Nam quibus arlihus instrui veteres

dixisti,

oratores

soliti

sint

differentiamque nostrae

desidiae et inscientiae adversus acerrima et fecundissima

eorum studia demonstrasti

cetera exspecto,
illi

ut quera ad

modum

ex te didici quid aut

seierint

aut nos nesciamus,

exercitationibus

ita

hoc quoque cognoscanflj quibus

iuvenes

iam

et

forum ingressuri
sint.

confirmare et alere ingenia sua

soliti

Neque

enim tantum

arte

et

scientia,

sed

longe magis

facultate et usn eloquentiam continerij nee tu, puto,

abnues et

hi significare vultu videntur."

Deinde
adnuissentj

cum Aper quoque

Messalla
initia

et

Secundus idem
incipiens

quasi

rursus
veteris

" Quoniam
satis

et

semina

eloquentiae

demonstrasse videor,
oratores
institui

docendo quibus artibus

erudirique
soliti

antiqui

sint^

persequar nunc exercitationes eorum.

ipsis artibus inest exercitatio,

Quamquam
nisi

nee quisquam percipere

ut

tot

tarn

varias

ac

reconditas res potest,

scientiae

meditatio,

meditationi

facultas,

facultati

usus eloquentiae accedat.

Per quae coUigitur eandpercipiendi

em

esse

rationem

et

quae
si

proferas

et proferendi

quae perceperis.

Sed

cui obscuri-

ora haec videntur isqiie scientiani ab exercitatione

102

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
than the bare outline of the subject. You have spoken, it is true, of the acconipHshments wliich formed as a rule the equipment of the orators of bygone days, and you have set forth our indolence and ignorance in strong contrast to their enthusiastic and fruitfulapplication. But I am looking for what is to come next. You have taught me the extent of their knowledge and our abysmal ignorance what I want also to know about is the methods of training by which it was customary for their young men, when about to enter on professional life, to strengthen and develop their intellectual powers. For the true basis of eloquence is not theoretical knowledge only, but in a far greater degree natural capacity and practical exercise. To this view I am sure you will not demur, and our friends hei'e, to judge by their looks, seem to indicate concuiTcnce." Both Aper and Secundus expressed agreement with
:

this statement,

whereupon Messalla made what may

be called a fresh start. " Since 1 have given," he said, "^what seems to be a sufficient account of the first beginnings and thegerms of ancient oratory, by setting forth the branches on which the orators of former days were wont to base their training and instruction, I shall now proceed to take up their practical exercises. And yet theory itself involves practice, and it is impossible for an\' one to grasp so manv diverse and
abstruse subjects, unless his theoretical knowledge is I'e-enforced by practice, his practice by natural ability, and his ability by experience of public speaking. The inference is that there is a certain identity between the method of assimilating what you express and that of expressing what you have assimilated. But if any one thinks this a dark saying, and wants to separate theory from practice, he must at least admit

JOS

TACITVS
sepanit, illud certe concedet^ instructum et
his artibus

plenum

animum longe paratiorem ad

quae
propriae

eas exercita-

tiones

venturuni

esse

oratoruni

videntiir.

3i

Ergo apud
eloquentiae

niaiores iiostros iuvenis ille qui foro et

parabatur, imbutus lam domestica dis-

ciplina, refertus lionestis studiis,

deducebatur a patre

vel a

jiropinquis

ad

eum

oratorem qui princij^em in

civitate

locum obtinebat.

Hunc

sectari,

hunc pro-

sequi,

huius omnibus dictionibus interesse sive in

iudiciis sive in contionibus adsuescebat, ita ut alter-

cationes quoque exciperet et iurgiis interesset, utque

sic

dixerim, pugnare in

proelio disceret.

Magnus
iudicii

ex hoe usus, multum constantiae^ plurimum

iuvenibus statim contingebatj in media lucestudenti-

bus atque inter ipsa discrimina, ubi

stulte aliquid aut contrarie dicit

nemo impune

quo minus et index

denique advocati

res})uat et adversarius exprobret, ipsi

aspernentur.

Igitur vera st;itim et incorrupta elo;

quentia imbuebantur
rentur^

et

quamquam unum
aetatis

seque-

tanien

omnes eiusdem

patronos in
;

})lurimis et causis et iudiciis

cognoscebant

habeb-

antque ipsius populi diversissimarum aurium copiam,

ex qua facile deprehenderent quid in quoque vel probaretur vel displiceret. Ita nee praeceptor deerat, optim-

104

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
that the man whose mind is fully furnished with such theoretical knowledge will come better prepared to the practical exercises which are commonly regarded as the distinctive training of the orator. " Well then, in the good old days the young man who was destined for the oratoiy of the bai*, after receiving the rudiments of a sound training at home, and storing his mind with liberal culture, was taken by his father, or his relations, and placed under the care of some orator who held a leading position at Rome. The youth had to get the habit of following his patron about, of escorting him in })ublic, of supporting him at all his appearances as a speaker, whether in the law courts or on the platform, hearing
also his

word-combats at first hand, standing by him in and learning, as it were, to fight in the fighting-line. It was a method that secured at once
his duellings,

for the young students a considerable amount of experience, great self-possession, and a goodly store of sound judgment for they cari'ied on their studies in the light of open day, and amid the very shock of battle, under conditions in which any stupid or illadvised statement brings prompt retribution in the shape of the judge's disapproval, taunting criticism from your opponent yes, and from your own supporters expressions of dissatisfaction. So it was a genuine and unndulterated eloquence that they were initiated in from the very first and though they attached themselves to a single speaker, yet they got to know all the contemporary members of the bar in a Moregreat variety of both civil and criminal cases. over a public meeting gave them the opportunity of noting marked divergences of taste, so that they could easily detect what commended itself in the case of each individual speaker, and what on the other hand
:

105

TACITVS
us

quidem

et electissimus, qui faciem

eloquentiae,

non imaginem
ferrOj

praestaret, nee adversarii et aemuli

non rudibus dimicantes, nee auditorium semper

plenum, semper novum, ex invidis et faventibus, ut

nee bene nee male dieta dissimularentur.
Seitis

enim

magnam
minus
quin
orari.

illam et duraturam eloquentiae

famam non
suis
;

in diversis subselliis parari

quam

inde

immo

constantius surgere, ibi fidelius corrobeius

Atque hercule sub

ille

modi praeceptoribus

iuvenis

de quo loquimur, oratorum discipulus,

iudieiorum, eruditus et adsue-

fori auditor, seetator

faetus alienis experimentis, eui cotidie audienti notae

leges,

non novi iudicum

vultus, frequens in oeulis

aui'es,

consuetudo contionum, saepe cognitae populi

sive aceusationem susceperat sive defensionem, solus

statim et unus cuicumque eausae par erat.

Nono

deeimo

aetatis

anno L. Crassus

C.

Carbonem, uno et

vieensimo
Asinius

Caesar Dolabellam, altero et vicensimo

C,

Pollio

Catonem, non
iis

multum

aetate

antecedens Calvus Vatinium

sunt quas hodie quoque
^

orationibus insecuti

eum admiratione
nostri

legimus.
in scholas

35

At nunc adulescentuli
1

deducuntur

See note 52,

p. 142.

106

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
failed to please.
firstly,

In this way they could command,

a teacher, and him the best and choicest of his kind, one who could show forth the true features of eloquence, and not a weak imitation secondly, opponents and antagonists, who fought with swords,
;

not with wooden foils and thirdly, an audience always numerous and always different, composed of friendly and unfriendly critics, who would not let any points escape them, whether good or bad. oy the
;

renown that is great and lasting is built up, you know, quite as much among the opposition benches as on those of one's own side indeed, its growth in that quarter is sturdier, and takes root more firmly. Yes, under such instructors the young
oratorical
as
;

man who
real

the subject of this discourse, the pupil of listener in the forum, the close attendant on the law courts, trained to his work in the school of other people's effoi'ts, who got to know his law by hearing it cited every day, who became familiar with the faces on the bench, who made the practice of public meetings a subject of constant contemplation, and who had many opportunities of studying the vagaries of the popular taste, -such a youth, whether he undertook to appear as prosecutor or for the defence, was competent right away to deal with any kind of case, alone and unaided. Lucius Crassuswas only eighteen when he impeached Gaius Carbo, Caesar twenty when he undertook the prosecution of Dolabella, Asinius Pollio twenty-one when he attacked Gaius Cato, and Calvus not much The s])eeches older when he prosecuted Vatinius. they delivered on those occasions are read to this day with admii'ation. " But nowadays our boys are escorted to the
is

orators, the

107

TACITVS
istorum
qui

rhetores vocantur, quos

paulo

ante

Ciceronis tempora exstitisse nee placuisse niaioribus

nostris

ex eo manifestum

est

quod a Crasso
ait
Cicei'o^

et

Domitio censoribus cludere, ut

impudentiae
'

'ludum

iussi sunt.

Sed ut dicere institueram,

^

deducuntur

in scholas de quibus

non

facile

dixerim

utrumne
studioruni
loco
nisi

locus
])lus

ipse

an

condiscipuli

an

genus
in

mali

ingeniis

adferant.
in

Nam
^

nihil reverentiae

est^ scilicet
;

quern

nemo
nihil

aeque imperitus intrat

in condiscipulis

profectus,

cum

pueri inter pueros et adulescentuli

pari

inter adulescentulos

securitate

et

dicant et
parte

audiantur

ipsae vero exercitationes

magna ex

contrariae.

Nempe enim duo

quidem
etsi,

genera materiarum

apud rhetoras

tractantur^ suasoriae et controversiae.

Ex

his suasoriae

tamquam plane

leviores

et minus

prudentiae exigentes^ pueris delegantur,

controversiae robustioribus adsignantur,

fidem, et

quales, per

quam

incredibiliter compositae

Sequitur

autem ut materiae abhorrenti

quoque adhibeatur.
mia
aut
vitiatarum
Sic
fit

a veritate declamatio

ut tyrannicidarum prae-

electiones

aut

pestilentiae
in schola

remedia aut incesta matrum aut quidquid

^

See note 54,

p. 142.

2 See

uote

55, p. 142.

108


A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
schools of the so-called
'

professors of rhetoric,'

persons who came on the scene just before the time of Cicero but failed to find favour with our forefathers, as is obvious from the fact that the censors Crassus and Domitius ordered them to shut down what Cicero calls their ' school of shamelessuess.'^ They are escorted, as I was saying, to these schools, of which it would be hard to say what is most prejudicial to their intellectual growth, the place itself, or their fellowscholars, or the studies they pursue. The place has nothing about it that commands respect, no one enters it who is not as ignorant as the rest there is no profit in the society of the scholars, since they ai'e all either boys or young men who are equally devoid of any feeling of responsibility whether they take the floor or provide an audience and the exercises in which they engage largely defeat their own objects. You are of coinse aware that there are two kinds of subject-matter handled by these professors, the deliberative and the disputatious. Now while, as regards the former, it is entrusted to mere boys, as being obviously of less importance and not making such demands on the judgment, tlie more mature scholars are asked to deal with the latter, but, good heavens what poor quality is shown in their themes, and how unnaturally they are made up Then in addition to the subject-matter that is so remote from real life, there is the bombastic style in which it is presented. And so it comes that themes like these ' the reward of the king-killer,' or the outraged maid's alternatives,' or ' a remedy for the jilague,' or ' the incestuous mother,' and all the other topics that are treated every day in the school, but seldom

'

See note

53, p. 142.

109

TACITVS
cotidie
agitur,
in

foro

vel
:

raro

vel

numqiiam,

ingentibus verbis prosequantur

cum ad

veros iudices

ventum
36
eloqui

^
.
.
.

... rem

cogitare

nihil humile,

nihil

abiectum
flamma,
clarescit.

poterat.

Magna

eloquentia,

sicut

materia alitur et motibus excitatur et urendo

Eadeni

ratio in nostra

quoque

civitate

antiquorum

eloquentiam

provexit.

Nam

etsi

horum

quoque

temporum
ilia

oratores ea consecuti sunt quae eomposita

et quieta et beata re publica tribui fas erat,

tamen

perturbatione

ac

licentia

plura

sibi

adsequi

videbantur,

cum

niixtis

omnibus et moderatore uno

carentibus tantum quisque orator saperet

erranti

quantum

populo

persuadere

poterat.

Hinc leges
hinc accusa-

adsiduae et populare nomen, hinc contiones magis-

tratuum paene pernoctantium in

tiones potentium
inimicitiae, hinc

rosti'is,

reorum et adsignatae etiam domibus

procerum factiones et adsidua senatus

adversus plebem certamina.

Quae

singula etsi dis-

trahebant rem publicam, exercebant tamen illorum

temporum eloquentiam
erat,

et

magnis cumulai'C praemiis

videbantur^ quia quanto quisque plus dicendo pottanto

in
facilius
ipsis

honores

adsequebatur,
suos

tan to

magis

honoribus

collegas

anteibat,

tanto plus apud principes gratiae^ plus auctoritatis

1

See note nO,

p. 142.

110

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
or never in actual practice^ are set forth in magni-

loquent phraseology before a real tribunal

but
.
.

when the speaker comes

subject in hand.

"...

to have
it

regard to the

was an impossibility to give forth any utterance that was trivial or commonplace. Great oratory is like a flame it needs fuel to feed it, movement to fan it, and it brightens as it burns.
:

With him

too the eloquence of our forefathers owed developnaent to the same conditions. For although the orators of to-day have also succeeded in obtaining all the influence that it would be proper to allow them under settled, peaceable, and prosperous political conditions, yet their predecessors in those days of unrest and unrestraint thought they could accomplish more when, in the general ferment and without the strong hand of a single ruler, a speaker's political wisdom was measured by his power of carrying conviction to the unstable populace. This was the source of the constant succession of measures put forward by cham})ions of the })eople's rights, of the harangues of state officials who almost spent the night on the hustings, of the impeachments of powerful criminals and hereditary feuds between whole families, of schisms among the aristocracy and never-ending struggles between the senate and the commons. All this tore the conmionwealth in pieces, but it provided a sphere for the oratory of those days and heaped on it what one saw were vast rewards. The more influence a man could wield by his powers of speech, the more readily did he attain to high office, the further did he, when in office, outstrip his colleagues in the race for precedence, the more did he gain favour with the great, authority with the
its

"At Rome

111

TACITVS
apud
patreSj plus notitiae ac

nominis apud plebem

parabat.

Hi

clientelis

etiam
in

exterarum nationum
provincias

reduudabant,

hos ituri

magistratus

reverebantur, hos reversi colebant, hos et praeturae

et consulatus vocare idtro videbantur, hi ne privati

quidem
senatum
sibi

sine potestate erant,

cum

et

populum

et

consilio et auctoritate regerent.

Quin inimo

persuaserant

neminem

sine eloquentia aut adse-

qui posse in civitate aut tueri conspicuum et eminent-

em locum

nee mirum, cum etiam

inviti

ad populum

producerentur,

cum parum

esset in senatu breviter

censere, nisi qui ingenio

et eloquentia sententiam

suam tueretur, cum

vocati sua voce

in

aliquam invidiam aut crimen

testi-

respondendum haberent, cum

monia quoque

in

tw/Zaw publicis nonabsentes necper

tabellam dare^sed coram et praesentes dicerecogerentur.

Ita

ad

summa

eloquentiae praemia
;

magna etiam

necessitas accedebat

et

quo modo disertum haberi

pulchrum
videri

et gloriosum, sic contra

mutum etelinguem

deforme habebatur.

37

Ergo non minus rubore quam praemiis stimulabantur ne clientulorum loco potius

quam patronorum

numerarentur, ne traditae a maioribus necessitudines

112

;;

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
and name and fame with tlie common people. These were the men who liad whole nations of foreigners under their protection, several at a time the men to Avhom state officials presented their humble duty on the eve of their departure to take u}) the government of a province, and to whom they paid their respects on their return the men who, without any effort on their own part, seemed to have praetorships and consulates at their beck and call the men who even when out of office were in ])ower, seeing that by their advice and authority they could bend both the senate and the people to their will. With them moreover it was a conviction that without eloquence it was impossible for any one either to attain to a position of distinction and prominence in the community, or to maintain it and no wonder they cherished this conviction, when they were called on to appear in public even when they would rather not, when it was not enough to move a brief resolution in the senate, unless one made good one's opinion in an able speech, when persons who had in some way or other incurred odium, or else were definitely charged with some offence, had to put in an appearance in pei'son, when moreover evidence in criminal trials had to be given not indirectly or by affidavit, but personally and by word of mouth. So it was that eloquence not only led to great rewards, but was also a sheer necessity; and just as it was considered gi'eat and glorious to have the reputation of being a good speaker, so, on the other hand, it was accounted discreditable to be inarticulate and incapsenate,
;

able of utterance. "Thus it was a sense of shame quite as much as material reward that gave them an incentive. They wanted tobe I'anked with patrons rather than poor dependents

113

TACITVS
ad
alios transirc iit,

ne tamquam inertes et non

suttec-

turi

honoribus aut non impetrai-ent aut

imj:)etratos

male tuerentur.

Nescio an venerint in manus vestras

hate Vetera quae et in antiquariorum bibliothecis

adhiic

manentet cum maxime aMuciano contrahuntur,

ac iam undeeim, ut opinor,

Actorum

libris et tribus

Epistularum composita et edita sunt.

potest Cn.

Ex

his intellegi

Pompeium

et

M. Crassum non

vii'ibus
;

modo
Len-

et armis^ sed ingenio quoque et oratione valuisse tulos et Metellos et Lueullos et Curiones et

ceteiam

procerum
que

manum multum

in his studiis operae curae-

})osuissej

nee quemquam illis temporibus magnam

potentiam sine aliqua eloquentia consecutum.

His accedebat sjilendor reoruni et magnitude causarunij

quae et ipsa plurimum eloquentiae praestant.

interest

Nam multum
et interdicto

utrumne de

furto aut formula

dicendum habeas^ an de ambitu comitiosociis et

rum, de expilatis

eivibus trucidatis.
est,

Quae

mala

sicut

non accidere melius

habendus
in

isque optimus civi-

tatis status

quo

nihil tale patimur, ita

cum

acciderent iugentem eloquentiae matcriam subministrabant.

genii,

Crescit

enim cum amplitudine rerum

vis in-

nee quisquam claram

et inlustrem orationem

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
they could not bear to let inherited connections pass into the hands of strangers and they had to a\ oid the reputation for apathy and incompetence that would either keep them from obtaining office or make their official careers a failure. I wonder if you have seen the ancient records which are still extant in tlie libraries of collectors, and wliich are even now being compiled by Mucianus they have already been arranged and edited in eleven volumes, I think, of Proceedings and five of Letters. 1 hey make it clear that Gnaeus Pompeius and Marcus Crassus rose to power not only as warriors and men of might, but also by their talent for oratory; that the Lentuli and the Metelli and the Luculli and the Curios and all the great company of our nobles devoted great care and attention to these pursuits and that in their day no one attained to sjreat influence without some gift of
;
:

eloquence. " There was a further advantage in the high rank of the persons who were brought to trial and the importance of the interests involved, factors which are also in a great degree conducive to eloquence. For it makes a good deal of difference whether you are briefed to speak about a case of theft, or a rule of procedure, and the provisional order of a magistrate, or about electioneering practices, the robbery of a province, and the murder of fellow-citizens. It is better, of course, that such horrors should not occur at all, and we must regard that as the most enviable political condition in which we are not liable to anything of the kind. Yet when these things did happen, they furnished the orators of the day with ample material. Hand in hand with the importance of the theme goes the growing ability to cope with it, and it is a sheer impossibility for any one to produce a

115

TACITVS
efficere potest nisi qui

causam parem

invenit.

Non,

opinor,

Demostlienem orationes inlustrant quas adcomposuit^ nee Ciceronem

\'ersus tutores suos

magnum
banc

oratorem
faciiint
illi
:

P.

Quintius defensus aut Licinius Archias

Catilina et Milo et Verres et Antoniiis

faniani circmndederunt^

non quia
iit

tanti fuit^ rei

piiblicae

malos ferre cives

uberem ad dicendum

materiam oratores haberent, sed, ut subinde admoneo,

quaestionis

meminerimus sciamusque nos de ea re loqui

temporibus
exsistit.

quae

facilius turbidis et inquietis

Quis ignorat
vexari
?

utilius ac

melius esse frui pace

proeliatores

phu'es

tamen bonos

quam bello bella quam

])ax ferunt.

Similis eloquentiae condicio.

Nam

quo

saepius steterit

tamquam

in acie

quoque plures

et in-

tulerit ictus et exceperit

quoque maiores adversaries

acrioresque pugnas sibi ipsa desumpserit, tanto altior

et excelsior et
illis

nobilitata discriminibus in ore

est ut secura velint

hominum
38

agit,

quorum ea natura
^.

periculosa inireniur

Transeo ad formam et consuetudinem veterum

iudiciorum.

Quae

etsi

nunc aptior
perorare

exstiterit

^,

elo-

quentiam tamen

illud

forum magis exercebat,

horas

in

quo

nemo

intra

paucissimas

cogebatur

et liberae

comperendinationes crant et
1

modum m

See note 57, p. 144.

2
3

See note 58, See note 59,

p. 144. p. 144,

116

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
great and glorious oration unless he has found a theme to correspond. It is not, I take it, the speeches which he

composedin the action hebrought against hisguardians that give Demosthenes liis name and fame, nor does Cicero rest his claims to greatness as an orator on his defence of Publius Quintius or Licinius Archias. No, it was a Catiline, a Milo, a V^erres, an Antonius that made his reputation for him. I do not mean that it was worth the country's while to produce bad citizens, just in order that our orators might have an ample
supply of material but let us bear in mind the point at issue, as I keep urging you to do, realising that our discourse is dealing with an art which comes to the front more readily in times of trouble and unrest. We all know that the blessings of peace bring more profit and greater hapjiiness than the horrors of war yet war produces a larger number of good fighters than peace. It is the same with eloquence. The oftener it takes its stand in the lists, the more numerous the strokes it gives and receives, the more powerful the opponents and the more keenly contested the issues it deliberately selects, in like proportion does eloquence cany its head higher and more erect before the eyes of men, deriving ever greater lustre from the very hazards it encounters. For men are naturally prone, Avhile courting security for themselves, to admire whatever has an element of risk. " 1 pass on to the oi'ganisation and procedure of the old law-courts. It may nowadays have become more practical, but all the same the forum as it then was provided a better training-ground for oratoiy. There was no obligation on any speaker to complete his pleading within an hour or two at the most
;
;

117

TACITVS
dicendo
sibi

quisque sumebat et numerus neque

finiebatur.

dierum neque patronorum

tertio consulatu Cn.

Primus haec

Pompeius adstrinxit.imposuitque

veluti frenos eloquentiae, ita

tamen

lit

omnia

in foro,

omnia

legibus^

omnia apud

})raetores

gererentur

apud qnos quanto maiora negotia olim

sint,

exei'ceri solita

quod maius argumentum

centumvirales, quae nunc

est quam quod causae primum obtinent locum,

adeo splendore aliorum iudiciorum obruebantui* ut

neque Ciceronis neque Caesaris neque Bruti neque

Caelii

neque Calvi,non denique

ullius

magni

oratoris

liber

apud

centumviros

dictus

legatur,

exceptis

orationibus Asinii quae pro heredibus \ rbiniae inscribuntur,

ab

ipso

tamen

Pollione

mediis

divi

Augusti temporibus habitae, postquam longa tem-

porum

quies et continuum populi otium et adsidua

senatus tranquillitas et

maxima

principis disciplina
alia

ipsam quoque eloquentiam sicut omnia

verat ^.

paca-

39

Parvum
turus

et ridiculum fortasse videbitur

;

quod

dic-

sum dicam tamen. vel ideo ut Quantum humilitalis putamus eloquentiae

istas

rideatur.
attulisse

paenulas
iudicibus

quibus adstricti et velut inclusi

?

cum

fabulamur

Quantum

virium

detraxisse

orationi auditoria et tabularia credimus, in

1

quibus

Se3 note CO,

p. 144.

2 See

note Gl, p. 145.

M8

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
adjournments were always in order as regards a time-limit, each man was a law to himself; and no attempt was made to define either how many days the case was to take or how many counsel were to be employed in it. It was Gnaeus Pompeius who, in his
;

introduced limitations in regard be said to have curbed eloquence with bit and bridle, without however cancelling the provision that everything should be done in court, according to law, and before a praetor. The best proof 3'ou can have of the greater importance of the cases dealt with by the praetors in former days is the fact that actions before the centumviral court, which are now considered to outrank all others, used to be so much overshadowed by the prestige of other tribunals that there is not a single speech, delivered before that court, that is read to-day, either by Cicero,
third consulship,
first

to these matters.

He may

by Caesar, or by Brutus, or by Caelius, or by Calvus, by any orator of rank. The only exceptions are the speeches of Asinius Pollio entitled ' For Urbinia's Heirs,' and yet these are just the ones which he delivered well on in the middle of the reign of Augustus, when in consequence of the long period of peace, and the unbroken spell of inactivity on the part of the commons and of peaceableness on the part of the senate, by reason also of the working of the great imperial system, a hush had fallen upon eloquence, as indeed it had upon the world at large. " My next point will perhaps strike you as trivial and ridiculous, but I shall make it, even if only to excite your ridicule. Take those gowns into which we squeeze om-selves when we chat with the court, a costume that shackles movement, do we ever reflect how largely responsible they are for the orator's loss
or

or in fact

119

TACITVS
iam fere plurimae causae explicantur
?

Nam

quo

modo

nobilcs equos cursus et spatia probantj sic est

aliquis

oratorum campus, per quern

nisi liberi et soluti

ferantur debiliiatur ac frangitur eloquentia.

Ipsam

quin ininio curam et

diligeiitis stili

anxietatem con-

trariam experimui', quia saepe interrogat iudex quando

incipias, et ex interrogatione eius incipienduni est:

frequenter [probationibus et testibus

tronis
indicit.

^]

silentium pa-

\nus

inter liaec dicenti

ant alter
Oratori

adsistit, et res velut in solitudine agitur.

autem clamore plausuque opus

theatro
bant,
;

est, et velut

quodam

qualia cotidie antiquis oratoribus contingetot pariter ac

cum

tam nobiles forum

coartarent,

cum clientelae quoque

ac tribus etmunicipiorum etiam

legationes ac pars Italiae periclitantibus adsisteret,

cum

in plerisque iudiciis crederet populus

Romanus
C.

sua interesse quid

iudicaretur.

Satis

constat
et

Cornelium et M.
Bestiam et
P.

Scaurum

et

T.

Milonem

L.

Vatinium concursu totius

1

civitatis et

See note 62,

p. 145.

120

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
tliink of the recitation-halls and which pretty well most cases are nowadays despatched, have they not also greatly contributed to the emasculation of eloquence ? Why,

of dignity

Or

record-offices in

just as with blood-horses it takes a roomy track to show their mettle, so orators need a spacious field in which to expatiate without let or hindrance, if their eloquence is not to lose all its strength

Moreover, painstaking preparation and effort for stylistic finish are found after all to do more harm than good. The judge often asks when you are going to come to the point, and you are bound to make a start as soon as he puts the question. Just as often he tells counsel to stop (so that evidence may be led and witnesses examined). All the time the speaker has only two or three for an audience, and the hearing goes forward in what is a scene of desolation. But your public speaker can't get along without ' hear, hear,' and the clapping of hands. He must have what I may call his stage. This the orators of former times could command day after day, when the forum was packed by an audience at the same time numerous and distinguished, when persons who had to face the hazard of a public trial could depend on being supported by shoals of clients and fellow-tribesmen, and by deputations also from the country towns half Italy, in fact, was there to back them. These were the days when the j)eople of Rome felt that in quite a number of cases they had a pei'sonal stake in the verdict. We know on good authority that both the impeachment and the defence of a Cornelius, a Scaurus, a Milo, a Bestia, a Vatinius brought the whole community together en masse : so that it would
pith.

and

the anxious

121

TACITVS
accusatos et defensos,
iit

frigidissimos qiioque ora-

tores ipsa certantis populi studia excitare et incend-

ere polucrint.
ut
ijisi

Itaque hercule eius modi

aliis

libri

extant

quoque qui egerunt non

magis orationibus

censeantur.
iO

lam vero contiones adsiduae et datum ius potentissimum quemque vexandi atque ipsa inimicitiamm
gloria,

cum

se phirimi disertorum

ne a Publico quidem

Scipione aut L. Sulla aut Cn. Pompeio abstinerent,

et ad incessendos pvincipes viros, ut est natura invidiae, pojiuli (jiioquc at histriones auribus uterentur,

quantum ardorem
movebant
*
I

ingeniis, quas oratoribus faces ad-

Non de
itate

otiosa et quieta re loquimur et

quae probilia

et modestia gaudeat,

sed est

magna

et

notabilis

eloquentia alumna licentiae,

quam

stulti

libertatem vocabantj comes seditionum, effrenati populi

incitamentum, sine obsequio, sine reverential , con-

tumax, temeraria, adrogans, quae in bene constitutis

civitatibus

non

oritur.

Quem enim

oratorem Lace?

daemonium, quem Cretensem accepimus

quarum

civitatum severissima disciplina et severissimae leges

traduntur.
ullius

Ne Macedonum quidem ac Persarum

quae
1

aut

gentis

certo

imperio contenta
G3, p. 145.
G4, p. 145.

fuerit

See note
See note

122

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
have been impossible for even the most frigid of speakers not to be enkindled and set on fire by the mere clash of partisan enthusiasm. That is wli}- the quality of the ])ublished orations that have come down to us is so high that it is by these more than by any others that the speakers who appeared on
either side actually take rank. " Think again of the incessant public meetings, of the privilege so freely accorded of inveighing against persons of position and influence, yes, and of the glory you gained by being at daggers drawn with them, in the days when so many clever speakers could not let even a Scipio alone, or a Sulla, or a Pompeius, and when, taking a leaf out of the book of stage-players, they made public meetings also the opportunity of launching characteristically spiteful tirades against the leading men of the state how' all this nuist have inflamed tlie able debater and added fuel to tlie fire of his eloquence " The art which is the subject of our discourse is not a quiet and peaceable art, or one that finds satisfaction in moral wortli and good behaviour no, really great and famous oratory is a foster-child of licence, which foolish men called liberty, an associate of sedition, a goad for the unbridled ])opulace. It owes no allegiance to any. Devoid of reverence, it is insulting, off-hand, and overbearing. It is a plant that does not grow under a well-regulated constitution. Does history contain a single instance of any orator at Sparta, or at Crete, two states whose political system and legislation were more stringent than any other on record ? It is equally true to say that in

Macedonia and

in

Persia eloquence

was unknown.

123

TACITVS
eloquentiam novimus. Rhodii quidam, plurimi Athenicnscs oratores exstiterunt^

apud quos omnia populus,

dixerim,
erravit,

omnia imperiti, omnia^ ut

Nostra quoque
civitas,

sic

omnes poterant.

donee

donee se partibus

et dissensionibus et discordiis confecit, donee nulla

fuit in foro pax, nulla in iudiciis

senatu Concordia, nulla in

moderatio, nulla superiorum reverentia, nullus

tulit

magistratuum modus,

sine

dubio valentiorem

eloquentiam, sicut indomitus ager habet quasdam

herbas laetiores
:

sed nee tanti rei publicae Gracfuit

chorum eloquentia

ut ])ateretur et leges, nee bene

tali

famam eloquentiae
41

Cicero

exitu pensavit.
fori
civi-

Sie

quoque quod superest antiqui oratoribus

non emendatae nee usque ad \otum eompositae

tatis

argumentum

est.
?

Quis enim nos advoeat

nisi

aut nocens aut miser

Quod municipium

in client-

elam nostram

venit, nisi

quod aut vicinus populus

?

aut domestica diseordia agitat

Quam
?

provinciam

tuemur
fuisset

nisi

spoliatam vexatamque
vindicari.

Atqui melius
si

non queri quam

Quod

inveni-

retur aliqua civitas in qua

nemo

peccaret, supervacuus

esset inter innocentes orator sicut inter sanos medicus.

Quo modo,

inquam,^

minimum

usus
iis

minimumque

profectus ars medentis habet in

1

gentibus quae

See noteGS, p. 145.

124.

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
it was in all states that were content to under a settled government. Rhodes has had some orators, Athens a great many in both communities all power was in the hands of the populace that is to say, the untutored democracy. The crowd ruled the roost. Likewise at Rome, so long as the constitution was unsettled, so long as the country kept Avearing itself out with factions and dissensions and disagreements, so long as there was no peace in the forum, no harmony in the senate, no restraint in the courts of law, no respect for authority, no sense of propriety on the part of the officers of state, the growth of eloquence was doubtless sturdier, just as untilled soil produces certain vegetation in greater luxuriance. But the benefit derived from the eloquence of the Gracchi did not make up for what the country suffered from their laws, and too dearly did Cicero pay by the death he died for his renown in oratory. " In the same way what little our orators have left

as indeed
live

old forensic activities goes to show that condition is still far from being ideally perfect. Does anyone ever call us lawyers to his aid unless he is either a criminal or in distress Does any country town ever ask for our protection except under pressure either from an aggressive neighbour or from internal strife } Are we ever retained for a province except where robbery and opjjression have been at work ? Yet surely it were better to have no grievances than to need to seek redress. If a community could be found in which nobody ever did anything wrong, orators would be just as superfluous among saints as are doctors among those that need no physician. Just as the healing art, I repeat, is very little in demand and makes very little progress

them of the
our
civil

.''

125

TACIT\S
firraissima valetudine ac saluberrimis coqjoribusutuntur, sic

minor oratorum honor obscuriorque gloria

et in

est

inter bonos mores

obsequium regentis paratos.

Quid enim opus

est longis in senatu sententiis^

?

cum

optimi cito consentiant

contionibus,

Quid multis apud populum

non imperiti
?

cum de

re })ublica

et multi

deliberent^ sed sapientissimus et unus

ariis

Quid voluntet

accusationibus,
?

ciuii

tarn

raro

tam parce

peccetur

Quid

invidiosis et excedentibus

modum
obviam

defensionibus,

cum
?

cleiuentia cognoscentis

pericbtantibus eat

CreditCj optimi et in
viri, si

quantum

opus est disertissimi

aut
illi

aut vos priuribus saeculis

essent;,

quos miramur his nati

ac deus aliquis

vitas vestras ac

tempora

repente mutasset^ nee vobis

summa
modus

ilia

laus et gloria in eloquentia

neque

illis

et

temperamentum

defuisset

nunc^ quoniam

nemo eodem tempore

et

adsequi potest

magnam famam

magnam

quietem. bono saeculi sui quisque citra

altei'ius

obtrectationem
V2

utatur."

Finierat Maternus,

cum

Messalla

" Erant quibus

contra dicerem, erant de quibus plura dici vellem,

nisi

iam dies esset

" inquit

exactiis."

" Fiet

Maternus " postea arbitratu tuo, et

^

See note 66,

p.

146,

126

A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
good health and strong constitutions, so oratory has less prestige and smaller consideration where people are well behaved and ready to obey their rulers. What is the use of long arguments in the senate, when good citizens agree so quickly ? What is the use of one harangue after another on public platforms, when it is not the ignorant multitude that decides a political issue, but a monarch who is the incarnation of wisdom ? What is the use of taking a prosecution on one's own shoulders when misdeeds are so few and so trivial, or of making oneself unpopular by a defence of inordinate length, when the defendant can count on a gracious judge meeting him half-way ? Believe me, my friends, you who have all the eloquence that the times require if you had lived in bygone clays, or if the orators who rouse our admiration had lived
in countries whei*e people enjoy
:

if some deity, I say, had suddenly made you change places in your lives and epochs, you would have attained to their brilliant reputation for eloquence just as surely as they would show your restraint and self-control. As things are, since it is impossible for anybody to enjoy at one and the same time great renown and great re|)ose, let every one make the most of the blessings his own times afford without disparaging any other age." When Maternus had finished speaking, " There were some points," Messalla said, " to which I should like to take exception, and others which, 1 think, might call for fuller treatment. But the hour grows

to-daj^,

late."

"Some other time," Maternus replied, "we shall take the matter up again, whenever you please. We can then discuss again anything in my argument
12

TACITVS
si

qua

tibi

obscura in hoc nieo sernione visa sunt, de

lis

rursus conferemus."

Ac

simul adsurgens et Apruni complexus "

Ego "

inquit "te poetis, Messalla o?wz6?' antiquariis ^ criniinabiniur."

"At

ego vos rhetoribus et scholasticis

adrisissent, discessinius.

" inquit.

Cum

See note 67, p.

14(3.

128


A DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
that

may have

struck you as needing further ekicida-

tion."

With that he rose from his seat and put his arms round Aper, saying, " We shall both denounce you, I to the poets and Messalla to every lover of antiquity."
to the teachers of rhetoric

Aper, " shall denounce both of you and the professors." They beamed on each other, and we went our
"

And

I," said

ways.

129

CRITICAL NOTES
1.

Leges

tu

quid.
:

most manuscripts
tu quid

leges, inquit,

follow here the reading of quid Halm, inlelleges

Greef.
:

2. adgregare. This is the emendation of Muretus most codd. have aggregares ( -em EV-), accepting which editors generally insert ut before Domitium

Catonem, so as to make the ut assregares clause explanatory of novum negotium. But an appositive infinitival clause is equally admissible cp. Cic. Brut. 74 ad id quod instituisti, oratorum genera distinguere arlibus adcommodatam. In my edition
et
. . .

of the Dialogus (Oxford, 1893),

andi.

suggested adgreg-

This verb may be used absolutely, and unnecessary to insert se, though, on the other hand, the pronoun may easily have fallen out between the last letter of cognitionibus and the first of excusent.
3.

excusent.

it

is

Cp.ferat, 10, 24.

Editors, ex4. Et ego enim : " I too, on my side." cept C. John, follow Pithoeus in suppressing Et, though it occurs in all manuscripts.
5.

invenimiis.

This

is

perhaps the simplest emendaI had previously inveniri. on the strength of the well-

tion of the

MS. reading

proposed

inveniri contigit,

131


CRITICAL NOTES
use of a passive infinitive witli impersonal Cic. Mil. 8 si sceleratos cives verbs and phrases In any case, those critics and interfici nefas exset. editors seem to be wrong who insist on inserting non before the verb, on the somewhat pedantic plea that Secundiis does not formally act us a judge in what follows. For one thing the entrance of Messalla in And chapter li somewhat alters the development. the whole tone of what goes ])efore the passage under consideration is against making Aper definitely rule
:

known

Secundus

out.

6. apnd hos. My reading (for the MS. ajmd eos) seems as likely to be right as apud vos (Lipsius, and most edd.) or apud nos (C. John). The objection urged against it that Tacitus himself is in the back-

ground, the only other auditor at the moment being Secundus, is again somewhat pedantic. Tacitus takes but he has no part, it is true, in the discussion already counted himself in, so to speak, with the words Igilnr iit iniravimus at the beginning of chapter 3, just as he does again with discessimus at the end of the whole talk. And, in any case, it would not be unnatural here for Aper to take notice of the presence of a youthful aspirant to rhetorical fame.
:

These words (with which comes from Nipperdey) were originally supplied by Ritter as indispensable to the context, though omitted accidentally in the manuscripts. For iucundius others read
7.

vel

ad

voluptateni iiicundiits.

dulcius in place of iucundius,

houestius.

Cp. 31,9.
est iufins.

8.

qidd

recent emendation

is

that of

H. Rohl
132

quid

esl pofius.


CRITICAL NOTES
Following C. John, I now return to the reading of the manuscripts, instead of substi9.

qtd accmclus.

tuting qua for

Accinclus
is

qui, with Ursinus and editors generally. used absolutely " ready for fighting."
:

10. quarnquain grata quae din serantur atque elaho-

" though you take pleasure in what needs a : long time to sow and cultivate," or '' to work up from the seedling stage." I retain the reading adopted in my edition. For the sentiment, compare the motto of McGill University, taken over (perhaps without strict regard to the context) from Lucretius
rentur
11 60, Grandescunl aucta labore. Andresen thinks the subjunctive indefensible, but surely it is not out of place when used of an indefinite class or kind of growth, and occurring inside a concessive clause. C. John undertakes to defend the MS. reading //, for which grata quae is substituted in the text. He thinks that alia may be used by anticipation, as it were, and with reference to what follows in the sentence, so that it = " quae non sua sponte nasii.,

cuntur."
1
]
.

apud

centuniviros

" before

the centumviral

court," or the Board of a Hundred. This court, which dated from early times, was specially charged with
civil cases, such as those arising out of inheritance, wardship, and the like. It became more important under the Empire in proportion as other courts

declined.

See

ch. 38.

: " unless it comes unbidden." 12. si non For ultra the manuscripts give in c//y, which has been defended as meaning " if it take not its rise in another An easy emendation would, of course, be source." the abbreviated form of animo {(tlo) being in animo,

ultra oritur

133

CRITICAL NOTES
alio and this I adopted in my was originally proposed by a reviewer in the Atheiueum (February 3^ 1894), and has recently been re})eated by H. Wagenvoort jr. in Mneynosyne The suggestion is that the in arose by (40.2. If)!^). dittography from the final n of non^ and that then

very near to that for

U/lro

edition.

tdtro

became

alio.

13.

Quinam inlustriores
qui tion

MS. reading
nan
illuslres,

illuslres.

or Qui tarn

emendation of the Others propose Quid ? ithistres, or Qui illuslriores ?

is

Orelli's

14. vacuos occurs only in the Ley den codex^ in place of iuvenes, which is omitted in most texts. 15. miuus Hotos. Here notes was supplied by Ursinus the codd. have minus, which some editors convert into minores.
:

16.

ipsi

Lipsius

ipsis

codd.

17. imagines ac tituli might be rendered 'inscribed medallions the former are the bronze likenesses of the Emperor and other persons of distinction with which it was the custom to decorate the atrium^ and the tituli are the eulogistic inscriptions placed underneath the medallions. This custom displaced the old ' imagines/ busts of ancestors with wax masks, previously exhibited by noble families, and often borne along in the funeral train of a deceased member The 'new men' had no ancestors to of the house. commemorate. Cp. ch. 11, ad Jin.
'

18. praecerpia

Scheie
:

praecepta ov percepta, codd.

19.

genium Lipsius

ingenium codd.

134

CRITICAL NOTES
20. raiissimarum : " few are." There is obviously

'

and
a

far

between

as

they

difficulty

here.

The

context would seem to call for the meaning " excellentissimarum," and it has been proposed to read " clarisshnarwn" instead oi' " furissimarum." But that is more than Aper would have been inclined to say of readings generally. Novak rejects rurissimarum, as having in all probability arisen out of a gloss on quando. Some one wrote, in answer to this question, rarissime, probably in the margin and this word was afterwards transferx-ed to the text in the shape of an adjective. So we have at 41, 3, idem quod nemo as a gloss on quis enivi no.t advocal ? John suggests that this may also be the explanation of the passage already dealt with at 1 , 14, where the MSS. have Qui non illustres : tioii being a gloss on qui to show what the answer ought to be.

21. ceteris aliarum artium sludiis, i.e. the pursuit of non-literary accomplishments. This somewhat pleonastic phrase does not call for any emendation (such as altiorum, Andresen) cp. Germ. 4, nuUis aliis aliarum
:

nationum conubiis.
22. feral. Here, as with excusent 5, 3, the verb is used absolutely, so that it is unnecessary to follow

Acidalius in inserting

le

before

it,

or (with

Halm)
MS.

to

read natura
23. hanc
{eliam,

le tua.

was suggested by Haase

el

for the

aut

Halm,

John).

I follow E (the Otto2*. ill quibus si quando. bonianus) in omitting altogether the unintelligible probably the survival of some expressis after quibus, marginal gloss, now irrecoverable.

135

CRITICAL NOTES
25.
iiif^

cum

ijiiidcm principe

Nerone.

This

is

the read-

wliich 1 now venture to {propose, and adopt in the text. Tlie manuscripts liave cum qtcidtnn in Jierone {iii). It is possible that the in may be a survival from
principe,

the contracted form of which (p'n*") may have become confused with the preceding qiiidem. For the ])lirase cp. principe Angusio, Ann. iii, 71
principe
i,

illo

81.

If Lucian Miiller's imperante Nerone is preferred^ would suggest the transposition Nerone imperante : the abbreviated form of imperante may have fallen
I

out in front of iinprobam.

26.
tueor.

Nam

station

hiicnsque

melius
is

innocentia

The key

to this

passage

tueor,

which

is

aptly followed by 7iec vereor. But it necessitates the Some change of the MS. cuiusque to hncnsque. editors adopt Pichena's alteration of tueor to tuetur, retaining cuiusque, and making innocentia nominative^ but this gives an awkward transition to the nee vereor clause. The only suggestion on which I would venture is tueri reor for tueor : 7iain statuin cuiusque ac
securitaiem melius innocentia (sc.

quemque)

tueri

reor

quam

eloqiientia, nee vereor, etc.

27. a quihus praestant nihil, "those Avhom they are unable to oblige." Here again I venture to insert a conjecture in the text. Praestant niliil seems better than non praestant (Lipsius), and gains^ perhaps, by

l^eing in chiastic relation to aliquid rogentur.

The

have neither nihil nor 7io?i. To take the text, however, as the manuscript tradition gives it, and to understand ii quibus praestant of successful suitors chafing under a sense of obligation incurred, seems somewhat far-fetched.
nianuscri])ts

136

CRITICAL NOTES
28.

omni Walther

ciwi codd.

tamen John.

" fame that makes the 29. famamque cheek turn pale," i.e. with excitement. Some editors prefer the alternative MS. rending palantem = vagam " the talk of the town that flits from mouth to mouth " fallentem has also been suggested, with the idea that fame is a " cheat."
pallentem.
:
:

30. nee

incertus
It

futuri

testumcntum

pro

pignore

scribam.

was recognised under the Empire that

the best security a testator could take for the validity of his will was to include the emperor himself in his dispositions, and put him down for a handsome
legacy.
31.

Quandoquc
Veniet.

euiin fatalis et metis die.s

Most codd. 1892). that reading be retained, the parenthensis disappears, and a comma must be inserted after veniat, to connect closely with statuar. Quandoque is indefinite "some time or other." The memory of a pleasant visit to the Deanery of Durham in the summer of last year (1912), only a few months before he died, may be my excuse for quoting here a modern counterpart of the sentiments of Maternus in the words used by the late Dean Kitchin at the close of his short and sim})le will " Let no one make any memoir or biography of me may my funeral be as simple as possible, without flowers or any show a few wild flowers might be scattered over my grave. Let my burial be as little mournful as ])ossible the earthly end of a poor
:

These words were recognised first by Heller (Philol. li, 348

have
veniat
:

as a verse quotation

if

137

CRITICAL NOTES
sinner

who

dies thankful to the Ahniglity

life."

God

for a

long and very happy

32. fratris
tid.

Messalla's brother, or half-brother,

or

was M. Aquilius Regulus, one of the most notorious

of the
delatores,

informers.

Pliny frequently

denounces him (" omnium bipedum nequissimus," the most blackguardly of bipeds !) both in that capacity and as a toady and legacy-hunter.
33. parent
is

was added by Lipsius.

The

alternative

to delete antiquis as the

survival of

some

gloss.

Lipsius also suggested, in place of anliquis, atque id eo credo audacius.

In place pro Catone codd. 34. prae Catone edd. of the MS. reading the ed. Bipontina shows the conjecture Porciu Catone, and this reading has latterly But surely been mentioned again with favour. Tacitus would have written by preference Marco Catone, to balance Appium Caecum ?
:

35. Atticus Ursinus

antiquus codd.,

and

so John.

The

reference is to the distinction between the Attic and the Asiatic style of oratory. Cicero aimed at reconciling the two, but was considered " parum Atticus " and on the side of the Asiani, w^ho were florid, turgid, and often excessively rhythmical. The Atticists on the other hand exaggerated plainness " of style, with the result that it became bald and bloodless. See on Brutus and Calvus, ch. 17.
''

3().

equidem Cassium.

These words were supplied

edition to

in the text of my Oxford origin ot an obvious lacuna.

had run from the

138

first

suggest the of the copyist Cassium to the second, and he

The eye

CRITICAL NOTES
omitted the intervening words.
:

They may be
. . .

re-

stored somewhat as follows Nam quatenus solent, qui usque ad Cassium [Severum volunt eloquentiam aequali et uno tenore proeessisse, libet quaerere

quibus ille de causis novum dicendi genus inchoare ausus sit. Equidem Cassium] quern reum facuuit etc.
37. at que ex ea codd.
:

el ex-

ea

most edd.

etc. The reading given in simply a suggestion to make some sense of a corrupt passage. The lacuna after Atli was noted by Halm. In what follows I read quique alii < omnes > for the MS. quique alius.

38.

Nee ununi de populo,

italics is

39. Sordes autem reliquae verhorum

"

For the
(''

rest,

his

commonplace phraseology." Reliquae

')

in the rest

of his speeches

is

Sorof's

now

generally accepted

emendation

for the regulae or illae of the codd.

40. videmus enim quam is Baehren's emendation of the MS. viderimus inquavi, or viderimus in quantum. Halm follows Acidalius in reading et videmus in quantum, etc.
41. eiusdem aetatis oratores and senior iam. Now that additional evidence is forthcoming in further proof of the superiority of the tradition contained in what is known as tlie Y family of MSS. over that known as X, it will be seen that the order of words is rightly given in both these passages as against oratores aetatis eiusdem and iam senior (AB, followed by Halm). The same applies to ingenuae artis 30, 25, as against artis ingenuae.

42. t

si

comimis fatefur.

No

satisfactory explana-

139

CRITICAL NOTES
tion of the manuscript reading has yet

been given,
in the

and the passage

text.

is

accordingly

left

unamended

Readers may care to compare the following

:

suggestions of various editors si comminayis fatetur (Nissen), qua quasi cunvictus fatetur (Halm), qua quasi

comwinus nisus fatetur {y,\\\\\eY^), quo?ni7iusfatear (John cp. commoda in the MSS for quomudo, 36, ad fin.) in qua nijniru7n fatetur, or ubi sicut omnes fatetur (Peterson).
:

43. tamen,

Gudeman
Voss
:

aulem, codd.
originally inserted before John in putting it after

44. Aj)er.
agitare

The name was

I

by

P.

follow

the verb.

The manuscripts have 45. frequens exclaviatio. In place of the freqnens sicut his clam et exclamatio. unintelligible i/c?/^ his clam et (which is omitted in my text), Rhenanus read quibusdam, ^liiWer si dis placet.
It looks as if

another adjective was needed to balance

:

foeda

et

praepostera

qy. frequens etfaceta

I follow John in restoring 46. At ego non verebor. the old order of beginning the new chapter with these words. Modern editors commence with Adpara te, below.

I adhere to my 47. Adpara te, " Get ready " former reading as being nearest to the manuscript
!

tradition {Apparate, Aparte, Aperte ) and giving at the same time a good sense. Cp. tepara, Cic. Fam. i. 7,

The suggestion of 9, 20 (qy. At para te ?) At paret (with a reference to adpareaf in the preceding line) might be supported (cp. pro Milone 5), but
and
:

would seem to require a change in what follows, e.g. < tu > potius exsolve. Other emendations are et At parce (Michaelis), and Ah, parce (Usener).
140

CRITICAL NOTES
48. rerum, homimnn, tevipormn, "things, persons, This is a safe translation, occasions." but

the recurrence of "rerum motus causasque" below

''natural phenomena," just personality," and tempora = "surrounding conditions." It is not quite the same division as rerum lemporum audientium, at tlie end of the chapter. The reference in " rerum mains causascpie," on the following page, is obviously to that knowledge of natural science which underlies the of Lucretius, de Rerum Katura great poem

shows that

res really

as homines

= " human
.
. .

"philosophia naturalis," as distinct from "moralis" and "rationalis" (dialectics), Cic. de Fin. i. 4, Q, and Quint, xii. 2, 10. So in the passage now under conafter stating that in his judgsideration, Messalla

ment literature {in aucioribus cognoscendis) and history (m evolvenda (mfiquiiate) are slurred over and telescoped, as it were, in the race to get to the professor of rhetoric adds that the same is true of a third division, viz. nolitia rerum, hominum, temporum. Of these, homines are dealt Avith in 31, 5-19: tempora refers to the actual environment at any given time (cp, ad uliiilalem temporum, below) "surrounding circumstances " while res must have special reference, as already stated, to the exact sciences, such as along with astronomy physics and geonietry, which and natural science were recognised since the time of the Sophists, especially Hippias, as forming a desirable and indeed indispensable part of an all-round education {iyKVKKioQ iraiceia).

49.

de

idilitate,

were added
to 104,

to the text
:

the context and the note in

These words by Ursinus, as indispensable cp on 5, 1 9- See Cic. de Or. ii,

in

laudationihus.

my

edition of the Dialogus.

141

CRITICAL NOTES
" the law of the constitution." conjecture hiiius, wliich may easily have fallen out after ius. The insertion of the pronoun may be held to give an added dignity to the On the other hand it must be admitted, in phrase. view of such references as Legg. i, 4-, 14 and Top. 5, 28, that ius civitatis by itself in Cicero may = ?M.y
50. his huius civitatis
:

retain in the text

my

civile.

51.

Et

Cicero,

etc.

The reference
word
afficinis

is

to

Orator
in

12, from which the our text by Haase.

was supplied

This is the reading of 52. hodie quoque. as against the Y family of MSS. (hodieque). The latter form may be right (Germ. 3, 11). As C. John remarks, the way from hodieque to hodie quoque seems easier than the reverse order.

AB

The reference is to de Or. iii. Crassus was censor along with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, in 92 B.C. For their edict de coercendis rhetoribus Latinis, see Suet. Rhet. 1 Mommsen, Hist. iii. 443-4.
53. ut ait Cicero.

PJ'-

54. de quihus
quibus,

is

my

emendation.

The MSS. give

and

all

editors follow Schurzfleisch in reading

in quibus.

55. scilicet in quern for sed in quern

was suggested

by Acidalius, and seems

it allows us to retain the indicative intrat. For the confusion of the compendia for sed and scilicet cp. Cic. Att.

right, especially as

xiii,

33, 4.

5Q.
is

For the lacuna which occurs

in the manuscripts, at
p.

marked

in the text, and the close of the

preceding chapter, see Introd. 142

9 sqq.

The

precise

CRITICAL NOTES
reading followed at the beginning of eh. 36 comes
to be of considerable importance, as

depending on

our estimate of the comparative value of the two ftmiilies of MSS. X and Y. The former gives rem cogitaiit nihil humile vel ahieclum the latter rem cogilare
:

nihil humile nihil abiectum.

Now thenotein Decembrio's

cogilare nihil abiecUim,

by Sabbadini in 1901,'- runs rem ?iihil humile, and Decembrio is understood to have written down his references from
diary, discovered

the codex Hersfeldensis itself, the original of all the existing MSS. the intention of his note being to mark the beginning and end of each of the contents of the manuscri])ts, and in the case of the Dialogue His note the beginning and end also of the lacuna. may be taken as confirming cogilare against cogitant, and also 7iihil against vel. But the odd thing is that he transposes the order of the words, as we have it in our MSS., and reads nihil abiectum nihil humile (cp. Cic. de Fin. v, 57). It is probable that this transposition was made inadvertently as sometimes happens as Decembrio turned from the codex in front of him to make the jotting in his diary. Gudeman, indeed, suggests that, owing to the anaphora, either nihil hu?uile or Tiihil abiectum had been omitted, and was written in above the line in the archetype in such a way that a reader would be at a loss to know which of the two came first. The copyists of X and Y read it one way, and Decembrio another. It should be remarked that, in addition to cogilare and nihil, Decembrio's note certifies pj-osequanttir instead of the rival reading persequantur. Here the

1 See GudemaD, " Textual Problems in the Dialogus of Tacitus," Classical Philology, October 1912, pp. 417-18 and my article in the American Journal of Philology, JanuaryApril 1913.
;

14i)


CRITICAL NOTES
codd. are divided
(^persequntui-)

proscquioitur

ABEV^^

persequuulur

HVCA,
This
is

persequimur D.

57. fnit.

to the manuscripts."

Madvig's

/MP777,

another instance of the '"'return It is not necessary to accept though most editors have done so.

58. poiculosa mirentur : "admire whatever has an element of risk." This is C. John's addition, which seems to yield a good sense. Halm adopted (from Baehrens and Vahlen) the reading ut seaui ipsi sped are alieiia pericula velint. Other efforts have been made to heal tlie breach id aiicipitia non seciirn velint, Schopen nf scciira noUnt, Rhenanus ut diihia laudent,
:

secura ?wlmt, R. Agricola

59.

id secura vellicent,

Peterson.

exstiteril {ex.stitU ?) is

as likely to be right here

anything else that has been made out of the MS. reading est da eiit, Avhich must liave resulted from the misinterpretation of compendia. Cp. 10^ ad Jin., where the codd. have ex his for exsistere. In the text, quae = forma et consuetudo iudiciorum, not To take quae as = indicia f. et e. veteruvi iudiciorum. would necessitate a change to aptiora. Aplior by itself is possible, but we should have expected aplior causis agendis, or something of the sort.
as
60. maxirna principis discipUna : "the great imperial system." There is some discrepancy in the tradition here, the X family giving maxima, while Y has maximi Halm and other editors adopt Haase's emendation maxime. I take maxima to be a complimentary epithet of the "disciplina" or '-'administrative Editors ought here to faculty " of the emperor. have made a reference to the frequent instances of altars with the inscription " Disci2:)linae August! ";
:

144

CRITICAL NOTES
the same inscription occurs also on the reverse of several of the coins of Hadrian.

This is the x*eading of family {alia omnia E) against omnia depacaverat X. The supposition is that after the first a of alia (a'') had become merged in the preceding omnia, the reading apacaverat would result, and would be speedily changed into depacaverat. At the same time it must be admitted that the recurrence of al is always suspicious, suggesting as it does a various reading: cp. 6, ad Jin., and 7, 11. The point of the remark about eloquence having been " reduced to
61. omnia alia pacaverat.

the

quietude " is that it was only when political passions had subsided that an orator of standing like Pollio could afford to interest himself in a private case.
62. I have bracketed probationibus et testibus in the belief that these words may be a gloss which has in from the margin thereafter patro7us may have been changed to paironus, which is the reading of the codd. John, on the other hand, retains these words, and accepts Weissenborn's con-

come

easily

jecture importunus for patro7ius, just as porated in his text Haupt's inpatiens.

Halm

incor-

63. The question of whether a second lacuna must be assumed after faces admovebant, especially in the light of the new MS. evidence adduced by Gudeman,
is

Am.

discussed in the Introduction, p. Jouin. Phil., January-April 191^,

is

P-

10 see 4 sqq.
:

also

64. revereniia

my conjecture

for the

MS.

servitide.

Others have suggested ("moral earnestness").

65.

verilate,

virtule,

severitale

Quo modo, inquam.

As
K

this sentence involves

145

CRITICAL NOTES
a certain repetition, inquam may possibly be con1 he family give inde and the sidered in place. Y tameii. Halm adopted enim from Heumann, while Michaelis reads autem.

This is Bekker's QQ. vitas veslras ac tevipora. Halm reading for the MS. vitas ac vestra tevipora. and John bracket vestra.
I base the reading omni67. omnibus antiquariis. the MS. tradition, on 1 3, 1 7, where see
:

bus, for ciwi of

note cp. 2, 17, where, for 07nni EV^CA, ciim is the reading of ABDH. Editors generally follow Weissenborn, who suggested autem.

146

AGKICOLA AND GERMANIA

TRANSLATED BY MAURICE HUTTON,
PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, TORONTO, SOMETIME FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
are in existence. fifteenth century between 1450-1499 by Pomponius Laetus, and now in the Vatican Library, No. 3429, known as r^ to Furneaux Laetus made it in order to bind it up with his copy of the first edition of Tacitus (published without the Agricula), and so complete for himself that edition. Iliis ediiio princeps was printed in Venice in 1470. Further, Laetus added notes and conjectures, his own and others', and marginal and interlinear correc:

(a) MSS. Only two manuscripts practically (1) A copy made late in the

tions

Furneaux marks

tlie

former

r'"

and the

inter-

linear corrections r^.

Of the marginal corrections, the most brilliant indispensable no less than brilliant is in ch. 4.'), where the MSS. read " nos Maurici liusticicjiie visas: nos innocenli sanguine Senecio perfudit" For this outrageous and intolerable zeugma Laetus substitutes "nos Mmaicuvi Ihisticumque divisimus : nos," &c. it is not clear whether as a conjecture of his own or others, or as a correction already existing in his MS. (2) Another late copy of same date, now in the Vatican Library, No. 4498, and known as A. This is a copy differing in spelling from r, but probably from the same archetype, since it shows the same corrupt and more or less unintelligible passages.

149

INTRODUCTION TO AGRTCOLA
third

There exists also, says Professor Gudeman, a MS. at Toledo, only recently discovered by Professor R. Wuensch, and quoted by liim as T and To(3)
;

letana
its

but
is

it

remained, even after discovery, largely

inaccessible,

date

and very little seems to be known of it said to be between 1471-1 474. Professor

publishes in his German edition many of readings, but their difference from r and A, so far as I have noted^ do not appear to possess significance.

Gudeman

its

Other Sources

printed edition of Tacitus to include the Agricola is by Puteolanus, without date or title, but probably about ten years later than that editio princeps without the Agricola to which we owe Laetus' MS. It was printed at Milan in 1475 a second edition came out in 1497 at Venice (Philip
(4)
first
;

The

Pinci).

This edition was probably a careless copy from the same archetype as r and A, and w ith no independent value in any case it is less useful than r and A. (5) Fulvio Orsini (l 529-1 600), who was librarian to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, and who came into the possession of Laetus' MS. (r) and presented it to the Vatican Library, also published some notes to the Agricola, in whicli he cites from " v c," i.e. vetus codex this vetus codex may be an authority independent of r, and there is this evidence for its independence that his quotations from it do not dis;
:
:

marginal or interlinear readings from its text, whereas in r they are distinguished. Unfortunately Orsini when he cites "vc" is not always beyond suspicion he cites " v c '' for Ciceronian works, and Cicero's editors suspect his " ancient manuscript " to be drawn from the phantasmal tablets
tinguish
its
:

150

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
of the imagination, not earlier than 1529-lbOO however, pnwa/'ociV^ his citations from this source for the Agricola are likely to be hona-Jide, since references to the same authority for the Annals have been verified. Assuming his citations to be both genuine and independent of r, there is no further deduction to be made from their value, such as it is but intrinsically it is not great there is nothing in them to affect our main reliance on r. It is curious that it is only since 1852 (the edition of Wex) that V and A have been used to establish the text, so far as it can be established. Editors before that time simply used the editio princeps of Puteolanus, with or without the corrections of their own ingenuity. It follows from all this, the two MSS. being so much alike and showing the same corruptions, that the Agricola is a happy hunting-ground for the textual
:

emendator. For further details of the MSS., especially for particulars of the sixteen pages of the original MS. of Enoch of Ascoli (see Introduction to Germunia,
p. 2.3.5), rediscovered recently, I must refer to my learned colleague Principal William Peterson, from whom my own acquaintance with the find is derived, and to whom such research is a congenial field (see

pp.

3-.5).

(b)

Date

probably wrote the Agncola between October a.d. 97 and January 27, a.d. 98 i.e. during the time when Nerva was still alive, but had already shared his power with his heir Trajan (ch. 3, ch. 45). From the latter chapter it would appear that in any case he did not publish it till after Trajan's accession i.e. till the year 98 a.d. It is in all probaTacitus
: :

151

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
bility his

or historical essayist^ a few months.

maiden work as a biographer and historian and precedes the Gennania by

Purpose

(c)

There has, perhaps, been an unnecessary amount of doubt and discussion about its purpose (1 ) it has even been supposed to be French, so to speak, not merely in its style (and no one will deny that its tone suggests a French essayist and that it passes most naturally, if translated, into French) but also in its occasion and object; that is, it has been taken to be an cloge written for the funeral of its hero, though Tacitus, being absent from Rome, could not actually have so delivered it. Such funeral orations were usual in ancient Rome, whence they have descended with many other customs and traits of character to
:

modern France.
But it is too long and too full of extraneous matter obviously for such a purpose only. (2) It has been taken to be a political pamphlet written to justify Agricola's "quietism" under Domitian and his "animated moderation" (ch. 42) against the intransigeance of the Stoic martyrs and rebels in this case it must also be an apologia for Tacitus himself [^' mox nostrae dnxere Helvidiuvi in carcerem 7namix, nos Maurician Riisticumqite divisimus nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit" (ch. 45)]. (3) It is much more simply and naturally regarded as a ballon d'essai, as an introduction to and excerpt from his own Histories, which he was already composing, with biographical details added such as were too trivial and too unimportant for a genera] Histor}'^ of Rome, but which were quite in place when gathered round the })erson of its hero, Agricola.
:

152

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
(d)

Valve

value of the Agricola hardly lies on the surface. It has necessaril}' had something of the same interest for Englishmen and Scotchmen which the Germania has for Germany. Yet we do not owe much directly to Tacitus not only was he as Mommsen has complained the most unmilitary of historians, so that none of his battles are intelligible, but his topography our topography is even more careless and perfunctory many of his places are so named that they cannot be identified, but merely furnish matter for the controversies of archaeologists like Monkb;irns, in The Antiquary (ch. 4). Whether Agricola marched to the isthmus between the Clyde and Forth via the east coast of England and Scotland, or via Chester and Morecambe Bay and Carlisle, is left quite uncertain his ideas of the geographical relations of England, Ireland, and the Continent, especially Spain, are extraordinarily grotesque (see chs. 10 and 24), and show no advance on the Greek geographer Strabo, a century earlier he recognises no isthmus south of the Clyde and Forth the Solway Firth, that is, is ignored and Ireland lies for him between Britain and Spain (see the same two he knows more of trade-routes than of chapters)

The

geography.

He is, in short, the rhetorician and humanist who and geography the hates maps large or small biographical interest of the work entirely dominates the geographical, even the historical the political possibly dominates the biographical. It might be argued perhaps, however, that Irishmen have greater reason to bless Tacitus. He never makes it clear he leaves it still open to doubt, even to those

153

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
are purely scientific, and have no sentimental to welcome doubt whether Agricola, before the Sassenach, ever planted sacrilegious feet upon those sacred shores. The German scholar Pfitzner (see Furneaux, p. 45) thinks that Agricola landed near Belfast. Furneaux and others think that
inclination

who

an event so important from any point of view could not have been so obscurelv and perfunctorily hinted even by a Roman unqualified to appreciate its magnitude. Accordinglv thev think that the crucial words in ch. 24 refer only to a vovage across the Firth of Clvde to Bute and Argyllshire, and not across the North Channel to Irelai.d. This seems to me by far the safest and most natural translation. This list of Tacitus' geographical deficiencies could be easily extended so far as Scotland, e.g., is concerned, almost the only places to be identified are Bodotria and Ciota, the Firths of Forth and Clyde. His other names Mons Graupius, Portus Trucculensis, Boresti remain mysteries.
:

(e)

T/ie Physical Geographical

the

" Agricola "

and Military Science of

(1) P/?j/.s7Cfl/ Science (Furneaux, note, p. 96). Tacitus' physics seem even more antiquated than his geographv. The Greeks had discovered the spherical shape of this planet by the fourth century b.c. Romans like Cicero, Pliny, and Seneca had learned it from them; yet here is Tacitus (in ch. 12) apparently cleaving to the flat-earth heresy, and writing of the phenomenon of the midnight sun in words which imply no such knowledge and seem inconsistent therewith. Tacitus' geography of Britain it (2) Geography. has been said already is identical with Strabo's, and

1.54

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
the hundred years between them have meant nothing to him a measure of the superiority of Greek science over Roman. Its eccentricities are not fully illustrated by Mr. Furneaux in his map, and are a trifle minimised even by Professor Gudeman in the map pre-

fixed to his

German

already noted

edition.
1

The
24.

gist of

it

lies

as
:

in chs.

and

To examine the point a little more minutely oblongae scutiilae (ch. 10) is iu any case hardly reconcilable with bipenni but I assume (see note 2, p. 185) here means that scutula in spite of the authorities scutulum, that is, an oblong shield tapering to a quasipoint in the north, where Caledonia begins, i.e. at the isthmus of the Clyde and Forth. If Britain, so far, is an oblong shield, where does the bipennis, or doubleaxe, come in ? Tacitus, in spite of his remarks about "ancient embroideries" and "his own plain

tale of facts" (ch. 10), is not easy to folloAv. But apparently his criticism of the double-axe

theory amounts to this, that the further, or northern, axe (Caledonia) is rather an inverted than a normal axe for its apex, instead of starting from the apex of the first axe, is at the northern extremity of Scotland that is, a second axe follows the first in exactly the same position as the first, instead of inversely. The normal double-axe is two axes in inverse relation to each other, thus
; ; :

Caledonia
Britannia proper

But South Britain and Caledonia are instead two

155

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
rej)eatin;:^

axes identically rather

each other,

in this

form

Caledonia
Britannia proper

Besides, Tacitus' indifference to geography some-

times leads to obscurities for which this indifference that is to say, the is only indirectly responsible ordinary ambiguities of language, which occur even in the most careful writers, produce an extra degree of obscurity in him, because there is no general accuracy and definiteness elsewhere by means of which we could correct them and fix the momenThus in ch. 38, at the tarily obscured meaning. end, the little word "proximo," for all its innocent appearance, is interpreted almost in terms of every point of the compass, as well as without reference to the compass; personally, I think the latter interpretation by far the most natural (see Appendix iv. p. 344, for a fuller discussion of details). But, after all, Tacitus' lax geography perhaps deserves some measure of gratitude from us it has helped to inspire Sir Walter Scott it plays a part Mr. Jonathan Oldbuck thinks he in The Antiquary. has discovered on his own estate the scene of Agricola's battle, and that he can see from his own fields where the Roman fleet lay at anchor. His property is north of the Firths of Tay and Forth, in Forfarshire but so vague is Tacitus that other antiquaries not merely in Scotland but down to the southern extremity of England may claim for their properties a remote historical connection with Agricola's battle. 156
;
;
:

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
article on Portus Truccidensis in Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography, following Lipsius, boldly states that the name is a mistake of Tacitus', and that the harbour he means (Agricola, ch. 38) is Portus Rutupensis, or Sandwich, in Kent. If this theory be preposterous, it is not because Tacitus was incapable of murdering geographical names, but rather because the whole tenor of his narrative points to the wintering of the fleet in the north, beyond the Firth of Forth, not very far off from the scene of the battle. There is one further point about this harbour of romance, Portus Trucculensis, on which I have not The Antiquarij (ch. 9) succeeded in finding light. presents its hero claiming for his estate not merely that it was the site of Agricola's battle,*l)ut that it was Where also the site of the Abbey of Trot-cosey. did Scott get the name, and what is its significance Its likeness to Trucculensis, though not very near, seems near enough to warrant the suggestion that the Abbey as well as the praetorium had its origin in some hazy memory of, or careless reference to, the Agricola. But if he did get the name, consciously or unconsciously, from the Agricola, he has, of course, slipped The Agricola makes it into an historical blunder. plain that the harbour, Portus Trucculensis to which the fleet ultimately returned after the battle and the site of the battle were some days' march distant from one anothei-, the latter being further north but the oversight would be venial in a novelist, and the story would gain in point and Monkbarns' pride in his historic estate would be the more legitimate. Tacitus, in short, is a good author for any one to exploit who desires to illustrate the weakness of an education in the humanities alone, without science
.''

The author of the

157

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
his taste for ethics, satire, politics,

and rhetoric

re-

duces physics and physical geographv lor him to tedious irrelevancies not worth comprehension. The modern classical scholar who knows only 1 acitus if any such strange creature still lingers stranded somewhere in some oasis or ancient university is at least as well-equipped as his master.

Tacitus' inaccuracies in (3) Military Science. physics and geography are paralleled as might be expected in his battle pictures. The battles of most historians, no doubt, are unintelligible to the layman often, not seldom to the writer himself, and almost always to the soldier but the defeat of the British by Agricola (chs. 36 and 37) exceeds the measure of obscurity usually found in these very technical matters. Much of it, as the notes of the commentators show, seems to be bodily lifted from Sallust, his historical model, rather tiian learned from Agricola. Further, whether as a cause or consequence of Tacitus' militar}' vagueness, the text itself here breaks down and I do not for a moment ))rofess that the translation offered represents what Tacitus intended to represent. I have confined myself to taking the text and the various reconstructions of it, and attempting to evolve a single consistent and conceivable picture.

(f)

On

translating Tacitus

not few: Tacitus condenses to a degree so great that a literal English translation in the same number of words is almost unintelligible and his condensations not merely obscure but sometimes distort his meaning. smaller perhaps, but a more interesting, difficulty
;

The

difficulties of a translator of Tacitus are

158


INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
The problem once Is a translator to reproduce the maunei-isms ? E.g. eh. 13 (also 12^ 21, and many others) ends in an epigram, for the sake of which the suspicion will arise the chapter was written or, more reasonably, by means of which its dulhiess was to the writer's mind redeemed "Jiat epigramma pereatit res " is Tacitus' impulse. Is not the trans-, lator then bound, whenever such an epigram admits, as here, alternative renderings, to choose that one which is most French and most epigrammatic I have assumed as much. A further mannerism is an old classical idiom extended Tacitus is sometimes not content with hendiadys, but substitutes a variety of his own or hendiatris Iv ha rpiuiy. In ch. 18 the difficult words qui claxsem qui 7iaves qui mare exspeclabant seem simply to mean " who expected fleets of ships upon the sea " it is an ingenious and stimulating variation of an old tune. Ch. 22 ends with a mannerism and rhetorical device not so difficult to follow " alliteration's artful Tacitus is prone to tickle the ears of Romans aid." with it as a simple and cheap device it is easy of
lies in

the mannerisms of the author.

:

arises

at

.''

imitation quavi odisse (ch. 22) jjasses ojf'endere naturally and smoothly into " to hurt than to hate." Ch. 42 has a more interesting example Tacitus wishes to say that " Agricola made no fatuous parade of independence to challenge public attention and provoke his doom " he prefers to express the idea by means of alliteration and zeugma combined neque incmi iactatione liberlatis famam fatumque provocabut. In short, to sum up not merely the mannerisms of Tacitus, but also the salient characteristics of this book, the Agricola is largely a piece of rhetoric,
: : : :

159

INTRODUCTION TO AGRICOLA
brilliant with purple passages, with sarcasm and epigram, with verbal quips and cranks.

for It" I confess that I selected it for translation these passages' sake, for the sake of chs. 45 and 46 or chs. .SO and 32, I hasten to add in self-defence that I conceive Tacitus to have written it largely for the same chapters' sake. But, after all, the book has the same interest as the diary of a British subaltern, or commanding officer, quartered at Loralai or some similar place on the The parallelism between Beloochistan frontier. Roman provincial government and the British administration of India, always so vivid and so poignant, runs through the Agricola, and is as fresh and real in this biography of a shrewd and sterling Roman officer as in the biography of a Nicholson or

a Lawrence.

There is, finally, a general picturesqueness and certain phosphorescence, so to speak, in all Tacitus writes, as on some nights there is a general phosphorescence on the Lower
but the St. Lawrence writing becomes much more brilliantwhen the writer is ti'aversing a congenial theme, even as the phosphorescence on the river is tenfold around the path Perhaps it may occur to some of an ocean liner. readers that the treatment by Tacitus of a congenial theme is not unlike in some other respects the thei'e is transit of a liner through phosphorescence brilliance everywhere and blare and the band is playing, but in the background lurk sinister forms and the masked figure of Tragedy.
;

M. H.
Metis Beach, Province of Quebec
l60

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cornelii Taciti

Germania Agricola Dialogus de Oratoribus quarlum recognovit Carolus Halm. Leipsic, 1890.

Cornelii

Taciti Vila Agricolae. Edited, with introduction and notes and map, by Henry Furneaux.

Clarendon Press, 189B.

text on which this translation is based where it deviates from the Teubner text of Halm.
in almost every case

The

OTHER AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

Tacitus
:

Agricola and Gerrnania.

With introduction
Boston
:

and notes by Alfred Gudeman.

Bacon, 1900.
P. Corneli Taciti de vita
liber,
et

Allen

&

moribus Cn. Jul. Agricolae

Berlin,

Erkliirt

von Alfred Gudeman.

1902.

The Agricola and Germania of Tacitus. A revised text, English notes and maps, by Alfred J. Church and W. J. Brodribb. London Macmillan & Co.,
:

1889. The Agricola of Tacitus. and notes, by J. \\ Bell & Sons, 1901.

Edited, with introduction Pearce. London George

:

161

BIBLIOGRAPHY

TRANSLATIONS
The Agricola and Germunia of Tacitus. Translated into English, with notes and maps, by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb. London Macmillan & Co., 1899.

The Agricola of

Tacilus.

A
&

translation.

London

Kegan

Paul, Trench,

Co., 1885.

I learned early not to look at this version beforehand, and when I looked at it to repent of my own. I may say something of the same sort, if not so emphatically, of the better known but less vivid translation of Church and Brodribb.

Finally,

lation

I liad

regret that when I made this transnot yet seen the vigorous version of

Mr. Hamilton Fyfe,

College.

my

"consocius" ofMerton

BOOKS OF GENERAL REFERENCE

Tacile.

Gaston

Boissier.

Paris

Hachette, 1903.

162

CHROXOLOGY OF THE LIFE

OF TACITUS
See Professor Gudeman's Edition

A.D.

.^i circa.

73

74-75 77-78 79-81

88

Birth his father was probably an Imperial Agent in Belgium and of equestrian rank. Pupil of Quintilian.
:

Studied law under Aper and Secundus. Married Agricola's daughter. Published the Dialogus de Oratoribus ;

89-93

97 98
100

as propraetor (or governor) of a minor province. Consul. Publication of the Agricola and Gervuviia.

beeame quaestor. Became praetor. Absent from Rome, probably

Accused Marius

Priscus, a

noted in-

105-109
112
1

16

former. Publication of the Histories. Proconsul of Asia. Publication of Annals.

117

Death.

163

CHRONOLOGY OF BRITAIN
B.C.
1 9.'5). Invaded by Julius Caesar, and introduced by him to Roman history (cli. 13). 54. Invaded a second time by Caesar. B.C. 50-A.D. 37. Overlooked by Rome during civil wars and the cautious administration of Augustus and Tiberius (ch. 13). \ D 40. Caligula jilaiis invasion, but draws back (ch.

55 {see

p.

13).

43. Claudius sends Vespasian with an army into the island and conquers it (ch. 13).
4,3_47.

Governed by Aulus Plautius

the southern

part of the island begins to take shape as a Roman province (ch. 14); a Roman colony ])lanted at Colchester. 47-52. Governed by Ostorius Scapula (ch. 14). 52-58. Governed by Didius Gallus, who pushes the Roman frontier a little farther north-

wards
58.

(ch. 14).

Governed by Veranius
(ch. 14).

for

few

months

59-62. Go\erned by Suetonius Paulinus and so far reduced to order that the Roman governor crosses over to Mona (Anglesey) to crush the remains of disaffection
(ch. 14).

6l.

rhe natives, taking advantage of Paulinus' absence, rise under Boadicea and burn Colchester, but are immediately defeated and reduced Agricola sees his first service in the Roman army (chs. 5 and l6).
:

l6l

CHRONOLOGY OF BRITAIN
A.D. 62.

65.

69-

71-75.

75-77.

78-85.

Petronius Turpilianus succeeds Paulinus and introduces a milder policy (ch. I6). Petronius hands over the government to Trebellius Maximus, who continues the indulgent system of government of his predecessor Roman civilisation and Roman vices begin to spread among the natives (ch. I6). Governed by Vettius Bolanus (chs. 7 and I6) with similar laxity. Agricola serves under him in charge of the Twentieth Legion. Governed by Petilius Cerialis with great vigour and success he invades the territory of the Brigantes (Lancashire and north-western counties of England) and reduces the greater part of their land (chs. 8 and 17). Governed by Julius Frontinus with equal energy he conquers South Wales^ the territory of the Silures (ch. 17). Governed by Agricola battle of Mount Graupius, by which the southern part of Caledonia (Scotland north of the Firths of Clyde and Forth) is conquered and the Roman province carried beyond the block-houses of the isthmus between Clota and Bodotria. The Roman fleet also sails round the north coast of Scotland, discovers the Orkney and Shetland Isles, and proves the insularity of Britain. Three ships of deserters, belonging to the Usipi in Germany, breaking loose from the Roman fleet, also
:

circumnavigate Britain in their wanderings (chs. 28 and 36-38). 165

CHROXOLOGV OF THE LIFE

OF AGRICOLA
Sec Professor
A.D. 40.
:

Giidefiuiii's

Edition

Birth his father was a Roman Senator of Gallic origin, the grandfather having been an Imperial Agent and an eques. His maternal grandfather was also an Imperial Agent of the same rank in the same place. 58. First service in Britain (ch. 5).
6l.

Man'iage (ch.
;

6).

birth and death of son (ch. 6). 64. Birth of daughter (ch. 6). QQ. Tribunate. 67. Praetorship. 6,9. Murder of his mother in the Year of Terror.
6S. Quaestorship

Command of a
(ch. 7). Patriciate (ch. 9).

legion (the 20th) in Britain

73. 74-7(i. Propraetor of Aquitaine (ch. 9). 77. Consulate (ch. 9)-

77-78. Appointment to governorship of Britain (ch..9). 80. Agricola advances as far as the estuary of the

Tanaus
81. Agricola

(ch. 22).

Roman rule from the Clyde to the Forth (Clota to Bodotria) by

establishes

block-houses across the peninsula (ch. 23).

82. Agricola threatens Ireland (ch. 24).

Agricola advances from the peniusida northwards into Caledonia (ch. 25). 84. Death of son battle of Mount Graupius (ch. 29-ch. S9). 85. Recall to Rome (ch. 40). 91. Declines proconsular province (ch. 42).
83.
:

93.

Death

(ch. 43).

166

AGRICOLA

CORNELII TACITI DE VITA ET MORIBVS IVLII AGRICOLAE

p.
LIBER
1

Clarorvm virorum

facta

moresque posteris tradere,

antiquitus usitatum^ ne nostris

quidem tem])oribus
omisit^ quotiens

quamquam
magna

incuriosa

suorum aetas

aliqua ac nobilis virtus vicit ac supergressa est

vitium parvis niagnisque civitatibus commune, igno-

rantiam recti et invidiam,

sed apud priores ut agere

ita

digna memoratu pronum magisque in aperto erat,

celeberrimus quisque ingenio ad prodendam virtutis

memoriam

sine gratia aut ambitione bonae

tantum
ipsi

conscientiae pretio ducebatur.

ac plerique

suam

vitam narrare fiduciam

})otius

morum quam

adrogan-

tiam arbitrati sunt, nee id Rutilio et Scaui'o citra

fidem aut obtrectationi
fuit
:

adeo virtutes isdem

168

p.

COKNELIUS TACITUS THE LIFE OF JULIUS AGRTCOLA

to posterity

To hand down
of famous

men was

the works and ways our fathers' custom our age has
:

not yet abandoned it even now, indifferent though it be to its own children, whenever, at least, some great and notable virtue has dominated and overpowered the vice common alike to small states and great misapprehension of integrity and jealousy. But in our fathers' times, just as the doing of deeds worth recording was natural and more obvious, so also there was inducement then to the brightest spirits to publish such records of virtue. Partisanship was not the motive or ambition a good conscience was its own reward nay, many men even counted it not presumption, but self-respect, to narrate their own lives. A Rutilius, a Scaurus, could do so without falling short of belief ^ or provoking a

^ This is the Latin idiom but the meaniDg would be conveyed more naturally to our idiom by the converse metaphor "without overdrawing his credit" ultra jidem instead of
;
:

citra.

169

TACITVS
temporibus optinie aestimantur, quibus facillime gignuntur. at nunc narraturo mihi vitam defuncti hominis venia o])iis fuit, quani

non petisseni incusaturus,

tani saeva et infesta virtutibus tempora.

Legimus, cum Aruleno Rustico Paetus Thrasea,

Senecioni Herennio
capitale fuisse,
libros
^

Priscus

H elvidius laudati essent,

modo
auctores, sed in

neque
eoi'uni

in ipsos

quoque

saevitum, delegate triumviris

ministerio ut

monumenta clarissimorum ingeniorum

scilicet illo

in comitio ac foro urerentur.

igne voceni

populi Romani et libertatem senatus et conscientiam

generis humani aboleri arbitrabantur, expulsis insuper
sapientiae professoribus

atque

omni bona arte

in

exilium acta,

ne quid usquam honestum

occurreret.
;

dedimus profecto grande patientiae documentum

sicut vetus aetiis vidit quid
ita

et

ultimum

in libertate esset,

nos quid in servitute, adempto per inquisitiones

etiam loquendi audiendique coramercio.

memoriam
si

quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus,

nostra potestate esset oblivisci
3

tarn in

quam
set

tacere.

Nunc demum
statim
1

red it animus
saeculi

quamquam

})rimo
res
I.

beatissimi

ortu

Xerva

Caesar

Herennio Senecioni, MSS., F.,H.

Vide Appendix

170

AGRICOLA
that virtues are best appreciated sneer so true in those ages which most readily give them birth but to-day, even though the man whose Hfe I am about to write isah'eady gone, I ought to have craved
;

is it

an indulgence which

should not have needed, had

;

invective been ray purpose so harsh is the sj)irit of our age, so cynical towards virtue. It is recorded that when Rusticus Arulenus ^ extolled Thrasea Paetus, when Herennius Senecio extolled Helvidius Priscus, their praise became a capital offence, so that persecution fell not merely on the authors themselves but on the very books to the public hangman, in fact, was given the task of burning in the courtyard of the Forum the memorials of our noblest characters. They imagined, no doubt, that in those flames disappeared the voice of the people, the liberty of the Senate, the conscience of mankind especially as the votaries of Philosophy also were expelled, and all liberal culture exiled, in order that nowhere might anything of good report present itself to men's eyes. Assuredly we have furnisheil a signal proof of our submissiveness and even as foi-mer generations witnessed the utmost excesses of liberty, so have we the extremes of slavery; wherein our "Inquisitors"^ have deprived us even of the give and take of conversation. should have lost memory itself as well as voice, had forgetfulness been as easy as silence. Now at last heart is coming back to us from the first, from the very outset of this happy age, Nerva
: ; ;

We

^ T;icitus transposes the prapnomen (or 7iojncn) and the eognomen in these cases, as also in ch. -i'y; vide Appendix I.

p. 33.5. 2 The delatores, informers,

who

reported to Domitian

all

slighting references real or imagined.

171

TACITVS
olim
dissociabiles miscuerit,

principatum ac liberfelicitatem

tatem, augeatque

quotidie

temporum
securitas

Nerva Traianus, nee spem modo ac votuni

])ublica,

sed

ipsius

voti

fiduciaiii

ac

robur

ad-

sumpserit,
tardiora

natura

tamen

infirmitatis
;

humanae

sunt remedia

quam mala
quam

et ut corpora

nostra lente augescunt, cito extinguuntur, sic ingenia

studiaqueoppvesseris facilius

revocaveris

subit

quippe etiam ipsius inertiae dulcedo^ et invisa primo

desidia postremo amatur.

quid

si

per quindecim
foi'tuitis

annoSj grande mortalis aevi spatium, multi

casibus,

promptissimus

quisque

saevitia

principis

intercidenintj pauci^ ut ita dixerim,

non modo aliorum

sed etiam nostri superstites sumus^ exemptis e media

vita tot annis, quibus iuvenes

ad senectutem^ senes

prope ad ipsos exactae aetatis terminos per silentium

venimus.
voce

non tamen pigebit

prioris

vel incondita ac rudi

memoriam

servitutis

ac

testimonium

praesentium bonorum composuisse.

hie interim liber

honori Agricolae soceri mei destinatus^ professione

pietatis aut laudatus erit aut excusatus.

Gnaeus

lulius Agricola, vetere et inlustri Foroiu-

liensium colonia ortus, utrumque

avum procuratorem
nobilitas est.

Caesarum habuit, quae equestris

172

pater

AGRICOLA
has united things long incompatible, Empire and liberty; Trajan is increasing daily the happiness of the times and public confidence has not merely learned to hope and pray, but has received security for the fulfilment of its prayers and even the substance thereof. Though it is true that from the nature of human frailty cure operates more slowly than disease, and as the body itself is slow to grow and quick to decay, so also it is easier to damp men's spirits and their enthusiasm than to revive them nay, listlessness itself has a certain subtle charm, and the languor we hate at first we learn to love what else were possible? For the term of fifteen years, a large space in human life, cliance and change have been cutting off many among us others, and the most energetic, have perished by the Emperor's ferocity while the few who remain have outlived not merely their neighbours but, so to say, themselves for out of their prime have been blotted fifteen years, during which mature men reached old age and old men the very bounds almost of decrepitude, and all without
; : : ;

opening their But after

lips.

shall not regret the task of I recording our former slavery and testifying to our present blessings, albeit with unpractised and stammering tongue. As an instalment of that work ^ this book is dedicated to the vindication of my father-inlaw Agricola its j)lea of filial duty Mill commend or, at least, excuse it. Gnaeus Julius Agricola was a scion of the ancient and illustrious Roman colony of Forum Julii each of his grandfathers was " Procurator of Caesar," an
all
:
:

1 The Agricola is not merely the work of Tacitus' prentice hand, but is also an instalment towards his Histories and

A nncds.
173

TACITVS
illi

lulius

Graecinus senatorii

ordiiiis,

studio

elo-

quentiae sapientiaeque notus, iisque

irani

ipsis virtutibus

Gai Caesaris meritus

iussus
et,

namque M.

Silanurn

accusare

quia abnuerat, interfectus est.

castitatis.

mater
siiiii

lulia Procilla fuit, rarae

in

huius

iiidulgentiaque educatus per

omnem

honestaruni

artiuin

cultum pueritiam adulescentiaraque transegit.

arcebat

eum ab

inlecebris peccantium praeter ipsius

bonam integramque naturam, quod

sedem ac ma^istrani studioruin
locum
Graeca
comitate
et

statim parvulus

Massiliam habuit,
parsimoiiia

provinciali

mixtum

ae bene composituni.

niemoria teneo solitum

ipsum narrare se prima

sophiae acrius, ultra

in iuventa

studium philoac

quam concessum Romano

senatori, hausisse, ni jnuidentia matris iiicensuin ac

flagrantem

animum

coercuisset.

scilicet

sublime et

erectum ingenium pulchritudinem ac speciem magnae excelsaeque gloriae vehementius quam caute
adpetebat.

mox

mitigavit ratio et aetas, retinuitque,

quod
5

est ditficillimumj

ex sapientia modum.
Suetonio

Prima

castroruiii riidimenta in Britannia

Paulino, diligenti ac moderate duci-,adprobavitj electus

quem
174

contubernio aestimaret.

nee Agricola licenter,

in

more iuvenum, qui militiam

lasciviam vertunt,

AGRICOLA
which involves the superior order of knighthood. His father, JuHus Graecinus, reached the rank of Senator and was noted for his interest in rhetoric and philosophy the same virtues earned for him the hatred of Gains Caesar in fact, he received orders to accuse Marcus Silanus, and, refusing, was put to death. His mother was Julia Procilla, a woman of From her fond bosom he imbibed his rare virtue. education his boyhood and youth lie passed in the pursuit of all liberal accomplishments he Avas shielded from the snares of sinners not merely by his own loyal and upright nature but because from the outset of his childhood the habitation and the alma mater of his studies was Massilia, a blend and hap])y combination of Greek refinement and provincial simplicity. 1 remember how he used himself to tell that in earlj^ life he was inclined to drink more deeply of philosophy than is permitted to a Roman Senator,"^ had not his mother's discretion imposed a check upon his enkindled and glowing imagination no doubt his soaring and ambitious temper craved the pomp and circumstance of high and exalted ideals with more ardour than prudence. Soon came reason and years to cool his blood he achieved the rarest of feats he was a student, yet preserved
office
:

his balance.

His apprenticeship to war was in Britain, where he commended himself to Suetonius Paulinus, a careful and sound general, being, in fact, selected by him
for the test involved in the sharing of military quarters.

men who
1-

Agricola was neither casual, after the manner of young turn soldiering into foolishness, nor yet

The Roman noble was not wholly unworthy of those later vvhom their leader said " They speak but one language, and never open a book."
aristocrats of
:

17.5

TACITVS
neque segniter ad voluptates
et
:

commeatus titulum
sed noscere provin-

tribunatus et inscitiam rettulit

ciam, nosci exercitui^ discere a peritis, sequi optimos,

nihil adpetere in

iactationem, nihil ob formidinem

recusare simulque et anxius et intentus agere.

non

sane alias exercitatior magisque in ambiguo Britannia

fuit
:

trucidati veterani, incensae coloniae, intercepti

;

exercitus

turn de salute^
etsi consiliis

mox de

victoria eertavere.

quae cuncta

ductuque alterius agebantur

ac sunima rerum et reciperatae provinciae gloria in

ducem

cessit,

artem

et

usum

et stimulos addidere

iuveni, intravitque animuni militaris gloriae cupido,

ingrata temporibus, quibus sinistra erga eminentes

interpretatio nee minus periculum ex

magna fama

quam ex
"

mala.
in

Hinc ad capessendos magistratus

sus
sibi

urbem

digres-

Domitiam Decidianam^
iunxit
;

splendidis natalibus ortam,

idque matrimonium ad maiora nitenti

fuit.

decus ac robur

vixeruntque mira concordia, per

mutuam
quod
in

caritatem et in vicem se anteponendo^ nisi

bona uxore tanto maior

laus,

quanto in mala
Asiam,

plus culpae est.

sors quaesturae provinciam

pro consule Salvium Titiaiium dedit^ quorum neutro

corruptus
est,

quamquam

et provincia dives ac parata

176

AGRICOLA
indolent. He did not trade upon his tribune's commission and his inexj)erience to get pleasures and fm'loughs rather he proceeded to know the province, and to make himself known to the army, to learn from the experts, to follow the best men, to asjiire to nothing in bravado, yet to shrink from nothing in fear, to behave as one at once anxious and yet eager. Certainly at no time was Britain more agitated, nor its fate more critical veterans were butchered, Roman colonies burned,^ armies cut off fi-om their base one day men fought for their lives and on the next day for triumph all of which things, though the strategy and generalship which handled them were another's, and though the supreme glory o achievement and of recovering the province fell to the general, jet furnished science, ex])erieiice, and incentives to the subaltern. There entered his heart a desire for that military distinction which was unwelcome to an age which cast an evil eye over eminence, wherein good report was as perilous as bad. From this field he passed on to the city to take up office there also he married Domitia Decidiana, The marriage proved a woman of high lineage. at once a distinction and a strength to him in his upward path their life was singularly harmonious, thanks to mutual affection and alternate self-sacrifice though, indeed, a good wife has the greater glory in proportion as a bad wife is the more to blame. The allotment of quaestorships brought him Asia for his province, and Salvius Titianus for his proconsul neither corrupted him; yet the province was
;
:

Other Probably Camxdodunum (Colchester) is meant. colonies existing at this time, or not long after, were Glevum
1

(Gloucester),

Lindum

(Lincoln),

and Eboracum (York).

177

TACITVS
peccantibus, et pro

consule

in

omnem

aviditatem

pronus quantalibet

facilitate

redempturus esset muibi filia, in

tiiam dissimulationem mali. auctus est

sub-

sidium simul et solaciiim

brevi amisit.
plebis atque

nam filium ante sublatum

niox inter quaesturam ac tribunatum

ipsum etiam tribunatus annum quiete et

otio transiit, gnarus sub

Nerone temporum, quibus

inertia pro sapientia fuit.

idem praeturae tenor et

si-

lentium

nee enim

iurisdictio obvenerat.

ludos etin-

ania honoris medio rationis atque abundantiae duxit,

uti

longe a luxuria,

ita

famae propior.

tum

electus a

Galba ad dona templorum recoij'noscenda diligentissima conquisitione

res publica
effecit,

ne cuius alterius sacrilegium

sensisset,

quam Neronis

Sequens annus gravi vulnere animum domumque

eius adflixit.

nam

classis

Othoniana licenter vaga

dum
latur,

Intimilium (Liguriae pars est) hostiliter popu-

matrem Agricolae

in praediis

siiis

interfecit,
diri-

praediaque ipsa et
puit,

magnam

patrimonii partem

quae causa caedis fuerat.

igitur ad sollemnia

pietatis profectus Agricola, nuntio adfectati a Ves-

pasiano

imperii

deprehensus

ac

statim in

partes

transgressus est.

initia principatus

ac statum urbis

Mucianus regebat, iuvene admodum Domitiano et ex paterna fortuna tantum licentiam usurpante. is
1 Sublatum is technical. The fatlier by taking up the newborn child acknowledges it as his own.

178

AGRICOLA
rich and an easy pi"ey to tlie unscrupulous, and the proconsul, ready for every kind of rapacity, was pre-

pared to show any and every indulgence in order to purchase mutual silence about wrongdoing. Here his family was increased by a daughtei', to his advantage at once and his consolation, for the son he had already carried in his arms he had soon lost.^ After this he passed in quiet and retirement the year intervening before his tribunate of the plebs, and not less the actual year of office. He read aright the reign of Nero, wherein to be passive was to be His praetorship followed the same peaceful wise. tenor; in fact, no administrative duties had fallen to his lot. As for the official games and the other vanities of office, in keeping them he kept a mean between cold reason and lavishness on the one side he was far from extravagant, but at the same time fairly mindful of public opinion. Next, having been chosen by Galba to investigate the fate of gifts made to temples, his diligent inquiries brought it about that the state ceased at once to be conscious of having suffered from any second malefactor besides Nero. The following year dealt a heavy blow to his peace of mind and to his home. For Otho's sailors, roaming at large with hostile intent, while gathering loot from Intimilium in Liguria, murdered Agricola's mother on her own estate, and plundered the estate
;

itself

and a large portion of his inheritance whence Agricola, after starting to render the the murder. customary dues of filial affection, was overtaken by the news that Vespasian was in the field, and immediately passed over to his side. The first steps of the new reign and the attitude of the city were directed by Mucianus, Domitian being still veryyoung and snatching fromhis father's position
:

179

TACITVS
missum ad
ac
dilectus agendos Agricolam integreque

strenue versatum

vicensimae legioni tarde ad

sacramentum transgressae praeposuit, ubi decessor

seditiose agere narrabatur
:

quippe legatis quoque

consularibus nimia ac formidolosa erat, nee legatus

praetorius ad

cohibendum potens, incertum suo an

ita

militum ingenio.

successor simul et ultor electus

rarissima moderatione maluit videri invenisse bonos

quam
8

fecisse.

Praeerat tunc
cidius

Britanniae

Vettius

Bolanus,

pla-

quam

feroci

provinciadignum

est.

temperavit

Agricola vim suam ardoremque compescuit, ne incresceret, peritus obsequi eruditusque utilia honestis

miscere.

brevi deinde Britannia consularem Petilium

Cerialem accepit.

habuerunt virtutes spatium exem-

plorum^ sed primo Cerialis labores

modo

et discrimina,

mox
in

et gloriam

communicabat

saepe parti exercitus

maioribus
copiis
in

experimentum^ aliquando

ex

eventu praefecit.

nee Agricola
:

umquam
virtute

suam

famam

gestis exsultavit

ad auctorem ac ducem ut
ita

minister fortunam referebat.

in

obse-

quendo, verecundia
nee extra gloriam
9

in

praedieando extra invidiam

erat.

Revertentem
180

ab legatione
;

legionis

divus Ves-

pasianus inter patriciosadscivit

ac deinde provinciae

AGRICOLA
riot. Mucianus sent Agricola to levy and when he had displayed both loyalty and energy he gave him the command ot the Twentieth Legion, which had tardily transferred its allegiance. His predecessor, it was said, had been conducting himself mutinously. As a matter of fact, the legion had been too much even for consular governors, and had been a source of alarm consequently, a mere regimental officer had no effective control. Whether this was due to his own or to his soldiers' character may be left open. Agricola accordingly was appointed to succeed and punish this officer by his singular tact he made it appear that he had found the men loyal instead of making them so. Vettius Bolanus was then in charge of Britain his rule was milder than a high-spirited province

only impunity to

soldiers,

requires.

Agricola accordingly restrained his

own

energy and applied a check to his enthusiasm, in order that it might not grow too strong; he was trained to habits of deference, and skilful in tempering duty with expediency. A short time elapsed, and then Britain received Petilius Cerialis as its governor and now Agricola's virtues found ample scope for display; but for the moment Cerialis gave him a share only of work and danger. Afterwards he shared distinction also he often gave him a part of the army to command, to test him sometimes on the strength of the issue he increased his forces but Agricola never used his pride of achievement to his own credit. He traced his success to the responsible general whose agent he was so by scrupulous obedience and modesty in self-advertisement he escaped envy without missing distinction. When he returned from the command of his legion Vespasian of happy memory eni'olled him a patrician
;
:

181

TACITVS
Aquitaniae praeposuit, splendidae inprimis dignitatis
admiiiistratione ac spe consulatus^ cui destinarat.

Creduiit plerique militaribus ingeniis subtilitatem

deesse, quia castrensis iurisdictio secura et obtusior

ac plura

manu agens

calliditatem fori

non exerceat.

Agricola naturali prudentia, quamvis inter togatos^

facile iusteque agebat.

iam vero tempora curarum

:

remissionumque divisa

ubi conventusac iudicia pos:

cerent, gravis intentus severus, et saepius misericors

ubi

officio satis

factum^ nulla ultra potestatis persona;

tristitiam et
illi,

adrogantiam et avaritiam exuerat.

nee

quod

est rarissimunij aut facilitas auctoritatem

aut severitas

amorem deminuit.

integritatena atque

abstinentiam in tanto viro referre iniuria virtutum

fuerit.

ne famam quidem, cui saepe etiam boni

in-

dulgent, ostentanda virtute aut per artem quaesivit

procul

ab aemulatione adversus collegas, procul a

adversus
atteri

eontentione

procuratores

et

vincere

in-

glorium

et

sordidum

arbitrabatur.

minus

triennium in ea legatione detentus ac statimad

spam

consulatus revocatus est, coniitante opinione Britan-

niam

ei

provinciam dari, nullis in hoc

quia par videbalur.

suis

sermoni-

bus, sed
18t2

baud semper errat

AGRICOLA
and then placed him
in charge of the province of Aquitania, a post of signal distinction both from the functions involved therein, and from the promise of the consulship to which it pointed. The world imagines that the soldier lacks astuteness because he governs his camp with a light heart and a certain blunt high-handedness, and does not develop, the cunning of the lawyer. Agricola, thanks to his native shrewdness, though surrounf/ed with civilians, administered without friction, yet without sacrifice of justice. Further, the distinctions of office-hours and off-duty were carefully observed. When the decisions of the

council-chamber demanded he was serious, keen, yet generally merciful when he had fulfilled the demands of office he dropped the official mask reserve, pompousness, and greed he put away from him and vet in his case, the rarest of cases, neither did amiability impair authority nor strictness affection. It would be an insult to the qualities of a man so great to dvvell here upon his probity and selfcontrol. Fame itself, which even good men often court, he never sought by parading his virtues or
strict,
; : ;

by artifice; incapable of rivalry among his colleagues, incapable of wrangling with the Imperial Agents, he counted it inglorious to succeed in such fields, and contemptible to let himself feel sore. He was detained for less than three yeai*s in Aquitania to govern it, and was then recalled with the immediate prospect of the consulship. There accompanied his recall the rumour that Britain was being ofl'ered to him for his province, not because any word from him contributed thereto, but simply because he was judged competent. Rumour is not always wi-ong sometimes it even chooses the winner.
;

TACIT VS
fama
;

aliquando et elegit,

consul egregiae turn spei

filiam iuveni
cavit,

mihi despondit ac post consulatum colloBritanniae praepositus

est,

et statim

adiecto

poiitificatus sacerdotio.

10

Bi-itanniae

situm ])opulosque multis scriptoribus

menioratos non in comparationem curae ingeniive

referam, sed quia tuni prinium perdomita est
:

ita

quae priores nondum comperta eloquentia percoluere,

rerum

fide

tradentur.

Britannia,

insularum quas

Romana
in

notitia complectitur

maxima, spatio ac caelo

Hispaniae

orientem Germaniae, in occidentem

Gallis
in

obtenditur,

meridiem etiam inspicitur

septentrionalia eius, nullis contra terris, vasto atque

aperto

mari pulsantur.

formam

totius Britanniae

Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimi auctores

oblongae scutulae vel bipenni adsimu-

lavere.

et est ea facies citra Caledoniam,

unde

et in et

universam

fama;

sed

transgressis^

inmensum

enorme spatium procurrentium extremo iam

1

litore

f:una

sed transgressis, F.

fama

est trausgressa, sed, II.

181

AGRICOLA
consul betrothed his daughter, already a gu-1 of great promise, to me, then in my youth. On the conclusion of his office he placed her hand in mine, and immediately afterwards was gazetted to Britain, the priestly office of pontiff" accompanying this promotion. The geographical position of Britain and the races which inhabit it have been recorded by many writers if I record them it is not to challenge comparison in the matter of accuracy or talent, but because it was Agricola who first thoroughly subdued it accordingly, where earlier writers embroidered with rhetoric a theme still legendary, there will be found only a faithful narration of facts. Britain is the largest island known to Romans in the matter of site and aspect it faces Germany on the east, Spain on the west ^ on the south it is actually within sight of Gaul; its northern shores alone have no lands confronting them, but are beaten by the wastes of open sea. Livy and Fabius Rusticus, the most graphic of ancient and modern writers respectively, have likened the shape of Britain as a whole to an oblong shield ^ or to a double-axe. This is in fact its shape up to the borders of Caledonia,^ whence also this idea has been extended to the whole but when you cross the border the land stretches out at once in boundless and vast extent from the actual neck, and only alter:
:

The

Tide Introduction, p. 155. Scutula is generally distinguished from scutvlum, a shield, but its meaning is quite uncertain, and Tacitus' idea of Great Britain (up to the Clyde and Forth) comes sufliciently close to that of an oblong shield to let the translation pass
1

for
3

want

of a better.

Up

to the isthmus of the Clyde

and Forth.

185

TACITVS
terrariim velut in cuiieuni tenuatur.
issimi maris tunc

hanc oram

iiov-

primum Romana

classis

circumvecta

insulam esse Britanniam adfirmavitj ac simul incognitas

ad

id tempusinsulas,

quas Orcadas vocant, invenit do:

muitque. dispecta est et Thule^ quia hactenus iussum

et

hiems adpetebat.

sed mare pigrum et grave re-

migantibus perhibent ne ventis quidem perinde attoUi,

credo quod rariores terrae montesquCj causa ac

materia tempestatum, et })rofunda moles continui

maris tardius inipellitur. naturam Oceuni atque aestus

neque quaerere huius operis

est^

ac multi rettulere

unum

addiderim, nusquam latius dominari mare, mulliuc

tum riuminum

atque

illuc ferre,

nee

litore tenus

adcrescere aut resorberi, sed influere penitus atque

ambirCj
in suo.
11

et

iugis

etiam

ac

montibus

inseri

velut

Ceterum Britanniam qui mortales

initio coluerint,

indigenae an advecti, ut inter barbaros parum com-

pertum.
menta.

habitus corporum varii atque ex eo argu-

nainque

rutilae

Caledoniam

habitantium

comae, magni artus Germanicam originem adseverant; 186

AGRICOLA
wards tapers into the tapering end of a wedge. It was only under Agricola that the Roman fleet for the first time rounded this coast, the coast of the uttermost sea, and pronounced the insularity of Britain by the same voyage it discovered the islands called Orcades, up to that time unknown, and conquered them. The shores of Thule even were
:

descried, their instructions taking them only so far besides, winter was approaching however, they brought the report that the sea was sluggish and heavy to the oar and comparative!}' torpid even to
:

the wind 1 presume because land and mountain, the cause and occasion of storms, are fewer and further between, and because the deep mass of uninterrupted water is slower to be set in motion. The character and tides of the ocean it is beyond the function of this work to investigate, and many have recorded them. I would add but a single word, that nowhere has the sea more potent influence it gives to many of the I'ivers a tidal character nor merely do the incoming tides wash the shores and ebb again, but penetrate the land deeply and invest it, and even steal into the heart of hills and mountains as though into their native element. Be this as it may, what race of mortal birth inhabited Britain originally, whether native to the soil or later comers, is a question which, as one would expect among barbarous people, has never received attention. The physique of the people presents many varieties, wiience inferences are drawn the red hair and the large limbs of the inhabitants of Caledonia proclaim their German origin the swarthy faces of
:

Vide Introduction, pp. 15.5-G. 2 Vide Germania, ch. 45, for a similar jjicture of northern
1

seas.

187

TACITVS
Silurum colorati vultus,
posita
torti

plerumque crines et
traiecisse

contra

Hispania

Hiberos veteres

easque sedes occupasse fidem faciunt; proximi Gallis

et similes sunt^ seu durante originis
vi,

seu procur-

rentibus in

diversa terris
in

positio

caeli

corporibus
aestimanti
est.
^

habitum
Gallos

dedit.

universum

tamen

vicinam
sacra
^
;

insulam

occupasse

credibile

eorum
siones

deprehendas, su])erstitionum persua-

periculis

tandis

semio baud multum diversus, in deposcendis eadem audacia et, ubi advenere, in detreceadem formido. ])lus tamen ferociae Britanni

praeferunt, ut quos

nondum longa pax

in
bellis

emollierit.

nam mox

Gallos quoque
segiiitia

floruisse

accepimus

cum

otio intravit, araissa virtute pariter

victis evenit:

ac libertate.
ceteri

quod Britannorum olim

manent quales Galli fuerunt. In pedite robur quaedam nationes

;

et curru proe-

liantur.

honestior auriga, clientes propugnant.

olim

regibus parebant, nunc per principes factionibus et

studiis distrahuntur.

nee aliud adversus validissimas

quam quod in commune non consul unt. rarus duabus tribusve civitatibus ad propulsandum commune periculum conventus ita caelum crebris singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur.
gentis

pro nobis

utilius

persuasiones, P.

persuasione,

II.

" The traces of Spanish blood in Cornwall, "Wale.s, and Ireland have been often noticed by historians and sometimes ascribed to tnuch later dates: even to the Armada, for instance.

188

AGRICOLA
the Silures, the curly quality, in general, of their hair, and the position of Spain opposite their shores, attest the passage of Iberians in old days and the occupation by them of these districts ;'^ those peoples, again, who adjoin Gaul are also like Gauls, whether because the influence of heredity persists, or because when two lands converge till tiiey face each other the climatic condition stamps a certain physique on the human body but, taking a broad view of the case, we can readily believe that the Gauls took possession of the adjacent island. You will surprise there celebrations of Gallic ceremonies and faith in Gallic superstitions the language is not very different there is the same recklessness in courting danger, and, when it comes, the same anxiety to escape it but the Britons display a higher spirit, not having been emasculated by long years of peace. The Gauls also, according to history, once shone in war afterwards indolence made its appearance hand in hand with peace, and courage and liberty have been lost together. This has happened to such of the Britons as were conquered long ago the rest remain what the Gauls once were. Their strength lies in their infantry but certain the driver has the tribes also fight from chariots place of honour, the combatants are mere retainers. Originally the people were subject to kings now they are distracted with parties and party spirit through the influence of chieftains nor indeed have we anv weapon against the stronger races more effective than this, that they have no common purpose rarely will two or three states confer to repulse a common danger accordingly they fight individually and are collectively conquered. The sky is overcast
; ; ;
: :

189

TACITVS
imbribus ac nebulis foeduni
;

asperitas frigoruni abest.

;

dierum spatia ultra nostri orbis mensuram

et

noxclara

extrema Britanniae parte brevis, ut finem atque

initium lucis exiguo discrimine internoscas.

quod

si

nubes non

officiant, aspici

per noctem

solis

fulgorem,

nee occidere et exsurgere, sed transire adfirmant.

scilicet

extrema et plana terrarum humili umbra

et sidera

non erigunt tenebras, infraque caelum

cadit.

nox

Solum praeter oleam vitemque

terris
oriri

et cetera calidioribus

sueta patiens fruguni,

;

fecundum

tarde
rei

mitescunt, cito proveniunt

causa, multus

eademque utriusque
caelique.

umor terrarum

fert Britannia

aurum

et argentura et alia metalla, ])retiinn victoriae.

gignit et

Oceanus margarita, sed subfusca ac

;

liventia.

quidam artem abesse legentibus arbitrantur

rubro mari viva ac spirantia saxis prout expulsa
sint, colligi
:

nam

in

avelli, in Britannia,

ego

facilius

crediderim

naturam margaritis deesse quam nobis avaritiam,

13
Ipsi Britanni

dilectum ac tributa et iniuncta imsi

perii

munera impigre obeunt,

iniuriae absint

has

aegre tolerant, iam domiti ut pareant,

serviant.

igitur

nondum ut primus omnium Romanorum divus

quamquam

lulius

cum

exercitu Britanniam ingressus,

190

AGRICOLA
with continual rain and cloud, but the cold is not severe. The duration of daylight is beyond the measure of our zone the nights are clear and, in the distant parts of Britain, short, so that there is but a brief space separating the evening and the morning twilight. If there be no clouds to hinder, the sun's brilliance they maintain visible is throughout the night it neither sets nor rises, but simply passes over. That is to say, the flat extremities of earth with their low shadows do not permit the darkness to mount high, and nightfall never reaches the sky or the stars. The soil, except for the olive and the vine and the other fruits usual in warmer lands, permits and is even prolific of crops they ripen slowly, but are quick to sprout in each case for the same reason, the abundant moisture of the soil and sky. Britain produces gold and silver and other metals conquest is worth while. Their sea also produces pearls, but somewhat clouded and leaden-hued. Some people suppose that their pearl-fishers lack skill in the Red Sea we are to imagine them torn alive and still breathing from the shell, while in Britain they are gathered only when thrown up on shore for myself I could more readily believe that quality was lacking in the pearls than greed in Romans. As for the people themselves, they discharge energetically the levies and tributes and imperial obligations imposed upon them, provided always there be no wrongdoing. They are restive under wrong for their subjection, while complete enough to involve obedience, does not involve slavery. It was, in fact, Julius of happy memory who first of all Romans entered Britain with an army he overawed
:

Vide Introduction,

p. 151.

TACITVS
prospera piigna terruerit incolas ac litore potitus
potest videri ostendisse posteris^ non tradidisse
bella civilia et in
;

sit^

mox

rem publicam versa principumarma,

:

ac longa
id divus

f)blivio

Britanniae etiam in pace

consilium

Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praeceptum.

Agitasse

Gaium Caesarem de intranda

Britannia

satis constat, ni

velox ingenio mobili j)aenitentiae, et

fuis-

ingentes adversus Gerinaniam conatus frustra

sent.

divus

Claudius auctor iterati operis^ trans-

vectis legionibus auxiliisque et

adsumpto

in

partem
for-

rerimi Vespasiano, quod initium venturae

mox

tunae
fatis

fuit

domitae gentes, capti reges et monstratus

Vespasianus.

14

Consularium primus Aulus Plautius praepositus ac

subinde Ostorius Scaj)ula, uterque bello egregius
:

redactaque paulatim in formani provinciae proxima

pars Britanniae
;

addita insuper veteranorum colonia.

quaedam

civitates

Cogidumno

regi donatae

(is

ad

nostram usque memoriam fidissimus mansit), vetere

ac iam pridem recepta populi ut haberet

Romaui consuetudine,

instrumenta servitutis et reges.

mox

Didius Gallijs parta a prioribus continuity paucis ad-

modum
aucti

castellis in ulteriora promotis,

per quae fama

excepit,

officii

quaereretur.

Didium Veranius
est.

isque

intra

annum

extinctus

Suetonius hinc
habuit,

Paulinus

biennio

prosperas

res

subactis

192

AGRICOLA
the natives by a successful battle and made himself master of the coast but it may be supposed that he rather discovered the island for his descendants than bequeathed it to them. Soon came the civil war, and the arms of Rome's chiefs were turned against the state, and there was a long forgetfulness of Britain, even after peace came. Augustus of happy memory Tiberius called it " precedent." called this " policy " That Gaius Caesar debated an invasion of Britain is well known but his sensitiveness was quick to repent besides, his vast designs against Germany had failed. Claudius of happy memory was responslegions and auxiliary ible for renewing the task trooj)s were despatched across the Channel, and Vespasian was taken into partnership the first step of the fame soon to come to him tribes were conquered, kings captured, and Vespasian introduced to
;
;

Destiny.^

The first consular governor to be mand of Britain was Aulus Plautius

:

placed in comsoon after came Ostorius Scapula, both distinguished soldiers. The nearest portion of Britain was reduced little by little a colony of veterans to the condition of a province was also planted certain states were handed over to King Cogidunmus he has remained continuously loyal down to our own times according to the old
: :

and long-i*eceived principle of Roman policy, which employs kings among the instruments of servitude. Next DidiusGallus maintained the ground gained by his predecessors, and pushed forward a few forts into remoter districts in order to extend his name and sjjhere of influence. Didius was followed by Veranius, who
died within the year.
1

Suetonius Paulinus after him

tribes

had two successful years, reducing the

I

and
193

prefer to take /a<is here as a dative,

TACITVS
nationibus
firmatisque
praesidiis
;

quorum

fiducia

Monam
15

iiisulam

ut

vires

rebellibus

niinistrantem

adgressus terga occasioni patefecit.

Namque

absentia

legati

reiiioto

metu Britanni

agitare inter se mala sevvitutis, conferre iniurias et

interpretando accendere
ut graviora

nihil

profici patientia nisi

tamquam ex faeili
in

tolerantibus imperentur.

singiilos sibi

olim reges fuisse, nunc binos imponi, e

quibus
saeviret.

legatus

sanguinem, procurator

in

bona

aeque

discordiam

praepositorum, aeque
alterius

concordiam subiectis exitiosam.

turiones, alterius servos
nihil
lio

manum

cen-

vim

et contumelias miscere.

iam cupiditati,
esse

nihil libidini

exceptum. in proe:

fortiorem

qui

spoliet

nunc

ab ignavis
liberos,

plerumque

et imbellibus eripi

domos, abstrahi
pro

iniungi dilectus^
nescientibus.
sese

tamquam mori tantum

?

patria
si

quantulum enim

transisse militumj

Britanni
:

numerent

sic

Germanias excussisse
sibi

iugum

et flumine^.

non Oceano defendi.

illis

patriam

coniuges parentes,
belli esse,

avaritiam et luxuriam causas

recessuros^ ut divus Julius recessisset^

modo

virtutem maiorum suorumaemularentur. neve proelii

unius aut alterius eventu pavescerent
:

plus impetus,

maiorem

constantiam penes miseros

misereri, qui
F.
;

esse,

iam Bri-

tannorum etiam deos

1

Romanum ducem
impetus
integris,

plus

impetus,
//.

maiorem.

plus

maiorem,

AGRICOLA
strengthening the garrisons presuming upon which success, he assailed the island of Mona, a rallyingpoint of rebellion, and so left his rear open to attack. For with fear banished and the governor absent the Britons began to canvass the woes of servitude,
:

compare their wrongs and inflame their signifiNothing is gained by submission, they argued, except that heavier commands are laid on willing in the old days they had had a king sufferers apiece now two kings apiece are foisted on them a governor to riot in bloodshed, an Imperial Agent to work havoc on property. The dissensions or the
to

cance.

unanimity of the twin rulers are equally fatal to their subjects the myrmidons of the one ruler or the other, sergeants or slaves, deal violence alike and insult nothing is beyond the reach of their avarice or their
:

On the battlefield it is the braver man who plunders his foe but under present circumstances it is largely unwarlike cowards who are stealing their homes, abducting their children, demanding levies from them as though they can die in any cause The soldiers who have except their country's. crossed the Channel are but a handful, if the Britons count their own numbers this had the peoples of Germany done, and had shaken off the yoke, and yet theij had only a river to defend them, not the ocean. They had their country to fight for, their wives, their parents the enemy were fighting only for greed and riotous living they would draw back, as Julius of happy memory had drawn back, if Britons would but emulate the valour of their fathers nor should tiiey be cowed by the issue of one or two battles; a fiercer fury, a higiier constancy were the prerogatives of misery. At last Heaven itself was taking pity on Britain it was keeping the Roman general at a
lust.
; ;
: :

195

TACITVS
absentem, qui relegatum in
detinerent
deliberare.
;

alia

insula

exercitum
fuerit^

iam

ipsos,

quod difficillimum

porro in eius modi consiliis periculosius

esse deprehendi
1 Q

quam
in

audere.

His atque talibus

ris regii

vicem

instincti,

Boudicca gene-

femina duce (neque enim sexum in imperiis

;

discernunt) sumpsere universi bellum

ac sparsos per

castella milites consectatij expugnatis praesidiis

ipsam

coloniam invasere ut sedem servitutisj nee ullum in

barbaris saevitiae genus omisit ira et victoria, quod nisi

Paulinus cognitoprovinciae motu propere subvenisset,

amissa Britannia foret

quam

unius proelii fortuna ve-

teri patientiae restituit,

tenentibus arma plerisque,

ti-

quos conscientiadefectionis et proprius^ ex legato

mor agitabat^nequamquam egregius cetera adroganter

in deditos et ut suae

cuiusque iniuriae ultor durius con-

suleret.

missus igitur Petronius Turpilianus

tamquam

exorabilior et delictis hostium novus eoque paenitentiae mitior, compositis prioribus nihil ultra ausus

Tre-

bellio

Maximo provinciam

tradidit.

Trebellius segnior

et nullis castrorum experimentis, comitate

quadam

cu-

randi provinciam tenuit.

didicere iam barbari quoque

ignoscere

vitiis

blandientibus, et interventus civilium

segnitiae excusationem
;

armorum praebuit iustam

^

\n-0[)nus, Jihenan'is

propius,

Jif<S'iS.

196

AGUICOLA
distance, and his army in the seclusion of another island already on their side they had taken the step
:

difficult to take they had opened the question for debate and surely in such debates detection was more dangerous than daring. Inspiring each other with these and similar arguments, the whole nation took up arms, under the command of Boadicea, a woman of the ruling house they recognise no distinction of sex among their rulers and after pursuing the soldiers scattered among the Roman forts and capturing the garrisons, they invaded the colony itself, as the local centre of servitude no sort of barbarian cruelty was overlooked in the hour of victory and vengeance. HadnotPaulinus learned of the stir in the province, and come hastily to the rescue, Britain would have been lost. The fortunes of a single battle restored it to its ancient submissiveness for the most part only those remained under arms who were disquieted by a guilty sense of rebellion and a personal terror of the governor they feared lest, for all his virtues, he should take highhanded measures against such as surrendex*ed, and avenge harshly every wrong done as an individual

which was most

wrong

to himself.

Accordingly Petronius Turpilianus was sent to the province as less inflexible a novice in handling the crimes of an enemy, he would be in proportion softhearted to their penitence. He arranged the outstanding difficulties, but, without venturing on any further action, handed over the province to Trebellius Maximus. Trebellius was less energetic, had no military experience, and kept the province in hand by a certain vigdant courtesy. Even the barbarians now learned to indulge pleasant vices, and the interruption
;

197

TACITVS
sed diseordia laboratum, cumadsuetiis expeditioiiibus
miles otio lasciviret. Trebellius, fuga ac latebris vitata
exercitus ira iiidecorus atque humilis, precario niox
pvaefuit^ ac velut pacti^ exercitus licentiam,
lutera, et seditio sine sanguine stetit.

dux

sa-

nee Vettius
agitavit

Bolanus, manentibus adhuc civilibus

bellis,

Britanniam disciplina
lis

eadem inertia erga

liostis^

simi-

petulantia castroruni, nisi quod innocens Bolanus

invisus

et nuIHs delictis
auctoritatis.

caritateni

paraverat loco

17

Sed ubi cum cetero orbe Vespasianus

et Britan-

niam

reciperavit,

magni duces^
spes.

egregii

exercitus,
intulit

minuta hostium
Petilius Cerialisj

et

teri'orem

statim

Brigantium civitatem, quae numetotius

perliibetui*,

rosissima

provinciae
et

adgressus.
;

multa

proelia,

aliquando non incruenta

aut victoria

mag-

namque Brigantium partem

est aut bello.

amplexus

et Cerialis

quidem
:

alterius successoris

curam famamque obruisset

Frontinus, vir magnus,
et

sustinuit

molem

lulius

quantum

licebat,

validamque

pugnacem Sihu-um gentem armis

hostium locorum

subegit, super
difficultates

virtutem
eluctatus.

quoque

18

Hunc
1.98

Britanniae statum, has bellorum vices media

iam aestate transgressus Agricola invenit, cum et

AGRICOLA
of civil war afforded a sound excuse for his inaction but there was mutiny and trouble when the army, accustomed to the field, became riotous and idle. Trebellius, after eluding the violence of the soldiei-y by escaping to a hiding-place, soon regained, at the cost of shame and humiliation, a precarious authority. They arranged between them, so to speak, that the army should enjoy itself, but should spare its general's life so the mutiny cost no blood. Nor did Vettius Bolanus either, so long as the civil war continued, distress Britain with discipline there was the same inaction in the field, the same rioting in camp, except that Bolanus, who was inoffensive and had done nothing to earn hatred, possessed the esteem, if not the obedience, of his men. But when Britain with the rest of the world was recovered by Vespasian, generals became great, armies excellent, and the enemy's hopes languished. And Petilius Cerialis at once struck terror into their hearts by invading the commonwealth of the Brigantes, which is said to be the most numerous tribe of the wliole ])rovince many battles were fought, sometimes bloody battles, and by virtue of his victories or by dint of actual fighting he drew within his toils a large portion of the Brigantes. Cerialis, indeed, would have eclipsed the vigilance or the credit of any other successor but Julius Frontinus was a great man, and so far as was humanly possible sustained the burden cast on him his arms reduced the Silures, a powerful and warlike race he surmounted not only the valour of the enemy but also the physical difficulties of their land. Such was the condition in Britain, such the alternations of war and peace which Agricola found when he crossed thither in the middle of summer. The
; ;
:

199

TACITVS
milites velut omissa expeditione ad securitateni et

hostes ad occasionem verterentur.

Ordovicum civitas
alam
in finibus suis

haud multo ante adventiim

eius

agentem prope universam

erecta provincia.

obtriverat, eoque initio

et qiiibus bellum volentibus erat,

probare exemplum ac recentis legati

periri,

animum

op--

cum
per

Agricola,

quamquam

transvecta aestas,

sparsi

provinciani

numeri, praesumpta

apud

militem

illius

anni quies, tarda et contraria bellum

plerisque custodiri

inchoaturo,

et

suspecta
;

potius

videbatur, ire obviam discrimini statuit

contractisque
in

legionum

vexillis et

modica auxiliorum manu, quia

aequum degredi Ordovices non audebant,

agmen^ quo
ceteris par

ipse ante

animus

simili periculo esset,

erexit aciem.

caesaque prope universa gente^ non

ignarus instandum famae ac, prout prima cessissent,

terrorem ceteris fore, Monani insulam, a cuius possessione revocatum Paulinum rebellione totius Bri-

tanniae sujM'a

memoravi, redigere
sed

in

potestatem
naves
de-

animo
deerant
positis

intendit.
:

ut in subitis consiliis

ratio et

constantia ducis
sarcinis

transvexit.

omnibus

lectissimos

auxiliarium,

quibus nota vada et patrius nandi usus quo simul

200

AGRICOLA
army was looking
an end of anxieties, campaigning being presumably over the enemy for o])portunity.
foi*
;

The

tribes of the Ordovices, shortly before his arrival,

had crushed almost to a man the regiment of cavalry encamped among them and this first stroke had excited the province. Those who wanted war were
;

disposed to applaud the precedent, but on the other hand to wait and see the temper of the new governor. As for Agricola, though the summer was over, though the different units were scattered through the province, though his soldiers had already laid aside service for that year all factors of delay and hindrance if he was to begin fighting and although the balance of opinion was in favour of merely watching suspicious movements, he decided to confront the danger. He gathered the detachments of the several legions and a moderate force of native auxiliaries, and then, when the Ordovices did not venture to descend from the hills, led his army to the uplands, himself marching in the van in order that the rest might find equal spirit for similar peril. He

almost exterminated the whole tribe then, recognising the necessity of confirming first impressions, knowing that he dejiended upon the issue of his first campaign to terrorise the enemy for the future, he determined to reduce the island of Mona, from the capture of which, as I have before recorded, Pauliiuis had been recalled by the general rebellion in Britain.
:

His plans had been hastily formed and ships were

not at hand yet the resourcefulness and determination of the general bridged the straits. For after unloading all the baggage he })icked a body of native auxiliaries who knew the fords, and had that facility in swimming which belongs to their nation, and by means of which they can control simul;

201

TACITVS
seque et arnia
ut obstupefacti
ct

equos regunt,

ita

repente

inniisit,

hostes, qui classem^ qui iiavis, qui

nihil

mare expectabant,
derint
sic

avduum aut invictum

;

credi-

ad bellum venientibus
clarus

ita

petita pace ac

dedita

insula

ac

magnus haberi Agricola,

alii

quippe cui ingredienti ])rovinciam. quod tempus

])er

ostentationeni et ofticiorum
et

ambitum

transigunt,

lal)or

periculum placuisset.

nee Agricola pros-

perltate

rerum

in

vanitatem usus, expeditionem aut

continuisse
est,
;

victoriam

vocabat victos

ne laureatis

quidem gesta prosecutus

sed ipsa dissimulatione

famae famam auxit, aestimantibus quanta futuri spe

tarn

magna

tacuisset.

19

Ceterum animorum

proviiiciae prudens,

simulque
si

doctus per aliena experimenta parum profici armis,

iniuriae sequerentur, causas bellorum statuit excidere.

a se suisque orsus

primum domum suam

est

coercuit,

quod plerisque baud minus arduum

vinciam regere.
rei,

quam

pro-

nihil per libertos servosque publicae

non

studiis privatis

nee ex commendatione aut

precibus centurionem militesve ascire, sed

optimum
non omnia

quemque fidissimum

putare.

omnia

scire,

202

AGRICOLA
taiieously their

their horses;

their weapons, and he then huinched tliem upon the enemy

own movements,

so suddenly that the astonished islanders, Avho looked

upon the sea,i prom))tly came to tiie conclusion that nothing was hard and nothinsr invinfor fleets of shi[)s
cible to men who fought in this fashion. Accordingly they petitioned for peace and surrendered the island and Agricola began to be regarded as a brilliant
;

and a great man.

At

his entry into the province, at the time, that

is,

which others spend in advertisement and in a round of functions,^ lie had chosen hard work and peril nor even now did he turn his success to boastfulness, or write about cam])aigns and victories, because he had held down a conquered people he did not even follow up his achievement by affixing laurels to his
; :

yet his very dej^recation of glory increased his glory for eyes which could divine how much the future must contain for one who made light of such a past. Be that as it may, Agricola was heedful of the temper of the provincials, and took to heart the lesson which the experience of others suggested, that little was accomplished by force if injustice followed. He decided therefore to cut away at the root the causes of war. He began with himself and his own people he put in order his own house, a task not less difficult for most governors than the government of a province. He transacted no public business through freedmen or slaves he admitted
desjjatches
; :
:

no

officer or private to his staff

or j^rivate

from private feeling, recommendation, or entreaty he gave his

:

confidence only to the best.

1

He made

it

his business

Vide Introduction, p. 1.59. Generally translated "in thecourtingof flattery,"" but

203

TACITVS
exsequi.
parvis peccatis veniam, magnis severitatem
;

commodare

nee poena semper, sed saepius paeni;

tentia contentus esse

})otius

officiis

et administrationibus

non peccaturos praeponere, quam damnare

frumenti et tributorum exactionem
mollire, circumcisis

cum

peccassent.

aequalitate

muneruni

quae in

quaestum reperta ipso

tribiito gravius tolerabantur.

namque per ludibrium adsidere

emere
ultro frunienta ac f luere
^

clausis

liorreis

et

pretio cogebantur.

devortia itinerum et longinquitas regionum indicebatur, ut civitates proximis

^

hibernis in remota et avia

deferrent,

donee quod omnibus in promptu erat

paucis lucrosuni fieret.

20

Haec prime

stntim anno

comprimendo egregiam
quae
vel

famam

paci

circumdedit,

incuria

vel

intolerantia

priorum

haud

minus

quam

bellum

timebatur.

sed ubi aestas advenit, contracto exercitu

multus
coercere

in
;

agmine,

laudare

modestiam,

disiectos

loca castris ipse capere, aestuaria ac silvas

;

ipse praetemptare

et nihil interim

apud

hostis quie-

tum

pati,
1

quo minus
;

subitis excursibus popularetur

luere,

Wex ludere, J/*S'-S'., F., IT. civitates proximis, F. ; civitates pro proximis, //.

204

AGRICOLA
if not, always, to follow up knowledge he turned an indulgent ear to small )fFences, yet was strict to offences that were serious le was satisfied generally with penitence instead of punishment to all offices and services he preferred ;o advance the men not likely to offend rather than
;o
;

know everything
:

lis

:o

grain and tribute he made less burdensome by equalising his imposts he cut off
:

condemn them Demands for

after offences.

every charge invented only as a means of plunder, M\d therefore more grievous to be borne than the tribute itself. As a matter of fact, the natives used to be compelled to go through the farce of dancing attendance at locked granaries, buying grain to be returned,^ and so redeeming their obligations at a price places off the road or distant districts were named in the governor's proclamations, so that the tribes with winter quarters close at hand delivered at a distance and across country, and ultimately a task easy for every one became a means of profit to a few. By repressing these evils at once in his first year he cast a halo over such days of peace as the carelessness or harshness of previous governors had made not less dreadful than war. But when summer came he gathered his army and was constantly on the march, commending discipline, curbing stragglers he he was the first chose himself the camping-ground himself to explore estuaries and forests meanwhile he gave the enemy no peace from the devastations of
: : : :

1 Ultra = gvain which they did not want and did not actually receive, but for which they paid, and then left it in the granary as part of their tribute to Rome they could not even contribute their own grain for the purpose, because the places fixed for receiving it were selected for their inaccessibility.
:

205

TACITVS
atque ubi
satis terruerat,

pavcendo rursus invitamenta

pacis ostentare.
in ilium

quibus i-ebus multae civitates, quae

datis obsidibus iram

diem ex aequo egerant,

posuere^ et praesidiis castellisque circumdutae sunt^

tanta ratione curaque, ut nulla ante Britanniae nova

pars pariler illacessita transierit.

21

Sequens liiems

saluberrimis

consiliis

absumpta.

namque
faciles

ut homines dispersi ac rudes eoque in bella

quieti et
otio per volu])tates adsuescerent,

hortari

privatim, adiuvare

publice, ut tenipla fora

domes extruerent, laudando promptos et castigando

segnes
:

ita honoris

aemulatio pro necessitate erat.

filios

iam vero principum

et iugenia

liberalibus artibus erudire,

studiis

Britannorum

Gallorum anteferre,
eloquennostri

ut

(pii

modo linguam Romanam abnuebant,

concupiscerent.

tiam

inde

etiam habitus

honor et frequens toga,

delenimenta

paulatimque descensum ad
et

vitioruvn, j)orticus

balinea et con-

vivioruni elegantiani.
itas vocabatur,

idque apud imperitos human-

cum

pai's servitutis esset.

Tertius expeditionum annus novas gentis aperuit,

vastatis

usque ad
1

Tanaum
;

(aestuario

nomen
II.

est)

circumdatae sunt, F.

circumdatae,

206

AGRICOLA
sudden raids conversely by his clemency, after he had ovei'awed them sufficiently, he paraded before
:

them the attractions of peace. By these means many states which up to that time had dealt with Rome on even terms were induced to give hostages
and abandon their hostility they were then so carefully and skilfully surrounded with Roman garrisons and forts that no newly acquired district ever before passed over to Rome with so little interference from
:

the neighbours. 'I'he winter which followed was spent in the proIn order that a populasecution of sound measures. tion scattered and uncivilised, and proportionately ready for war, might be habituated by comfort to peace and quiet, he would exhort individuals, assist communities, to erect temples, market-places, houses he praised the energetic, rebuked the indolent, and the rivalry for his compliments took the place of Moreover he began to train the sons of coercion. the chieftains in a liberal education, and to give a preference to the native talents of the Briton as As a result, the nation against the plodding Gaul. Avhich used to reject the Latin language began to further, the wearing of our di*ess aspire to rhetoric became a distinction, and the toga came into fashion, and little by little the Britons were seduced into to the lounge, the bath, the wellalluring vices appointed dinner table. The simjjle natives gave the name of " culture " to this factor of their slavery. The third year of campaigning brought new tribes before the curtain the natives were harried as far north as the estuary of the Tanaus.^ Overawed by
: : : :

^ This cannot be identified theTay, the Forth, the Tweed, the North Tyne, and on the other side the Sol way Firth and the Clyde, have been suggested.
:

207

TACITVS
nationibus.

qua fomiidine

territi

hostes

quamquam
fuit.

conflictatum saevis tempestatibus exercituni lacessere

non

ausi

ponendisque insuper
periti

castellis

spatium

non alium ducem opportunitates locorum sapientius legisse nullum ab Agricola posiadnotabant
;

tum

castellum
ac

aut

vi

hostium
;

expugnatuni
ita

aut

pactione

fuga desertum

nam

adversus moras
intrepida

obsidionis annuls copiis firmabantur.

ibi

hiems, crebrae eruptiones et

sibi

quisque praesoliti

sidio, irritis

hostibus eoque desperantibuS;, quia

plerumque damna

aestatis hibernis eventibus pensare

tum

aestate

atque hieme iuxta })ellebantur.

nee
:

Agricola

umquam

per alios gesta avidus intercepit

seu centurio seu praefectus incorruptum facti testem

habebat.
rabatur,

apud qiiosdam acerbior

ut
erat

in conviciis nar-

comis

bonis, ita adversus malos

iracuiidia
nihil
:

iniucundus.

ceterum ex

supererat

secretum, ut silentium eius non timeres

honestius

putabat offendere
23

quam

odisse.
in-

Qiiarta aestas obtinendis quae percucurrerat

sumpta

ac

si

virtus exercituum et

Romani nominis

gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa Britannia terminus,

namque Clota et Bodotria diversi maris aestibus per inmensum revectae, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur quod tum praesidiis firmabatur atque omnis
:

propior sinus

tenebatur, suminotis

velut

in

aliam

insulam hostibus,
1

narniltatur ut erat comis, F.

narrabatur, et erat comis, H.

208

AGRICOLA
the terror thereof, the enemy did not venture to annoy our army, though it suffered fi*om shocking weather time was found also for the planting of Experts noted that no other general selected forts. more shrewdly the advantages of site no fort planted by Agricola was carried by storm by the enemy, or abandoned by arrangement and flight as for a protracted siege, against this they were secured by supplies for twelve months. Accordingly winter w^as shoi'n of its fears and sallies were frequent each commander could protect himself, whilst the enemy were helpless and therefore despaired. They had been " accustomed in most places to weigh the " incidents of winter against the summer's losses but now they were repelled summer and winter alike. Yet Agricola was never grasping to embezzle the achievements of others the other, whether regular officer or officer of irregulars, found in him an honest witness to his feats. Some there were who described him as too sharp-tongued in censure as gracious to the worthy, but proportionately unpleasant to the undeserving. However it be, his anger left no secret sediment behind it, and no man had cause to fear his he thought it more honourable to hurt than silence
:

to hate.

The
ground

fourth

summer was spent

in

securing the

hastily traversed, and, if only the ardour of

the aiTny and the glory of Rome had allowed it, he would have found within the limits of Britain itself a frontier for Clota and Bodotria, which stand far back on the tidal waters of opposite seas, are separated by but a naiTow distance this space was fortified during this summer by Roman garrisons, and the whole sweep of country to the south secured, the enemy being pushed back into a separate island, so to speak.
; :

209

TACITVS
24

Quinto expeditionum anno nave prima transgressus

ignotas ad id tempus gentis crebris simul ac prosperis
proeliis

domuit

eamque

jiartem

Britanniae

quae

Hibernian! aspicit cojnis instruxit, in sjoem magis

quam ob formidinem, si quidem Hibernia medio

Britanniam atque Hispaniam
sita et Gallico

inter

quoque

.mari opportuna valentissimam imperii partem magnis

in

vicem usibus miscuerit.

spatium

eius^

si

Britanniae

comparetur, angustius^ nostri maris insulas superat.

solum caelumque et ingenia cultusqiie hominum baud

multumaBritannia differunt: melius aditus^ portusque

per commercia et negotiatores cogniti. Agricola ex-

pulsum seditione domestica unum ex regulis gentis

exeeperat ac specie amicitiae in occasionem retinebat.

saepe ex eo audivi legione una et modicis

debellari

auxiliis

obtinerique

Hiberniam

posse

idque

etiam

adversus

Britanniam

profuturum,

si

Romana ubique arma

tolleretur.

et velut e conspectu libertas

ditferunt differunt melius aditus, Rhenanus, Bdrhens * * melius aditus, F. ; differunt : interiora parum, melius aditus, H. differt in melius: aditus, MSS.
1
:

in *

210


v\GRICOLA
In the fifth year of campaigning he crossed in the first ship to make the passage,^ and in repeated and successful battles reduced tribes up to that time unknown he also manned with troops that part of the British coast which faces Hibernia, with a forward policy in view rather than to avert danger on the chance, that is, that Hibernia, which lies between Britain and Hispania and also commands the Gallic Sea, might unite, to their mutual advantage, the most effective portions of our Emjjire.^ That island, compared with Britain, is of smaller dimensions, but it is larger than the islands of our own sea.^ In regard to soil, climate, and the character and ways of its inhabitants, it is not markedly different from Britain Ave are better informed, thanks to the trade of merchants, about the approaches to the island and its harbours.* Agricola had given shelter to one of the petty chieftains whom faction had driven from home, and under the cloak of friendship held him in reserve to be used as opportunity offered. I have often heard my father-in-law say that with one legion and a fair contingent of irregulars Hibernia could be overpowered and held, and that the feat would pay as against Britain also for so Roman troops would be everywhere and liberty would sink, so to speak, below the horizon.
:

^ I.e. (probably) directly navigation opened in the spring. Tlie Latin does not explain whether Agricola crossed the Clyde to Argyllshire, or whether he crossed to Ireland itself. The balance of evidence is against Ireland. 2 This can only mean Spain and Britain but the descrip;

tion of

them seems exaggerated, and the singular valentissimam

is

partem
3

very strange.

The Mediterranean, t.e. generally, not merely the Tyrrhene * See Appendix II, p. 341. Sea. 211

TACITVS
*25

Ceterum

aestate,

qua sextum

officii

annum
sitas^

inco-

habat^ amplexus civitates trans Bodotriam

quia

motus universarum

ultra

gentium

et infesta hostibus

exercitus itinera timebantur, portus classe exploravit

quae ab Agricola primum adsumpta in partem virium

sequebatur egregia specie,

cum

simul

terra, simul

mari bellum

impelleretur, ac

saepe isdem castris

pedes equesque et nauticus miles mixti copiis et

laetitia sua

quisque facta, suos casus attollerent, ac

modo

silvarum ac

montium profunda, modo tempeshostis, hinc

tatum ac fluctuum adversa, hinc terra et

victus

Oceanus

militari iactantia compararentur.

Britannos quoque, ut ex captivis audiebatur, visa

classis

obstupefaciebat,

tamquam

aperto maris sui

secreto

ultimum
et

victis

perfugium clauderetur.

ad

manus

arma

conversi

Caledoniam
uti

incolentes

populi, paratu
ignotis,

magno, maiore fama,

mos

est

de
ut

oppugnare ultro
;

castella adorti,

metum
citra

provocantes addiderant

regrediendumque

Bo-

dotriam et excedendum potius

quam

pellerentur

ignavi specie prudentium admonebant,

cum

interim
ac

cognoscit hostis pluribus agminibus irrupturos.

1

A.D. ^3.

212

AGRICOLA
may, in the summer in which he began his sixth year of office ^ he embraced in his operations the tribes beyond Bodotria fearing a general movement on the part of all the tribes on the further side, and to guard against his army's march being beset with foes, he exploited the harbours with his fleet. Agricola was the first to make it a factor in his resources, and its attendance added to the pomp and circumstance of his advance the war was pushed by sea and land simultaneously, and often infantry, cavalry, and marines, gathering their exultant forces into a single camp, magnified their several feats, their several escapes: forest-depths and mountain-heights on the one side, the trials of tempests and of seas on the other the conquest of the land and the foeman by these men, of the ocean by those here were themes for comparison and for a
as
it
: : ;

Be that

soldier's boast.

The Britons, equally on their side, as was learned from prisoners, were amazed at the presence of the fleet it seemed as though the secret places of their sea were being laid bare, and the last asjdum barred
:

against the vanquished. The tribes of C aledonia hurried to take up arms their forces were large and were reported larger, as happens usually when the enemy is unknown. They undertook, without waiting, to storm the Roman forts the challenge made them formidable. Cowards wearing the mask of wisdom began to recommend that he retire south of Bodotria and leave the country rather than be put out of In the midst of all this he hears that the enemy it. are about to attack in several divisions fearing to be surrounded, since they had the advantage both in numbers and in knowledge of the ground, he
:

213

TACITVS
ne superante numero et peritia locorum circumiretur, diviso et ipse in tris partes exercitu incessit.

2^

Quod
universi

ubi cognitum hosti, mutato repente consilio

nonam legionem

ut

maxime invalidam nocte

pugnabatur,

adgressi, inter
libus

somnum
iamque

ac trepidationem caesis vigiin ipsis

castris

irrupere.

cum Agricola

iter

hostium ab exploratoribus edoctus et

vestigiis insecutus^ velocissimos

equitum peditumque

adsultare tergis pugnantium iubet,

adici

mox ab

universis
ita

clamorem
malo

et

propinqua luce fulsere signa.

Britanni
;

ancipiti

territi

et

Romanis

rediit

animus^ ac securi pro salute de gloria certabant. ultro

quin etiam erupere, et fuit atrox in

ipsis

portarum

angustiis proelium, donee pulsi hostes, utroque exercitu

certante, his, ut tulisse

opem,

illis,

ne eguisse
et
silvae

auxilio

viderentur.

quod

nisi

paludes
ilia

fugientes texissent, debellatum

27

victoria foret.
vir-

Cuius conscientia ac fama ferox exercitus nihil

tuti suae

invium et penetrandam Caledoniam invenicontinuo

cauti

endunique tandem Britanniae terniinum

proeliorum cursu fremebant.
ac sapientes
erant.

atque

illi

modo

prompti post eventum ac magniloqui

:

iniquissima haec bellorum condicio est

sibi vindicant,

pros-

pera omnes
at Britanni

adversa uni imputantur,

non

virtute

se,

sed occasione et arte ducis

214

AGRICOLA
divided his advanced.
plans.

own army

also into three parts

this,

and so

The enemy, learning

forces the

suddenly changed their

:

their combined Ninth (and weakest) Legion they cut down the pickets and burst in upon a scene of somnolent The fighting was in process in the very confusion. camp when Agricola, learning of the enemy's march from his scouts and following on their footsteps, launches the fleetest of his cavalry and infantry upon the flanks of the combatants, and backs them up with a Dawn was at hand, its shout along the whole line. gleam already on the Roman standards the Britons were panic-stricken to find themselves between two evils, while the Romans regained their courage,and, no longer alarmed for their safety, fought for distinction they even sallied from the camp, and there was hot fighting in its narrow gateway until the enemy gave way before the efforts of the two Roman armies to prove, the one that they were rescuers, the other Had not the that they had not needed rescue. marshes and forests covered the fugitives that victory would have ended the war. Flushed with this consciousness and with glory, the army began to cry that nothing could bar the way before its courage, that Caledonia must be penetrated, that the furthest shores of Britain must once for all be discovered in one continuous campaign. The men who were yesterday so cautious and prudent w'ere now, after the event, ready and vainglorious. This is the unjustest feature of campaigning every one claims victories reverses are attributed to one man
:

They attacked by night with

only.

The Britons, on the other hand, conceiving that they had been vanquished, not in courage, but by the
215

TACITVS
victos rati, nihil

ex adrogantia remittere, quo minus

in loca tuta

iuventutem armarent, coniuges acliberos

transferrent,

coetibus ac

sacrificiis

conspirationem

civitatum

sancirent.

atque

ita

irritatis

utrimque

aniniis discessum.

28

Eadem

aestate cohors

Usiporum per Germanias

conscripta et in Britanniam transmissa

magnum

ac

memorabile facinus ausa

militibuSj

est.

occiso centurione ac

qui

ad tradendam
et

disciplinam

immixti
tris
;

manipulis

exemplum

rectores

habebantur,

liburnicas adactis per vim gubernatoi'ibus ascendere

et

uno regente/ suspectis duobus eoque interfectis, nondum vulgato rumore ut miraculum praevehebantur.
egressi et

mox ad aquandum atque utilia raptum cum plerisque - Britannorum sua defensanextremum inopiae venere, ut infirmissimos

tium proelio congressi ac saepe victores, aliquando

puisi,

eo ad

suorum,

sorte ductos vescerentur. atque ita circumvecti Britanniam, amissis per inscitiam regendi

mox

navibus, pro praedonibus habiti,

primum

a Suebis,

mox

a Frisiis intercepti sunt,

ac fuere quos per com-

mercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione

ementium adductos

indicium

tanti

casus

inlustravit.

uno regente, Doderlein

uno remigaute, F.

uno renavi-

gante, H.
2

mox ad aquandum

atque utilia raptum egressi et

utilia raptis

cum
* *

plerisque, H. ; mox ad cum plerisque. F.

aquam atque

secum

216"

AGRICOLA
general's opportune strategy, abated nothing of their arrogance but armed their youth^ transferred their women and children to safe places, and formulated the confederacy of their tribes by conference and
;

Accordingly the two armies separated with unrest in the mind of each. During the same summer a battalion of Usipi, enrolled in Germany and sent across to Britain, perpetrated a signal and memorable crime. After murdering their centurions and such soldiers as had been distributed among their comj)anies for the dissemination of military discipline, and who passed as models and instructors, they manned three galleys, violently coercing the helmsmen with one man to steer them for the other two fell under suspicion and were put to death they flaunted like a meteor past the fleet, before the news was abroad. Afterwards, disembarking for water and to forage for necessaries, they gave battle to various bodies of Britons defending their property, and after many victories and some defeats ultimately were reduced to such straits as to eat the weakest of their company, and after them the victims di-awn by lot. In this fashion they circumnavigated Britain, and then lost the ships they could not steer. They were treated as pirates and caj^tured, some by the Suebi, the remainder by the Frisii some of them also were sold in the way of trade, and so reached by exchange of purchasers our bank of the river, and gained notoriety by their commentaries on this eventful
sacrifice.
:

history.!
1

See Appendix III,

p. 342,

and Introduction.

217

TACITVS
~9
Initio aestatis Agricola

domestico vulnere

ictus,

anno ante natum

lit

filium amisit.

quem casum neque

ambitiose, neque per
tulit
:

plerique fortiuni viroruni

riirsus

lamenta

ac

maerorem muliebriter

et in

luctu bellum inter remedia erat.

classe,

igitur praemissa

quae pluribus

locis

praedata

magnum

et incui

certum terrorem faceret, expedito exercitu,

ex

Britannis fortissimos et longa pace exploratos addiderat, ad

montem Graupium

pervenit,

quem iam

hostis insederat.
prioris eventu, et

nam

Britanni nihil fracti pugnae

ultionem aut servitium expectantes,

tandemque

docti

commune periculum

concordia procivita-

pulsandum, legationibus et foederibus omnium

tum

vires

exciverant.

iamque super
et

triginta milia

armatorum aspiciebantur,

adhuc adfluebat omnis

clai'i

iuventus et quibus cruda ac viridis senectus,

et sua quisque

bello

decora gestantes,

cum

inter plures

duces virtute et genere praestans nomine Calgacus

apud contractam multitudinem })roelium poscentem

in

hunc

modum

loeutus fertur

30

" Quotiens causas belli et necessitatem nostram

intueor,

magnus

milii

animus

est

hodiernum diem

218


AGRICOLA
In the beginning of the summer Agricola suffered a domestic blow he lost the son born a year before. He took the loss neither with bravado, like most strong men, nor yet with the lamentations and mournings of a woman. Among other things, he turned for comfort to fighting. Accordingly he sent forward the fleet to make descents on various places, and to spread a general and vague panic and then, with his army in light marching order, and strengthened by the best of the British soldiers men tried through long years of peace he advanced to Mount Graupius,^ of which the enemy was already in occupation. For the Britons, in no wise broken by the issue of the previous battle, and seeing before them vengeance or slaver}^, and learning at last that a common danger must be repelled by union, had brought into the field, by means of envoys and treaties, the flower of
:

all their states. Already more than thirty thousand armed men were on view, and still the stream flowed in of all who were in their prime and of those whose age was still rude and green, famous warriors wear-

ing their several decorations. Pre-eminent by character and birth among the many chieftains was one named Calgacus. To the gathered host demanding battle he is reported to have spoken in the following strain " As often as I survey the causes of this war and our present straits, my heart beats high that this very day and this unity of ours will be the beginning
:

1 The editio princeps of Puteoleanus reads Grampius, and thus suggests the Grampians but the equivocation, strange though it be, appears to be accidental, the name " Grampians " not occurring elsewhere before the sixteenth century. No belter clue exists, however.
;

219

TACITVS
consensumque vestrum initium
niae
fore
;

libertatis toti Britan-

nam

et

universi

servitutis expertes et

nullae ultra terrae ac ne

mare quidem securum inminente nobis classe Roniana. ita proelium atque arma, quae fortibus honesta, eadem etiam ignavis tutissima sunt. jiriores pugnae, quibus adversus

Romanos

varia fortuna certatum est,

spem

ac sub-

sidium in nostris manibus habebant, quia nobilissimi totius Britanniae eoque in ipsis penetralibus siti nee
servientium litora aspicientes, oculos quoque a contactu dominationis inviolatos habebamus.

rum

nos terraextremos recessus ipse ac sinus famae in hunc diem defendit atque omne ignotum pro magnifico est sed ninic terminus Britanniae patet, nulla iam ultra gens, nihil nisi fluctus et saxa, et infestiores Romani, quorum superbiam frustra per
ac
libertatis
; :

obsequium ac modestiam efFugcris. raptores orbis, postquam cuncta vastantibus defuere terrae, iam et hostis est, avari, si mare scrutantur si locuples jjauper, ambitiosi, quos non Oriens, non Occidens soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari satiaverit
: :

adfectu concupiscunt.

auferre trucidare rapere

falsis

nominibus imperium, atque ubi solitudinem

f'aciunt,

pacem

appellant.

" Liberos cuique ac propinquos suos natura caris-

simos

esse
:

voluit

hi

per dilectus

alibi
si

servituri

auferuntur

coniuges sororesque etiam

hostilem

libidinem effugiant, nomine amicorum atque hospi-

tum
220

polluuntur.
in

atque annus

bona fortunaeque in tributum, ager frumentum, corpora ipsa ac manus

AGRICOLA
of liberty for all Britain. We are all of us untouched yet by slavery there is no other land behind us^and the very sea even is no longer free ironi alarms, now that the fleet of Rome threatens us. Battle therefore and arms, the strong man's pi'ide, are also the coward's best safety. Former battles in which Rome was resisted left behind them hopes of help in us, because we, the noblest souls in all Britain, the dwellers in its inner shrine, had never seen the shores of slavery and had preserved our very eyes from the desecration and the contamination of tyranny here at the world's end, on its last inch of liberty, we have lived unmolested to this day, in this sequestered nook of story for the unknown is ever magnified. " But to-day the uttermost parts of Britain are laid bare there are no other tribes to come nothing but sea and cliffs and these moi*e deadly Romans, whose arrogance you shun in vain by obedience and selfrestraint. Harriers of the world, now that earth fails their all-devastating hands, they probe even the sea if their enemy have wealth, they have greed if he be poor, they are ambitious East nor West has glutted them alone of mankind they behold with the same passion of concupiscence waste alike and want. To plunder, butcher, steal, these things they misname empire they make a desolation and they call it peace. " Childi-en and kin are by the law of nature each man's dearest possessions they are swept away from us by conscription to be slaves in other lands our wives and sisters, even when they escape a soldier's lust, are debauched by self-styled friends and guests our goods and chattels go for tribute our lands and harvests in requisitions of grain; life and limb themselves are used up in levelling marsh and forest to
: :

221

TACITVS
silvis

ac paludibus emutiiendis inter verbera ac con-

tumelias conteruntur.

nata

sei'vituti

maucipia semel
:

veneunt^ atque ultro a dominis aluntur

Britannia
ac

servitutem suam quotidie emit, quotidie pascit.

sicut in familia recentissimus quisque ser\

orum etiam

conservis ludibrio est^ sic in hoc orbis terraruni vetere

faniulatu

novi

nos

et

viles

in

excidium petiniur

neque enim arva nobis aut metalla aut portus sunt,

quibus exercendis reserveiniir. virtus porro acferocia

subiectorum ingrata imperantibus

et longinquitas ac
ita sublata

secretum ipsum quo

tutius, eo suspectius.

spe veniae tandem sumite animum, tarn quibus salus

quam quibus

gloria carissima est.

Brigantes femina
castra, ac
nisi
:

duce exurere coloniam, expugnare

feHcitas in socordiam vertisset, exuere

iugumpotuere

nos integri et indomiti et in libertatem, non in paenitentiani

^

bellaturi,- jirinio statim

congressu ostenda-

'2

mus, quos sibi Caledonia viros seposuerit. " An eandem Romanis in bello virtutem quam in
pace lasciviani adesse creditis
ibus
?

nostris

illi

dissension-

ac discoidiis

clari
;

vitia

hostium in gloriam
div^ersis-

exercitus sui vertunt

quern contractum ex

simis gentibus ut secundae res tenent, ita adversae

dissolvent
dictu)

nisi

si

Gallos et

Germanos
licet

et

(pudet

Britannorum
^

plerosque,
:

dominationi

paenitentiam, F.
bellaturi,

patientiam, H.

H.

f laturi, F.

222

AGRICOLA
the accompaniment of gibes and blows.
to slavery are sold once for all
;

Slaves born and are fed hy their

;

masters free of cost but Britain pays a daily price own enslavement, and feeds the slavers and as in the slave-gang the new-comer is a mockery even to his fellow-slaves, so in this world-wide, ageold slave-gang, we, the new hands, worth least, are marked out to be made away with we have no lands or mines or harbours for the working of which we might be set aside. " Further, courage and high spirit in their subjects displease our masters our very distance and seclusion, in proportion as they save us, make us more suspected therefore abandon all hope of pardon, and even at this late hour take courage, whether safety or glory be most prized. A woman could lead the Brigantes to burn a colony, to storm a camp and had not their success lapsed into listlessness they might have thrown off the yoke but fve shall fight as men untamed, men who have never fallen from freedom, not as returning penitents let us show them at the very first encounter what manner of men Caledonia holds in reserve for her cause in her far
for her
:

places.

" Or do you imagine that the Romans have as much courage in war as wantonness in peace ? It is our dissensions and feuds that bring them fame their enemy's mistake becomes their army's glory. That army, gathered from races widely separate, is held together only by success, and will melt away with defeat unless you suppose that Gauls and Germans, and even to their shame be it spoken many of the tribes of Britain, who lend their blood to an alien
: :

223

TACITVS
alienae sanguinem commodciit, diutius

tamen hostes
metus ac

quam

servos, fide et adfectu teneri putatis.

terror sunt infirma vincla caritatis; quae ubi removeris,

qui timere desierint, odisse inci{)ient.

omnia

victoriae

incitamenta pro nobis sunt

nullae Ronianos coniuges

aecendunt, nulli parentes fugam exprobraturi sunt

aut
nulla

plerisque

patria

aut

alia

est.

paucos

numero,

trej)idos ignorantia,

caelum ipsum ac mare

et silvas, ignota

omnia circum spectantes, clauses

ne

quodam modo
quod neque

ac vinctos di nobis tradiderunt.

terreat vanus aspectus et auri fulgor atque argenti,

tegit

neque vulnerat.

in ipsa

hostium

acie inveniemus nostras manus.

adgnoscent Britanni
Galli priorem
liber-

suam causam, recordabuntur

tatem
:

deserent

illos ceteri

Germani, tarn quam nuper

:

Usipi reliquerunt.

nee quicquam ultra formidinis

coloniae, inter

vacua

castella,

senum

male parentes

et

iniuste imperantes aegra municipia et discordantia.

hie

dux, hie exercitus

ibi

tributa

et metalla et

ceterae servientium poenae, quas in aeternum perferre aut statim ulcisci in hoc
ituri in

campo

est.

proinde

aciem et maiores vestros et posteros cogi-

tate."

33

Excepere orationem alacres, ut barbaris moris, cantu

fremituque et clamoribus dissonis. iamque agmina et

armorum
224

fulgores

audentissimi cuiusque procursu

simul instruebatur acies,

cum

Agricola

quamquam

AGRICOLA
tyranny, of Avhich they have been enemies for more years than slaves, are attached to Rome by loyalty and liking. Fear and panic are sorry bonds of love put these away^ and they who have ceased to fear will begin to hate. Every spur to victory makes for our victory there are no wives to inspire the RomanSj no parents to reproach the runaway most of them have no country or another land than this. Few in numbers, uneasy in their novel quarters, all that they see around them, the very sky and sea, strange to the gods have delivered them into our their eyes
: : :

hands as though they were caged prisoners. The empty terrors of the eye, the gleam of gold and silver, have neither help in them nor hurt. In the enemy's own battle-line we shall find hands to help us the
:

the Gauls will remember their former freedom the rest of the Germans will desert them, as the Usipi deserted recently and beyond these there is nothing
is

Britons will recognise that our cause

theirs
:

plantations of veterans, and settlements of low vitality and divided will, made up of ill-affected subjects and unjust rulers. Here you have a general and an army on the other side lies tribute, labour in the mines, and all the other pangs of slavery. You have it in your power to perpetuate 3'our sufferings for ever or to avenge them to-day upon this field therefore, before you go into action, think upon your ancestors and upon your children." They received his speech excitedly, after the manner of barbarians, with singing and shouting then followed the and uproar of various kinds marshalling of hosts and the glitter of arms, as the No sooner was the line bravest came to the front. of battle in process of formation than Agricola, thinking that his soldiery, though exultant and with
to fear
:

empty

forts,

TACITVS
laetum et vix munimentis coercitum militem accen-

dendum adhuc

ratus, ita disseruit

" Septimus annus est, commilitones, ex quo virtute

vestra^auspiciis imperii Romani^fide atque opera nostra

Britanniam

vicistis.

tot expeditionibus, tot proeliis,

seu fortitudine adversus hostis seu patientia aclabore

paene adversus ipsam rerum naturam opus

fuit,

neque

me
ego

militum neque vos ducis paenituit.

ergo egressi,

veterum

legatorum, vos

prioruin

exercituum

terminos, finem Britanniae non

fama nee rumore,

sed castris et armis tenemus

subaeta.

inventa Britannia et

equidem saepe

in agmine,

cum

vos paludes

montesve
voces
acies
?
'

et flumina fatigarent, fortissimi

:

cuiusque

audiebam
veniunt,

'

quando dabitur
latebris
suis

hostis,

quando
et vota

extrusi,

virtusque in aperto, omniaque prona victoribus atque

eadem

victis

adversa.

nam

ut

superasse tantum

itineris, silvas evasisse, transisse aestuaria

pulchrum

ac decorum in frontem, ita fugientibus periculosissima

quae hodie prosperrima sunt

locorum

neque enim nobis aut

eadem

notitia

aut

commeatuum
et

eadem

abundantia, sed manus et

arma

in his omnia,
est

quod ad me

attinet,

iam pridem mihi decretum

esse,

neque exercitus neque ducis terga tuta

et honesta mors turpi 226

proinde

vita potior, et incolumitas ac

AGRICOLA
held in leash behind their fortifications, ought to receive yet further inspiration, spoke as
difficulty

follows
first

"This

is the seventh year, fellow-soldiers, since your courage, Rome's star, and my care and zeal

have been victorious in Britain. In all these campaigns and on these battlefields, whether resolution

was required against the enemy or patience and hard work against Nature herself, I have had nothing to regret in my soldiers, or 30U in your general. Accordingly we have out-distanced, I previous to-day our knowgovernors, you previous armies ledge of Britain's boundaries rests not on hearsay and report, but on armed occupation we have both discovered and subdued Britain. " Often on the march, when swamp, mountain, and river were a weariness, I overheard the exclamations of your bravest, ' When will the enemy be
: :

When will the battle delivered into our hands.'' They are coming they have been dragged from be their coverts there is nothing now to bar your Victory and the stream is prayers and prowess. with you. Defeat and difficulties are everywhere. To have covered so much ground, to have passed the forests, to have forded the estuaries, is honour and glory to an army advancing but our successes of to-day become the w^orst of perils in retreat we have not the same knowledge of locality, we have not the same abundance of supplies we have but our hands and swords, and therein we have everything. As for myself, I have long ago reached the conviction that retreat is fatal both to army and to general therefore not only is honourable death always better than life dishonoured, but in our special case safety and honour lie along the same road nor would it be
.''

'

227

TACITVS
deciis

eodem

loco sita sunt

nee inglorium fuerit

in

ipso terrarura ac naturae fine cecidisse.

34

" Si novae gentes atque ignota acies eonstitisset,

aliorum exercituum exemplis vos hortarer: nunc vestra

decora recensete^ vestros oculos interrogate,

gressos clamore

hi sunt,

quos proximo anno unam legionem furto noctis addebellastis

;

hi

ceterorum Britan-

norum
niodo

fugacissimi ideoque tarn diu superstites.

silvas

quo

saltusque

penetrantibus

fortissimum

quodque animal contra

ruere, pavida et inertia ipso

sic

agminis sono pellebantur,

acerrimi Britannorum

iam pridem ceciderunt, reliquus est numerus ignavorum et metuentium. quos quod tandem invenistis,

non
in

restiterunt, sed deprehensi sunt

novissimae res

et extremus

metus corpora defixere in his ^ vestigiis, quibus pulchramet spectabilem victoriam ederetis.

transigite

cum

expeditionibus, imponite quinquaginta

annis

magnum

diem, adprobate

rei

publicae

num-

quam
35

exercitui imputari potuisse aut moras belli aut

causas rebellandi."

Et adloquente adhuc Agricola militum ardor eminebat, et finem oi-ationis ingens alacritas consecuta est,

statimque ad arma discursum.

ita disposuit,

instinctos ruentesque

ut peditum auxilia, quae octo milium

firmarent,

erant,

mediam aciem

equitum

tria milia

cornibus adfunderentur.

legiones pro vallo stetere,

1 extremus metus corpora defixere in his, P.; extreme metu torpor defixere aciem in his, H.

28

AGRICOLA
inglorious to
fall at the world's edge and Nature's end. " If it were unknown tribes and a novel battle-line that confronted you^ I would encoui-age you with the precedents of other armies as it is, you have only to rehearse your own achievements and question your own eyes. These are the men who last year under cover of night attacked a single legion and were beaten by a shout these are the most fugitive of the other tribes of Britain, for which reason they have survived so long. When you pierced the thickets and glens, the bravest beasts used to rush to meet you the timid and spiritless were dislodged by the mere stir of your march. Even so the keenest of the Britons have long since fallen there is left only the flock of
: :

cowards and shirkers. That you have found them at last is not because they have turned they have been overtaken desperation and supreme panic have paralysed them here in their lines, for you to Avin a glorious and spectacular victory. Make an end here of your campaignings crown fifty years' work with a day of glory prove to the state that the army has never been to blame if the war has dragged and has given to rebels their opportunity." Even while Agricola was still speaking the enthusiasm of his men gave voice, and the close of his speech was followed by wild excitement, and they broke up at once to take their place for battle. He drew up his enraptured and straining lines so that the detachments of provincial infantry, which amounted to eight thousand men, made a strong centre, while the three thousand cavalry cii'cled round the wings the Roman legionaries themselves were
;
: : :

229

TACITVS
ingens victoriae decus citra Romaiium sanguinem bellanti/ et auxilium^
si

pellerentur.

Britannorum acies

in speciem simul ac terrorem editioribus locis coiisti-

terat ita, ut
clive

primum agmen

in

aequo, ceteri per ad;

iugum conexi velut insurgerent

media campi

covinnarius eques strepitu ac discursu complebat. tuni

Agricola superante hostium multitudine verituS; ne in

frontem simul et latera suorum pugnaretur^ diductis

ordinibus,

quamquam

porrectior acies futura erat et

arcessendas plerique legiones admonebant, promptior

in speiii et firmus adversis, dimisso

equo pedes ante

vexilla constitit.

S6

Ac primo congressu eminus

certabatur

simulque

constantia, simul arte Britanni ingentibus gladiis et

brevibus caetris missilia nostrorum vitare vel excutere,

atque

ipsi

magnam vim

telorum superfundere, donee

Agricola Batavorum cohortes ac Tungrorum duas cohortatus est, ut

rem ad mucrones

ac

manus adduce-

rent

quod

et ipsis vetustate militiae exercitatum et

hostibus inhabile, parva

scuta

et

enormes gladios

gerentibus

nam Britannorum
et in arto

gladii sine

mucrone
tolera-

complexum armorum
bant.

pugnam non

igitur ut Batavi miscere ictus, ferire

1

umbonibus,

bellanti,^.; bellandi.i?.

230

AGRICOLA
posted in front of the palisade, to be a signal distinction for the conqueror if he fought without expending Roman blood, and a reinforcement if the others were
repelled. The British line, in order to be at once impressive

and alarming, was drawn up on higher ground, in such a way that the front rank was on the level, while the rest, on a gentle slope, seemed to be towering higher and higher the war-chariots, noisily manoeuvring,
;

the intervening plain. Then, because the enemy's numbers were superior, Agricola, fearing to be assailed simultaneously in front and on the flanks, opened out his ranks, although his line was bound to become thereby too long proportionately, and most of his staff warned him to call up the legions but he was more sanguine than they and deaf to all prophecies of ill he sent away his horse and took up his position on foot in front of the profilled
;

vmcials. The battle began with fighting at long range the Britons, with their long swox'ds and short targets, showed courage alike and skill in evading or brushing aside the Roman missiles, while on their own side
;

they launched dense volleys of spears until Agricola exhorted the two battalions of Batavi and Tungri to bring things to the sword's point and to hand-to-hand fighting a manoeuvre familiar to them from long service and embarrassing to the enemy, whose shields were short and swords too long for the British swords, without points, did not admit of locked lines and fighting at close quarters. Accordingly when the Batavi began to exchange blows hand to hand, to strike with the bosses of their shields, to stab in the face, and, after cutting down the enemy on the level, to push
; ;
;

231

TACITVS
ora fodere, et stratis qui in aequo adstiterant, erigere
in colles acieni coepere, ceterae cohortes

aemulatione
:

et impetu conisae proxinios quosque caedere

ae ple-

rique semineces

aut

integri

festinatione

victoriae
id

relinquebantur.

interim equitum turmae,

fugere

covinnarii, pedituni se proelio miscuere. et

quaniquam

recentem terrorem intulerant, densis tamen hostium

agminibus et inaequalibus
locis

haerebant

minimeque

aequa nostris iam pugnae

instantes simul^

facies erat,

cum aegreclivo
;

equorum corporibus impellerentur ac

saepe vagi currus^ exterriti sine rectoribus equi, ut

quemque formido
incursabant.

tulerat,

transversos

aut

obvios

37

Et Britanni, qui adhuc pugnae expertes summa

eollium insederant et paucitatem

nostrorum vacui

spernebant^ degredi paulatim et circumire terga vin-

centium coeperant,

ni id

ipsum veritus Agricola quat-

tuor equitum alas, ad subita belli retentas, venientibus

opposuisset, quantoque ferocius adeucurrerantj tanto
acrius pulsos in

fugam

disiecisset.

ita

consilium Bri-

tannorum

in ipsos

versum, transvectaeque pvaecepto

ducis a fronte pugnantium alae aversam hostium aciem

invasere.
1

turn vero patentibus locis grande et atrox

.

equestris ei simul, F.

minimeque pugnae

adstautes
erat

facies

cum

simul, H.] minimeque egra f diu aut stante

232

AGRICOLA
their line uphill, the other battalions, exerting themselves to emulate their charge, proceeded to slaughter the nearest enemies in their haste to snatch victory
;

they

left

many behind them

only half-killed, or even

unhurt.

Meanwhile, the squadrons of cavalry, when the chariots fled, took a hand in the infantry battle. And here, though they had just previously swept all before

them in panic, they found themselves embarrassed by the close ranks of the enemy and the unevenness of the ground and the new aspect of the fight was by no means to our advantage, since our men with a footing on the hill-side, at best precarious, were now dislodged by the impact of the horses of their own cavalry repeatedly also straggling chariots, the horses terror-stricken and driverless, at the casual prompting of panic made oblique or frontal charges. Meanwhile, such of the Britons as had occupied the hill-tops, still unreached by the fighting and with leisure to deride the small numbers of our men, had begun, little by little, to descend and to surround the flanks of the conquering army had not Agricola, in fear of this very contingency, thrown across their path four squadrons of cavalry which he had held back against the surprises of battle the enemy were routed and dislodged with a fury proportionate to the confidence of their advance. Thus the British strategy was turned against themselves, for the squadrons passed over by the general's order from the front of the battle and attacked the enemy's line from behind after this, wherever the open ground permitted, began a grand and gory drama
; ; ; ;

2.S.S

TACITVS
spectaculum
:

sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque eostlem

oblatis aliis trucidare.

iam hostium, prout

ciiique in-

genium

erat, catervae

armatorum paucioribus terga

ultro ruere ac se morti

praestare^
offerre.

quidam ineniies

passim arma et corpora et laceri artus et

cruenta
que.

humus

et aliquando etiam victis ira virtussilvis

postquam

appropinquaverunt, idem primos

eollecti et

sequentium incautos
veniebant.

locorum gnari circum-

quod

ni

frequens ubique Agricola validas

et expeditas cohortes indaginis erant,

silvas

modo^ et sicubi

artiora

partem equitum dimissis

equitem perscrutari

equis, simul rariores

iussisset^

acceptum aliquod
ceterum ubi com-

vulnus per nimiam fiduciam foret.

positos firmis ordinibus sequi rursus videre, in

versi,

fugam

non agminibus, ut prius, nee alius alium reet

speetantes, rari

vitabundi in
finis

vicem longinqua
fuit.

atque avia petiere.

sequendi nox et satietas

:

caesa hostium ad decern milia

nostrorum trecenti

sexaginta cecidere, in quis Aulus Atticus praefectus

cohortis,
inlatus.

iuvenili

ardore

et

ferocia

equi

hostibus

38

Et nox quidem gaudio praedaque laeta victoribus

Britanni palantes mixtoque virorum

mulierumque

ploratu trahere vulneratos, vocare integros, deserere

domos ac per iram

234

ultro incendere, eligere latebras

AGRICOLA
of pursuit^ wounds^ capture, and then as other fugitives crossed the path of butcliery for the captive the enemy either fled now in armed hordes before smaller numbers, or, in some cases, according to the differences of temperament, voluntarily charged even unarmed, and made an offering ol their lives. Everywhere were weapons, corpses, lopped limbs, and blood upon the ground but sometimes even in the routed was found the courage of resentment. For as they approached the forest they rallied, and knowing their

ground began to surround the foremost and the most reckless among their pursuers. Had not Agricola been everywhere with strong and light-armed battalions to net the woods, so to speak, and, where they were thicker, to dismount his hoi'semen, where thinner, to send his horsemen through, undue confidence might have provoked a serious reverse. Be that as it may, when they saw the pursuit again taken up by an array of unbroken ranks, they broke, and no longer in companies as before, nor with thought for one another, but, scattering and with mutual avoidance, made for distant fastnesses. Night and satiety ended the pursuit. The enemy's slain amounted to ten thousand men on our side fell three hundred and sixty, among them Aulus Atticus, the commander of a battalion, whom youthful ardour and a spirited horse carried into the enemy's lines. Night was jubilant with triumph and plunder for the victors the Britons, scattering amid the mingled lamentations of men and women, began to drag away their wounded, to summon the unhurt, to abandon their homes, and even, in their resentment, to set fire
;
:

to them with their own hands. They selected hidingplaces and as quickly renounced them they took
:

235

TACITVS
et

statim

relinquere
;

miscere in vicem consilia

aliqua^ dein separare

aliquando frangi aspectu pigsatisque constabat

norum suorum,
saevisse
niisererentur.

saepius concitari.

quosdam

in coniuges ac liberoSj

tamquam
latius
colles,

proximus dies faciem victoriae

aperuit

vastum ubique silentium, deserti

fumantia procul tecta,

quibus in
vestigia

nemo

exploratoribus obvius.

omnem partem

dimissis, ubi incerta fugae

neque usquam eonglobari hostes compertum

iam aestate spargi bellum
neqiiibat), in
ibi

(et exaeta
fines

Borestorum exercitum deducit.

classis

acceptis

obsidibus, praefecto
praecipit.

circumvehi Britanniara

datae ad id vires, et praecesserat terror,

ipse peditem atque equites lento itinere,

quo novarum
in

gentium animi ipsa transitus mora terrerentur,

hibernis locavit.

et simul classis secunda tempestate

ac fama Trucculensem portum tenuit, unde proximo

Britanniae litore lecto omni redierat.^

39

Hunc rerum cursum, quamquam

moris erat, fronte
laetus,

nulla

verborum
Domitiano
excepit.

iactantia epistulis Agrieolae auctum, ut

pectore anxius

inerat conscientia derisui fuisse nuper falsum e Ger-

mania triumphum, emptis per commercia, quorum

,

1 untie proximo Britanuiae litore lecto omni redierat, F.; unde proximo anno, Britanniae litore lecto omni, reditura

erat,

H.

236

AGRICOLA
and then acted separately sometimes they broke down at the spectacle of tlieir it was loved ones, more often it excited them

some counsel

togetlier,

some of them laid violent hands upon wives and children, as it were in pity. The morrow revealed more widely the features of the victory everywhere was dismal silence, lonely His scouts met no hills, houses smoking to heaven. one he sent them in all directions, only to find that the traces of the fugitives pointed nowhere in particular, and that the enemy were nowhere uniting accordingly, since the war could not take a wider range at the end of summer, he led back his troops From them he took to the territory of the Boresti. hostages, and gave orders to the commander of his his equipment was fleet to circumnavigate ^ Britain strengthened for the purpose, and panic already had He himself marched slowly heralded the voyage.
credibly reported that
: :

in order that the very leisureliness of his passage

might
their

strike terror into the hearts of these

new
in

tribes, until

he lodged
quarters.

his infantry

and cavalry

Simultaneously the fleet, with weather and prestige alike propitious, gained the harbour of Trucculum,^ whence it had started its coasting voyage along the whole length of the adjacent shore, ^ and to which it now had returned. This series of achievements, though magnified by no boastfulness of language in Agricola's despatches, Domitian greeted, as his manner was, with aff'ected pleasure and secret disquiet in his heart was the consciousness that his recent counterfeit triumph over the Germans was a laughing-stock he had in
winter
: :

See Appendix IV, p. 343. 2 See Introduction, pp. l.ofi-?. 3 See Appendix IV, p. 3i4.
1

237

TACITVS
habitus et crines in captivorum speciem formarentur
at
:

nunc veram magnamque

victoriani

tot

milibus

hostium caesis ingenti fama celebrari.

formidolosum, privati hominis
attolli
:

id sibi

maxime

nomen supra

principis

frustra studia fori et civilium artium decus in

si

silentium acta,
cetera

militarem gloriam alius occuparet

facilius dissimulari, ducis

uteumque

boni imexercitus,

peratoriam virtutem esse,

talibus

curis

quodque saevae
suo satiatus,

cogitationis indicium erat, secreto

in praesentia statuit reponere

optimum

odium, donee
languesceret
obtinebat.
:

impetus

famae et

favor

exercitus

nam

etiam turn Agricola Britanniam

40

Igitur triumphalia

ornamenta et

inlustris statuae

honorem
addique

et

quidquid pro triumpho datur, multo

in senatu iubet

verborum honore cumulata, decerni

insuper

opinionem,

Suriam

provinciam
Atilii Rufi

Agricolae destinari, vacuam

tum morte

consularis et maioi-ibus reservatam.

credidere pleri.

que libei'tum ex secretioribus ministeriis missum ad

Agricolam
codicillos,

quibus

ei

Suria dabatur, tulisse,

;

cum praecepto ut, si in eumque libertum in

remeasse, sive

Britannia foret, traderentur

ipso
freto

Oceani

obvium

Agricolae, ne appellate quidem eo ad

Domitianum

verum

istud, sive ex ingenio principis

est.

fictum ac compositum

tradiderat interim Agri-

238

AGRICOLA
fact purchased, in the
clotlies

May of

trade, pei'sons

whose

and

coiffure could

be adapted to the guise of

prisoners.

But liere was a veritable, a decisive victory, with enemies slain in thousands, widely canvassed and advertised this was what he dreaded most, that the name of a commoner should be exalted above his Prince it was all in vain that the practice of j>ublic speaking and the glamour of the arts of peace had been silenced, if another was to usurp military Besides, while to everything else he could glory. be blind, the qualities of a good general were Imperial qualities harassed with these anxieties, and wholly absorbed in his seci'et a symptom that murderous schemes were afoot he decided that it was best for the present to put his hatred in cold storage until the first burst of popularity and the applause of the army should die down for Agricola was still master of Britain. Accordingly, he directs that triumphal decorations, the honour of a complimentary statue, and the other substitutes for triumph usually accorded, enhanced with many fine phrases, be voted in the Senate and that a hint should be added that the province of Syria was being set aside for Agricola it had been vacated by the death of the consular Atilius Rufus, and was reserved for notable personages. It was generally believed that a freedman of the inner circle of agents had been sent to Agricola with despatches in which Syria was offered him, with instructions to deliver his message should Agricola be in Britain and that this freedman, meeting Agricola actually in the Channel, returned to Domitian without even accosting him. Possibly it was true possibly a fiction suggested by the Imperial temperament.
: :
:

239

; :

TACITVS
cola

successori suo provinciam

quietam tutamque.

ac ne notabilis celebritate et frequentia occurrentium

introitus esset, vitato
noctii in

amicorum
ita

officio

noctu in urbem,

Palatium^

ut praeceptum erat, venit

exceptusque brevi osculo et nullo sermone turbae

servientium

inmixtus

est.

ceterum

uti

militare

nomen, grave
aret,

inter otiosos, aliis virtutibus temper-

tranquillitatem

atque otium penitus

facilis^

hausit,

cultu modicus^ sermone

uno aut altero amiquibus magnos

corum comitatuSj adeo

viros per

uti plerique,

ambitionem aestimare mos

est, viso aspecto-

que Agricola quaererent famam,

tarentur.
Crebi'o per eos dies

pauci

interpre-

^2

apud Domitianum absens

est.

ac-

cusatus,

absens absolutus

causa periculi non

crimen ullum aut querela laesi cuiusquam. sed infensus

virtutibus princeps et gloria viri ac

pessimum

inimi-

corum genus, laudantes.

publicae tempora, quae
tot

et

ea insecuta

sunt rei

sileri

Agricolam non sinerent

exercitus

in

Moesia Daciaque et Germania et

Pannonia temeritate aut per ignaviam ducum amissi,

tot mili tares
viri

cum

tot cohortibus

expugnati et

capti

nee iam de limite imperii et ripa, sed de hibernis

ita

legionum et possessione dubitatum.

cum datnna

damnis continuarentur atque omnis annus funeribus

et

cladibus insigniretur,

poscebatur ore vulgi dux

Agricola, comparantibus cunctis vigorem et constan-

240

AGRICOLA
Meanwhile Agricola had handed over a peaceful and safe province to his successor and in order that his entrance into the city might not excite note by the concourse and bustle of a reception, he eluded the demonstrations of his friends, arrived by night, and by night repaired to the palace, in accordance with instructions. With the greeting of a hasty kiss, and without conversation, he slipped away into the For the rest, in order that he obsequious mob. might mitigate by other qualities the offence to a of a soldier's fame, he drank the society of triflers cup of peace and idleness to the dregs his dress was unassuming, he was willing to talk, one or two friends only attended him so that the world, whose custom it is to judge great men by their parade, after seeing and watching Agricola, missed his distinction and few
:

deciphered it. Not once only during those days was he accused to Domitian behind his back, and behind his back There was no indictment to account for acquitted. his danger, no complaint from any victim of wrongmerely an Emperor unfriendly to high doing merely the glory of the man, and those qualities worst of enemies, the people who pi-aise you. There followed in fact national vicissitudes, such as did not permit Agricola to be ignored numerous ai*mies in Moesia, Dacia, Germany, and Pannonia lost by the rashness or supineness of their generals numerous officers with numerous battalions stormed and captured. Anxiety hinged already not on the river's bank which was the Empire's frontier, but on the possession of the legions' winter quarters. Accordingly, when loss was added to loss, and every year was signalised with death and disaster, the voice of the people began to ask for Agricola's generalship
: : :

241

TACITVS
tiam et expertum
bellis

animum cum
*

inertia et forsatis constat

midine ceterorum.

quibus

sermonibus

Domitiani quoque aures verberatas,

quisque libertorum amore et
et livore
fide,

dum

optimus

pessimi malignitate

pronum

deterioribus principem exstimulavitiis

bant.

sic

Agricola simul suis virtutibus, simul

aliorum in ipsam gloriam praeceps agebatur.

42

Aderat iam annus, quo proconsulatum Africae et

Asiae sortiretur, et occiso Civica nuper nee Agricolae
consilium deerat nee Domitiano exemplum,
accessere

quidam cogitationum
asset
in

principis periti, qui iturusne

provinciam ultro Agricolam interrogarent.

ac

primo occultius quietem et otium laudare, mox

in

operam suam

adprobanda excusatione

ofFerre, pos-

tremo non iam obscuri suadentes simul terrentesque

pertraxere ad Domitianum.
qui paratus simulatione,

in adrogantiam compositus, etaudiit preces excusantis

et,

cum

adnuisset, agi sibi gratias passus est, nee eruinvidia.

buit beneficii
consulari
^

salarium

tamen proconsuli

solitum ofFerri et quibusdam a se ipso consive offensus

cessum Agricolae non dedit,

sive ex conscientia,

non petitum^

ne quod vetuerat videretur emisse.

eorum quibus

1 foi'midine ceterprum. quibus, F. formidine quibus, H. exercitus committi solerent. 2 proconsuli consulari, F.\ procousulare, H.
;

242

AGRICOLA
every one compared his firmness, energy, and experience with the lethargy and panic of the rest. All of which gossip, it is certain, beat upon the ears of Domitian no less than of other men, the best of his freedmen seeking from love and loyalty, the worst from malice and jealousy, to stir the emotions of a master who leaned ever to the worst side. Thus was Agricola pushed headlong even up the steep hill of gloi'y ^ both by his own qualities and by the defects of others. The year was now at hand for him to draw lots between the governorship of Africa and Asia but Civica had just been executed, and Agricola's discretion was as ready as the Emperor's pi'ecedents. He was approached by certain confidants of the Imperial mind, who were to ask of their own motion whether he would take a province Their first step showed some finesse. They extolled peace and quiet a little while and they were offering their own services to second-his excuse finally, forgoing further mystery, they dragged him to Domitian with mingled advice and warning. The Emperor with ready hypocrisy assumed a pompous air, listened to the petition " to
;
:
:

be excused," granted it, and permitted himself to be thanked therefor the sinister favour brought him no blushes. As for the salary, however, usually offered
:

and in some cases conceded by the Emperor's personal intervention, he did not give it to Agricola either he was offended that it was not asked for, or he was selfconscious, and did not wish it to appear that he had
to a proconsul of consular rank,
:

ipsam gloriam be correct, Tacitus me<ans that few aad they, as a rule, slowly. Agricola, however, was " rushed " into it.
^

If in

reach

glor)',

243

TACITVS
proprium humani ingenii est odisse quem
Domitiani vero natura praeceps
in

laeseris

iram,

et

quo

obscurior, eo inrevocabilior^ moderatione

tamen pru-

dentiaque Agi'icolae leniebatur, quia non contumacia

neque inani iactatione

jirovocabat.

libertatis

famam fatumque

sciant^ quibus moris est inlicita mirari,

vii'os esse^

posse etiam sub malis principibus niagnos

obsequiumque ac modestiam,
adsint, eo laudis escendere^

si

industria

ac vigor

quo plerique per abrupta^

sed in nullum
inclaruerunt.

rei

publicae usum^ ambitiosa morte

43

Finis vitae eius nobis luctuosus, amicis tristis^ extraneis etiam ignotisque

non

sine cura fuit.

vulgus

quoque

et hie aliud

agens populus et ventitavere ad

;

domum
quam

et per fora et circulos locuti sunt

nee quis-

audita morte Agricolae aut laetatus est aut

statim oblitus. augebat miserationem constans rumor

veneno interceptum
ut

nobis nihil comperti, adfirmare

ausim.

ceterum per

omnem

valetudinem eius
per nuntios

crebrius
visentis

quam

ex more

prineipatus,

et libertorum primi et medicorum intimi

venere, sive cura illud sive inquisitio erat.

supremo

quidem die momenta

1

ipsa deficientis per dispositos

p. 159.

See Introduction,

244

AGRICOLA
purchased the decision, which was really due to his

own

prohibition.

It is a

principle of

human
:

nature to hate those

whom

nevertheless Domitian, you have injured though by nature of a violent temper and unrelenting in proportion to his secretiveness, was pacified by the moderation and discretion of Agricola, in whona was no insurgency, no fatuous parade of independence, to invite tattle and tragedy.^ Let those whose way it is to admire only things forbidden learn from him that great men can live even under bad rulers and that submission and moderation, if animation and energy go with them, reach the same pinnacle of fame, whither more often men have climbed, with no profit to the state, by the
;

steep path of a pretentious death. The end of his life brought mourning to us, melancholy to his friends, solicitude even to the bystander and those who knew him not; the great public itself and this busy, preoccupied city came repeatedly to his doors, and talked of him in public gatherings and private circles. No one, on hearing of Agricola's death, was glad, nor at once forgetful. Commiseration was enhanced by the persistent rumour that he had been put out of the way by poison. I have no evidence on which to venture an assertion. However it be, throughout his illness came the chief freedmen and the confidential physicians of the Palace with a regularity unusual in a prince who visits by deputy, whether this was interest or espionage. When the end came, every flicker of the failing life, it was well known, was chronicled by relays of

2 Tacitus' regard for Stoicism is tempered with the reflection that the army of martyrs includes, if some noble spirits, many more banal and blatant persons. See also Introduction, p. 152.

245

TACITVS
cursores nuntiata constabat, nullo credente sic adcelerari

quae
^

tristis audiret.

speciem tamen doloris

secunis

animi
qui
satis

vultu

prae

se

tulit,

iam

odii

et

facilius

dissimularet

gaudiuni

quani

metum.

constabat lecto testamento Agricolae, quo coheuxori et piissimae

filiae

redem optimae
scripsit,

Doinitianum

laetatum

eum
mens

velut honore iudicioque.

tam

caeca et corrupta
nesciret a

assiduis adulationibus erat, ut

scribi

bono patre non

heredem

nisi

malum

principem.
44-

Natus erat Agricola Gaio Caesare tertium consule

idibus luniis
:

excessit quarto et quinquagesimo anno,

decumo kalendas Septembris Collega Priscoque consulibus.

quod

si

habitum quoque eius posted noscere

quam sublimior fuit; nihil impetus ^ in vultu gratia oris supererat. bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter. et ipse quidem, quamquam
velint^decentior
:

medio

in spatio integrae aetatis ereptus,

quantum ad

gloriam, longissimum

aevum

peregit.

quippe et vera

bona, quae in virtutibus

.

sita sunt,

impleverat, et consu-

lari

actriumphalibus ornamentispraeditoquid aliudad?

struere fortuna poterat

opibus nimiis non gaudebat,

filia

speciosae

non contigerant.^

atque uxore super-

stitibus potest videri

etiam beatus incolumi dignitate,

;

doloris animi vultu, F.

;

doloris habitu vultuque,

F.

H.
U.

2 impetus, F.
3

metus,

//,
;

speciosae

non contigerant,

speciosae contigerant,

246

AGRICOLA
runners, and no one believed that men so grasp at news in order to regret the hearing. Yet in his face he paraded the semblance of a sorrowing heart his hate was now no longer anxious, and it was his temperament to hide joy more easily than fear. It was well ascertained that on reading the will of Agricola, which named Domitian co-heir with the best of wives, the most dutiful of daughters, he exulted as in a So blinded, so pervei'dict of honourable acquittal. verted was his intelligence by unremitting flattery that he did not see that it is the bad pi-ince who is
;

made

heir by

good

fathers.

Agricola was born on the 13th of June, in the thii-d consulship of Gains Caesar he died in his fifty-fourth year on the 23rd of August, in the consulship of Collega and Priscus. Should posterity desire to learn his mere appearance, he was well-proportioned rather than imposing.
;

There was no irritability in his face its dominant You could easily credit him expression was benign. with goodness, and be glad to think him great. As for the man himself, though snatched away in the mid-career of his prime, he lived to a ripe old age measured by renown. The true blessings of life which lie in character he had fulfilled. What more could fortune have added to one who bad been consul, and had worn the decorations of triumph } Excessive wealth gave him no pleasure even the wealth which makes a show had never been his. With daughter and wife surviving him, he may even pass for happy to have escaped what was to come with his position
;

247

TACITVS
florente fama, salvis adfinitatibus et amicitiis futura
efFugisse.

nam

sicut iuvaret durare

in

banc beatissimi

saeculi

hicem ac principem Traianum videre, quod

augurio votisque apud nostras auris ominabatur, ita

festinatae mortis grande solacium tulit evasisse pos-

tremum

illud

tempus, quo Domitianus non iam per

intervalla ac spiramenta

temporum, sed continuo et

exhausit.

velut uno ictu

rem publicam

45

Non
tot

vidit

Agricola obsessam curiam et clausum

armis senatum et eadem strage tot consularium caedes,

nobiHssimarum feminarum
victoria Carus

exilia et fugas.

una

adhuc

Metius censebatm% et intra Al-

banam arcem sententia Messalini strepebat, et Massa Baebius tum reus erat: mox nostrae duxere Helvidium nos Mauricum Rusticumque in careerem manus
;

divisimus," nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit.

Nero tamen subtraxit oculos suos

non spectavit
scriberentur,
:

iussitque scelera^

praecipua sub Domitiano miseriarum

pars erat videre et aspici,

cum suspiria nostra subcum denotandis tot hominum palloribus

quo
se contra

sufficeret saevus ille vultus et rubor,

pudorem muniebat.

Tu

vero

felix,

Agricola, non vitae tantum claritate,

ut perhibent qui
ei

sed etiam opportunitate mortis,

sicut iuvaret durare, Midler sicut * * * durare, F.
1
;

sicut

non

licuit durare,

H.

nos Mauricum Eusticumque divisimus, V^, F. (see Introduction, p. 149) ; nos Maurici Rusticique visus, H.
2

248

AGRICOLA
unimpaired, his reputation brilliant, his friends and kin safe. For though it vrould have suited him to survive to the light of this happy age, and to see Trajan ruling a consummation which he prognosticated in our hearing alike in prayer and prophecy yet he reaped a great compensation for his premature death, in escaping those last days wherein Domitian no longer fitfully and with breathing spaces, but with one continuous and, so to speak, single blow, poured forth the life-blood of the state. It was not his fate to see the Senate-house besieged, the Senate surrounded by armed men, and in the same reign of terror so many consulars butchered, the flight and exile of so many honourable women. Metius Carus was still rated at one victory only Messalinus' rasping voice was confined to the Alban council-chamber and Baebius Massa was at that time in prison. A little while and our hands it was which di'agged Helvidius to his dungeon we it was who put asunder 1 Mauricus and Rusticus Senecio bathed us in his unoffending blood. Nero after all withdrew his eyes, nor contemplated the crimes he

authorised. Under Domitian it was no small part of our sufferings that we saw him and were seen of him that our sighs wei*e counted in his books that not a pale cheek of all that company escaped those brutal eyes, that crimson face which flushed continually lest shame should unawares surprise it.^
; ;

Happy your fate,

1

Agricola

lustre of your life, but in a timely death.

Vide Introduction,
p. 149.

happy not only in the As they tell

enjoyed the advantage of a recurrent and physical rush of blood to the face, which saved him from the the blushes of spirit.
2

Domitian

249

TACITVS
interfuerunt novissimis sermonibus
liljcns
tiiis^

constans et
portione

fatum excepisti, tamquam pro

seel

virili

innocentiam principi donares.

mihi filiaeque tuae

praeter acerbitatem parentis erepti auget maestitiam,

quod adsidere

valetudini, fovere deficientem, satiari

vultu complexuque noii contigit.

excepissemus certe

mandata vocesque, quas penitus animo figeremus.

noster
liic

dolor,

nostrum

viihius, nobis tarn

longae
es.

absentiae condicione ante quadriennium amissus

omnia
tissima

sine dubio,

optime parentum. adsidente aman:

uxore superfuere honori tuo

paucioribus

tamen

lacrimis comploratus es, et novissima in luce

tui.

desideravere aliquid oculi

4.(5

Si quis

piorum manibus

locus^

si,

ut sapientibus

placet,

non cum corpora extinguuntur magnae animae,

quiescas, nosque

placide

domum tuam

ab infimao

desiderio et muliebribus lamentis ad contemplationem

virtutum tuarum
])langi
fas
est.

voces,

quas neque lugeri neque

admiratione te potius et immorsi

talibus laudibus et,

natura suppeditet, similitudine

colamus
pietas.

is

verus honos, ea coniunctissimi cuiusque

id filiae

quoque uxorique praeceperim,

sic

patris, sic mariti

memoriam

venerari, ut

omnia

facta

(lictaque eius

secum revolvant, formamque ac figuram

animi magis

quam

corporis complectantur

non quia

250

AGRICOLA
the tale

who heard your latest

and cheerfully

utterance, you
;

met your

doom

steadily

as though, so far as in

you lay.to offer to your Emperor the balm of innocence. Yet to me and to your daughter, besides the bitterness of a father's loss, it is an added grief that it was denied us to sit beside your bed of sickness, to comfort your fainting spirit, to take our fill of gazing and embrace. At least we had then received some mesThis sage, some utterance to lay deeply to heart. grief was peculiarly ours, and ours this blow, that by the circumstance of our long absence you were lost to us four years too soon.^ All tributes, I doubt not, best of fathers, were rendered, were lavished, in your honour by the fond wife at your bedside yet fewer by so much were the tears that fell for you, and something at least there was which your eyes missed when last they sought the light. If there be any habitation for the spirits of the just if, as wise men will have it, the soul that is great perish not with the body, may you rest in peace, and summon us, your household, from weak repinings and womanish tears to the contemplation of those virtues which it were impiety to lament or mourn. Let reverence rather, let unending thankfulness, let imitation even, if our strength permit, be our tribute to your memory this is true respect, this is kinship's duty. This would I say to wife and daughter, so to venerate the memory of husband and of father as to ponder each word and deed within their hearts, and to cleave to the lineaments and features of the soul rather than of the body.
;

Tacitus left

Rome

for a provincial governorship

in

Belgium on the confines of Germany about A.D. 89, and was absent for four years, A.D. 89-93, during which time came

possibly
251

the death of Agricola.

TACITVS
intercedendum putem imaginibus quae marmore aut
aere finguntiir, sed, ut vultus hominum, ita simulacra
vultus
imbecilla

ac

mortalia

sunt,

forma mentis

aeterna,

quam tenere
ex

et exprimere
tuis

non per alienam

moribus
possis.

materiam et artem, sed

quidquid
Agricola

ipse

amaviinus, quidquid

mirati

sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis hominum,

in aeternitate

temporum,

in

fama rerum

nam

multos

veterum velut inglorios et

ignobilis oblivio obruit

Agricola posteritati narratus et traditus superstes

erit.

252

AGRICOLA
Not that I think the image wrought of bronze or marble should be forbidden, but vain alike and passing is the face of man and the similitude thereof: only the fashion of the soul remains, to be known and shown not through alien substances and arts, but in your very life and walk. Whatever we have loved in Agricola, whatever we have admii-ed, abides, and will abide, in the hearts of
men, in the procession of the ages, in the records Many of the ancients has Forgetfulness of history.
engulfed as though fame nor name were theirs Agricola, whose story here is told, will outlive death, to be our children's heritage.

253

INTRODUCTION TO GERMANIA
(a)

MSS.
and go back
to

The
two

chief
lost

MSS.

are four in number,

:

archetypes two to each archetype. The archetypes have been known as X and Y. The four MSS. derived from these have been divided into (1) B, a Vatican MS., No. 1862. (2) b, a Leyden MS., also called Pontanus from Jovius Pontanus, its scribe, who says that he transcribed it in the year 1460 from a damaged and faulty original, discovered by Enoch Asculanus a few years earlier at or near Fulda. (See Introduction to Agricola, p. 151.) These two, B and b, are supposed to

come from X.

Then from Y come

(3) C, a

Vatican MS., No. 1518.

(4) c, Farnesianus or Neapolitanus

(now

at Naples).

Apparently neither tradition is uniformly better than the other but the superiority, if there be any, lies with B and b. Other MSS. now in Germany at Munich and Stuttgart are supposed to go back to Asculanus' find, but
;

to a date anterior to his finding

it.

Accordingly, as in the case of the Agricola, so also in the case of the Germania, our best MS. authority
is

unsatisfactory,

and much must be unintelligible or

255

supplied by ingenuity and conjecture.

INTRODUCTION TO GERMANIA
(b)

Date

Tacitus, having tried his prentice hand on Britain, passed on to celebrate Germany, and probably published the later work in the year 98 a.d., soon after Trajan's accession and a few months after the publication of the Agricola.

(c)

Purpose

In each case his choice of themes for short studies, introductory more or less to his larger Histories, appears to have been suggested by his model Sallust from this point of view, as the Agricola may be said to be a sort of echo of the Catiline, the Gennania bears an analogy to the Jugurtha. The purpose of the sketch, as of the Agricola, is disputed without much reason. It has been assumed to be a political work sup})orting the Emperor Trajan in his cautious and defensive policy against Germany, by pointing out the great strength of the Germans, and the degree to which Rome had been indebted for her measure of success against them to good luck or to that Providence which seems on this occasion to have been on the side of the weaker battalions. Only the internal feuds of the Germans and their incapacity to work together (ch. 33) saved Rome. It has been supposed, again, to be the Avork of a moralist and satii-ist holding up the picture of a primitive and manly race before the eyes of decadent

Romans.

The former
mark,
is

sugi:estion, if not wholly beside the

interests,

at least a very inadequate explanation of a

treatise

which shows a mind of many

by

256

INTRODUCTION TO GERMJ MA
no means obsessed with contemporary or practical politics, but open to all that appeals to an intelligent and educated man character, habits, institu:

comparative religion. narrower. No one reading the Germcmia simply, without a thesis to defend, would find in it merely an academic scoff at civilisation and a professional or professorial eulogy of savages or backwoodsmen. Intermingled with the sarcasms at the expense of Rome are other sarcasms, not less biting, at the expense of the gambling, drinking, shiftless hunter or Boer. And side by side with each style of sarcasm is a great deal of straightforward, simple description of " cities of men and manners, councils, climates, governments," in which there is not a shadow of satire. Besides, the Agricola shows how strongly Tacitus sympathised with the statesman and distrusted both the moralist pure and sim]}le and also his next-door neighbour, the political philosoplier and doctrinaire. A moral tract, if it appealed to Tacitus the rhetorician, would, on the other hand, to Tacitus the statesman and son-in-law of Agricola be too suggestive of Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus, of fanaticism and Stoic martyrotions, folk-lore, natural history,

The second suggestion

is

still

latry.

An historian it is the commonest of commonplaces to-day must write of life, not of battles only and kings. Tacitus is not unacquainted with that much-vaunted discovery of the moderns, and he is beginning his historical studies by a sketch of Germany, added to a biography of Agricola.

(d)

Value
of the subject,
is

The Gennania, from the nature

less

brilliant

and epigrammatic than the

R

Agiicola.

257

INTRODUCTION TO GERMAN I
Almost necessarily
it has some of the same defects the geograjjhy is still vague, even though vagueness be less pardonable the constitutional history and political science have something of the same quality the writer's account of German monarchies and German republics, of the relations oi pagus and viciis (canton and village), of chief and retainer, of the different assemblies of the German tribes, of the organisation of the army, of the judges and assessors, of the different clothing of different ranks, of the relations of master and slave, of land-tenure in the village-community, of the symbolism of German marriage, will not satisfy severe students of comparative institutions, of constitutional history, and of ancient law. At first sight, then, it may seem that he has fallen
;

between two

stools

that his

book

is

too serious for

the frivolous lover of rhetoric, too rhetorical and satirical for the scientific student of history. It would be fairer to say that it is, like Massilia in the Agricola, a happy mixture of Greek humanity and provincial simplicity written, that is, for the average Roman of education, who is neither the fatigued raconteia- of high society nor the fatiguing scholar and tedious theoi-ist of an academic circle. The cultivated man of the world, orator, and moralist, is here breaking new ground in that field of history which on various occasions since has been claimed as the province of dryasdust antiquarianism or of constitutional law, but which has never been wholly given up to these or any other " inhumanities." If there are other disturbing causes, besides vagueness and sketchiness, which diminish the value of the Gennania in technical details, they ultimately go back to the same root of the humanities. The
;

258

INTRODUCTION TO GERMAN T
satirist

and moralist in Tacitus disturb his judgment when he comes to write, for example, of marriage and dower he cannot keep his eyes off the Roman bride when he describes her simpler and more
:
:

" German " sister he is living in an age of feminism when marriage for many women involves neither responsibility, duty, nor danger, and here (chs. 18 and 19), no less than in the Agricola (ch. 6), he takes his fling at the age. Such passages breathe the
defects of his qualities. Again, the Agricola and Germania are the works of Tacitus' experimental stage the dyer's hand is not yet subdued to what it works in. cannot expect in them the vivid or the lurid pictures which haunt the readers of his later and stronger history the picture of a falling Emperor who " tries the
:

We

barred door and shudders in the empty chambers (^Histories, iii. Si) of another victim who "runs the or the picture of gauntlet of the staring streets " tlie end of that Tiberius himself, in whose case alone perhaps it may fairly be said that Tacitus becomes captious, academic, and hj-percritical " and now was
; ; :

"

life

leaving Tiberius,

life

and strength

dissimulation

lingered" (^Annals, vi. 50). Scenes like these are the characteristic product of the gloomy imagination which had gradually discarded, under the depressing experiences of mature life, all its earlier creed for the one sombre article, "There is a God who punishes" (//?',yto77"e.y, i. 3) the same article to which the Swedish realist Strindberg also ultimately reverted after all other doctrines had gone by the board in the wreckage of
his
life.

pictures of the Agricola and the Germania are of a tamer order, and yet they are powerful and

The

259

INTRODUCTION TO GERMANIA
impressive beyond the measure of the writings of other Roman historians. They lose in power and impressiveness only when they desert history for any branch of philosophy, natural or moral. It has been said of an English histoi'ian, moralist, and biographer that his style is " desiccated by science and soured by moralism." If the Gennania does not suggest the same reflections on Tacitus' style, it may be said indirectly to support the same general thesis; for if Tacitus' science enlivens rather than desiccates his narrative, if his sarcastic moralising sjnces rather than sours his history, it is only because the science is naive and Roman and out of date even for his time (see ch. 45), and the moralising at once ironical and wistful, especially in the last chapter. The squalid misery of the poor Lapps seems an unpromising subject for the moralist, but there is but a step between the sublime and the ridiculous and so there strays even from the dirty, rain-soaked Lapp tepee a gleam of the ideal, if not to the consciousness of the half-human occupant, yet to the sensitive, susceptible onlooker, the Roman man of
;

letters.

(e) Sti/Ie

and Language

As for the actual language of the Gcrmama, the mannerism of alliteration is constant, as in the
it is not always possible to preserve the device in an English translation. I have endeavoured to do so where I have noticed it if I have missed some instances, I have in compensation interpolated others not quite supererogatory. There is the same love of epigram as in the Agricola, so far as the subject permits for example,

Agiicola

260

INTRODUCTION TO GERMANIA
the picture of the indolent fighting German (ch. 1 5), " with the curious incongruity of temperament which makes the same man at once love sleep but hate quiet " a variation of that typical Irishman who said, " I love action, but I hate work " or in ch. 25, " the disabilities of the freedman are the evidence of freedom"; or in ch. 30, " other Germans you may see going to battle the Chatti go to war " or in ch. 31-, " it was voted more religious and more revei'ent to believe in the works of Deity than to comprehend them " or in ch. 37, ''the Germans have gratified us with more triumphs than victories"; or in ch. 43, "in every battle, after all, the eye is conquered fii'st " or, finally, the somewhat cryptic epigram on the Finns, "among them the woman rules to this extent they have fallen lower not merely than freemen but even than slaves."

M. H.

-261

BIBLIOGRAPHY
See Bibliographi/
to

" Agricola," pp. 161-2

CordcUi Taciti cle Gcnnania. Quartuni recogno\it. Carolus Halm. Leipsic^ 1890.
Curnclii
Taciti de Gcnnania. duction, notes, and map,

Edited, Avith
ISQJ'.
is

intro-

by Henry Furneaux.
based.

Oxford

Clarendon Press,

The

edition on

which

this translation

The Gcnnania of Tacitus. With etlmological dissertaLondon, tions and notes by R. G. Latham.
KS51.
P. Corned Taciti Gcnnania. Edited, with notes, introduction, and critical appendix, by R. F. Davis, B.A. London: Methuen & Co., 1894.

262

GERMANIA

DE GERMANIA
LIBER
1

Germania omnis

Gallis

Raetisque et

Pannoniis

Rheno

et

Danuvio

fluniiiiibus,

a Sarniatis Dacisque
:

mutuo inetu aut montibus separatur

cetera Oceanus

ambit, latos sinus et insularum inmensa spatia complectens,

nuper cognitis

quibusdam
Rheniis,

gentibus

ac

regibuSj

quos bellum aperuit.

Raeticarum

Alj)iiim inaccesso ac praecipiti vertice ortus,

modico

flexu

in

occidentem versus

septentrionali

Oceano

miscetur.

Danuvius molli

et

clementer edito montis

Abnobae iugo

efFusus pluris populos adit,

:

donee in
os

Ponticum mare sex meatibus erumjiat

paludibus hauritur.
2

septimum

Ipsos

Germanos indigenas crediderim minimeque

hos})itiis

aliarum gentium adventibus et

mixtos, quia

nee terra olim, sed classibus advehebantur qui mutare

sedes quaerebant, et inmensus ultra utque sic dixerim

adversus Oceanus raris ab orbe nostro navibus aditur.

1 That is, Germany beyond the Rhine as distinguished from Germany Mest of the Rhine, which has ah-eady been divided

into

two Roman provinces

Germania Superior and Germauia

264

GERMANY
Undivided Germany ^ is separated from the Gauls, Rhaetians, and Pannonians by the rivers Rhine and Danube from the Sarmatians and Dacians by mutual misgivings or mountains the rest of it is surrounded by the ocean, which enfolds wide peninsulas and islands of vast expanse, some of whose peoples and kings have but recently become known to us war
: : :

has lifted the curtain. The Rhine, rising from the inaccessible and precipitous crest of the Rhaetian Alps, after turning west for a reach of some length is lost in the North Sea. Tlie Danube pours from the sloping and not vei*y lofty ridge of Mount Abnoba, and visits several peoples on its course, until at length it emerges by six of its channels into the Pontic Sea the seventh mouth is swallowed in marshes. As for the Germans themselves, I should suppose them to be indigenous and very slightly blended with new arrivals from other races or alliances; for originally people who sought to migrate reached their destinawhilst, in the second tion in fleets and not by land place, the leagues of ocean on the further side of Germany, at the opposite end of the world, so to
: ;

Tacitus is imitating the opening of Caesar's Gallic War, where "all Gaul" means Gaul as an undivided unit and distinct from the Roman province of Gallia Narhonensis.
Inferior.

TACITVS
quis j)orro. ])raeter periculum horridi et igiioti maris,

Asia aut Africa aut Italia relicta Gerinaniam peteret,

informem

terris,
si

asperam caelo, tristem cultu

sit ?

aspectuque, nisi

patria

Celebrant camiinibus antiquis, quod

unum apud

illos

memoriae
terra

et

annalium genus
et filium

est,

Tuistonem deum

editum

Maimum
filios

originem gentis con-

ditoresque.

Manno

tris

adsignant, e

quorum

noniiiiibus proxiini Oceaiio

Ingaevones, medii Her-

minones, ceteri

Istaevones vocentur.

quidam, ut in

licentia vetustatis, pluris

deo ortos plurisque gentis

appellationes, Marsos
adfii-mant,

Gambrivios Suebos Vandilios

eaque vera et antiqua nomina.

ceterum
additum,

Geniianiae

vocabulum

recens

et

nuper

quoniam qui primi Rhenum transgressi Gallos expulerint ac nunc Tungri, tunc
ita nationis

Germani

vocati sint

nomen, non gentis evaluisse paulatim, ut

omnes
ipsis

])rinuim a victore ob

metum, mox etiam

a se

invento nomine Germani vocarentur.

Fuisse apud eos et Herculeni memorant, primumque

omnium virorum
illis
1

fortium

ituri in proelia

canunt.
relatu,

sunt

haec quoque carmina,

quorum

quem

Adiergus is sometimes translated " Antifiodean." Tacitus cannot mean as much as that there is no '* Antipodes" in his geograjjhy he means at the further side of the liat earth from Italy. See the Introduction to the Agrlcolu, sect. (e).
:
:

266


GERMANY
speak, from us/ are rarely visited by sliips from our world. Besides, who, apart from the perils of an

awful
or
its

and

unknown
or
Italy

sea,

would
for

have
is

left
?

Asia

Africa

to look

Germany
it

With

Avild scenery and harsh climate it neither to live in nor look upon unless

pleasant

be one's

home.

Their ancient hymns the only style of record or history which they possess celebrate a god Tuisto, a scion of the soil, and his son Mannus as the begin-

ning and the founders of their race. To Mannus they ascribe three sons, from whose names the tribes of the sea-shore are to be known as Ingaevones, the central tribes as Herminones, and the rest as IstaeSome authorities, using the licence which vones. pertains to antiquity, pronounce for more sons to the god and a larger number of race names, Marsi, Gambrivii, Suebi, Vandilii these are, they say, real and ancient names, while the name of " Germany " is new
:

and a recent addition. ^ The first tribes in fact to cross the Rhine and expel the Gauls, though now called Tungri, were then styled Germans so little by little
the not a national, name prevailed, until the whole people were called by the artificial name of " Germans," first only by the victorious tribe in oi'der to intimidate the Gauls, but afterwards among themselves also. They further record how Hercules appeared among the Germans, and on the eve of battle the natives hymn " Hercules, the first of brave men." They have also those cries by the utterance of which

name

tribal,

2 The Romans thought it a Roman word, meaning the genuine " Celts as distinguished from the degenerate Celts of Gaul. It is more likely a Gallic word, used by Gauls of Germans, whatever be its meaning (see Latham, p. 27).

"

267

TACITVS
baritum
^

vocant^ accendunt animos futuraeque pug-

nae fortunam ipso cantu augurantur; terrent enim

trepidantve, prout sonuit acies, nee tarn vocis
ille

quam virtutis concentus videtur.

asperitas soni et fractum

adfectatur })raecipue
os scutis,

murmur, obiectis ad

quo plenior et gravior vox repercussu intumescat. ceterum et Ulixen quidam opinantur longo
fabuloso errore in hunc
illo

et

Oceanum delatumadisse Gereonstitutum nomina-

maniae

terras,

Ascibui-giumquej quod in ripa Rheni

illo

situm hodieque incolitur, ab

tumque

ai-ani

quin etiam Ulixi consecratamj adiecto

Laei'tae patris nomine,

eodem

loco olim repertam,

litteris

monumentaque

et tumulos

quosdam Graecis

inscriptos in confinio Gei'maniae Raetiaeque

adhuc

extare. quae neque confirmare argumentis neqiie refellere in

animo

est

ex ingenio suo quisque demat

vel addat fidem.

Ipse

eorum opinioni accedo, qui Germaniae populos

nuUis aliarum nationum conubiis infectos propriam et

sinceram et tantum
trantur.
in tanto

sui

similem gentem extitisse arbi-

unde habitus quoque corporum, quamquam

hominum numero, idem omnibus

laboris atque
;

truces et

caerulei oculi, rutilae comae,

magna corpora et tantum

operum non eadem

ad impetum valida
1

baritum, Xaples MS.

barditum. other MSS., F., H.

268

GERMANY
" ^ is the name they use they inspire courage and they divine the fortunes of the coming battle from the circumstances of the cry. Intimidation or it timidity depends on the concert of the warriors seems to them to mean not so much unison of voices the object they specially seek is as union of hearts a certain volume of hoarseness, a crashing roar, their shields being brought up to their lips, that the voice may swell to a fuller and deeper note by means of
; ; ;

barritus "

the echo.

To

return.

and legendary wanderings, into this ocean, and reached the countries of Germany. Asciburgium, which stands on the banks of the Rhine and has inhabitants to-day, was founded, they say, and named by him further, they say that an altar dedicated by Ulysses, who coupled therewith the name of his father Laertes, was once found at the same place, and that certain monuments and barrows, inscribed with Greek letters, are still extant on the borderland between Germany and I have no intention of furnishing evidence Rhaetia. every one to establish or refute these assertions according to his temperament may minimise or magnify their credibility. Personally I associate myself with the opinions of
authorities
carried, during those long
;
:

was

Ulysses also

in

the opinion of some

those who hold that in the peoples of Germany there has been given to the woi'ld a race untainted by intermarriage with other races, a peculiar people and pure, like no one but themselves whence it comes that their physicjue, in spite of their vast numbers, is identical fierce blue eyes, red hair, tall frames, powerful only spasmodically, and impatient at the same time of labour and hard work, and by no means 1 See Appendix I, p. 345.
; :

269

TACITVS
patieutia,

miuimeque sitim

aestumc^iie tolerare^ frigora

atque inediam caelo solove adsueverunt.

5

Terra

etsi

aliquanto specie differt^ in universum tafoeda, umidior qua

aspicit;

men aut silvis horrida aut paludibus

GalliaSj ventosior
satis ferax,

quaNoricum

ac

Pannoniam

frugiferarum arborum inpatiens, pecorum

fecunda, sed plerumque improcera.

ne armentis qui-

dem

suus honor aut gloria frontis

eaeque solae et

numero gaudent, gratissimae opes sunt, argentum et

:

aurum

propitiine an irati di negaverint dubito.

nee

tamen adfirmaverim nullam Germaniae venam argentum aurumve gignere quis enim scrutatus est ? pos:

sessione et usu

baud perinde

adficiuntur.

est videre

apud

illos

argentea vasa, legatis et principibus eorum

in alia vilitate quam quae humo quamquam proximi ob usum commercio-

muneri data, non

finguntur
;

rum aurum

et

argentum

in prctio

habent formasque

quasdam nostrae pecuniae adgnoscunt atque eligunt

interiores simplicius et antiquius permutatione

mer-

cium utuntur,

pecuniam probant veterem

et diu no-

tam, serratos bigatosque.

argentum quoque magis

quam aurum

sequuntur, nulla adfectione animi, sed

facilior usui est

quia numerus argenteorum

ac vilia mercantibus.

promiscua

Ne ferrum quidem
colligitur.

superest, sicut ex genere telorum

rari gladiis

aut maioribus lanceis utuntur

270

GERMANY
and heat; to cold and hunger, thanks to the climate and the soil, they are accustomed. There are some varieties in tlie appearance of the country, but broadly it is a land of bristling forests and unhealthy marshes the rainfall is heavier on the side of Gaul the winds are higher on the side of Noricum and Pannonia, It is fertile in cereals, but unkindly to fruitbearing trees; it is rich in flocks and herds, but for the most part they are undersized. Even the cattle lack natural beauty and majestic brows. The pride of the people is rather in the number of their beasts, which constitute the only wealth the}' welcome. The gods have denied them gold and silver, whether in mercy or in wrath I find it hard to say not that I would assert that Germany has no veins bearing gold or silver for who has explored there At any rate, they ai*e not affected, like their neighbours, by the use and possession of such things. One may see among them silver vases, given as gifts to their commanders and chieftains, but treated as of no more value than earthenware. Although the border tribes for purposes of traffic treat gold and silver as precious metals, and recognise and collect certain coins of our money, the tribes of the interior practise barter in the simpler and older fashion. The coinage which appeals to them is the old and long-familiar the denarii with milled edges, showing the two-horsed chariot. They prefer silver to gold not that they have any feeling in the matter, but because a number of silver pieces is easier to use for people whose purchases consist of cheap objects of general utility. Even iron is not plentiful among them, as may be gathered from the style of their weapons. Few have
luibituated to bearing thirst
'

.^

271

TACITVS
hastas vcl ii)Sorum vocabulo frameas gerunt angusto
et

brevi

ferro^ sed ita acri

et

ad usum

liabili,

ut

eodem

telo^

prout ratio poscit, vel comminus vel

et eques

emiiius puguent.

quidem scuto frameaque

contentus

est,

pedites et missilia spargunt, pluraque

singuli, atque in
leves.

inmensum
;

vibrant^ nudi aut sagulo

nulla cultus iactatio

scuta tantum lectissimis

coloribus distingunt.
cassis

paucis loricae, vix uni alteriye

aut galea,

equi non

forma, non velocitate

conspicui.

sed nee variare gyros in

in

morem nostrum
ita

docentur

rectum aut uno flexu dextros agunt,

coniuncto orbe, ut

nemo

posterior

sit.

in
;

universum

aestimanti plus penes peditem roboris

eoque mixti

proeliantur, apta et congruente ad equestrem

velocitate peditum, quos ex

pugnam

omni iuventute delectos

ante aciem locant.

definitur et

numerus

ceuteni

ex singulis pagis sunt, idque ipsum inter suos vocantur, et

quod

jn-imo

numerus

fuit,

iam nomen et

honor

est.

acies per cuneos componitur. cedere loco,

dummodo

rursus

instes,

consilii

quam

formidinis

arbitrantur.

corpora suorum etiam in dubiis proeliis

referunt.

scutum

reliquisse

praecipuum flagitium,

nee aut

sacris adesse aut concilium inire ignominioso

272


GERMANY
swords
oi-

the longer kind of lance

they carry short

spears, in their language " frameae/' with a narrow and small iron head, so sharp and so handy in use

that they fight with the same weapon, as circumstances demand, both at close quarters and at a distance. The mounted man is content with a shield and framea the infantry launch showers of missiles in addition, each man a volley, and hurl these to great distances, for they wear no outer clothing, or at most a light cloak. There is no bravery of ajjparel among them their shields only are picked out with choice colours. Few have breast-plates scarcely one or two at most have metal or hide helmets. The hoi'ses are conspicuous neither for beauty nor speed but then neither are they trained like our horses to run in shifting circles they ride them forwards only or to the right, with but one turn from the straight, dressing the line so closely as they wheel that no one is left behind. On a broad view there is more strength in their infantry, and accordingly cavalry and infantry fight in one body, the swift-footed infantryman, whom they pick out of the whole body of warriors and place in front of the line, being well-adapted and suitable for cavalry battles. The number of these men is fixed
: : : ; :

one hundred from each canton and among themselves this, "the Hundred," is the precise name they use what was once a number only has become a title and The battle-line itself is arranged in a distinction. wedges to retire, provided you press on again, they they ti'eat as a question of tactics, not of cowardice carry off their dead and wounded even in drawn battles. To have abandoned one's shield is the height of disgrace the man so disgraced cannot be pre:

sent at religious

rites,

nor attend a council

s

many
273

TACITVS
fas
;

multique superstites bellorura infamiam laqiieo

finierunt.

Reges ex

nobilitate^ duces ex virtute

sumunt.

nee

regibus infinita aut libera potestas, et duces exemplo

potius

quam

imjierio,

si

prompti,

si

conspicui^

si

ante

aciem agant, adniiratione praesunt.

ceterum neque

animadvertere neque vincire, ne verberare quidem

nisi

sacerdotibus permissum^ non quasi in

iussu,

poenam
et

nee ducis
adesse

sed

velut

deo imperante^ quern

effigiesque
:

bellantibus

credunt.

signa

quaedam detraota

lucis in

proelium ferunt
est^

quodque

praecipuum fortitudinis incitamentuni

non casus
facit^

nee fortuita conglobatio turinani aut cuneuni

sed
familiae
et

propinquitates

et

in

proximo

pignora^

unde

feminarum ululatus
hi
:

audiri,

unde

vagitus infantium.

cuique sanctissimi testes, hi

maximi laudatores
ferunt
:

ad matres, ad coniuges vuhiera

nee

illae

nuraerare aut exigere plagas pavent,

cibosque et hortamina pugnantibus gestant.

8

Memoriae proditur quasdam

obiectu pectorum et monstrata

acies incHnatas iam et

labantes a feminis restitutas constantia

precum

et

commiuus

captivitate,

quam longe

impatientius feminarum suarum nomine

timent, adeo ut efficacius obligentur animi eivitatum,

quibus inter obsides jniellae quoque nobiles imperantur.

inesse quin

etiam sanctum ahquid et pro-

274

GERMANY
survivors noose.

of war have ended their infamy with a

They take their kings on the ground of birth, their generals on the basis of courage the authority of their kings is not unlimited or arbitrary their generals control them by example rather than command, and by means of the admiration which attends upon energy and a conspicuous place in front of the line. But anything beyond this capital
:

punishment, imprisonment, even a blow is permitted only to the priests, and then not as a penalty or under the general's orders, but as an inspiration from the god whom they suppose to accompany them on

campaign certain totems, in fact, and emblems are fetched from groves and carried into battle. The strongest incentive to courage lies in this, that neither chance nor casual grouping makes the squadron or the wedge, but family and kinship close at hand, too, are their dearest, whence is heard the wailing voice of woman and the child's cry here are the witnesses who are in each man's eyes most precious here the praise he covets most they take their wounds to mother and wife, who do not shrink from counting the hurts and demanding a sight of them:^ they minister to the combatants food and exhortation. Tradition relates that some lost or losing battles have been restored by the women, by the incessance of their prayers and by the baring of their breasts for so is it brought home to the men that the slavery, which they dread much more keenly on their Avomen's account, is close at hand it follows that the loyalty of those ti'ibes is more effectually guaranteed from whom, among other hostages, maids of high birth have been exacted.
:
: :

See Appendix

II. p.

^iG.

275

TACITVS
vidum putant, nee
aiit

consilia

earum aspernantur

aut responsa neglegunt.

vidimus sub divo Ves-

pasiano \"elaedani diu apud plerosque nuiiiinis loco

habitam

sed et olim Albrunam et compluris

alias

ven-

erati sunt,

non adulatione nee tamquam facerent

deas.
certis

Deovuni maxime

Mercurium

eolunt,

cui

diebus humanis quoque hostiis litare fas habent.

Herculem ac Marteni
pars

eoncessis animalibus placant.

sacrificat
:

Sueborum

et Isidi
sacro,

unde eausa et
nisi

origo peregrine

paruni comjieri,

quod
docet

signum ipsum

in

modum

liburnae figuratum

adveetam religionem.

ceterum nee cohibere

oris

parieti-

bus decs neque in ullam humani

siniulare

speciem adarbitrantur

ex

magnitudine

caelestiuni

lucos ac neniora consecrant

ajipellant secretum illud,

deorumque nominibus
sola reverentia vident.
sor-

quod

10

Auspicia sortesque ut qui

maxime observant:

tium eonsuetudo simplex,

virgam frugiferae arbori

decisam in surculos amjnitant eosque notis quibus-

dam

discretos suj)er

candidam vestem temere ac

si

for-

tuito spargunt.

mox,

publice consultetur, sacerdos

civitatis, sin privatim, ipse

pater familiae, precatus

The Germans recognised divine

the

it

Romans
to

"

inspiration when they saw manufactured " goddesses out of very inferior

clay.
2 i.e.

the local god, wliom

the

interprctatio

Romana

276

GERMANY
Further, they conceive that in woman is a certain uncanny and prophetic sense they neither scorn to consult them nor sHght their answers. In the reign of Vespasian of happy memory we saw Velaeda treated as a deity by many during a long period but in ancient times also they reverenced Albruna and many other women in no sjnrit of flattery, nor for the manufacture of goddesses.^ Of the gods, they give a special worshipto Mercury,^ to whom on certain days they count even the sacrifice of human life lawful. Hercules and Mars^ they ajipease with such animal life as is permissible. A section of the Suebi ^ sacrifices also to Isis: the cause and origin of this foreign worship I have not succeeded in discovering, except that the emblem itself, which takes the shape of a Liburnian galley, shows that the ritual is imported.^ Apart from this they deem it incompatible with the majesty of the heavenly host to confine the gods Avithin walls, or to mould them into any likeness of the human face they consecrate groves and coppices, and they give the divine names to that mysterious something which is visible only to the eyes of faith. To divination and the lot they })ay as much attention as any one the method of drawing lots is uniform. A bough is cut from a nut-bearing tree and divided into slips these are distinguished by certain runes and spread casually and at random over white cloth afterwards, should the inquiry be official the priest of the state, if private the father of the family
:

identified with Mercury, viz.

Wuodaii or Odin

compare onr

Wednesday with the French Mevcredi. 3 See Appendix II[, p. M7.

4 See ch. 38
5

and Appendix IX,

p. 347.

p. ol.0.

See Appendix^IV,

277

TACITVS
deos caelumque suspiciens ter singulos
tollit,

sublatos
si

secundum impressam ante notam

interpretatur.

prohibuerunt, nulla de eadem re in

consultatio
exigitur.
;

eundem diem
fides

sin

permissum, auspiciorum adhue

et illud

quidem etiam
:

hie notum,

avium

voces volatusque interrogai'c

proprium gentis equopublice

rum quoque
mortali

praesagia ac monitus experiri.

aluntur isdem nemoribus ac lucis, candidi et nullo

oj)ere

contaeti

quos

presses

sacro

curru

sacerdos ac rex vel princeps civitatis comitantur hin-

nitusque ac fremitus observant,

nee

ulli

auspicio

maior
ceres
;

fides^

non solum apud plebem, sed apud proillos

sacerdotes enim ministros deorum,

con-

scios putant.

est et alia observatio auspiciorum,

qua

gravium bellorum eventus explorant.

eius

gentis,

cum qua bellum

ceptum cum

est,

captivum quoquo modo inter-

electo popularium suorum, patriis

:

quem-

que armis, committunt

praeiudicio accipitur.
1 1

victoria huius vel illius pro

De

minoribus rebus principes consultant, de maio-

ribus omnes, ita tamen, ut ea quoque,

quorum penes

plebem arbitrium

est,

apud principes praetractentur,

coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum incidit, certis

diebus,

cum

aut inclioatur luna aut impletur

nam

278

GERMANY
gods and with eye\ turned to heaven/ takes up one sh'p at a time till h< has done this on three separate occasions, and after taking the three interprets them according to the runes which have been already stamped on them if the message be a prohibition, no inquiry on the same matter is made during the same day if the message be permissive, further confirmation is required by means of divination and even among the Germans divination by consultation of the cries and flight of birds is well known, but their special divination is to make trial of the omens and warnings furnished
in person, after prayers to the
: ; ;

by horses.
In the same groves and coppices are fed certain white horses, never soiled by mortal use these
:

yoked to a sacred chariot and accompanied by the priest and king, or other chief of the state, who then observe their neighing or snorting. On no
are

other divination is moi*e i*eliance placed, not mei'ely by the people but also by their leaders the priests they regard as the servants of the gods, but the horses
:

are their confidants.

They have another method of taking divinations, by means of which they probe the issue of serious wars. A member of the tribe at war with them is somehow or other captured and pitted against a selected champion of their own countrymen, each in his tribal armour. The victory of one or the other
taken as a presage. On small matters the chiefs consult on larger questions the community but with this limitation, that even the subjects, the decision of which rests with the people, are first handled by the chiefs. They meet, unless there be some unforeseen and
is
; ;

See Appendix V,

p.

348.

279

TACITVS
a^endis rebus
lioc

auspicatissimum initium credunt.

lit

nee dieriim numerum,

sic

nos, sed
:

noctium computant.

constituunt^
illiid

sic

condicunt

nox ducere diem vide-

tur.

ex libertate vitium^ quod non simul nee ut

- iussi conveniunt, sed et alter et tertius dies euncta-

tione coeuntium absumitur.

ut turbae

placuit, con-

sidunt armati.

silentium per sacerdotes, quibus turn

et coercendi ius est, imperatur.

j)roiit

mox

rex vel princeps,

aetas cuique, prout nobilitas, prout decus belloest,

rum, prout facundia

audiuntur, auctoritate suasi

dendi magis quam lubendi potestate.

sententia, fremitu aspernantur
;

displicuit

sin placuit, frameas

concutiunt
laudare.
1

lionoratissimum adsensus genus est armis

Licet apud concilium accusare quoque et discrimen

capitis intendere.

distinctio

poenarum ex

delicto,

proditores et transfugas arboribus suspendunt, ignavos

et imbelles et corpore infames caeno ac palude, iniecta

insuper crate, mergunt.

spicit,

diversitas supplicii illuc re-

tamquam

scelera ostendi oporteat,

dum

puni-

untur, flagitia abscondi.

sed et levioribus delictis

pro

modo poena
multantur.
1

equorum j)ecorumque numero conpars multae regi vel civitati, pars

vict!

turbae,

MSS.

turba,

F.,

H. J

280

GERMANY
sudden emergency, on days set apart when the moon, that is, is new or at the full they regard this as the most auspicious herald for the transaction of business. They count not by days as we do, but by nights ^ their decisions and proclamations are subject to this principle the night, that is, seems to take precedence of the day. It is a foible of their freedom that they do not meet at once and when commanded, but a second and a third day is wasted by dilatoriness in assembling when the mob is pleased to begin, they take their seats carrying arms. Silence is called for by the priests, who thenceforward have power also to coerce then a king or a chief is listened to, in order of age, birth, glory in war, or eloquence, with the prestige which belongs to their counsel rather than with any prescriptive right to command. If the advice tendered be displeasing, they reject it with groans if it please them, they clash their spears the most complimentary expression of assent is this
: :

martial approbation.

At
tions

this

assembly

it is

also peraiissible to lay accusa-

The nature of the death penalty differs according to the offence traitors and deserters are hung from trees cowards and poor fighters and notorious evil-livers are plunged in the mud of marshes with a hurdle on their heads the difference of punishment has regard to the principle that crime should be blazoned abroad by its retribution, but abomination hidden. Lighter offences have also a measured punishment those convicted are part of the fined in a number of horses and cattle fine goes to the king or the state part is jjaid to the
and
to bring capital charges.
:

of the

Compare our words same principle.

'

fortnight," "se'nnight," the relics

281

TACIT VS
ipsi,

qui vindicavit,i vel propinquis eius exsolvitur.

eliguntur in isdem conciliis et principcs^ qui iura per

pagos vicosque reddunt

centeni singulis ex plebe

comites consilium simul et auctoritas adsunt.

13
Nihil

autem neque publicae neque privatae

civitas sufFecturum probaverit.

rei nisi

armati agunt.
moris,

sed anna suniere non ante cuiquam

turn in

quam

ipso concilio vel principum aliquis vel pater vel pro-

pinqui scuto frameaque iuvenem ornant

illos

haec apud

toga, hie })rimus iuventae honos

ante hoc domus

pars videntur,

mox

rei

publicae.

insignis nobilitas

aut

magna patrum merita

:

principis dignationem etiam

ceteris^ robustioribus ac

adulescentulis adsignant

iam

pridem probatis adgregantur, nee rubor inter comites

adspici.

gradus quin etiam ipse comitatus habet,

iudicio eius

quem

sectantur

magnaque

et

comitum
locus,

aemulatio, quibus primus apud principem

suum

et principum, cui plurimi et acerrimi comites.

haec

dignitas, hae vires,

magno semper electorum iuvenum

globo circumdari, in pace decus, in bello praesidium.

nee solum in sua gente cuique, sed apud finitimas

quoque

civitates id

nomen, ea
;

gloria est,

si

numero

ac virtute comitatus emineat

expetuntur enim lega-

tionibus et muneribus ornantur et ipsa

plerumque

fama
14
1

bella profligant.
in

Cum ventum
vindicavit,
2 ceteris,

aciem, turpe principi virtute vinci,

;

VatimnMS. (B) MSS., F. ceteri, H.

;

vindicatur, other MSB., F., 11. after Lipsius.

282

GERMANY
person himself who brings the cliarge or tu his relatives. At the same gatherings are selected chiefs, who administer law through the cantons and villages each of them has one hundred assessors from the people to be his responsible advisers. They do no business, public or private, without arms in their hands yet the custom is that no one take arms until the state has endorsed his competence then in the assembly itself one of the chiefs or his father or his relatives equip the young man with shield and spear this corresponds with them to the hitherto toga, and is youth's first public distinction he seems a member of the household, now a member of the state. Conspicuously high birth, or signal services on the part of ancestors, win the chieftain's a})probation even for very young men they mingle with the others, men of maturer strength and tested by long years, and have no shame to be seen among his retinue. In the retinue itself degrees are observed, depending on the judgment of him whom they follow there is great rivalry among the retainers to decide who shall have the first place with his chief, and among the chieftains as to who shall have the largest and keenest retinue. This means rank and strength, to be surrounded always with a large band of chosen youths glory in peace, in war protection nor is it only so with his own people, but with neighbouring states also it means name and fame for a man that his retinue be conspicuous for number and character such men are in request for embassies, and are honoured with gifts, and often, by the mere terror of their name, break the back of
: ;
: :
:

opposition in war.

When

the battlefield

is

reached

it

is

a reproach

283

TACITVS
turpc comitatui

virtutem principis non adaequare.

iam

ero infame in

omnem vitam ac

probrosum super:

stitem principi suo ex acie recessisse

tueri;,

ilium defendere,

sua quocjue fovtia facta gloriae eius adsignare

est
:

praecipuum sacramentum

principes pro victoria

si

pugnant, comites pro principe.

orti suntj

civitas,

in

qua

longa pace et otio torpeat, plerique nobilium

adulescentium petunt ultro eas nationes, quae turn

bellum aliquod gerunt^ quia et ingrata genti quies et

facilius inter ancipitia clarescunt

magnumque
:

comi-

tatuni

non

nisi vi l^elloque

tueare

exigunt enim a

principis

sui

liberalitate

ilium

bellatorem equum,
;

illam crucntam victricemque

et

frameam

nam

epulae

quamquam

incompti^ largi tamen apparatus pro

stipendio cedunt,
et raptus.

materia munificentiae per bella

tarn facile persuaseris

mereri.

annum quam vocare hostem et vulnera pigrum (juin immo et iners videtur sudore
nee arare terram aut exspectare

adquirere quod possis sanguine parare.

1

(^uotiens bella non ineunt,

multum

venatibus, plus
fortis-

per otium transigunt, dediti

somno ciboque^

simus quisque ac bellicosissimus nihil agens^ delegata

domus

et

penatium

et

agrorum cura feminis senibus:

que et infirmissimo cuique ex familia ipsi hebent, mira diversitate naturae, cum idem homines sic ament
inertiam et oderint quietem.
1

mos

est civitatibus ultro

P., II.

multum,

Lij^'Sius

non multum, MSS.,

284

GERMANY
be surpassed in prowess a reproach for liis retinue not to equal the prowess of its chief: but to have left the field and survived one's chief, this means lifelong infamy and shame to protect and defend him, to devote one's own feats even to his
for a chief to
;
:

the glorification, this is the gist of their allegiance chief fights for victory, but the retainers for the chief. Should it happen that the community where they are born be drugged with long years of peace and quiet, many of the high-born youth voluntarily seek those tribes which ai*e at the time engaged in some war for rest is unwelcome to the race, and they distinguish themselves more readily in the midst of uncertainties besides,you cannot keep up a great retinue except by war and violence, for it is to the free-handed chief that they look for that war-horse, for that murderous and masterful spear banquetings and a certain rude but lavish outfit take the place of salary. The material for this free-handedness comes through war and foray. You will not so readily persuade them to plough the land and wait for the year's returns as to challenge the enemy and earn wounds besides, it seems limp and slack to get with the sweating of your brow what you can gain with the shedding of your blood. When they are not entering on war, they spend much time in hunting,but more in idleness creatures who eat and sleep, the best and bravest warriors doing nothing, having handed over the charge of their home, hearth, and estate to the women and the old men and the weakest members of the family ; for themselves they vegetate, by that curious incongruity of temperament which makes of the same men such lovers of slumber and such haters of quiet.
:

285

TACITVS
ac viritim conferre principibus vel

armentorum

vel

frugum, quod pro honore acceptum etiam necessitatibus

subvenit.

gaudeut jjraecipue finitimarum

singulis,

gentium donis, quae non mode a

publice mittuntui", eleeti equi,

sed et

magna arma^

phalerae

torquesque; iam et pecuniam accipere docuimus.

16

Nullas

Germanorum

populis

urbes habitain

satis

notum

est,

ne pati quidem inter se iunctas sedes.

ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut
vicos locant

colunt discreti

nemus

})lacuit.

non

in
:

nostrum morem

conexis

et

cohaerentibus

aedificiis

suam quisque

domum
quidem

spatio circumdat, sive adversus casus ignis

sive inscitia aedificandi.

remedium

ne caementorum
:

a})ud illos aut tegularum usus

et citra

materia ad

omnia utuntur informi

tionem.

speciem aut delecta-

quaedam

loca diligentius inlinunt terra ita

pura ac splendente, ut pictui'am ac liniamenta colorum

imitetur.

solent et subterraneos specus aperire eos-

que multo insuper fimo onerant, sufFugium hiemis et

receptaculum frugibus, quia rigorem frigorum eius

modi

loci molliunt, et

si

quando

hostis advenit, aperta

populatur, abdita autem et defossa aut ignorantur

aut eo ipso fallunt, quod quaerenda sunt.

1

Tegumen omnibus sagum

consertum
:

fibula aut,

si

desit, spina

cetera intecti totos diesiuxta focum atque

ignem agunt. locupletissimi veste distinguuntur, no

286

GERMANY
It is the custom in their states to bestow upon the chief unasked and man by man some portion of one's cattle or crops it is accepted as a compliment, but also serves his needs. The chiefs apjn-eciate still more the gifts of neighbouring tribes, which are sent not merely by individuals but by the community selected horses, heavy armour, bosses and bracelets by this
: :

time Ave have taught them to acce])t money also. It is well known that none of the German tribes live in cities^ that even individually they do not pei'mit houses to touch each other they live separated and scattered, according as spring-water, meadow, or grove appeals to each man they lay out their villages not, after our fashion, Avith buildings contiguous and connected every one keeps a clear space round his house, whether it be a precaution against the chances of fire, or just ignorance of building. They have not even learned to use quarrystone or tiles the timber thev use for all purposes is unshaped, and sto{)s short of all ornament or attraccertain buildings are smeared with a stucco tion bright and glittering enough to be a substitute for })aint and frescoes. They are in the habit also of opening pits in the earth and piling dung in quantities on the roof, as a refuge from the winter or a root-house, because such places mitigate the rigour of frost, and if an enemy come, he lays waste the open but the hidden and buried houses are either missed outright or escape detection just because they
:
:

require a search. For clothing all wear a cloak, fastened with a clasp, they spend whole days or, in its absence, a thorn on the hearth round the fire with no other covering. The richest men are distinguished by the wearing of under-dothes ; not loose, like those of Parthians and
:

287

TACITVS
fluitante,

sicut

Sarmatae ac Parthi, sed

stricta et

singulos artus exi)rimente.

gerunt et ferarum pelles,

proximi ripae neglegenter, ulteriores exquisitius, ut

quibus nullus per commercia cultus.
eligunt feras

et detracta velamina spargunt maculis pellibusque

beluarum, quas exterior Oceanus atque ignotum mare

gignit.

nee

alius feminis
lineis

quam

viris

habitus, nisi

quod feminae saepius

purpura
variant,

amictibus velantur eosque

in

partemque vestitus superioris

manicas non extendunt, nudae brachia ae lacertos

sed
et proxima
illic

pars

pectoris

patet.

quamquam

severa

matrimonial nee ullam

morum partem
paucis,

magis laudaveris.

nam prope

soli

barbarorum singulis

uxoribus contenti sunt, exeeptis

qui

admodum

non

libidine, sed

ob nobilitatem pluribus nuptiis

ambiuntur.
i

Dotem non uxor

marito, sed uxori maritus ofFert.

intersunt parentes et propinqui ac munera probant,

munera non ad delicias muliebre^ quaesita nee quibus

nova nupta comatur, sed boves et frenatum equum et

scutum cum framea gladioque.

aceipitur, atque in

in

haec munera uxor

aliquid viro

vicem

ijisa

armorum

adfert

hoc

maximum

vinculum, haec arcana sacra,

hos coniugales deos arbitrantur.

ne se mulier extra

virtutum cogitationes extraque bellorum casus putet, 288

GERMANY
Sarmatians, but drawn tight^ throwing each limb into
relief.

They wear also the skins of wild beasts, the ti'ibes adjoining the river-bank in casual fashion, the further tribes with more attention, since they cannot depend on traders for clothing. The beasts for this purpose are selected, and the hides so taken are chequered with the pied skins of the creatures native to the outer ocean and its unknown waters. The women have the same dress as the men, except that very often trailing linen garments, striped with purple, are in use for women the upper part of this costume does not widen into sleeves their arms and shoulders are thei'efore bare, as is the adjoining portion of the breast. None the less the marriage tie with them is strict you will find nothing in their character to praise more highly. They are almost the only barbarians who are content with a wife apiece the very few exceptions have nothing to do with passion, but consist of those with whom polygamous marriage is eagerly sought for the sake of their high birth. As for dower, it is not the wife who brings it to the husband, but the husband to the wife. The parents and relations are present to approve these gifts gifts not devised for ministering to female fads, nor for the adornment of the person of the bride, but oxen, a horse and bridle, a shield and spear or sword it is to share these things that the wife is taken by the husband, and she herself, in turn, brings some piece of armour to her husband. Here is the gist of the bond between them, here in their eyes its mysterious sacrament, the divinity which hedges it. That the wife may not imagine herself released from the practice of heroism, released
: :

289

TACITVS
ipsis

incipientis

matrimonii

auspiciis

admonetur

venire se labonun periculorumque sociam, idem in

pace,
iuncti

idem

in

proelio passinvim

ausuramque
data
:

hoe
arnia

boves, hoe paratus

sic

equus, hoe
sic

denuntiant.
se

vivendum,

pereundum

accipere

quae hberis inviolata reddat, ac digna ^ quae nurus

accipiant riirsusque ad nepotes referantur.

19

Ergo saepta pudicitia agunt,

inlecebris^ nullis litterai'um

nullis

spectaculorum

conviviorum irritationibus corruptae.

secreta viri pariter ac feminae ignorant.

paucissima in tam numerosa gente adulteria, quorum

poena praesens

et maritis permissa

abscisis crinibus

nudatam coram propinquis

per

expellit
;

domo

maritus ac

omnem vicum

verbere agit
:

publicatae enim
aetate,
illic

pudicitiae nulla venia

non forma, non

non
vitia

opibus maritum invenerit.

ridet,

nemo enim

nee corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.

melius quidem adhuc eae civitates, in quibus tantum

virgines

nubunt
sic

transigitur.

et cum spe votoque uxoris semel unum accipiunt maritum quo modo

unum

corpus

unamque

vitam. ne ulla cogitatio ultra,

ne longior cupiditas, ne tamquam niaritum, sed tam-

finire
1

quam matrimonium ament. numerum aut quemquam ex adgnatis necare

;

liberorum
flagitium

inviolata reddat, ac digua, Acidalius reddat, M8S., F., U.

iuviolata ac digna

.290

GERMANY
fVoni the

chances of war, she is tlius warned by the very rites with which her mai'riage begins that she comes to share hard work and peril that her fate will be the same as his in peace and in panic, her risks the same. This is the moi'al of the yoked oxen, of the bridled horse, of the exchange of arms The so must she live and so must die. things she takes she is to hand over inviolate to her children, fit to be taken by her daughters-in-law and passed on again to her grand;

children. So their
is

life is one of fenced-in chastity. There no arena with its seductions, no dinner-tables with their provocations to corrupt them. Of the exchange of secret lettei's men and women alike are innocent adulteries ai*e very few for the number of the people. Punishment is prompt and is
;

the husband's prerogative her hair close-ci*o]iped, stripped of her clothes, her husband drives her from his house in presence of his relatives and pursues her with blows through the length of the village. For prostituted chastity there is no pardon beauty nor youth nor wealth will find her a husband. No one laughs at vice there no one calls seduction, suffered or wrought, the spirit of the age. Better still are those tribes where only maids mari'y, and where a woman makes an end, once for all, with the hopes and vows of a wife so they take one husband only, just as one body and one life, in order that there may be no second thoughts, no belated fancies in, order that their desire may be not for the man, but for marriage ^ to limit the number of their children, to make away with any of the later children is held abominable, 1 See Appendix VI, p. 348.
:

291

TACITVS
habetur, pi usque
ibi

boni mores valent

quam

alibi

bonae leges.
20
In omni

domo nudi

ac sordidi in hos artus^ in haec sua queraque

corpora^ quae miramur, excrescunt.

mater uberibus
gantur.
deliciis

alit,

nee
ac

ancillis

aut nutricibus delenullis

pecoi'aj

dominum
dignoscas
:

servum

educationis
in

inter

eadem

eadem

humo

degunt^ donee aetas separet ingenuos, virtus

sera

adgnoscat.
pubertas.
similis

iuvenum venus, eoque inexhausta

;

nee virgines festinantur

:

eadem

iuventa,

proceritas

pares validaeque miscentur^ ac

robora parentum liberi referunt.

sororum

filiis

idem

apud avunculura qui apud patrem honor,

sanctiorem artioremque hunc

quidam

nexum

sanguinis arbi-

trantur et in accipiendis obsidibus magis exigunt^

tamquam

et

animum

firmius et

domum latius teneant.

liberi, et

heredes tamen successoresque sui cuique

nullum testamentum.

si

liberi

non

sunt, proximus

gradus in possessione fratres, patrui, avunculi.

1

quanto

An obvious reference to Roman race-suicide and infanticide and to the attempt made by the lex Papia Poppaea to stem
these evils. 2 DtUciis educationis look? at first sight the Latin equivalent to rd wepiTra. to. koix-^o. in Greek (in Euripides' Antiope, 25-27, for instance), but it is not so the Greek refers
:

292

GERMANY
and good habits have more foi-ce with them than good laws elsewhere.^ There then they are, the children, in every house, filling out amid nakedness and squalor into that girth of limb and frame which is to our people a marvel. Its own mother suckles each at her breast they are not passed on to nursemaids and wet-nurses. Nor can master be recognised from servant by any flummery ^ in their respective bringing-up they live in the com})any of the same cattle and on the same mud Hoor till years separate the free-born and character
;
:

claims her own.

The virginity of youth is late treasured and puberty therefore inexhaustible nor for the girls is there any hot-house forcing they pass their youth in the same way as the boys their stature is as tall ; when they reach the same strength they are mated, and the children rejoroduce the vigour of the parents. Sisters' children mean as much to their uncle as to their father ^ some tribes regard this blood-tie as even closer and more sacred than that between son and father, and in taking hostages make it the basis of their demand, as though they thus secure loyalty more surely and have a wider hold on the family. However, so far as heirship and succession are concerned, each man's children are his heirs, and there if there be no children, the nearest is no will degi-ees of relationship for the holding of property are brothers, paternal uncles, and uncles maternal
; ;
:

(as one would expect) to education in the narrower and more technical sense, and therein to "culture" subjects and to the "other frills" of education; but Tacitus only means that the children are all brought up without distinction, and without cosseting and pampering for the better born. 3 See Appendix VII, p. 349,

TACITVS
plus propiiiquorumj quanto maior adfinium

Humerus
jjretia.

tanto gratiosior senectus

21

nee ulla orbitatis

Siiseij)ere tani iuimicitias seu patris seu proi)inqui

quam
luitur

amicitias necesse est; nee inplaeabiles durant

enim etiam homicidium eerto armentoi'um ac jjecoram numero recipitque satisfactionem universa
domus,
utiliter in

publicum, quia perieulosiores sunt

inimicitiae iuxta libertatem.

Convietibus et hospitiis non alia gens effusius indulget.

quemcumque mortalium
;

areere tecto nefas

excij)it.

habetur

j)ro

fortuna quisque apparatis epulis

cum

defecere, qui
et

modo hospes
;

fuerat, monstrator
in\dtati

liospitii

comes

proximam domum non

:

adeunt.

nee interest

pari humanitate accipiuntur,

ius hospitis

notum ignotumque quantum ad

cernit.

nemo

dis;

abeunti,

si

quid poposcerit, concedere moris

facilitas.

et poscendi in
ibus, sed

vicem eadem

gaudent muner-

nee data imputant nee acceptis obligantur.

22

Statim e somno, quern plerumque in diem extrahunt, lavantur, saepius calida, ut apud quos plurimum

hiems occupat.

lauti

eibum capiunt

separatae sin-

gulis sedes et sua cuique mensa.

tum ad

negotia nee

minus saepe ad convivia procedunt armati.

diem
cre-

noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum.

brae, ut inter vinolentos, rixae raro conviciis, saepius

^

Tacitus scoffs at the courtship paid in

to the old

Kume

to orlitas,

i.e.

and

childless.

294

GERMANY
the more relations a man has and the larger the number of his connections by marriage, the more influence has he in his age ; it does not pay to have

no

ties.^

incumbent to take up a father's feuds or a kinsman's not less than his friendships but such feuds do not continue unappeasable: even homicide is atoned for by a fixed number of cattle and sheep, and the whole family thereby receives satisfaction, to the public advantage for feuds are more dangerous among a free people. No race indulges more lavishly in hospitality and entertainment to close the door against any human being is a crime. Every one according to his property receives at a well-spread board should it fail, he who had been your host points out your place of entertainment and goes with you. You go next door, without an invitation, but it makes no difference you are received with the same courtesy. Stranger or acquaintance, no one distinguishes them where the right of hospitality is concerned. It is customary to speed the parting guest with anything he fancies. There is the same readiness in turn to ask of him gifts are their delight, but they neither count ujion what they have given, nor are bound by what they have
It is
; ;
: :

received.
front sleep, which they generally prothe day, they wash, usually in warm water, since winter bulks so large in their lives after washing they take a meal, seated apart, each at his own table then, arms in hand, they proceed to busiTo out-drink ness, or, just as often, to revelry. the day and night is a reproach to no man brawls are frequent naturally, among heavy drinkers they seldom terminate with abuse, more often in wounds

On waking

long into

295

; :

TACITVS
caede et vulneribus transiguntur.
sed et de reconciliandis invicem inimicis et iungendis adfinitatibus et

adsciscendis

principibus^ de
in

pace denique ac bello

plerumque

conviviis

consultant,

tamquani nullo

magis tempore aut ad

siniplices cogitationes pateat

animus aut ad magnas incalescat.

gens non astuta

loci

nee callida aperit adhuc secreta pectoris licentia

ergo detecta et nuda ornnium mens,
retractatur,
et

postera die

salva

utriusque temporis ratio est

deliberant,

dum

fingere nesciunt^ constituunt,

dum

errare non possunt.

23

Potui

humor ex

liordeo aut frumento^ in

:

quandam

similitudinem vini corruptus

proximi ripae et vinum

mercantur.

cibi siniplices^, agrestia

:

poma, recens

fera

aut lac concretum

sine apparatu, sine blandimentis

expellunt famem.
perantia.
si

adversus sitim non

eadem temquantum
armis

indulseris ebrietati suggerendo

vitiis

concupiscunt^ haud minus facile

vincentur.

quam

24

Genus spectaculorum unum atque

idem,

in

omni coetu
est, inter

nudi iuvenes, quibus id ludicrum

gladios se atque infestas frameas saltu iaciunt.

citatio

exer-

artem paravit,

ars
:

decorem, non in quaestum

lasciviae pre-

tamen aut mercedem quamvis audacis

tium est voluptas spectantium.
sobrii inter seria exercent, tanta
2pf)

aleam, quod mirere,

hurandi perdendive

GERMANY
nevertheless the mutual reconciliation of enemies, the forming of family alliances, the ajipointment of chiefs, the question even of war or peace, are usually debated at these banquets as though at no other time were the mind more open to obvious, or better warmed to larger, thoughts. The people are without craft or cunning, and expose in the freedom of revelry the heart's previous secrets; so every mind is bared to nakedness on the next day the matter is handled afresh so the principle of each debating season is justified deliberation comes when they are incapable of pretence, but decision w^hen they are secure from illusion. For drink they use the liquid distilled from barley or wheat, after fermentation has given it a certain resemblance to wine. The tribes nearest the river also buy wine. Their diet is simple wild fruit, fresh venison, curdled milk. Ihey banish hunger without sauce or ceremony, but there is not the same temperance in facing thirst: if you humour their drunkenness by supplying as much as they crave, they will
; ;
: ;

and bloodshed

be vanquished through their vices as easily as on the

battlefield.^

Their shows are all of one kind, and the same whatever the gathering may be naked youths, for whom this is a form of professional acting, jump and bound between swords and upturned spears. Practice has made them dexterous and dexterity graceful yet not for hire or gain however daring be the sport, the spectator's pleasure is the only price they ask. Gambling, one may be surprised to find, they practise in all seriousness in their sober- hours, with such
:

Tacitus does not mean that such was the deliberate policy but rather a possible result of the weakness of primitive races.
^

of

Rome,

297

TACITVS
temeritate, ut,

cum omnia

defecerunt, extremo ac

novissimu iactu de libertate ac de corpore conteudaut.

victus voluntariam servitutera adit
:

quamvis iuveniorj
patitur.

quamvis robustior adligari se ac venire

est in re prava pervicacia
;

ea

ipsi

fidem vocant.
tradunt^ ut se

servos

condicionis hiiius per commercia

qnoque

pudore victoriae exsolvant.

Ceteris servis

non

in

nostrum morem, discriptis per

:

familiam ministeriis, utuntuv

suos penates regit,

suam quisque sedem^

frumenti

modum dominus

aut

pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit^et servus hactenus

paret

cetera

domus

officia

uxor ac

liberi

exsequuntur.
:

verberare servum ac vinculis et opei'e coercere rarum

occidere solent,non disciplina et sevei'itate^ sed impetu

et ira, ut inimicura, nisi

quod impune

est.

liberti

non multum supra servos sunt^ raro aliquod momen-

tum
iis

in

domo^ numquam

in civitate, exceptis
ibi

dumtaxat

gentibus quae regnantur.

enim
:

et super in-

genuos et super nobiles ascendunt

apud ceteros

impares libertini libertatis argumentum sunt.

1 Colonus came in time to mean "serf." which .seem.^ to suit the context here ; but Tacitus is either anticipating the later meaning of colonus or is suggesting a false analogy between

298

GERMANY
recklessness in winning or losing that^ when all else has tailed, they stake personal liberty on the last and final throw the loser faces voluntary slavery though he be the younger and the stronger man, he suffers himself to be bound and sold ; such is their persistence in wrong-doing, or their good faith, as they themselves style it. Slaves so acquired they trade, in order to deliver themselves, as well as the slave, from the humiliation involved in such victory. Their other slaves are not organised in our fashion that is, by a division of the services of life among them. Each of them remains master of his own house and home: the master requires from the slave as serf ^ a certain quantity of grain or cattle or clothing. The slave so far is subservient but the other services of the household are discharged by the master's wife and children. To beat a slave and coerce him with liard labour and imprisonment is rare if they are
:
:

not usually to preserve strict discipline, but in a fit of fury, like an enemy, except that there is no penalty to be paid. Freedmen are not much above slaves rarely are they of any weight in the household, never in politics, except at least in those states which have kings then they climb above the free-born and above tlie nobles in other states the disabilities of the freedman are the evidence of freedom. To charge interest and to extend the same to usury is unknown, and the principle accordingly better observed than if there had been actual prohibition.
killed, it
is
: :

the coloims of his time and ilie Germaa "serf." The passage illustrates his carelessness about legal and constitutional
technicalities.
2 The word " usury " seems here to be used precisely in the popular sense which it bears to-day, of extravagant rates of

interest.

299

TACITVS
26

Faemis agitare et

in

usuras extendere ignotum

ideoque niagis servatur

quam

si

vetituiii esset.
^

agri

pro numero cultorum ab universis vicis

occupanlur^
parspatia

quos

mox
;

inter

se

secundum dignationem
partiendi

tiuntur

facilitatem

camporum

jiraestant.

arva

per

annos

mutant^ et

superest
soli

ager.

nee enim cum ubertate et amplitudine

labore contendunt, ut pomaria conserant et prata

separent et hortos rigent

sola terrae seges imperatur.

unde annum quoque ipsum non

species
:

in

totidem digerunt

hiems et ver et aestas intellectum ac vocabula

habent, autumni perinde

27

nomen
:

ac bona ignorantur.

Funerum

nulla ambitio

id

solum observatur, ut
lignis

corj)ora clai'orum

virorum

certis

crementur,
:

struem rogi nee vestibus nee odoribus cumulant

sua
se-

cuique arma^ quorundam igni et equus adicitur.

pulcrum caespes

erigit

monumentorum arduum

et

operosum honorem ut gravem defunctis aspernantur.

lamenta ac lacrimas
cito,

dolorem et tristitiam tarda

est, viris

ponunt. feminis lugere honestum

meminisse.

Haec

in

commune de omnium Germanorura origine

:

ac moribus accepimus

nunc singularum gentium

in-

stituta ritusque, quatenus differant,

quaeque nationes

e Germania in Gallias commigraverint, expediam.

28

Validiores olim Gallorum res fuisse

1

summus

auctoiT/>S'.

\'\ci$,

one
;

{C) and

if.

(Barubergincnsis), F.; [vices], ]atican in vices, Vatican MS. {B).

MS.

300

GERMANY
taken up by a village as a whole, in quantity according to the number of the cultivators they then distribute it among themselves on the basis of rank, such distribution being made easy by the extent of domain occupied. They change the arable land yearly, and there is still land to spare, for they do not strain the fertility and resources of the soil by tasking them, through the planting of vineyards, the setting apart of water-meadows, the irrigation of vegetable gardens. Grain is the only harvest required of the land accordingly the year itself is not divided into as many parts as with us winter, spring, summer have a meaning and name of autumn ^ the name alike
is
: ;
:

Land

and bounties are unknown. In burial there is no ostentation the single observance is to burn the bodies of their notables with special kinds of wood. They build a pyre, but do not load it with palls or spices to each man his armour to the fire of some his horse also is added. The tomb is a mound of turf the difficult and tedious tribute of a monument they reject as too heavy on the dead. Weeping and wailing they put away quickly sorrow and sadness linger. Lamentation becomes women men must remember. So much in general w-e have ascertained concermng the oi'igin of the undivided Germans and their customs. I shall now set forth the habits and customs of the several races, and the extent to which they differ from each other and explain what tribes have migrated from Germany to the Gallic provinces. That the fortunes of the Gaul were once higher
:
:
:

1 Similarly, our own words for the seasons are all native "fall," now American, words, except autumn, which is Latin was not English before (or after) the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Similarly, " herbst" is said to be late German.
;

301

TACITVS
rum divus
Gallos in
lulius

tradit

eoque credibile est etiam

:

Germaniam

transgresses

quantulum enim

amnis obstabat quo minus, ut quaeque gens evaluerat,

occuparet permutaretque sedes promiscuas adhuc et
nulla regnorum potentia divisas
?

igitur inter

Her-

cyniam silvam Rhenumque et Moenum amnes Helvetii,

ulteriora Boii, Gallica utraque gens, tenuere.

manet
veterem

adhuc Boihaemi nomen significatque

loci

memoriam quamvis mutatis

Aravisci in

cultoribus.

sed utrum
in

Pannoniam ab Osis an Osi ab Araviscis

Germaniam commigraverint,

cum eodem adhuc

est,

ser-

mone

institutis

moribus utantur, incertum

libertate

quia
ripae

pari olim inopia ac

eadem utriusque

bona malaque

erant.

Treveri et Nervii circa adfectaoriginis ultro ambitiosi sunt, tam-

tionem Germanicae

quam per banc gloriam

inertia

sanguinis a similitudine et

Gallorum separentur.

ipsam

Rheni

ripam

baud dubie Germaiiorum populi colunt, Vangitmes,

Triboci,

Nemetes.

ne

Ubii

quidem,

quamquam

Romana

colonia esse meruerint ac libentius Agripsui

pinenses conditoris
1

nomine

vocentur, origine

represents the
2

According to Latham (Germania, p. 92), Boihaemum rather modern Bavaria than Bohemia.

The Romans explain the name

"

Germani "

as

meaning

302

GERMANY
is recorded on the .su))reme authority of JuHus of happy memory, and therefore it is easy to believe that the Gauls even crossed over into Germany: small chance there was of the river preventing each tribe^ as it became powerful, from seizing and taking in exchange new land, still held in common, and not yet accordingly the divided into powerful kingdoms country between the Hercynian forest and the rivers Rhine and Moenus was occu])ied by the Helvetii, and the country beyond by the Boii, both Gallic races the name Boihaemum ^ still subsists and testifies to the old traditions of the place, though there has been a change of occupants. Whether, however, the Aravisci migrated into Pannonia from the Osi, or the Osi into Germany from the Aravisci, must remain uncertain, since their si)eech, orihabits, and type of character are still the same ginally, in fact, there was the same misery and the same freedom on either baiik of the river, the same advantages and the same drawbacks. The Treveri and Nervi conversely go out of their way in their ambition to claim a German origin, as though this illustrious ancestry delivers them from any affinity with the indolent Gaul.^ On the river bank itself are planted certain peoples Vangiones, Triboci, Nemetes. indubitably German Not even the Ubii, though they have earned the right to be a Roman colony and prefer to be called " Agrij)-

than

tlie

German

pinenses," from the

name
:

of their founder, blush to

own

their

German

origin

they originally came from

the i)iu-e or undemovalised Germans, as distinct from tlie demoralised Germans of Gaul it seems, however, only a difference of degree to the mind of Tacitus, who dwells also on the indolence of the German.
;

303

TACITVS
erubescunt, transgressi olim et

experimento

fidei

super ipsam Rheni ripam collocati, ut arcerent^ non

ut custodirentur.

29

Omnium harum gentium

non multum ex
ripa^ sed

virtute praecipui Batavi

insulam Rheni amnis colunt,

Chattorum quondam populus et seditione domestica

in eas sedes transgressus, in quibus pars
perii fierent.

Romani im-

manet honos

et antiquae societatis in-

signe

nam nee tributis contemnuntur nee publicanus

;

atterit

exempti oneribus et collationibus et tantum

sepositi, velut tela

in

usum proeliorum

atque arma,
et Mattia-

bellis reservantur.

est in

eodem obsequio

corum gens
ultra

protulit

enim magnitudo populi Romani

terminos imperii reve-

Rhenum ultraque veteres

ita

rentiam.

sede finibusque in sua ripa, mente anicetera similes Batavis, nisi

moque nobiscum agunt,

(|uod ipso

adhuc

terrae

suae solo et caelo acrius

animantur.

Non numeraverim
quam
trans

inter

Germaniae populos, quamconsederint, eos

Rhenum Danuviumque
:

qui decumates agros exereent

levissimus quisque

Gallorum et inopia audax dubiae possessionis solum

1

Modern Hesse the names Hesse and Chatti are the same. The limes was the artificial frontier joining the gap
;

304

GERMANY
beyond the rivei% and were placed in charge of the bank itself, after they had given proof of their loyalty, in order to block the way to others, not in order to be under supervision. Of all these races the most manly are the Batavi, who occupy only a shoi't stretch of the river bank, but with it the island in the stream they were once a tribe of the Chatti,i and on account of a rising at home they crossed the river for those lands which were to make them j)art of the Roman Empire. Their distinction persists and the emblem of their ancient
:

alliance with us

they are not insulted, that is, with the exaction of tribute, and there is no tax-farmer to oppress them immune from burdens and contributions, and set apart for fighting purposes only, they are reserved for war, to be, as it were, our arms and weapons. Equally loyal are the tribe of the Mattiaci for the greatness of the Roman nation has projected the awe felt for our Empire beyond the Rhine, and beyond the long-established frontier. So by site and territory they belong to their own bank, but by sentiment and thought they act with us, and correspond in all respects with the Batavi, except that hitherto both the soil and climate of their land of themselves stimulate to greater animation. I should not count among the people of Germany, though they have established themselves beyond the Rhine and Danube, the tribes who cultivate " the tithe-lands." All the wastrelsofGaul,])lucking courage from misery, took possession of that debateable land latterly, since the frontier line has been driven ^ and the garrisons pushed forward, these lands have been
: :

lietM-een the
it

two natural frontiers, the Rhine and the Danube: was a narrow path planted with a barricade in which at set intervals were forts.

305

TACITVS
occupavere
;

mox

limite acto promotisque pvaesidiis

sinus imperii et pars provinciae habeiitur.

SO

Ultra hos Chatti

incohatur,

initium sedis ab Hercyuio saltu

efTusis

non

ita

ac

palustribus

locis,
:

ut

ceterae civitates, in quas Germania patescit

dnrant

siquidem
saltus

colleS;,

paulatim rarescuntj et Chattos suos

Hercynius prosequitur simul atque deponit.

duriora genti corpora, stricti artus, minax vultus et

maior animi vigor,

I'ationis

multum, ut inter Germanos,

:

ac

sollertiae

praeponere

electos,

audire

praepositos,
differre

nosse

ordines,

intellegere

occasiones,

impetus, disponere

diem, vallare noctem,

fortunam inter dubia, virtutem inter certa numerare,

quodque rarissimum nee

nisi

Romanae

disciplinae

concessum, plus reponere in duce quam in exercitu.

omne robur
quoque et

in pedite,

quern super arma ferramentis

:

copiis

onerant

alios
rari

ad proelium

ire

videas, Chattos ad bellum.

excursus et fortuita

pugna.

equestrium sane virium id proprium, cito

cedere
:

parei'e victoriam, cito

velocitas iuxta formi-

dinera, cunctatio propior constantiae est.

1 See Ch. 38 and Appendix IX, p. 350 they seem to be the Suebi of Caesar, i.e. Caesar uses the generic name which the Gatils gave to varions German peoples on the llhine their
;
;

306

: ;

GERMANY
counted an
of the
oiitlyino-

corner of the Empire and a part

:

Roman

^ tlie Chatti the front begins with the Hercynian forest. The land is not so low and marshy as the other states of the level German plain yet even where the hills cover a considerable territory they gradually fade away, and so the Hercynian forest, after escorting its Chatti to the full length of their settlement, drops them in the plain. This tribe has hardier bodies than the others, close-knit limbs, a forbidding expression, and more strength of intellect there is much method in what they do, for Germans at least, and much shrewdness. They elect magisknow their trates and listen to the man elected place in the ranks and recognise opportunities reserve their attack have a time for everything entrench at night distrust luck, but rely on courage and the rarest thing of all, which only Roman discidepend on the pline has been permitted to attain initiative of the general rather than on that of the soldier. 2 Their whole strength lies in their infantry, whom they load with iron tools and baggage, in addition to their arms other Germans may be seen going to battle, but the Chatti go to war. Forays and casual fighting are rare with them the latter method no doubt is part of the strength of cavalry to win suddenly, that is, and as suddenly to retire for the speed of cavalry is near allied to panic, but the deliberate action of infantry is more likely to be resolute.

Beyond

province. these people are

of

their settlements

geographical position in Hesse favours their identity with

Caesar's Suebi. 2 Tacitus is implicitly contrasting the initiative and selfreliance of the native or colonial trooper Avith the machinelike discipline of the Roman legionary his verdict is in favour of the discipline of the regulars and against the colonials.
;

;]()7

TACITVS
31

Et

aliis

Germanorum

populis usurpatum raro et

privata cuiusque audentia

vertit, ut

apud Chattos

in consensura

primum

adoleverintj ciinem

barbamque sub-

mittere, nee nisi hoste caeso exuere votivum obliga-

tumque

virtuti oris

habitum. supersanguinem et spolia

vevelant frontem^ seque turn

rettulisse

demum

pretia nascendi

dignosque

patria

ac parentibus
squalor.

ferunt

iguavis

et

imbellibus manet

fortissimus

quisque ferreum insuper anulum (ignominiosum id

genti) velut vinculum gestat^ donee se caede hostis
absolvat.

plurimis

Chattorum hie plaeet habituSj

iamque canent insignes et hostibus simul suisque

monstrati.

omnium penes hos

acies^

initia
:

pugnarum

haec
pace

prima semper

visu

nova

nam ne
nulli

in

quidem eultu mitiore mansuescunt.

ager aut aliqua cura
:

domus aut

prout ad quemque venere,

aluntur, prodigi alieni, contemptores sui, donee ex-

sanguis seneetus tarn durae virtuti impares faciat.

32

Proximi Chattis eertum iam alveo Rhenum, quique

terminus esse

sufficiat^

Usipi ac

Tencteri

colunt.

Tencteri super solitum bellorum decus equestris disciplinae arte praecellunt

;

nee maior apud Chattos

sie instituere

peditum laus quam Teneteris equitum.

maiores
:

})osteri iinitantur.

hi lusus infantium^

haec

308

GERMANY
The ceremony, practised by other German peoples only occasionally, and by individual hardihood, has with the Chatti become a convention, to let the hair and beard grow when a youth has attained manliood, and to put off that facial garb which is due and dedicate to manliness only after an enemy has been slain standing above the sanguinary spoil, they dismantle their faces again, and advertise that then and not before have they paid the price of their birthpangs, and are worthy of their kin and country. Cowards and weaklings remain unkempt. The bravest also wear a ring of iron the badge of shame on other occasions among this people in token of chains, until each man frees himself by the slaughter of an enemy this symbolism is very popular, and men already growing grey still wear this uniform for the pointing finger of friend and foe. Every battle begins with these men the front rank is made up of them and is a curious sight. Nay, even in peace they allow no tamer life to enervate them. None of them has house or land or any business wherever they present themselves they are entertained, wasteful of the substance of others, indifferent to personal possessions, until age and loss of blood make them unequal to heroism so hardy. Next to the Chatti come the Usipi and Tencteri, on the Rhine banks where the river has ceased to shift its bed and has become fit to serve for a frontier. The Tencteri, in addition to the general reputation of the race as Avarriors, excel in the accomplishments of trained horsemen. The fame of the Chattan intheir fantry is not greater than that of their cavalry succeeding ancestors established the precedent here lies the diversion ffenerations vie Avith them
:

309

TACITVS
iuvemaii aemulatio
:

pei'severant senes.

inter fami-

liam et penates et iura successionum equi traduntui*

excipit
filius^

non ut

cetera,

maximus

natu, sed pvout

ferox bello et melior.

33

luxta Tencteros IJructeri oliin occurrebant

nunc

Chamavos

et Anj^rivarios inniigrasse narratur, pulsis

Bructeris ac penitus excisis vicinaruni consensu na-

tionum, seu superbiae odio sen praedae dulcedine

seu favore quodani erga nos deorum
taculo
;

nam ne

spec-

quidem

proelii invidere.

super sexaginta milia

non armis
est^

telisque Romanis, sed

quod magnificentius
maneat,
nostri^

oblectationi

oculisque
si

ceciderunt.

quaeso, duretque gentibus,

certe
nihil

non amor
^

at

odium

sui,

quando vergentibus

imperii fatis

iam praestare fortuna maius potest quam hos-

tium discordiam. 34
Angrivarios et Chamavos a tergo Dulgubnii et
Chasuarii

chidunt aliaeque
fronte
Frisii

gentes

haud perinde
maioribus

memoratae, a
minoribusque

excipiunt.

Frisiis

vocabulum

utraeque nationes usque ad

texuntur

est ex modo virium. Oceanum Rheno prae-

ambiuntque
classibus
ilia

inmensos insuper lacus

et

Romanis

navigates.
;

ipsum quin etiam

Oceanum
1

temptavimus

et supei;esse

adhuc HerMS.
(B), F.,

H.

vergeutibus, Lipsius ; urgiientibus, Vatican in urguentibus, Vatican MS. (C).

310

GERMANY
of infancy, the rivaliy of youth, and the abiding interest of age. Horses descend with servants, house, and regular inheritance but the heir to the horse is not, as in other things, the eldest son, but the confident soldier and tiie better man. Originally next the Tencteri one came across the Bructeri the Chamavi and Angrivarii are said to have trekked thither recently, after the Bructeri had been expelled or cut to pieces by the conjoint action of neighbouring peoples, whether from disgust at their arrogance or from the attractions of plunder, or because Heaven leans to the side of Rome. Nay, Heaven did not even grudge us a dramatic battle over sixty thousand men fell, not befoi'e the arms and spears of Rome, but what was even a greater triumph for us merely to delight our eyes.
;
: :

I pray, and persist among the not love for us at least hatred for each other since now tligit the destinies of the Empire have passed their zenith. Fortune can guarantee us nothing better than discord among our foes.'^ The Angrivarii and Chamavi are closed to the south by the Dulgubnii and the Chasuarii and other tribes not so well known to history. To the north follow the Frisii they are called the Greater or Lesser Frisii according to the measure of their strength these two tribes border the Rhine down to the ocean, and also fringe the great lakes Avhich the fleets of Rome navigate. Nay, in that quarter we have essayed the ocean itself, and beyond our range rumour has published the existence of pillars of Hercules ^ 1 See Appendix VIII, p. S.'iO. The battle here referred to cannot be identilied the date must have beeti after A. D. 70{F.). 2 All boulders rising from the sea at critical places, such as it

Long may

last,

nations, this

if

straits,

were ascribed to the active hands of Hercules, the builder of natural lighthouses.

first

311

TACITVS
culis

columnas fama vulgavit, sive

adiit Hercules, seu

quidquid ubique magnificum

referre consensimus.

est, in claritatem eius

nee defuit audentia Druso Ger-

manico, sed obstitit Oceanus in se simul atque in

Herculem
scire.

inquiri.

mox nemo

tempta\it, sanctiusque

ac reverentius visum de actis deoiiim credere

quam
in

35

Hactenus

in

occidentem Germaniam novimus

septentrionem ingenti flexu recedit.

ac primostatim

Chaucorum gens, quamquam

partem
litoris

incipiat

Frisiis

ac

occupet,

omnium quas exposui gentium

in Chattos

lateribus obtenditur,

donee

usque sinuetur.

tam inmensum terrarum spatium non tenent tantum

Chauci, sed
nobilissimus,
iustitia
tueri.

et

implent, populus

inter

Germanos
nialit

quique
sine

magnitudinem
cupididate,
sine

suam

impotentia,

quieti secretique nulla provocant bella, nullis raptibus

aut latrociniis populantui*.

id

praecipuum

virtutis ac

virium argumentum

est,

quod, ut superiores agant,

;

non per
bus

iniurias
ac,

adsequuntur
si

prompta tamen omni-

aniia

res
;

poscat, exercitus,^ pluriraum

et quiescentibus

virorum equorumque
36
In latere

eadem fama.

Chaucorum Chattorumque Cherusci niminlacessiti nutrierunt:

iam ac marcentem diu pacem

idque iucundius quam tutius
^

fuit,
:

quia inter inpotentes

ac, si res poscat [exer-

ac, si res poscat exercitus,

MSS.

citus]

plurimum,

<,5"c.i

F.,

S.

S12

GERMANY
whether
be that Hercules visited those shores, or because we have agreed to enter all marvels everywhere to his credit. Nor did Drusus Germanicus lack audacity, but Ocean vetoed inquiry alike touching itself and touching Hercules and soon the attempt was abandoned, and it was voted more religious and more reverent to believe in the works of Deity than to comprehend them. Hitherto we have been inquiring into Western Germany. At this point the country falls away with a great bend towards the north, and first of all come the Chauci. Though they start next the Frisii and occupy part of the seaboard, they also border on all of the tribes just mentioned, and finally edge away south as far as the Chatti. This vast block of territory is not merely held by the Chauci, but filled by them. They are the noblest of the German tribes, and
it
;

constituted as to prefer to protect their vast justice alone they are neither grasping nor lawless in peaceful seclusion they provoke no wars and despatch no raiders on marauding forays ; the special proof of their sterling strength is, indeed, just this, that they do not depend for their superior position on injustice yet they are ready with anns, and, if circumstances should require, with so, even armies, men and horses in abundance though they keep the peace, their reputation does
so

domain by

not suffer. Bordering the Chauci and the Chatti are the Cherusci.i For long years they have been unassailed and have encouraged an abnormal and languid peaceIt has been a pleasant rather than a sound fulness. policy Avith lawlessness and strength on either side
:

Occupying the modern Brunswick. Under Arminius they defeated Varus and his legions in A.D. 9.
1

313

TACITVS
et validos falso (juiescas
:

ubi
^

manu
sunt,

agitur, niodcstia
ita qui

ac probitas nomina superioris

olim boni

aequique Cherusci, nunc inertes ac

stulti

vocantur

Chattis victoribus fortuna in sapientiam cessit. tracti

ruina

Cheruscoruni

et

Fosi^

contermina gens, ad-

versarum rerura ex aequo

minores fuissent.

socii sunt,

cum

in secundis

37

Eundem Germaniae sinum

proximi Oceano Cimbri

veter-

tenent, parva nunc civitas, sed gloria ingens.

isque famae lata vestigia nianent, utraque ripa castra

ac spatia,

nianusque gentis et

quorum ambitu nunc quoque metiaris molem sestanri magni exitus fidem.

centesimum
agebat,

et quadragesimum annum urbs nostra cum pi-imum Cimbrorum audita sunt arma

Caecilio Metello et Papirio

Carbone consulibus.

ex

quo

si

ad alteram imperatoris Traiani consulatum

computemus, ducenti ferme et decern anni colliguntur

:

tam diu Germania

vincitur.

medio

tarn longi

aevi spatio multa in vicem damna.

non Samnis, non

Poenij non Hispaniae Galliaeve^ ne Parthi quidem

saepius

admonuere

quip})e regno Arsacis acrior est

Germanorum

libertas.
1

quid enim aliud nobis

;

quam

superioris, F.

j^uperiori, ff.

means farthest to the north of this peninsula, in modern Denmark. The name Cimbri was once identified with C ymry, as though the race were Celts, although opinion in antiquity was divided.
"

Tjicitus

perhaps

314

a
:

GERMANY
peacefulness vanity; where and righteousness are titles reserved for the stronger. Accordingly, the Cherusci, who were once styled just and generous, are now described as indolent and blind, while the good luck of the victorious Chatti has been counted to them for wisdom. The fall of the Cherusci dragged down the Fosi also, a neighbouring tribe they share the adversity of the Cherusci on even terms, though they had only been dependents in
of you, you
will

find

might

is

right, self-control

their prosperity.

This same " sleeve " or ))eninsula of Germany is the of the Cimbri, who dwell nearest the ocean " small state to-day, but rich in memories. Broad traces of their ancient fame are still extant a spacious camp on each bank (of the Rhine), by the circuit of which you can even to-day measure the multitudes and manual skill of the tribes and the evidences of that mighty "trek."

home

Our

city

was

in

its

six

hundred and

fortieth

year when the Cimbrian armies were first heard of, in the consulship of Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo. If we count from that date to the second consulship of the Emperor Trajan, the total amounts to about two hundred and ten years for that length of time has the conquest of Germany been in Between the beginning and end of process. that long period there have been many mutual neither Samnite nor Carthaginian, neither losses Spain nor Gaul, nor even the Parthians have taught
:

us

more

lessons.

has been a keener

The German fighting for liberty enemy than the absolutism of

What taunt, indeed, has the East for us, Arsaces. apart from the overthrow of Crassus the East

315

TACITVS
caedem
et
Crassi, amisso et

ipse
?

Pacoro, infra
at

tidium deiectus Oiiens obiecerit

Cassio et Scauro Aurelio

VenGermani Carbone
Caepione
consiraul

et

Servilio

Gnaeoque Mallio

fusis vel captis

quinque

sulares exercitus populo

Romano, Varum
;

trisque

cum

eo legiones etiam Caesari abstulerunt nee impune C. Marius in Italia, divus lulius in Gallia, Drusus ac

Nero

mox

et Germanicus in suis eos sedibus perculerunt ingentes Gai Caesaris minae in ludibrium versae.

inde otium, donee occasione discordiae nostrae et

civilium

armorum expugnatis legionum

adfectavere
;

hibernis
pulsi
victi

etiam
sunt.
;

Gallias

ac

rursus

inde

proximis temporibus triumphati

magis quara

Nunc de Suebis dicendum est, quorum non una, ut Chattorum Tencterorumve gens maiorem enim Germaniae })artem obtinent, propriis adhuc nationibus nominibusque discreti, quamquam in commune Suebi vocentur. insigne gentis obliquare crinem nodoque substi'ingere sic Suebi a ceteris Germanis, sic Sue;
:

borum ingenui

a servis separantur,

in aliis gentibus

seu cognatione aliqua

accidit, imitatione,

Sueborum seu, quod saepe rarum et intra iuventae spatium

;

apud Suebos usque ad canitiem horrentem capillum

retorquent, ac saepe in ipso vertice religant
cipes et ornatiorem habent.
;

prin-

ea cura formae, sed

1 In 38 B.C., and apparently on the same day and month on which, fifteen years before (June 9), Crassus had fallen at Carrhae. To fall at the feet of V'entidius was particularh' humiliating, for he had risen from the ranks. Pacorus was the son of the Parthian king.

316

GERMANY
which
itself fell at the feet of a Ventidius ^ and lost Pacorus ? But the Germans routed or captured Carbo and Cassius and Aurelius Scaurus and Servilius Caepio and Gnaeus Mallius^and wrested five consular armies in one campaign from the people of Rome, and even from a Caesar wrested Varus and three legions with him. Nor was it without paying a price that Marius

smote them in Italy, and Julius of happy memory in Gaul, and Drusus, Nero, and Germanicus in their own homes. Soon after the prodigious tragedy advertised by Gains Caesar turned into a farce then came peace, until, on the opportunity offered by our dissensions and by civil war, they carried the legions' winter quarters by storm and even aspired to the Gallic provinces finally, after being repulsed thence, they have even in recent years gratified us with more triumphs than victories. Now I must treat of the Suebi,^ in whom ai-e comprised not one tribe only, as with the Chatti and the Tencteri for they occupy the gi'eater part of Germany, and are still distinguished by special national names, though styled in general Suebi. One mark of the race is to comb the hair back over the side this of the face and tie it low in a knot behind distinguishes the Suebi from other Germans, and the free-born of the Suebi from the slave. In other tribes, whether from some relationship to the Suebi, or, as often happens, from imitation, the same thing may be found but it is rare and confined to the period of youth. Among the Suebi, even till the hair is grey, they twist the rough locks backward, and often knot them on the very crown the chieftains wear
; ; ; :

theirs

somewhat more ornamentally,

2

to this extent

See Ai)pen(lix IX.

p. 3r.O.
i 1

TACITVS
iiinoxia
;

neque enim ut ament amenturve^

in altitu-

dinein

quandam
^

et terroreiii adituri bella comptius

hostium
'5Q

oculis ornantiir.

A'etustissimos nobilissimosque

Sueborum Semnones
stato

meniorant

fides antiquitatis religione firmatur.

tempore

in silvam auguriis

patrum

et prisca forrnidine

sacram omnes eiiisdem sanguinis populi legationibus coeunt caesoque publice liomine celebrant barbari
ritus

horrenda primordia.
nisi

est et alia luco reverentia

nemo

vinculo ligatus ingreditur^ ut

si

minor et

potestatem numinis prae se ferens.

est, attolli

forte prolapsus
:

et insurgere

baud licitum

per

humum
tamdeus,

evolvuntur.

eoque omnis superstitio

ibi

respicit,

quam

inde initia gentis,

regnator

omnium

cetera subiecta atque parentia.

adicit auctoritatem
iis

fortuna

Semnonum

centum pagi
ut se

habitantur,

magnoque corpore
credant.

efficitur

Sueborum caput

40

Contra I^angobardos paucitas nobilitat

valentissimis nationibus cincti

plurimis ac

non per obsequium, sed

Reudigni deinde
et

proeliis ac periclitando tuti sunt.

et Aviones et Anglii et Varini et

Eudoses

Suardones nee

et
^

Nuitones fluminibus aut

silvis
;

muniuntur.

comptius hostium, Lachmann, P. MS^. compti [ut] hostium, //,

;

compti ut hostium,

318


GERMANY
interested in appearances, but innocently so. It is not but men who for making love or being made love to in the eyes of foemen more are to face battle are decoratively adorned if they attain a certain terrifying height. They describe the Semnones as the most ancient and best-born tribe of the Suebi this evidence of at fixed their antiquity is confirmed by religion seasons all the tribes of the same blood gather through their delegations at a certain forest

"

Haunted by visions beheld by awe of the ages " ^

their sires

and the

and

after publicly offering uj) a human life, they celebrate the grim "initiation" of their barbarous worship. There is a further tribute which they pay no one enters it until he has been to the grove bound with a chain he puts off his freedom, and advertises in his person the might of the deity if
:

he chance to fall, he inust not be lifted up or rise he must writhe along the gi'ound until he is out again the whole superstition comes to this, that it was here where the race arose, here where dwells the god who is lord of all things everything else is The prosperity of the subject to him and vassal. they occupy one Semnones enforces the idea hundred cantons, and from their weight it results that they consider themselves the head of the Suebi. The Langobardi, conversely, are illustrious by lack of number set in the midst of numberless and powerful tribes, they are delivered not by submissiveness, but by peril and pitched battle. Then come the Reudigni and the Aviones, and the Anglii, and the Varini, the Eudoses and Suardones and Nuithones.
: ;
:
:

Tacitus writes or quotes (or slips into) an hexameter line

319

TACITVS
quicquam notabile Nerthum,
intervenire
trantur.
id

in singulis, nisi

quod

in

commune

est

Terram matrem, colunt eamque

hominum, invehi populis
arbi-

rebus

est in insula

Oceani castum nemus, dica-

tumque

in eo vehiculum, veste
is

contectum

attingere

uni sacerdoti concessum.

adesse penetrali

deam

intellegit vectamque bubus feminis multa cum venera-

tione prosequitur,

laeli

tunc dies, festa loca, quaedignatur.

cumque adventu hospitioque

ineunt,

non

bella
;

non arma sumunt

clausum omne ferrum

pax et quies tunc tantum nota, tunc tantum amata,

donee idem sacerdos satiatam conversatione mortalium deam temple reddat.

et, si
itur.

mox vehiculum

et vestes

credere

velis,

numen ipsum

secreto lacu ablu-

servi ministrant,

quos statim idem lacus haurit.

sit

arcanus hinc terror sanctaque ignorantia, quid

illud,

quod tantum

perituri vident.

41

Et haec

quidem pars
:

Sueborum

in

secretiora

Germaniae porrigitur
ante

propior, ut, quo

modo paulo
Ger-

Rhenum,

sic

nunc Danuvium sequar, Hermunfida

durorum

civitas,

Romanis

eoque

solis

manorum non

in I'ipa

commercium, sed penitus atque

passim

in splendidissima Raetiae provinciae colonia.

320

GERMANY
These
is

tribes are protected

by forests and

rivers,

nor

there anything noteworthy about them individually, except that they worship in common Nerthus, or Mother Earth, and conceive her as intervening iu human affairs, and riding in procession through the cities of men. In an island of the ocean is a holy grove, and in it a consecrated chariot, covered with robes a single priest is permitted to touch it he interprets the presence of the goddess in her shrine, and follows with deep reverence as she rides away drawn by cows then come days of rejoicing, and all places keep holiday, as many as she thinks worthy to receive and entertain her. They make no war, take no arms every weapon is put away peace and quiet are then, and then alone, known and loved, until the same priest returns the goddess to her temple, when she has had her fill of the society of mortals. After this the chariot and the robes, and, if you are willing to credit it, the deity in person, are washed in a sequestered lake slaves are the ministrants and are straightway swallowed by the same lake hence a mysterious terror and an ignorance full of })iety ^ as to what that may be which men only behold to die. These sections of the Suebi extend into the more secluded parts of Germany nearer to us to follow the course of the Danube, as before I followed the Rhine conies the state of the Hermundui'i: they are loyal to Rome, and with them alone of Germans business is transacted not on the river bank, but far within the frontier in the most thriving colony of the province of Rhaetia. They cross the river everywhere without supervision and while we let other peoples
:

For the sardonic touch compare the close of ch. 34 Ignorance is the mother of piety, or piety the mother of ignorance it is not clear which.
^

321

TACITVS
sine custode transeunt
;

et

cum

ceteris gentibus

arma
vil-

modo

castraque nostra ostendamuSj his

domos
in

lasque patefecimus non concupiscentibus.

Her-

munduris Albis
olim
;

oritur,

flumen inclutum et notum

nunc tantum auditur.

42
et

luxta

Hermunduros

Naristi ac deinde

Quadi agunt.

praecipua

Marcomani Marcomanorum gloria

olim Boiis

viresque, atque ipsa etiam sedes pulsis

virtute
parta.

nee

Naristi

Quadive degenerant.
est,

eaque Germaniae velut frons

praecingitur.

quatenus Danuvio

Marcomanis
Marobodui

Quadisque

usque

ad

nostram memoriam reges manserunt ex gente ipso-

rum, nobile

et

Tudri

genus (iam et

externos patiuntur), sed vis et potentia regibus ex

auctoritate

Romana.

raro

araiis

nostris,

saepius

pecunia iuvantur, nee minus valent.

43

Retro Marsigni, Cotini, Osi. Buri terga Marcomano-

rum Quadorumque

claudunt.

e quibus Marsigni et
:

Buri sermone cultuque Suebos referunt

lica,

Cotinos Gal-

Osos Pannonica lingua coarguit non esse Ger-

manos, et quod tributa patiuntur.

partem tributorum
:

Sarmatae, partem Quadi ut alienigenis imponunt

Cotini;

quo magis pudeat, et ferrum

effodiunt.

omnes-

que
^

hi populi

pauca campestrium, ceterum saltus et

for part of the frontier,

The "forward" policy at Rome had designed the Elbe and had explored it. But after the

322

GERMANY
them we have thro> open our houses and homes, because they do no\
see only our fortified camps, to

covet them. Among the Hermunduri rises the River Albis a river once known and famous now a name

only.i

Next the Hermunduri are the Naristiand then the Marcomani and the Quadi. The fame and strength of the Marcomani are outstanding their very home was won by prowess, through the expulsion in ancient times of the Boii. Nor are the Naristi and Quadi these tribes are, so to speak, the inferior to them brow of Germany, so far a^^Gei'many is wreathed by the Danube. The Mai'comani and the Quadi retained
: :

kings of their own race down to our time the noble houses of Maroboduus and Tudrus now they submit to foreign kings also but the force and power of their kings rest on the influence of Rome. Occasionally they are assisted by our armed intervention more often by subsidies, out of which they get as
:

much

help.

Behind them are the Marsigni, Cotini, Osi, and Buri, enclosing the Marcomani and Quadi from the rear among them the Marsigni and Buri in language and culture recall the Suebi as for the Cotini and Osi, the Gallic tongue of the first and the Pannonian of the second prove them not to be Germans so does their submission to tribute. This tribute is imposed upon them as foreigners in part by the Sarmatae, in part by the Quadi. The Cotini, to their shame, have even iron-mines to work.^ All these peoples have little level land, but occupy the defiles and summits and
: :

destruction of Varus in A.D. 9 the frontier remained on the

Rhine and Danube.

2

And

therefore ought to have been able to manufacture

arms, instead of tamely paying tribute.

323

TACITVS
vertices

montiumiugumque

insederunt. dirimit

enim

scinditque Suebiam continuum

-

montium

iugunij ultra

quod plurimae gentes agunt, ex quibuslatissinie patet

Lugioruni

nomen

in plures civitates difFusum.

valen-

tissimas nominasse sufficietj Harios^ Helveconas,

Ma-

nimos, Elisios^ Nahanarvalos. apud Nahanarvalos antiquae religionis lucus ostenditur.

praesidet sacerdos

muliebri ornatu, sed deos interpretatione

Romana Cas-

torem Pollucemque memorant.

ea

vis

numini,

nomen

Alcis. nulla simulacra, nullum peregrinaesuperstitionis

vestigium

ut fratres tamen, ut iuvenes venerantur.

vires,

ceterum Harii super

quibus enumeratos paulo

feritati arte
;

ante populos antecedunt, truces insitae

ac tempore lenocinantur
:

nigra scuta, tincta corpora

atras ad proelia nocteslegunt ipsaqueformidine atque

umbra

feralis exercitus

terrorem inferunt, nullo hos;

tium sustinente novum ac velutinfernum adspectum

nam
^i
tius

primi in omnibus

proeliis oculi vincuntur,

Trans Lugios Gotones regnantur, paulo iam adduc-

quam
et

ceterae

Gerraanorum gentes, nondum

protinus deinde ab

tamen supra Hbertatem.

Rugii
insigne

Oceano

Lemovii

omniumque

harum

gentium

rotunda scuta, breves gladii et erga reges

obsequium.

324

GERMANY
ridges of mountains. In fact, a continuous range parts and cuts Suebia in two. Beyond the range are many races the most widely diffused name is that of the Lugii, which extends over several states. It will be sufficient to have named the strongest these are the Hai'ii, Helvecones, Manimi, Elisii, Nahanarvali. Among the Nahanarvali is shown a grove, the seat of a prehistoric ritual a priest presides in female dress but according to the Roman interpretation the gods recorded in this fashion are Castor and Pollux that at least is the spirit of the godhead here recognised, whose name is the Alci.^ No images are in use ; there is no sign of foreign superstition nevertheless they worship these deities as brothers and as youths. But to return. The Harii, apart from the strength in which they surpass the peoples just enumerated, are fierce in nature, and trick out this natural ferocity by the help of art and season they blacken their they choose pitchy shields and dye their bodies nights for their battles by sheer panic and darkness they strike terror like an army of ghosts. No enemy can face this novel and, as it were, phantasmal
:
: :

vision: in every battle after all the eye

first.

is

conquered
:

Beyond the Lugii is the monarchy of the Gotones the hand upon the reins closes somewhat tighter here than among the other tribes of Germans, but not so tight yet as to destroy freedom. Then immediately following them and on the ocean are the Rugii and Lemovii. The distinguishing features of all these tribes are round shields, short swords, and a submissive bearing before their kings.
1 The Latiu Aids here may be nominative singular or dative plural. See Appendix X, p. 351^

325

TACITVS
Suionum hinc
viros
civitates^

ipso in

Oceano, praeter
forma navium eo

armaque

classibus

valent.

differt,

quod utrimqiie prora paratam semper adpulsui

agit.

frontem

nee

velis

ministrant nee remos in

:

ordinem lateribus adiungunt

solutum, ut in quibus-

dam
illinc

fluminum, et mutabile, ut res poscit, hinc vel

remigium. est apud

nullis

illos et

opibus honos, eoque

unus imperitat,

iam exceptionibus, non pre-

cario iure parendi.

nee arma, ut apud ceteros Ger-

manoSj in promiscuOj sed clausa sub custode, et qui-

dem

servo, quia subitos hostium

incursus prohibet
facile las-

Oceanus, otiosae porro armatorum manus

civiunt
:

enimvero neque nobilem neque ingenuum^

nelibertinum quidem armis praeponere regiautilitas

est.
i5

Trans Suionas aliud mare, pigrum ac prope inmotum, quo cingi cludique terrarum orbem hinc
fides,

quod extremus cadentis iam

solis

fulgor in ortum
;

edurat adeo clarus, ut siderahebetet

sonum insuper

emergentis audiri formasque equorum et radios cap^

Tacitus'

Germany

includes

not

merely Holland

and

(chs. 34, 35, and 37), but also Sweden (the Siiiones). 2 Apparently like the lumbermen's " caravels " sometimes seen la the backwoods of Canada. 3 The Baltic. For the picture of it compare Arjricola,

Denmark

ch. 10.

The account of Tacitus comes through Strabo from Pytheas, the Greek of Marseilles, 330 B.C. * The halo round the sun's head or " the spikes of his

326

GERMANY
Beyond these
tribes the states of the Suiones^i not

on, but in, the ocean^ possess not merely arms and men but powerful fleets the style of their ships differs in this respect, that there is a prow at each end, with a
:

beak ready
it

to be driven forwards they neither work with sails, nor add oars in banks to the side the gearing of the oars is detached as on certain rivers,
; :

and reversible

as occasion demands, for movement in either direction. Among these peoples, further, respect is paid to wealth, and one man is accordingly supreme, with no restrictions and with an unchallenged right to obedience nor is there any general carrying of arms here, as among the other Germans rather they are locked up in charge of a warder, and that warder a slave. The ocean forbids sudden inroads from enemies ; and, besides, bands of armed men, with nothing to do, easily become riotous it is not to the king's interest to put a noble or a freeman or even a freedman in charge of the arms. Beyond the Suiones is another sea,^ sluggish and almost motionless, with which the earth is girdled and bounded evidence for this is furnished in the brilliance of the last rays of the sun, which remain so bright from his setting to his rising again as to dim the stars faith adds further that the sound of his emergence is audible and the forms of his horses visible, with the spikes of his crown.
; ;
: :

crowu " are sometimes explaiued as interpretations of the "The forms of his horses" rather tends Aurora Borealis. The subjective element preto disci'edit such rationalism. domiuates, nor is it weakened, to say the least, if deorum (the reading of the MSS.) be substituted for the conjectural equorum ; but the plural seems much more applicable to the horses than to the number of persons involved in the godhead
of the sun.

327

TACITVS
itis

adspici persuasio adicit. illuc usque, et

^

fama vera,

tantum natura.

ergo iam dextro Suebici maris litore

ritus

Aestiorum gentes adluuntur, quibus que

habitusma.-

Sueborum, lingua Britannicae propior.

trem deum venerantur.

insigne superstitionis formas

aprorum gestant

id

pro armis omnique tutela secuinter hostis praestat.

rum deae cultorem etiam

ferri,

rarus

frequens fustium usus.

frumenta ceterosque
inertia

fructus patientius
laborant.

quam pro solita Gernianoruni

soli

sed et mare scrutantur, ac

ipsi

omnium

sucinum, quod

glaesum vocant, inter vada atque

nee quae natura quaeve ratio

in ipso litore legunt.

gignat, ut barbaris, quaesitum

eompertumve

diu quin

etiam inter cetera eiectamenta maris iacebat, donee

luxuria nostra dedit nomen.
legitur, informe perfertur,
ipsis in

nuUo usu

rude
acci-

pretiumque mirantes

piunt.

sucum tamen arborum

esse intellegas, quia

terrena

quaedam atque etiam

interiacent,

volucria animalia ple-

rumque

quae

implicata

humore mox

durescente materia cluduntur.

fecundiora igitur netura bal-

mora lucosque

sicuL Orientis secretis, ubi

samaque sudantur, ita Occidentis insulis terrisque

1

usque, et fama vera, tantum, 3fSS., F.

usque,

si

fama

vera, tantum,

H.

328

GERMANY
here rumour speaks the truth), and so far only does Nature reach. Accordingly we must now turn to the right-hand shore of the Suebic Sea ^ here it washes the tribes of the Aestii their customs and dress are Suebic, but / v/ their language is nearer British.^ They worship the mother of the gods as an emblem of that superstition they wear the figures of wild boars this boar takes the place of arms or of any other protection, and guarantees to the votary of the goddess a mind at rest even in the midst of foes. They use swords rarely, clubs frequently. Grain and other products of the earth they cultivate with a patience out of keeping with the lethargy customary nay, they ransack the sea also, and are to Germans the only people who gather in the shallows and on the shore itself the amber, which the}^ call in their tongue "glaesum." Nor have they, being barbarians, inquired or learned what substance or process produces it nay, it lay there long among the rest of the flotsam and jetsam of the sea, until Roman luxury gave it a name. To the natives it is useless it is gathered crude is forwarded to Rome unshaped they are astonished to be paid for it. Yet you may infer that it is the exudation of trees certain creeping and even winged creatures are continually found embedded they have been entangled in its liquid form, and, as the material hardens, are imprisoned. I should suppose therefore that, just as in the secluded places of the East, where frankincense and balsam ai-e exuded, so in the islands 1 See Appendix IX, p. 350. Latham assumes the cliauce identity of the adjective in "Suebic Sea" with the Suebic

So

far (and
J

tribes of Silesia.

Suebic in the former case he supposes to be from Suiones rather than from Suebi. 2 See Appendix XI, p. 352.

329

: :

TACITVS
inesse crediderim^ quae vicini solis radiis expressa

atque liquentia in proximum mare labuntur ac vi

tempestatum
sucini

in adversa litora exundant.

si

naturam

admoto

igni temptes, in

modum
et

taedae accen;

ditur alitque
in

flammam pinguem
lentescit.

olentem

mox

ut

picem resinamve
uno

Suionibus Sitonum
similes
difFerunt,

gentes continuantur.

cetera
:

quod femina dominatur

in

tantum non modo a

degenerant.

libertate sed etiam a servitute

46

Hie Suebiae finis. Peucinorum Venedorumque et Fennorum nationes Germanis an Sarmatis adscribam dubito_, quamquam Peucini, quos quidam Bastarnas
vocant, sermone
cultii^

sede ac domiciliis ut Germani

ac torpor
:

agunt.
biis

sordes
^

omnium

ora

procerum conufoe-

mixtis

nonnihil in

Sarmatarum habitum
;

dantur.

Venedi multum ex moribus traxerunt nam

quidquid inter Peucinos Fennosque silvarum ac mon-

tium erigitur latrociniis pererrant.

hi

tamen

inter

Germanos

potiiis referuntur,

quia et

domos

figunt et

scuta gestant et

pedum usu

et pernicitate

gaudent

quae omnia diversa Sarmatis sunt in plaustro equoque

viventibus.

Fennis mira

feritas,

foeda paupertas
;

non

arma,,

non

equi^

non penates

victui

herba^

vestitui
1

pelles, cubili

humus

solae in sagittis opes,

H.
;

ora procerum conubiis ruixtis,

F.,

procerum conubiis

niixtos,

MSS,

330

::

GERMANY
and lands of the West there are groves and glades more than ordinarily luxuriant these are tapped and liquefied by the rays of the sun, as it approaches, and ooze into the nearest sea, whence by the force of
:

tempests they are stranded on the shores opposite if you try the qualities of amber by setting fire to it, it kindles like a torch and feeds an oily and odorous flame, and soon dissolves into something like pitch

and resin. Adjacent to the Suiones come the

Sitones, resembling

tribes of the

them

in all other respects,

and

the woman rules :^ to this extent they have fallen lower not merely than freeman but even than slaves. Here Suebia ends. As for the tribes of the Peucini, Venedi, and Fenni, I am in doubt whether to count them as Germans or Sarmatians. Though the Peucini, whom some men call Bastarnae, in language, culture, fixity of habitation, and house-building, conduct themthe selves as Germans, all are dirty and lethargic faces of the chiefs, too, owing to intermarriage, wear to some extent the degraded aspect of Sarmatians while the Venedi have contracted many Sarmatian habits they are caterans, infesting all the hills and forests which lie between the Peucini and the Fenni. And yet these peoples are preferably entered as Germans, since they have fixed abodes, and carry shields, and delight to use their feet and to run fast all of which traits are opposite to those of the Sarmatians, who live in wagons and on horseback. The Fenni live in astonishing barbarism and disgusting misery no arms, no horses, no fixed homes herbs for their food, skins for their clothing, earth for their bed arrows are all their wealth for want of
differing only in this, that

among them

See Appendix XII,

p.

353.

331

TACITVS
quas inopia
ferri ossibus asperant.
;

idemque venatus

viros paritei' ac feminas alit

passim enim comitantur

pai'temqiie

praedae petunt.

nee aliud

infantibus

ferarum imbriumque suffugium quam ut in aliquo

ramorum nexu contegantur

hoc seniim i-eceptaeulum.

hue redeunt iuvenes,

sed beatius arbitrantur

suas alienas-

quam ingemere agris, inlaborare domibus,

que fortunas spe

metuque versare

securi adversus

homines^ securi adversus deos rem difficillimam adsecuti suntj ut

illis

ne voto quidem opus

et

esset.

cetera

iam fabulosa

Hellusios

Oxionas ora hominum

:

voltusque, corpora atque artus ferarum gerere

quod

ego ut incompertum in medio reHnquam..

332

GERMANY
This same hunting is tij) them with bone. the support of the women as well as of the men, for they accompany the men freely and claim a share of the spoil nor have their infants any shelter against wild beasts and rain, except the covering aftbi'ded by a few intertwined bi-anches. To these the hunters return these are the asylum of age and yet they think it happier so than to groan over field labour, be cumbered with house-service, and be for ever exchanging their own and their neighbours' goods with alterUnconcerned towards men, nate hopes and fears. unconcerned towards Heaven, they have achieved a consummation very difficult they have nothing even to ask for.^ Beyond this all else that is reported is legendary that the Hellusii and Oxiones have human faces and it has not features, the limbs and bodies of beasts been so ascertained, and I shall leave it an open
iron they
;
:

question.
1 Justin, 11.2,9 (quoted this passage.

by Professor Gudeman) imitates

333

APPENDICES
AGRICOLA
I

ON SOME ROMAN NAMES

In chs. 2 and 45 there seems a difficulty in the Tacitean use of proper names, a difficulty of order

between nomen, praenomen, and cognomen.

Professor Gudeman insists that in these chapters Tacitus is transposing the surname or cognomen and writing it first, and that the names were to write them in our familiar idiom and in our usual Latin order, i.e. praenomen, nomen, cognomen as follows

Lucius lunius Rusticus Arulenus, Puhlius Clodius Thrasea Paettis, Helvidius Priscus, Melius Carus, Baehius Massa.

only weak spot in his argument appears to be that on the same line of reasoning we ought to find in this second chapter Scnecioni Herennio instead of Herennio Senecio7ii yet even Professor Gudeman does not venture to say that the philosopher's name even he was in our idiom Senecio Herennius assumes, i.e., that in this one case Tacitus has followed the, to us, natural order, and has placed the cognomen Senecio last and the nomen or praenomen Here7mius

The

first,

335

APPENDICES
Mr. Furneaux and Church and Brodribb write
Arulenus
Rusficiis,

Paeiiis Thrasea,

Priscus Helvidius,
Cariis Melius ;

but conversely Mr. so far following Tacitus' order Church and Furneaux writes Baebius Massa.
;

Brodribb

even
in

retain
note,

show
Priscus

their

uncertainty
their

Massa Baebius, but further by writing Helvidius

Priscus

Helvidius

in

their

translation.

Some further examination of the names seems necessary what clues are there ? it means, like (a) Puetus is certainly a surname Strabo, "squint-eyed/' and is one of Rome's many grotesque cognomina (compare Naevius, Naso, Cicero, the man of warts, the man with the nose, Scrqfa garden stuff, swine). Paetus is, indeed, a widespread surname we read of Publius Aelius Paetus, of Quintus Aelius Paetus, of Lucius Papirius Paetus, and this chapter gives us, I have no doubt, Thrasea Paetus
:
:

and in this case Professor Gudeman must be right, and Thrasea is a sort of praenomen, or "Christian name " as we used to call it, until this pagan age and the American continent abolished it for "first name." But if so, it is a second praenomen in addition to
Publius, written after the nomen Clodius, as Publius compare (e). it it may be a nickname, then (hi) In the case of Baebius Massa there is no strict praenomen. Baebius is a gentile name or nomen, and Massa is quite obviously the cognomen here also Professor Gudeman is right. (c) Helvidius is a praenomen probably ; for Priscus,
before
:
: :

336

AGRICOLA
is

certainly a Roman surname or Professor Gudeman is still justified.

(rf)

cognomen, and

Metiiis is said to

be a praenomen by Freund
so
is

we have Melius Ctirtius and Melius Fufeiius : Cams is the cognomen (for which of course there
:

plenty of other evidence it was the surname of Lucretius also) a further justification of Professor

Gudeman.
(e) Mauricus and Rusticus are brothers. At first sight the names are praenomina, and Arulenus is the true cognomen, as Professor Gudeman asserts but there is more difficulty here, for Rusticus' name

appears to be in

full

Lucius lunius Ruslicus Arulenus,

while his brother

is

styled simply
;

lunius Mauricus Arulenus

and, further, Rusticus is often a cognomen. In this same book Tacitus refers to Fabius Ruslicus the histoi'ian what, then, is the precise use of Rusticus here as a name and why has the philosopher so named four names, including one genuine praenomen, Lucius, and one obvious gentile name or
: .^

nomen, lunius

Was Rusticus
that
it is

or a sort of second

men

cognoused as a pendant to Mauricus, his brother's name, suggests that both were nicknames and that Mauricus had a praenomen corresponding to his brother's Lucius, but not reProfessor Gudeman may be broadly right, corded. that Arulenus is the real cognomen but the force of Ruslicus remains dubious, like the force of Thrasea (a). (/) There is still left the case of Herennius Senecio. Freund takes Senecio for a surname, and quotes
.-*

hyphened

nickname

in his case,

in our idiom

The

fact

337

APPENDICES
other passages from the Antials (xiii. 12 xv. 50, 56). Further, he quotes Herennius as a gentile name in this case, then, there is no praenomen on record, only nomen and cognomen, as in the case of Baebius
; :

Massa.
Since,
therefore, Tacitus

writes

Massa Baebius

(cognomen, nomen), he should write, to be consistent with the other four (or five) cases, Senecioni in ch. 2 whereas we read Herennio and the puzzle and inconsistency remain, though chargeable to Tacitus and not to Professor Gudeman. So far as ch. 45 is concerned, where we read mox nostrae diixere Helvidium in carcereni mamis : iios Mauricum Rusticumque divisimus ; nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit, we must assume that we have a praenomen (Helvidius), two apparent nicknames (^Mauricus and Rusticus), and then a cognomen (^Senecio), the philosopher Herennius

Herennto

Senecioni,

Senecio not being perhaps to Tacitus a figure as two Aruleni and Helvidius Priscus). But this does not explain why in ch. 2 Tacitus has not written Senecioni Herennio, and I am ultimately driven to the assumption that probably he did so write,. but that our two MSS., going back to the same archetype, have made a slip here, and that Professor Gudeman would have been justified in printing Senecioni Herennio. Accordingly I have translated as though that were the text, and then have in every case transposed the names as though Tacitus had consistently given us the cognomen or surname first. What is there in a name ? A large (or small) perplexity in this case. Paehis we know and Priscus we know but who is this ? As regards Roman names in general, and those of the Agricola in particular, the probable conclusion of
familiar as the others (the
;

338

AGRICOLA
the whole matter appears to be somewhat as follows Smith's Dictionary of' Antiquities, and Marquardt, Privatleben der Romer, pp. 8-I6) Roman nomenclature from the later Republic 1 onwards broke down utterly names^ praenomina, cognomina were confused and multiplied, neither the old sequence nor the old limits of number being observed. Orelli found against one Roman thirty names recorded more modest men bore such
(^vide
:

names

as

Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corcuhan, Lucius Falerius Messalla Thrasea Priscus Quintus Caeciliiis Metellus Pius Scipio. In these cases the first of the three cognomina seems the original (ft) But, conversely, Marcus Falerius Messalla Corvinui was originally Corvinus : Messalla was won in battle ; (c) While in Caius Antius Aulus lulius Quadratus,' or Publius Aelius Aelianus (a patronymic of Aelius) Archelaus Marcus,
(a)

there seems no system, only riot and confusion (d) And in Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus Flavus the two cognomina are inverted even in the same three lines of the same
;

document.
2. Especially were nickname-surnames multiplied and confused that is, names which, nicknames in origin and thereby confined to an individual and to one life, were yet sometimes transmitted to de-

scendants; just as in the Province of Quebec to-day a peasant sometimes describes himself even in

339

APPENDICES
legal

documents

as

Pierre

Sans-Gene,

soi-dit

Letellier.
3. In the Agricola in particular Rusticus and Mauricus were probably nicknames proper (p. 2) rather than surnames, and belonged as individual names to the two men so styled " the Countryman " and "the Moor" though the former was a very common nickname, and often was transmitted as a surname, if no other surname existed. Even Agricola himself and his father Graecinus may well come under this head may well have been nicknamed "Farmer " and " Greekist."

4.

T/i?'asea

conversely, though a nickname origi

" Blusterer," early became a surname, like Ce'er, "Swift," and probably is more a hyphened surname used as a praenomen, however than a personal nickname in the Agricola.
nally,

5. Such nicknames or nickname-surnames either preceded the original surname or were appended to it or displaced it altogether, according as (a) they dislodged the praenomen and took its place, or (b) dislodged neither praenomen nor cognomen, or (c) became more popular than the cognomen proper. If Tacitus has any consistency in his order of names, we must assume that Rusticus, e.g., became practically a praenomen, dislodging Lucius but not dislodging Arulenus; and so with Thrasea and Mauricus; whereas Agricola and Graecinus, even if also nicknames, yet became cognomina in a sense (in later times such cognomina were styled agnomina they were also styled vocahula and signa see Smith's Diet., ibid.) at least to this extent, that even though they be individual names good only for one life, no other cognomen is found surviving with them (as it sur;
:

340

AGRICOLA
vives in the case of Cornelius Lucius Scipio-Barhatus hear of or Marcus Valerius Messalla-Corvinus). Agricola only as Gnaeus lulius Agricola of his father

We

only as lulius Graecinus.

II

CHAP. XXIV
The MSS. here have
cogniii,
i.e.

differt

: :

in vielius

adiius, &c.,

differunt

in

melius
.

adiius,
.

of diff'erunt : in melius aditus , text of Furneaux)]. Professor Gudeman ascribes the two words in melius to the patriotism of some Irish scribe altering the archetype in some Irish monastery, to glorify the early superiority of Ireland, which already " differs for the better " from the predominant pai'tner. Such a tribute from Tacitus is perhaps not less weighty and conclusive than But the exother evidence for the same thesis. planation pi'oves too much perhaps on the same line of argument the earlier part of this chapter, which is at least compatible with the invasion of Ireland and defeat of the Irish by Agricola, would have disappeared, and not less the concluding section. There would have been no domestic feuds between
:

&c. [instead (substantially the

Ireland's pi*ehistoric politicians.

341

APPENDICES

III

CHAP. XXVIII
Tacitus with his usual unconcern has not explained it Avas a circumthe alleged circumnavigation navigation, and it ended at the Rhine or near it consequently it started from the west coast of Scotland. But even so it is only by inference that it can be asserted that they sailed north round Cape Wrath the internal evidence is against this for Tacitus does not appear to connect at all this circumnavigation with that subsequent one related later in ch. 38, and briefly noticed earlier in ch. 10. On the other hand, Dio Cassius directly connects the two, and
: :

asserts that Agricola's deliberate enterprise

was sug-

gested by this casual and almost rudderless voyage (Dio. Lxvi. 20), but then his version differs so entirely from Tacitus' that it cannot be used to fill up Tacitus' gaps he makes the meteoric pirates sail from east to west via north. Tacitus makes them circumnavigate Britain and end at the Rhine he does not give us their starting-point, but ch. 25 suggests the east coast rather than the west while the circumnavigation suggests west rather than east.
;
:

312

AGRICOLA

IV
CHAP. XXXVIII
this

See also ch. 10; but unless scholars are mistaken voyage was not, strictly, a circumnavigation of Britain it started from some place in Fifeshire or thereabouts, rounded the north coast of Scotland, passed down the west coast sufficiently far to identify
:

places visited in the year 82 a.d. (ch. 24) as well as in the summer of a.d. 83 (ch. 28), during both of which years the Roman fleet had operated on

the west coast, and then turned round, passed north again, rounded the north coast again, and came back down the east coast to the same harbour of Trucculum. The only interpretations which would make it a real circumnavigation of Britain would be either (l) to assume that the fleet operating with the army (ch. 25) up to the great victory near Mount Graupius had started from Trucculum on the east coast and sailed south, west, and north, and had been operating since a.d. 82 on the west coast, whence it came round by the north to Fifeshire, against which supposition is the repeated reference (in ch. 25) to Bodotria (the Forth) or (2) to assume that the fleet, after a victory on the east coast, returned to Trucculum on the same coast by a voyage round the whole of Northern Scotland and England and Wales, returning to Scotland by way of the southern and eastern coasts of England a feat almost inconceivable at that time of year, but assumed by Church and Brod;

343

APPENDICES
ribb in their translation (not in their edition of the Latin text). Such are some of the difficulties in which we are landed by Tacitus' indifference to

geography. Vide Introduction^E (2), by "adjacent " {proximo) I understand simply " neighbouring,"' the shore along which the fleet sailed in their coasting voyage but (a) Professor Gudeman takes it to mean " nearest to Rome," i.e. (he thinks) the eastern coast of England and Scotland while (b) Church and Brodribb (in their edition of the text) make it " nearest to Bodotria," i.e. (again) " eastern." (On my view it could or "northern," as legitimately mean "western" being simply or "southern," according to context the shore along which the fleet was at any given time coasting.) But, again, (c) the same editors (in their translation) take "proximo" to mean "nearest to Rome," i.e. (to them) "southern," i.e. a coasting Finally, along the whole southern coast of England. (c?) that "proximo" may box the compass and bear every geographical explanation, the anonymous translation published by Messrs. Kegan Paul makes it mean "the northern coast of Scotland," which the translator thinks might fairly be described as " the neighbouring coast " to a fleet far up on the east
;

shore.

344

GERMANIA
CHAP.
Barritus
'^'

Ill

is

also the

rogue" elephant.

word used for the cry of the As used here by Tacitus for the
also in the later writers

German war-cry, it occurs Ammianus Marcellinus and

one of these words
if

Vegetius.

there be two still survives in see M. Hanotaux, the political sphere as '^ booing" La France Conteviporahie, vol. iv. p. 32 " A la fin un les pupitres battent, tolle effrayant s'eleve a droite on imite les cris d'aniniaux, les couteaux frappent on siffle, on aboie, on bamt " that is, the elephantine sense of the word has survived in France. As for the spelling, some of the dictionaries (Lewis and Short, e.g.) make barritus the cry of the elephant, baritns the German war-cry others (Le Xouveaii Larousse ILlustre, e.g.) appear to identify the two words, or at least The variant reading to spell each with two " r's." harditus (Furneaux and Gudeman) has been confused with the Celtic word "bard," but is generally supposed to be from the Scandinavian " bardhi," a shield = the shield-song. This makes admirable sense, but is there sufficient proof of the actual existence of the word barditus ? It looks like a terminological exactitude, " se non vero, ben trovato," by Tacitus'
: :
:

The word

or

345

APPENDICES
Hatzfeldt-Darmesteter, my colleague Professor I. H. Cameron tells me, recognise "bardit" as a word used in the seventeenth century, and later by Chateaubriand in his Martyrs, in the sense of." chant Has this seventeenthguerrier des Germains." century use any authority independent of the present If not, Ammianus and passage of the Ger7nania ? Vegetius seem sufficient to turn the scale in favour of harritus (or baritus).

commentators.

II

CHAP. VII
controversy has arisen here on the Mr. Furneaux takes it in the word exigere. sense of " examine," but as a court of honour or the seconds at a French duel " examine," not as a physician examines if this be the idea it would be better to translate at once, with Church and Brodribb, "and even demanding them" (as proofs of courage)? Yet a third interpretation makes the word stand for medical examination Tacitus, that is, is reflecting on the squeamishness of Roman ladies. The ti*anslation I have suggested involves the same reflection, but strains much less the natui'al sense of exigere than the third interpretation, while allowing more natural feeling to the German women than the first and second.
curious
:

346

GERMANIA
III

CHAP. IX The English and French names for the da3's of the week as illustrations of the interpretatio Romana
Hercules (see note, pp. 276-7) here break down. was probably identified by many with Thor but Thursday = Jeudi shows that Thor was identified also with Jupiter (whence the day in French and English). So Mardi = Tuesday is a sign of a similar confusion for Tuesday is not merely the day of Tiu, but manifestly, so far as language is concerned, the day of Zeus, not of Mars. Further, since Zeus and Jupiter were identified by the same inlerpretatio Romana, it follows that Thor and Tiu are identical, and Tuesday and Thursday are the same day (to the
; ;

religious mind).

IV
CHAP. IX
by Latham, disagrees with Tacitus they supj^ose the identification of the local Suebic goddess with Isis to be due, not to the common use of the emblem of a ship in the celebration of spring and the opening of navigation, but to a casual similarity of name. Near Augsburg was the worship of a goddess Cisa or Ziza her name Then afterwards, when she had betrayed her. already been transformed into Isis, the ritual and ideas of Isis-worship attached themselves to her.
followed
: :

Grimm,

347

APPENDICES

CHAP. X
explain that the eyes are turned to heaven to avoid seeing which slip is taken up. The explanation smacks of the twentieth century. The primitive mind is not likely to have been at once so simple and so material the celebrant, we must suppose,saw something,as well as escaped seeing something else, when he turned his eyes to heaven the direction of his gaze was positive no less than negative. We deceive ourselves did our ancestors do less ?
:

The commentators

VI
CHAP. XIX
the

be the wife of one husband " is So much is clear, but the restatement of the principle in the concluding words, ne tanqiiam mantiun sed tanqiiam matrimonium ament, looks so inconclusive, if not inconsistent, that Professor Gudeman thinks that the same general sense would be reached more naturally by transposing matrimonium. and maritum the wife is to be true (it will then mean) to the memory of the husband of her youth it is he, and not marriage, of which she thinks, therefore for her there is no second marriage. This is plausible and ingenious, perhaps a little too modern and sentimental. Tacitus probably
shall

"A woman
German

principle.

means that in the primitive society of Germany it is marriage, not love, which is set before women, and
348


GERMANIA
having once married, they have fulfilled their destiny and are not encouraged to give rein to mere sentiment he is taking a side-fling, that is, at Roman feminine sensibility. I have therefore, though not without some scruple, accepted the received text as the better expression of his argument.
;

VII
CHAP.
The passage
is

XX

obscure, and the obscurity has been increased by mutually inconsistent explanations. One explanation refers us to that patiia potestas which makes a son the guardian of his sisters after the father's death, as though this would also make him guardian of their children (clearly it would not). Another explanation more naturally quotes the opposite principle of the matriarchate or motherright, in virtue of which descent is traced through the female line the maternal uncle (^avunculus) then will think of his sister's children, of the girls in particular (and Tacitus may include the girls in the word filiis, even if he is not specially referring to them), as perpetuating his mother's that is, his own family. The very word avunculus = materna.\ uncle = little grandfather that is, a youthful guardian of children who have neither father nor grandfather living points in the same direction and seems to be a survival of the matriarchate in Rome.
;

349

APPENDICES

VIII
CHAP. XXXIII
(Lipsius). The ordinary text labours under a double difficulty (a) It is so vague that those who ado})t it cannot define its meaning, which may be either ' drive the Empire or forwards" that is, " into a 'forward' policy" " press hard upon it" that is, "menace its safety." (b) Either of these meanings would be more naturally expressed (after Livy, v. 36) by the accusative urgenlibus Imperium fatis (not Imperii^. A better rendering of the ordinary text would even be " now that the Nemesis of Empire is at our heels," but to translate so is to strain both the Latin idioin and the ideas of Tacitus on the other hand, there is abundant evidence that he thought that the best days of Rome were over (see Boissier, Tacite, pp. 128-40). Even were there no other evidence^ what Mr. Furneaux calls " the dreadful inhumanity " of this chapter of itself proves as much, for it arises obviously from Tacitus' vivid apjirehensions of " the
Fergentibiis
fatis

urgenlibus

German peril " (^eadem sunt omnia semper) and from the pessimism of his outlook.

IX
CHAP. XXXVIII
Caesar, who does not mention the Chatti, writes continually of the Suebi. It is assumed by Latham and others that the term Suebi is a Gallic or Scla-

vonic name, applied generally to

Germans near the

350

GERMANIA
Rhine, but properly belonging rather to the Sclavonic tribes of Saxony and Silesia Latham explains the name to be identical with Serb and Sorb and Serv (of modern Servia). It was not applied by any Germans to themselves until much later, when in the third century it came to be adopted by the Germans of Baden and Wiirtemberg, who called themselves Suabians and their land Suabia, whence the modern use. Caesar's Suevi seem geographically to be Chatti Tacitus' to be broadly Silesians and Saxons geographically. Finally, the extreme geographical extension of the term (we have Suevicum mare of the Baltic in ch. 45) is, if Latham be right, one of those chance equivocations which seem designed for the confusion of ethnologists [compare Khan and Hakon (Latham, Epi/egome7ia, 64) Gallia, Tsar and Caesar Gotini and Galatia, and Galicia Gothones Burgundians and Bulgarians Teutonicus and Teudisca ( = Theotiscus, Tedesco, Deutsch the Teutones not being perhaps German at all Latham, Similarly, the mare Siieiucum is rather Epil., 81)]. the Swedish sea from the Suiones (ch. 44) than the sea of the Suevi.
:

X
CHAP. XLIII The reference to Castor and Pollux suggests that Tacitus means '^'the Alci," and supposes them to be
" Heavenly Twins," such as those in some form and name appears in widely different parts of the world the Oriental Asvins, for example. Conversely, the singular mimini
twin-brothers,

whose worship

351

APPENDICES
preceding line is in favour of the translation "Alcis": nioneji lias just been used in ch. 40, if not of visible god or goddess, then of their visible en^blem, symbol, or totem at any rate, 7iut of that invisible essence, spirit, or divinity such as might conceivably be ascribed even in the singular to twin-deities yet venerantur, is the line which follows, ut fratres so hai-d to reconcile Avith Alcis as singular that on the whole it seems best to understand numen here in a sense different from that of ch. 40. Tacitus, then, is here writing in his philosopliic and theistic mood the emblems and symbols, even the so-called gods, are legion, but divinity is one (compare ch. 9)in the
; : .
.

XI
CHAP. XLV
says Latham, was Lithuanian its nearness to British meant to Tacitus' informants either merely that it was not German, or, as Latham would prefer, that the name of the language was Prussian, and Prussian was confounded with British, either through the similarity of the Latin adjectives Pruthenicus (or Borussicus) and Britannicus, or otherwise and more simply through the resemblance of the national Anglo-Saxon adjectives Bryttisce and Pryttisce and the roots '^ Brit " and " Prut."
:

The language,

352

: :

GERMANIA

XII
CHAP. XLV
quod femina dominulur must obviously be translated in the light of the epigram that follows otherwise in themselves they might simply mean " their present ruler is a woman^" or, at most less tamely, but still too tamely to be the basis for an epigram " their sovereigns are always women." Read in the light of the following epigram, they can, I think, have but one meaning " among them the woman rules." So taken the passage is not without difficulty. Tacitus, it appears, cannot resist an epigram, good, bad, or indifferent the present is indifferently bad, so bad that it looks and 1 should like the work of a clever imitator almost be disposed to omit the epigram altogether. The sentiment is scarcely Roman, Tacitean, British, or
7iiAi
;

The words

German
ch.

Latham dryly remarks that the sentiment is more German than Roman but suggests some one " who has not yet rounded Cape
8)

though

(see

Agricola,

chs. 6,

l6,

and Germania,

Turk." Further, for my translation there is not mei'ely the internal evidence of the epigram, but some external evidence also. Legends of an Amazon tribe in this neighbourhood are found in other literature.
Alfred the Great refers to them in his Orosius, also of Bremen, De situ Daniae, 222, both quoted by Latham. If they get the idea from Tacitus, then the translation in the text, right or wrong, is at least if they write indethe translation of tradition pendently of Tacitus, then the independent tradition which they follow is prima facie evidence that Tacitus

Adam

353

APPENDICES
has heard the same tradition and is giving it expression^ and is not referring merely to a single queen or As for the tradition itself, attempts a line of queens. are made to explain it or explain it av.ay, like other mythology, as "a disease of language " it is argued by Latham, e.g., that the native name of these Finns is Quoen while the Swedish name for woman is qiiinna (compare ywr] and English quean). Out of this simple equivocation arose the legend of the race of women or of Amazons in whose society the part played by men was reduced to the irreducible minimum. The explanation is not easier of belief than the tradition it explains.
:

354

INDEX
DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
PROPER NAMES
CADEMici, XXX and xxxi.
This
poet,

and orator.

He built the Via

school of philosophy derived its uame from its connection with IMato's Academy (xxxii). .coins, L., XX and xxi. Tragic
poet, 170-84 B.C. chaia, xxx. Greece, eschines, xv and xxv. Attic orator, tlie rival of Demosthenes. fer, Domitius, xiii and xv. great orator, the tcaclier and model of Quintilian. He was consul A.D. 39, and died a.d. 59. fricanus, Julius, xiv and xv. Also a great orator, contemporary

Appia.
Archias, A. Liciuius, xxxvii. A poet, born at Antioch in Syria. He was defended by Cicero in 62 B.C., when impeached for wrong ful registration as a Boman
citizen.

Asinius

C.

Asinius PoUio, xii

and xxxiv. He wrote tragedies, and also a history of the civil

war 75 B.C. to a.d. 4. See Horace, Odes, ii. 1. As an orator he advocated, like Calvus, the "Attic" style, as against the
;

" Asiatic " verbosity of Cicero.

witli Afer.

He was

a Gaul by

birth.

gamemnon,

ix. Son of Atreus, king of Mycenae, and the subject of one of Maternus's tragedies.

XXI. Impeached by the murder of an Egyptian envoy, and successfully defended by Cicero. Atia, xxviii. Daughter of M. Atius
Asitius,
v.,

Calvus

for

lexander the Great, xvi. Eeig:ned 336-323 B.C. ntonius, M., xxxvii. The triumvir, against whom Cicero
delivered his 14 Philippics, socalled in imitation of Demosthenes. per, M., II. See lutrod. pp. 7-8. pollodorus of Tergamum, xix. professor of rhetoric, circ. 10523 B.C. He lived mostly at Rome, and taught the youthful* Octavianus. ppius Claudius Caecus, xviii. Consul 307 and 296, censor 3 1 2 B.C., scholar, statesman, jurist

Balbus and Caesar's sister Julia, wife of Octavius, and mother of the Emperor Augustus. An otherwise unAttius, xxiii.

known orator, whom some identify

with Cicero's contemporary Q. Arrius (Brut. 242;.
AugiistiLs,
xiii, XVII, xxviii, xxxviii. C. Julius Caesar Octavianus Augustus. His reign extended from August 1 9, 43 b.c, when he entered on his lirst consulship, to his death Aug ust 1 9,

A.D. 14. Aurelia, xxviii. Mother of Julius Caesar. She was the daughter of M. Aurelius Cotta.

355

INDEX
Bassus, Aufidius, XXIII. He wrote a history of the Empire, down to
Claudius; also a narrative of the War in Germany. He died under Nero.
Bassus, Saleius, v, ix, x. An epic Xwet of some repute, wlio received ail honorarium from Vespasian. Bestia L. Calpumius Bestia, XXXIX. One of the Catilinariau conspirators. In 56 B.C. he was unsuccessfully defended by Cicero on a charge of ambitus. Britannia, xvii.
Canutiufl,

who was
Cicero.

xxi. Probably P. Canutius, a pleader at the bar, a contemporary of

city in Campania. C. Papirius Carbo, xviii,

Capua, viiL

Carbo xxxiv.

An orator of repute, who

Brutus

M. Junius Brutus,

xa'ii,

xviii, XXI, XXV, xxxviii, one of murderers. Cicero Caesar's praises his eloquence highly, aud

he was even more distinguished in philosophy. He gave his

with Tib. Gracchus, but afterwards went over to the constitutional party. Consul 120 B.C. Cassius Severus, xix, xxvi. An able pleader, but notorious for his scurrilous lampoons. Ho was banished under Augustus to Crete, and afterwards to Seriphos where he died in a.d. 34. Catilina L. Sergius Catilina, xxxvii. The famous conspirator, against whom in 63 B.C. Cicero
at first Bided

name to arhetorical treatise (xxxj composed in dialogue form by

Cicero (46
B.C.).

Cato

delivered his great orations. C. Porcius Cato, xxxiv. Impeached by Asinins PoUio in

Caecixa, Aulus, XX. Cicero defended him in an extant oration, when he was impeached (69 B.C.)
in

5 4 maladministration B.C. for as iiibtme of the people two years previously. He was ac-

quitted.

Cato

M. Porcius Cato the

elder,

connection with

a case

of

inheritance, Caelius M. CaeUus Eufus, xvii, XVIII, XXI, XXV, XXVI, XXXVIII. He was an orator of distinction, and a correspondent of Cicero's who defended him in 06 B.C., when he was accused cf sedition aud attempted poisoning. He lost his life in the civil war, 48 B.C. C. Julius Caesar, xvil Caesar XXI, XXV, XXVI, XXVIII, XXXIV,

the Censor, xviii. He was consul 195 b.c. Cicero considered him the earliest orator

sumamed
whose

compositions

deserved

attention.

Cato M. Porcius Cato the younger, sumamed L'ticensis, ii,

It was the story of his resistance to Julius Caesar, aud his death after the battle of Thapsus (46 B.C.), that Curiatius Matcruus, the leading character in the Dialogue, fashioned into a
III,

X.

xxxvm.
Calvus
XVII,

= C. Licinius Macer Calvus,

XVIII,

tragedy.
Cicero, xii, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, XXI, XXII, XXVI, XXX, xxxii

XXI,

XXIII,

XXV,

XXVI, xxxiv, XXXVIII. A poet he was the friend of CatuUus, aud like Catullus an opponent of Caesar.
himself,

XXXVIII, XL. Claudius, xvii.

Tib. Claudius

Nero GermauicuB, who reigned from a.d. 41 to 54.

356

DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
Cornelia, xxvm. The mother of the Gracchi. She was the (laughter of P. Cornelius Seipio Africauua maior, ami the wife of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the
elder.

59 B.C.
in

He was

also well-versed

mathematics and music.

Dolabella
bella,

Cn. Cornelius Dola-

XXXIV.
B.C.,

He had

lieen

Cornelius, C., xxxix. Impeached for "maiestas" by P. Cominins Spoletinus in 65 B.C., and successfully defended by Cicero. Crassus L. Llcinius Crassus, XVIII, XXVI, XXXIV, XXXV. He was the g:reatest orator before Cicero, who in the De Orntore makes him his mouthpiece. He was consul in 95 B.C., censor in

and four years by Caesar for extortion in Macedonia, Domitins Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, xxxv. He was censor along with Crassus in 92 B.C.
consul in 81
later

was

iiiipeaclied

Domitius, iii. The title of a tragedy by Matcrnus. The hero of the piece was probably L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul
in 54 B.C., and a bitter opponent of Julius Caesar. He was pardoned after the capture of Corfi-

92, and died in 91. Crassus M. Llcinius Crassus the triumvir, 114-53 B.C., xxxvii. Crispus Q. Vibius Crispus, viii, XIII. native of Vercellae in Cisalpine Gaul, he enjoyed great influence under Nero, Vespasian, and Domitian, and used his eloquence as a ready weapon of attack. He was twice consul suffecftis, and survived till about A.D. 93.

nium, but rejoined the Pompeians Others and fell at Pharsalus.

believe that the subject of the tragedy was Cn. Domitius Aheno-

barbus,
"

consul

32

B.C.

the

Enobavbus " of Shakespeare's Avtony and Cleopatra. Drusus, XXI. A friend and client
of
Cicero, who defended him when prosecuted by Calvus.

Curiones, xxxvn. Three members of this family are known as orators the father (praetor in 121 B.C.), the son (consul in 76 B.C.), and the grandson, an Julius adherent of Caesar (tribune in 50 B.C.).
:

Ephesus, XV. City of Ionia. Founder of the Epicurus, XXXI. Epicurean school of philosophy,
341-270
B.C.

Eprius. See Marcellus. Euripides, xii. Tragic poet, 480406 B.C.

Deiotarus, XXI.

Tetrareh of Galatia, with the title of king, and an adherent of Pompeius. Brutus's speech in his defence was delivered in Caesar's presence at Nicaea, 46 b.c, but failed of
its object.

Fabius
Justus,

Justus = L. Fabius whose name is inverted

to "Justus Fabius" in the first line of the Dialogun in accordance with a practice that was

Demosthenes, xii, xv, xvi,''xxv, XXXII, xxxvii. ---..'^ .^,- .. 5 Oiodotus, XXX. A-I Stoic philo1

common

sopher,

who
in

house

lived Borne,

in

Cicero's

and

died

a in the Silver Age friend of Pliny the younger, as well as of Tacitus, and probably identical with the constil suflecUis of the year 102 b.c
:

357

INDEX
Fnrnnis, C, xxi. time of Cicero.
consul, 17 B.C.

An

orator of the son of his wnis

Gabinianus, XXVI.
Gabinianus,

= Sex. Julius

name, the pupil of Theodorns of Gadara, and a contemporary of Augustus. Hirtiup, XVII. A. Hirtius, the consul who fell at Mutina, 43 B.C.

a rhetorician of oreat repute, anil, like Aper, a native of Gaul. He flourished after the middle of the first century a.d. Gains Caesar Gains, xvii.

Homerus,

xii.

Horatlns, xx and xxni. Hortensius, xvi. The title of a lost dialogue of Cicero, to which he gave the name of his great

Germanicus (Caligula), Roman Emperor from a.d. 37 to 41. Galba, xviii and xxv. = Servius
Snlpicius Galba, a distinguished with contemporary Laelius and Scipio the younger. He was consul 144 b.c. Servius Snlpicius Galba, xvii. Galba,emperorfrom June A.D. 68
orator,

In it Hortensius seems to att.'icked philosophy from standpoint of an orator, while Cicero defended it. Hyperides, xii, xvi, xxv. Attic
rival.

have
the

orator,

390-322

B.C.

Jason, ix.

The

hei-o

whom Medea

to

January

69.

XXVI. L. Junius Gallio, a friend of Ovid and the elder Seneca, the latter of whom gives him great praise as a rhetorician. He adopted one of Seneca's sons, who took his name and is the Gallio known to us from the New Testament (Acts xviii. 12), Gracchi, xxviii and xl. The brothers Tiberius and Gains. Gracchus, C. Sempronius, xviii and XXVI. The most brilliant orator of his time.
Gallio,

helped to win the Golden Fleece. He is mentioned in the Dialogue as one of the characters in Maternus's tragedy Medea. See Africaniis (iikI SeJulius. cundus. Justus. See Fabius.

LAELins, C, xxv.

Called Sapiens, because of his interest In philosophy. He was also a distinguished orator, and the intimate friend of Scipio the younger. Cornelii Lentuli, Lentuli

Helvidius,

v.

Helvidius

Prisons, a Stoic of uncompromising- principles, praetor in a.d. 70 and the son-in-law of Paetus Thrasea. See Marcellus. Hermagoras, xix. Of Temnos, in Mysia, the founder of a new system of rhetoric which Cicero used for his treatise De Tnventione. He flourished about 160 B.C., and is to be distinguished from a younger rhetorician of the same

xxxvii. There were no fewer than five members of this family who enjoyed a reputation for oratory in the time of Cicero. They reached the consulship in the years 72, 71, 57, 56, and
49 B.C. Linus, xii.

Mentioned along with Orpheus as a legendary bard. He was lamented in the old AtVo? song, so-called from the refrain
ai AiVo?, or " woe's

me for Linus."

All

the

round

his tradition that he died yonng.

myths that gather name agree in the

358

DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
Lucanus, xx. M. Anuaeus Lucauus, A.D. 39-65, the author of the Pharsolia, an epic poem ilealing with tlie civil war between Caesar and Poiupey.
Lucilius,

XXIII.
B.C.,

C.
to

Lucilius,

was driven to commit suicide in A.D. 79. Matemus Curiatius Maternus, the poet-pleader who figures as the central personage of the Dialogue. See Introd. pp. 7

180-102

the

satiric

poet

whom

Horace made

some ex-

tent his model. Lucretius, xxiii.

Cams, 98-55
the

great

T. Lucretius the author of didactic poem, De

B.C.,

and 11. Meneuius Agrippa, xvri and xxi. The author of the famous apologue of the " Belly and Its Members," by which in 494 B.C.
he induced the plebeians to return from their secession to the
]\rons

Reruni Xatura. Luculli, XXXVII.

culli.

Licinii

Lu-

Sacer.

He

figures

in

The

gTeat

commander
Mithriin 74 B.C.,

Lucius,
dates,

who conquered

and was consul

War

wrote a history of the Social His brother in Greek.

Marcus was consul in 73. Lyeurg'us, xxv. Attic orator, circ.

396-325
Lysias,
circ.

Shakespeare's Coriolanus, Messalla, xii, xvii, xviii, xx, xxi. M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, 64 B.c.-A.D. 8. Orator, soldier, and statesman. He was consul See Horace, Odes in 31 B.C.

III. 21.

B.C.

Messalla, xiv.

Vipstanus Mes-

xii and xxv.

Attic orator,

450-380

B.C.

Maecenas, xxvi.

C.

Cilnius

Maecenas, ob. 8 B.C., the " prime minister " of Augustus, and tlie patron of Varius, Vir^l, Horace,

and Propertius. T. Marcellus, v, viii, xiii. Clodius Eprius Marcellus, who gained great influence as a delator or informer under Nero, and became consul suffectus in His Impeachment of A.D. 61. Thrasea Paetus brought him into collision with Thrasea's son-inAfter law, Helvidius Priscus. acting as pro-consul in Asia, Marcellus again became consul suffectus in a.d. 74, and must therefore have been at the height of liis power at the date wlien the Dialogue is assumed to have

probably a descendant of the foregoing, and in any case a man of noble lineage, born about A.D. 46. He commanded a legion for Vespasian, and wrote a history of the struggle with Vitellius. He was also a great orator. For his part in the Dialogue, see Introd. p. 8.
salla,

Metelli,

To

Caecilii Metclli. xxxvii. this family belonged Jletellus

and Metellus Nepos, the former of whom was consul in 60 B.C., and the latter in 57 b.c.
Celer
It was Metellus Nepos who attacked Cicero on the expiry of his consulship in 63. Metrodorus, xxxr. A distinguished follower of Epicurus, 330-277
B.C.

Milo,

XXXVII and xxxix. = T. Annius Milo, whom Cicero defended unsuccessfully when he was brought to trial for the death of P. Clodius PiUcher in
52 B.C.

Afterwards, he taken place. conspired against Vespasian, and

359

INDEX
Miicianns, xxxvrr. C. Licinins Mncianus, the well - known lieutenant of Vespasian, who broiiijht about his elevation to the purple. He was consul siijfectiis in 66,70, and 72, and is understood to have died in the course of the year 77.

Otho,
Otlio,

xvir.

= Marcus Salvins Emperor from January to

=

April A.D. 69. Ovidius, XII. P. Ovidius Na.so 43 B.C. -A.D. 17. Of his Medea only two lines are extant.

Mucins,

Mucins Q. Scaevola, surnamed the Augur, cire. 160-88 B.C. He was the friend and son-in-law of Laelius, and the father-in-law of the orator Crassus. The family to which he belonged had an hereditary talent for law. Cicero studied under him when quite a

XXX.

Roman XIX. M., tragedian, circ. 220-132 B.C. Pansa, xvii. C. Vibius Pansa, who fell at Mutina in 43 B.C. along with Hirtius, his colleague
Pacuvius,

in tlio con^iilshi;).

Pedius,

Q.,

xvii.

Made

consul

snffectus along with Octavian

on

August
school

19,

43

B.C.

Peripatetiei, xxxi.

young man, and after his death under his nephew also, Scaevola
Pontifex. Mytilenae, xv.

Members of the founded by Aristotle, who

A city
xvii.

in Lesbos.

wrote on rhetoric, as well as on philosophy. Philip of Macedon, xvi. Reigned

Philo,

Xero,

Caesar Drusus GermanicuSjWho reigned from a.d. 54

to 68.

XI Claudius

and

Xero

359-336 B.C. XXX. An Academic philosopher, who fled from Atliens to Rome during the first Jlithridatic war, and taught Cicero philosophy.

Nestor, xvi.
ideal

Cited by

Aper

as

an

example of Homeric times.

Xicetes, xv.

tlie

oratory of

Plato,

XXXI and xxxii.

See Asinius.

Sacerdos Xicelcs, a distinguished rhetorician from Smyrna, who had riiny the

PoUio.

Pompeius,

xxxvii,

xxxviii,

xl.

Cn.

Pompeius

Magnus, the

younger for a pupil at Rome. Xicostratus, x. Of Cilicia, a famous athlete In the earlier part of the first century. In a.d. 50, he was proclaimed victor at Olympia on one and the same dfiy for the 77a-yKpoTio>' and for wrestling. Xoniauus, xxiii. M. Servilius Xoniauns, orator and historian. He was consul a.d. 35 and died A.D. 60.

lOG-48 B.C. He was highly thought of also asan orator

triumvir,

and a stylist. Pomponius. See Secundus.

Porcius.

See Cato.

QuiXTius, XXXVII. P. Quintius, defended by Cicero in 61 B.C. on

a civil charge. extant.

The speech

is

Roscics, XX.

Orpheus,

xit.

representative of the eult of Dionysus.

Mythical bard, and Thracian

Q. Roscius Gallus, a great actor who was also a man He was on of liljeral culture. intimate terms with Sulla, Hortensius, as well as with Cicero, who took lessons from him in the

360

DIALOGUE ON ORATORY
art of de^clamation,

him

ill

ami defended an extant oration. He

Tiro, XVII. M. Tnllius Tiro, Cicei'o's freed man and biographer.

died sliortly before 62 B.C.

Toranius, xxi.
orator. Tullius, M., XX.

An

otherwise un-

known

Sackrdos.
Saleius.

See Nieetes.

-See Bassiis.

M. Aemilius Seaurus, xxxix. Scauru8, snccessfully defended in the year 54 B.C. by six advocates, one of whom was Cicero, on a charge of malversation when praetor in Sardinia two years previously. P. Cornelius Scipio Scipio, XL. For the Afrieanus the elder. attacks oo him in 187 B.C., in connection with his conduct Of the war against Antiochus, see Livy, 38, 50 sqq. Julius Secundus, Secundus, ii. the friend and contemporary of Quintiliau, a native of Gaul, wlio enjoyed a high reputation for For the part he took eloquence. iu the Dialogue, see Introduc-

Kaised an action against one of Sulla's veteraiis, who had t.aken forcible possession of his villa at Thurii, Cicero acted as his advocate, and delivered two speeches (72 or 71 B.C.), the second of which exists in fragmentary condition. a The other is wholly lost. Turpio, XX. L. Ambivius Turplo, the most famous actor of his time. He was a contemporary of Cato the censor, in the first half of the second century B.C., and appeai-ed in many of tlie plays of Terence,

Ulixes, XVI. Cited by Apcr as a model of Homeric oratory.

Urbinia, xxxviii. Roman lady whose estate became the subject of litigation .after her decease.

tlou p.

9.

P. Pomponius Secundus, xiii. Secundus, a man of affairs as well He was as a poet of repute.
in a.d. 44, and defeated the Chatti as legatus in Upper Germany in 50. His friend, Pliny tlie elder, wrote
ronstil
sujjfectus

Varius,

xti. L. Varius Rufus, the friend of Virgil and Horace

two books. See Nonianus. Severus. See Cassius. L. Cornelius Siseuna, xxiii. Sisenna, 120-67 B.c: He wrote a history of his own time. Sophocles.xii. Tlie great tragic poet. Stoici, XXXI. The "philosophers of the Porch." L. Cornelius Sulla, Sulla, XL. dictator, 82-79 B.C.
his life in
Servilius.

Tiberius, Claudius
14-37.

xvii. Neroi

Tiberius emjjeror a.d.

(74-14 B.C.), who had gained a high reputation as an epic poet before he took to tragedy. Varro, xxiii. M. Terentius VaiTo, 116-27 B.C., a man of the widest accomplishments historian, grammarian, antiquarian, as well as orator. Vatinius, P., xxi, xxxiv, xxxix. He was tribune in 59 B.C., when he espoused Caesar's intei'ests, and next year became consul along with Bibulus. He was subsequently accused at least three times by Calvus, and Cicero, who had originally been on the other

side,

was induced by Caesar to defend him (54 b.c).

36

INDEX
cobbler from Beneventnm, one of the most disreputable of Nero's favourites, of whom Tacitus gives a famous description in Aim. xv. 34. Verccllae, viii. City in Cisalpine Gaul. Yergilius. P. Vergilins Maro, XII, XIII, XX, XXIII. Verres, C, xx, xxxvii. The famous, or infamous, ffovemor of Sicily (73-71 B.C.), whose misdeeds were exposed by Cicero in
Vatinius,
xr.

The

T. Vespasianns, vin, ix, xvii. Roman Flavins Vespasianu.s, emperor from Dec. a.u. 09 to 79. Vil)iu8. See Crispus.
Vipstaniis.
Yitcllins,
.SVe Mes.s.TlIa.

xvri.

Aulus

Vitellius,

omiieror from April to Deceniljer A.r>. 09 (or only to July 1 of that year, if we take the date on whicli Vespasian was saluted as emperor by the army in the Ka.st).

Xenophon, xxxt. The well-known

Greek historian, 434-355
B.C.

his Verriue orations.

362

AGRICOLA
I.

PROPER NAMES
Frisii,

Agricola, passim. Albau citadel, xlv.

Aqiiitaiue, ix.

xxviii. Frontiuus, xvu.

Arulenus,

ii,

XLV.

Galea, vl
Galli, XI, XXI, xxxii.

Asia, VI, XLii. Atticus, XXXVII.

Gallia, x,

xl

Augustus, XIII.

Gallicum marc, xxiv.

Gallus, xiA'.

BATAVI, XXXVI.
Bodotria (Forth), xxiii, xxv. Bolanus, viii, xvr. Boresti, xxxviii. Boudicca, xvi. Brigantes, xvii, xxxi.
Britanui, jinssim. Britanuia, x, xii, XXXIII, XL.

Germani, xi, xv, xxviii, xxxii. Germania, x, xlt.

Graecinus, iv. Graupius (Mount), xxix.

HiBERNIA, XXIV.
Hispania, x, xi, xxiv.

xiii-xvir,

Caesar, Gaius

(Calig-ula), iv, xiii,

Iberi, XI. Intimilium vii.

XLIV.
Julius, XIII, XV.

LiVY,

X.

Xorva,

III.

Trnjaii, iii,

xliv.

Massa, xlv.
Massilia, iv.

Caledonia, x, xi, xxv, xxvii, xxxi. Calgacus, xxix, xxxi-xxxiii. CaruS, xlv. Cerialis (Civica), xlii. (Petilius), VIII, XVII. Clota (Clyde), xxiii. Cogidumnus, xiv.

Mauricus, xlv.

Maximus, xvi.
Messaliiius,

xlv.

Moesia, xli. Mona, XIV, xviii.

Muclanus,

vii.

CoUega, XLiv.

Nero,
Dacia, xli.
Domitia, vi, xliv, xlv. Domitian, i, ii, vii, xxxix-xlv.

vi,

xlv.

Orcades

FoROJULiENSiUM

colonia, iv.

(Orkneys), x. Ordovices, xviiL Otlio (Caesar), vil' Salvius Titiauus, vi.

363

INDEX
PAETUS, II. Pannonia (Hnng-arv), xli.
Paiiliniis, V. xiv. xvi.

Suebi, xx^TiT. Syria, xi,.

Planlius, xiv. Priseus, II, XLV. Procilla, iv, vii.

(Tacitus), iv, ix, xxiv. xliiiXLVI. Tanaus, xxri.

Thyle, x. Tiberius, xiii. Truccuk'usis (portus). xxxviii.

RUFUS, XL.
Rnsticus (Fabins), x.

Tuugri, XXXVI.
Turpilianus, xvi.

Scapula, xiv.
Scanrus.
i.

Usipi, xxviii.

Senecio, ii, XLV. Silanus, iv. Silurea (South TTales), xi, xvii.

Verands,

xiv.

Vespasian, vii, ix, xiii, xvii.

II.

subject-matter
Laurelled
Ocean,
despatches, xvni.
x, xii,

Auxiliaries
XXVIII,

army, XXXI, XXXII, XXXV,

in the

Roman

XXXVI. Auxiliary cavalry, xviii. XXXVII.

xxv.

xxxvPatricians, ix. Pearls round British

Philosophy (and
coast, xii.

Baths

in Britain, xxi. Britain's chiefs and king's,

Roman

senators),

xn.

TV.

XIV. climate and products, xii. old and silver mines, xn.
insularity, x.

Physical geography, xii.

Roman

Roman forts, xiv, xvi, xx, XXII, XXV. short nights, xii.
vrar-chariots,

baths and fora and templa and toqa in Britain, xxl colonies and municipia in
Britain, xiv, xvi, x.xxii.
fleet, X,

xxv, xxix, xxxviii.

xxxv, xxxvi.

Britons and Gauls, xi, xxi. attitude to Kome, xiii, xxi, xxix. xxxii.

procurators, ix. requisitions of grain, xix. triumyiri capitales (executioners),

II.

Colchester,

v, xvi.

Games

held

by

Agricola

as

Tacitus' geography of Britain and Ireland, &c., x, xxiv. physical geography, xn.
reflections on culture, xxi.
reflections reflections

Praetor, \i.

Immortalitv
Ireland, xxxv.

of sonl. xlvi.

on marriage, vi. on Stoicism, xxix

XLII.

36i

GERMANIA
I.

PROPER NAMES
belonging to modern Westphalia, annihilated bj- other tribes, xxxiii. Buri, a tribe of the Kieseugebirge,
Bructeri,
XLIII.

Black Forest, i. a tribe on the Aestii, Esthouia frontiers of Eastern Prussia and the Baltic, xlv. Agrippinenses, the inhabitants of the Koman colony now Cologne,
;

Abnoba Mons, the

XXVIII.
Albis, the

River Elbe, xli.

Alci, twin-gods, the

German Castor

and Pollux,

xliii.

Caepio, Koman general defeated by the Cimbri, xxxvii. Caesar Augustus loses three legions
under Vanis to Arminius and his
Cherusci, xxxvri. Caesar Gains (Caligula)

Anglii, the ancestors of the Angles

and Anglo-Saxons, xl. Augrivarii, trek from the Weser to the Ems, xxxiii. Aravisci, on the south bank of the Danube, in modern Hungary,
XXVIII.

farci-

triumph xxxvii.
cal

over

Germans,

Asciburgium, town on the Khine, founded according to legend by

Ulysses,

m.

Augusta "Vindelicorum, Augsburg

in Bavaria, xli. Aviones, occupants of the islands ofl Schleswig, xl.

Bastarnae
Poland

Peucini, in modern the first German tribe ; to appear in Komau history, XliVI. Batavi, in modern Holland, and before that in Hesse, xxix.

Boihaemum, Bavaria or Bohemia,

the original home of the Boii, xxviii. Boii, a Gallic tribe in Germany expelled from their German home and afterwards replaced by the Marcomani, xxviii, xx.li.

Caesar Julius cited as an historian XXVIII. Caesar Julius defeated the Germans in Gaul, xxxvii. Carbo Papirius defeated by the Cimbri, xxxvii. Cassius Longinus defeated by the Cimbri, xxxvii. Castor and Pollux, xliii. Chamavi, a people who trekked from the Lower Rhine to the Middle Ems, xxxxii. Chasuarii, occupants of a part of modern Oldenburg, xxxiv. Chatti, a German tribe, including the Batavi, whose name survives in Hesse. They occupied the Hercyniau forest and were conterminous with it. Approach

Romans
wars no

in discipline
less

and

fight

than

battles.

Bind

themselves by picturesque Nazarite vows, xxix, xxx, xxxi.

365

INDEX
Chaufi, occupiints of the country between the Ems and the Elbe. Noblest and most civilised of the German tribes, neither devotees of militarism nor yet incapable
of it, XXXV. Cherusci, occupants of Brunswick.
Frisii,

inhabitants

of

Frieslaud,

XXXIV.

GALLI,

I,

II,

XXVIII, XXIX.

Gambrivii,

ii.

Germani, ii, xvi, xxviii, xxxi, XXXV, XXXVII, XLI, XLIV, XL,V,
XLVI.

Conquerors under Arminius of Varus and his Koman legions

;

afterwards sjink into pacifism. I'ossible ancestors of the Saxons,

XXXVI.
Cimbri,

Germania, i-v, xxvii, xxviii, xxx XXXVII, XLI, XLII. Gennanicus, xxxvii. Gotones, the Goths (on the right

occupants
;

Denmark

of modern a small state rich iu

bank

of the Vistula), XLiv.

warlike memories, and

famous

for a great trek, xxxvii. Cotini, a tribe of Gallic (V) speech of the Riesengebirge. Have iron-miue.s and make no use of them, XLiii. Crassus, defeated and slain by the

Harii, a tribe of Polish Prussia, XLIII. Hellusii, a tribe of Poland, xliii. Helvecones, a trilx; of Poland xliii. Hercules, his pillars iu the Baltic,

Parthiaus, xxxvii.

Daci, bordering on Germany, in southern Russia, I. Danube, i, iii, xxix, xli, xlii.

XXXIV. Hercynius saltus, the mountains of South Germany, including the Riesengebirge and Saxon Switzerland, XXVIII-XXX.
Isi.s,

Decnmates

agTi,

tithe

reserves,

worshipped by the Suebi,

ix.

covering part of modern AViirtemberg and dedicated to the support of the Roman armies in the two Roman provinces of

LAERTE.S, recorded in a Germanic

inscription,
iii.

Gcrmania Inferior and Superior,

XXIX.
Drusus, brother of Titerius, xxxiv,

XXXVII.
Dulgubrii,
in

Langobardi, the Lombards, XL. Lemovii, a tribe of Pomerania, XLIV. Liigii, occupying Poland, perhaps Sclaves, ancestors of the Vandals

modern

Hanover,

and Biu'gundiaus, xliii.

of the god Tuisto, ii. Marcomani, a German tribe of borderers, on the north bank of the Danube, xlii. MaroboduuB, king of the Marco-

XXXIV.
Elisii, a iribe of XLlII.

Mannus, son

modem

Poland,

Eudoses, identified with the Jutes of Jutland, xl.

mani, XLII. Mars, IX.

Feum,
Fosi,

the modern Lapps, XLVi. neighbours and dependents and partners in affliction with the Clierusci, xxxvi.

Mater deum, worshipped by the Aestii, XLV.

Mercurius, ix.

Moenus, the River Main, xxviii.

366

GERMANIA
Nerthus, Terra mater, worshipped
Schleswig, of Jutland, and Mecklenburf;-, xl. Nervii, a tribe claiming: German origin, but settled west of the Ehine in Belgium, xxviii.
tlie

Servians, xxxviii, xxxix, xli

XLIII.

by

tribes

Suiones,

modern Sweden, xliv.

Tencteri, a tribe of horsemen on the east bank of the Rhine, xxxii. Treviri, a tribe west of the Rhine
about
Treves,

Osi, a tribe north of the Danube, XXVIII, XLIII.

claiming

to

be
ii.

Germans, xxviii
Tuisto, a primaeval

German

god,

Pannonia,
Hungarj-,

the
i,

v,

western part xxviii, xliii.

of

Peucini, see Bastarnac.

Ubii, transferred by Agrippa to the west bank of the Rhine and erected by Claudius into a Roman colony (Cologne), xxviii.
Ulysses,

Khenus,

the Rliiuc,

i,

ii,

xxviii,

said
iii.

to

have

visited

XXIX, XXXII, XXXIV.

Kugii, neighbours of the Lemovii, XLIV.

Germany,

Sarmatae, occupying
of
1,

modern Kussia
XI.III, XI,VI.

large parts Scythians,

Vandilii, a German tribe covered by the title Lugii perhaps afterwards famous as conquerors (Andalusia), ii, xlui.
Velaeda, a German prophetess, viii. Venedi, a German or Sarmatian tribe, confused in the MSS. with Veueti, the Veuetiaus, xlvi. Ventidius, a mule-driver who rose to be consul and avenged thy defeat of Crassus at Carrhae by a victory over the same enemy OBI the same day fifteen years later, June 9, 53 B.C. and 38 B.C.

Semnones,a tribe occupying modern Brandenburg; the most ancient tribe of the Suebi, and the depositaries of a primitive ^\orship,

XXXIX.
Sitones, a tribe

Finland XLV.

ruled

occupying modern by its women,

Suebi, the largest of the tribes of Germany, perhaps Serbs or

XXXVII.

II.

SUBJECT-MATTER
Canton.s
xv,
Chiefs,
v,

Adultery, penalty Amber, xlv.

of,

xix.
xiii,,

(pagi), vi, xii,

x,

xxxix.
xv,

Cavalry, xxxii.
xi, xi,
xii,

Arms

in daily XXII.

life,

xiii,

Auspices, X.

Autumn, unknown, xxvi.

Ballads,
ii.

Balsam, xlv. Banquets, xxil.

Battle-cry,
iii.

xxii, xxxviii. Children, xix, xx, xxv. Cities, XVI. Coins, V. Councils, VI, xi-xiii. Cows, XL.

Cremation, xxvii.

Boundary-lines, xxix.

Deification

viii.

367

INDEX
Deity, xliii. Doiver, xviii. Dress, XVII.

Night,

xi, xliii.

Nobles, viii, xxv, xliv. Nurses, xx.

Drink, xxiii. Drunkenness, xxiii.

Ocean,

i, ii,

hi, xvii, xxxiv, xliv.

Education, xx.
Fetisue.s, XL. Food, xxiii. Forests, v, xxviii, XL.

Piety and knowledge, xxxiv, xl

Pit dwellings, xvi. Polygamy, xvii.
Priests, vii, x, xi, xl, xliii. Prophetesses, viii.

Freeborn and slaves, xxv. Freedmeu, xxv.

Funerals, xxvii.

Punishments,

xii,

xix, xxi.

Gambling, xxiv.
Gifts, XV.

Gods, no temples or iujages

of, ix.,

Retinue, xiii, xiv. Kome, affinities or contrasts with or reflections on, viii, xviii, xix XX, xxv, xxx, XXXVIII.
friendship with, xxix, xli. supports native kings, xlii.

xxxix. Gold and

silver, v.

Groves, ix, xl, xlv.

Kunes,

x.
ix.

Heirs, xx. Hercules, Pillars

Homicide, xxi.

Sacrifices,
of,

xxxiv.

Sea, Baltic, xlv. Ships, XLIV.

Horses, vi, x. Hospitality, xxi. Houses, XVI, XLvi.

Shows, XXIV.
Slaves, XX, xxiv, xxv. Sun, sound of its rising, xlv.

Human

sacrifice, ix,

xxxix.

" Hundreds," vi, xii. Hunting, xv, xlvi.

Temples,

ix, xl.

Totems, vii, xl.

Infantry, xxx. Interest on money, xxvi.

Iron, VI, XLiii, XLVI.

Uncle, maternal, xx.

Usury, xxvi.

Kings, VII, ix, xi, xii, xlii, xliv. Knowledge and piety, xxxiv, xl.

Vendetta,

xxi.

Villages, xii, xvi, xviii, xxvl Vows, Nazarite and other, xxxi.

Land

tenirre,

xxvi.

Letliargy,xi, xiv, xv,xxvi, xxviii,

Weapons,

vi.

XLVI.
Letter-writing', xix.

Wergeld, xxi.

Widows, XIX.

Marriage,
Money,

xvii, xviii, xix.

Women,
Youth,

Wills, XX. vii, viii, xvii, xlv.

Matriarchate, xx. v, xv, xxii.

habits of, xx.

MAPS

the

The Spanish traders, to avoid the storms of Bay of Biscay, appear to have launched

themselves well to the west in their trading

voyages : hence the first land they made was To this Ireland rather than Great Britain. canse is perhaps due the geographical displace-

ment of these isUmds in the maps of the old geographers, ajid Tacitus, if he misconceived geography, was right enough about trade
routes.

.wutk was

The idea of the Pyrenees running north and common to the geographers up to and including Straho, and may well have been shared
by Tacitus.

370

WESTERN EUKOPE ACCOliDING TO TACITUS

371

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affinities.

r-O

;s^. -V^;-A;'?la'-t

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I

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Stun/onli Geog^^Estab^LonSbn.

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