Rouchdy Arabic Language in U.S.
Rouchdy Arabic Language in U.S.
This empirical study focuses on Arab-American communities in and around Dearborn, Michigan. These include Palestinian, Egyptian, Iraqi, and Yemeni groups. A major question is whether Arabic in its American diaspora follows the linguistic path of other diasporic contexts of the language, such as Moroccan Arabic in Holland or Algerian Arabic in France. The paper discusses the major features of change under borrowing and interference, attrition, and post- 1960s attitudes toward ethnicity. Arab-American students (total seventynine) gave the following as their reasons for studying standard Araethnic identity (38%), religious affiliation (34%), fulfilhnent of academic language requirements (33%), importance of Arabic from a global perspective (24%), and influence of parental advice (5%). The conclusion sums up the major changes in diasporic Arabic in these
bic:
As an Arab-American and a linguist, I have been interested in the spoken language used by Arab-Americans in Detroit for some time. Detroit is a unique laboratory for the study of Arabic as an ethnic minority language because the Detroit metropolitan area has the largest concentration of Arabs outside the Arab world. Their number has been estimated at between 260,000 to 350,000 in the southeastern part of Michigan, which consists of Wayne, Macomb, and Oakland counties.
The sociolinguistic approach of this paper examines the ways in which language contact and conflict situations explain changes that have occurred in the Arabic spoken by first-, second-, and third-generation Arab-Americans.
Arab immigration to the U.S., and to Michigan specifically, began in the 19th The majority of immigrants came from what was then called Greater Syria. They were mostly unskilled males and, for the most part. Christians. The second wave of immigration occurred after World War II. Among these new im-
century.
78
migrants were Muslims from Lebanon, Palestine, and Yemen, as well as Christian
Iraqis,
& Abraham
1981:18).
in the U.S.;
In the
many of
were students and professionals. They were Egyptians, Iraqis, Lebanese, Palestinians, and Syrians (El Kholy 1969). A fourth wave of immigrants consisting mostly of Lebanese and Palestinians occurred in the 1970s and 80s, owing to the war in Lebanon, and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
these
residents
Finally, in the
new
1990s, a
fifth
wave came
to the
U.S., consisting
of Palestinians,
Lebanese, Egyptians, and Iraqi Muslims. According to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS),
from 1988
to 1990,
At
U.S.,
first,
up residence
in the
Dearborn
area,
which
is
who
first
come
to the
Arab-Americans upon
try to
their arrival
congregated
in a
in
neighborhood where
this first
community
linguistic
maintain psychological,
social, cultural,
and
Some
themselves
communities. Others,
when
they
became economically
better
off,
established
in different parts
Arabs
share
tinian
still
and cultural features. For example, there is a Paleson the west side of Detroit; an Egyptian group in Troy, on the east side of Detroit; and a large Iraqi community on Seven Mile Road, east of Detroit. A second Iraqi community was established in West Bloomfield, which is one of the most affluent suburbs in the Detroit metro area; and there are two Yemini communities, one in Hamtramack, north-east of Detroit, and a larger one in the Dearborn area. There are also Arab- American professionals that are scattered in the various suburbs around Detroit.
common
community
cently been
the
The Arab- Americans who have lived for years in the Dearborn area have recoming into contact with a steady flow of new Arab immigrants from Arab world. After the Gulf war in 1990-91, many Iraqi Shi'a (40,000) were
in the U.S.,
given refuge
largely of people
most of them coming to Michigan. This group consists the Iraqi regime and defected, first going to Saudi Arabia. But since the Saudis refused to give them permanent residence, they were allowed into the U.S. Another 15,000 to 20,000 Iraqis working for the CIA were
who opposed
this group has settled in the were first settled by the U.S. government in different parts of the country; but many decided to move to Michigan because of the large number of Arab-Americans already established in the area. This recently-arrived group consists of Shi'a as well as Sunni Kurds all of whom speak Arabic. Their children, who spoke only Arabic on arrival in the U.S., are presently attending American public schools. Taking into account these new iurivals and
U.S.
The majority of
Dearborn
79
members of
the
Arab community,
in the Dearborn members of the wellMichigan, young and old, are coming
70%
of the students
all
commonplace
all its
to refer to
community
politically,
is
world with
varieties
and divisions:
of course, linguistically.
Thus, in the Detroit metro area there
contact situation. In the
contact,
bic, a
first
is
come
into
and
in the
second
situation, different
minority language,
is in
The question
in the Detroit
is,
then:
What
How
generally-representative
in
tact
guages
Arabic
in contact,
in Holland, or
Algerian Arabic in
France, have taken. With regard to any such questions the diglossic nature of
is
a factor that
must be taken
into consideration.
specific neighbor-
in Detroit,
from
my
interviews during
my
visits to schools,
during family
gatherings such as weddings and other celebrations, and from a set of tape-
my
colleague
May
on
my
research.
was
able to observe
evolution of language
...
in
most regular in its structure and its relation to the which minimum attention is paid to monitoring
this
who
more informal
inter-
actions with peers. Hence, this pidginized foiTn evolved only for temporary use
the
women
mainly of lexical items related to food, or curse words. For example, one of Seikaly interviewed spoke English fluently and no Arabic whatso-
remembered her
'slut'
).
woman
the
of
ill
repute {sharmuta
Between
who
many
judgment of
their
in
who have
As mentioned
They
Arab world; hence, they spoke different dialects of Arabic. community that incorporates many different speech subcommunities. Gumperz (cited in Hudson 1985:26) defined speech community as being 'any human aggregate characterized by regular and frequent interaction by means of a shared body of verbal signs and set off from similar aggregates by significant differences in language use.'
different parts of the
As
a sociolinguist
am
made by
straints'
will
re-
(Gumpers 1964:138)
that
result
Whenever languages
phenomena
occur: code-
Code-switching occurs
both speaker and listener
in the
when
two languages involved well enough to differentiate items from either language at any moment during their speech. The speakers, when code-switching, alternate their use of the two languages within a single sentence or more. Linguistically speaking, as Michael Clyne stated, 'it {CS} often occurs within structural constraints which may be language specific or even universal.' (cited in Coulmas 1997:313) Sociohnguistically, Carol Myersthe
know
'...
an in-group
mode of communication,
In other words,
rather
Coulmas 1997:232)
codefind
switching occurs
when
is
ij
and
feel at
clear
and indicative
of Einar Haugen
(1973:521)
who
defined code-
switching as 'the alternate use of two languages including everything from the
8
in
word up
to a
Borrowing, on the other hand, involves the transfer of lexical items from one
language
gory
items are either unchanged, or inflected like words of the same grammatical catein the
lingual.
He
borrowing language. The speaker is not necessarily a competent bidominant language and not from the
when grammatical
rules of the
how
jected in one language under the influence of another language.' (cited in Coul-
When borrowing
is
and qualitative aspects of borrowing and interferare systems, systems have struc...
and
things
incompatible
&
with
those
seems to be more important. In their study of Ateso (spoken in Uganda and Kenya), they wrote that 'the languages from which Ateso has borrowed so heavily all have very ahen structures' (1973:889). This same idea is expounded by Thomason and Kaufman who observed that 'it is the social context,
structure involved,
not the structure of the languages involved, that determines the direction and the
situations.
on
all
examining the process of borrowing in the speech of Arab-Americans, I answer the following questions: what can be borrowed, why is it bor-
rowed, and
how does
82
It
rections,
was apparent in my data that the process of borrowing occurs in both difrom Enghsh to Arabic and from Aiabic to English. The process follows
the pattern that has been observed in other borrowing situations. For instance, the largest number of borrowings, from English into Ai-abic. occurred in the category of nouns (Rouchdy 1992:39). They are nouns borrowed for items that are
new
to the speakers, or
nouns
isting
the
same idea
as:
'the citizen';
livin
mum,
(2) ikkaar,
'the door';
is
where the
usually
applied. Thus,
borrowed English
lexical items.
in the patterns
tabax 'ala-l-stuuv
tarakitha bi-k-kaar
'he
(4)
An
ing:
convey
the
(5)
(6)
'he
'she left
in the car'
In (3)
and
an example of borrowing. In (5) and used with the English noun. It is a code-switch.
an English
An additional difference between the linguistic performance of educated and semi-educated bilinguals, is the pronunciation of borrowed English lexical items. The semi-educated person pronounces English lexical items as closely as
possible to the English phonotactic system. For example: 'dirty'
is
given as (7)
dary, 'water' as warer. Intellectuals tend to borrow foreign words through their
eyes, while others borrow through their ears' (Higa 1979:284).
Scotton
to
&
that
new
concepts' (1973:887). In
'borrowed verbs are relatively few; in my data, this did not prove
be the case; and verbs constituted the second largest category of borrowing.
For example;
(8)
fakkasna assayara
Fixed-we-the-car
'We
(9)
kalniit il-beet
cleaned-I-the-house
'I
83
kolmi biikre
'call
me tomorrow'
These concepts are not new to the speakers. These items are an 'unnecessary' borrowing resulting from the strong contact between Arabic and English, among
these speakers.
Nicholas Sobin,
in his
study
meaning
behav-
which play
He found
in
a restriction in the
English verbs borrowed into Texas Spanish. Such verbs can be 'freely replaced
...
do so
English
....
have been
In the case of U.S. Arabic, speakers borrow both types of verbs, the do so and the non-Jo so verbs. However, there are restrictions that shape the borrow-
some of these
lowing example take an object that can be replaced by a pronoun; that pronoun is never borrowed. The Arabic object pronoun is always suffixed to the borrowed
English verbs:
(11)
kalneet id-daar
Cleaned-I-the-house
'I
(12)
haraknaa-ha
Parked-we-it
'We parked
It
it'
would be ungrammatical
(13)
to say:
barakna-it
'We parked
it'
to the
mar, but most importantly, the morphological patterns of Arabic grammar are also
a different pattern.
(14)1 see
'I
inti
sayra muthaqafa
see you
became educated'
(15)1 swear
'I
inti
majnuuna
[are] crazy'
swear you
(16)
I
84
The
tern.
know
from the syntactic characteristics of the verbs; the the above examples have complement-clause boundaries noun-phrase boundaries of the do so verb sentences. In the
results
case of non-do so verbs, the speakers transferred the English verb and pronoun
into the
modification:
these
are
instances of code-
switching.
In addition to this syntactic restriction
there
is
a semantic restriction.
Americans expressed a state (typical examples are see, believe, swear, understand,
verbs in context are not easy to translate into Arabic.
The non-Jo so verbs used in the speech of Arabof mind; this was not characteristic of do so verbs
etc.).
Furthermore, these
literal translation
does not
swear
inti
majniiuna
[are]
T swear you
The phrase
lation
/
crazy
translated literally into Arabic as Hhlif.
is
swear would be
How-
would be
i\S)wallahi
inti
majnuuna!
[are] crazy'
is:
Where
swear by
God
that
Thus,
when borrowing,
easily
(9)
kalneet id-daar
Cleaned-I-the-house
the house
the Arabic equivalent nathaff' with similar semantic features
id-daar,
T cleaned
is
the house,'
is
semantically acceptable in
no restrictions on its seBut verbs with complex restrictions are code-switched. Cases where Arab- American speakers use unacceptable structures such as (17) ahlif inti majnuuna!, to translate the Enghsh, '1 swear you [are] crazy,' reflect in Nancy^ Dorian's words, 'asymmetry' (1981:155). Asymmetry occurs when the Unguistic' skills of a speaker are unbalanced; such a speaker is a noncompetent bilingual, or 'semi-speaker,' whose linguistic production is similar to other reductive language
the speech of Arab-Americans. This
a simple verb with
Adjectives are usually not easily borrowed but are code-switched. Nicholas Sobin found only one adjective borrowed from English into Texas Spanish (tofudo for 'tough'). According to Sobin, the Texas Spanish speaker did not con-
85
an adjective and added the 'adjectivalizing suffix -udo (1982:169). In anuninfected'C 1967:35-6).
other study on Australian English and German, Clyne noted that 'transferred adjectives are almost invariably
left
My
mentioned in the above studies (Rouchdy 1992). Arab- American speakers use borrowed English adjectives without inflecting them, unlike Arabic adjectives, which must agree with the noun they modify in gender, number, and definiteness. For example, 'you (fem) [are] lucky' would be given as:
(19)
inti laki
would be ungrammatical
(21)
*inti lakiyy-a
to use
(is) beautiful'
Why
borrowed?
Do
share similar semantic features in this regard? This point has been discussed
by
switched. During
my
made
ment:
(23) nayselhth
Nice-you (mas)-to-him
'Say something nice to him'
The hypothetical sentence would be accepted by the speaker involved. Thus, the verb created from the adjective nice is a do so verb, which can be borrowed and adapted to the Arabic grammatical pattern. Additional research on the borrowing of adjectives in other situations of language contact will contribute
In this case he
a verb out of the adjective nice.
makes
Bill
Most
conclusions that the use of ethnic language gradually decreases with successive
generations due to a process of assimilation. There are certain events, however,
that
might lead
to
an ethnic revival. In an
article entitled
America', Marcus L. Hansen (1952:496) points out that ethnic identity takes
place in the course of three generations, and that there
the third generation. Nahirny
is
&
'the
ethnic heritage, including the ethnic mother tongue, usually ceases to play
viable role in the
life
&
86
general, both views are correct. In order for the third-generation Americans to return to their ancestral ethnicity, there are certain social events that must take
place. Subsequently, this rise in ethnicity might lead to the learning of the ethnic
language.
1960 and 1970 census data, and stated that most who claim non-English mothertongues no longer use them. Except for Spanish, the attrition rate of the other languages is 36%, while for Spanish it is 19%. This is, of course, due to the large number of those who claim Spanish as mother-tongue, and due also to the continuous waves of new immigrants from Spanish-speaking countries.
Arabic speakers in the Detroit metro area share with Spanish speakers these first, the continuous arrival of new immigrants in their neighboris
two
factors:
and why do Arab-Americans become so inclined toward their heritage this has not always been the case? Early in this century, the idea of maintaining minority languages or enhancing "cultural plurahsm' was not favored by politicians, academicians, or the public in general. Gleason
language, especially since
How
in the U.S.
group of Arab-Americans who immigrated after World War n themselves from their ethnic heritage, especially its language, because of the way they were viewed by others. Actually, as a reaction to the prevailing anti-ethnic feeling and the pressure for conformity and assimilation, some Arab-Americans went as far as to Anglicize their names to escape discrimi-
The
tried to disassociate
nation at work, or
when applying
for a job
such
A quotation from Gregory Orfalea's 1988 book. Before the Flames: A Quest for the History of Arab-Americans, reflects the attitude of Arab- Americans towards their ancestral language or heritage language in the early part of this century.
was for this generation, ... the most Americanized of all, that Arabic was a tongue whispered in warmth or shouted when a glass was broken at the dinner table. It was not the language thai made friends or secured work, and it certainly was not useful in assembling a field rifle in the army (Orfalea 1988:107).
It
at that time,
towards the
use of Arabic.
was used
to
Where was Arabic used? It was used secretly within one's home. It express one's emotion, 'a warm whisper of love', or 'a shout' to repit
to
be
87
was not
its
the
'language that
made
and
in
'it
Lf
used
it
would
isolate
and alienate
not
speakers
who
will
never be
accepted
ots, since
American society
certainly
at large,
make
friends,
was not
Later,
of Arabic in the American diaspora, and altered the feeling of paranoia that prevailed
shift
major social changes, changes have had an impact general and led to the revival, or rebirth, of an
shift is
due
to three
social
movement
in the
and
in the
re-
jection of the traditional concept of the melting pot. This led to the promulgation
gender.
political realities
widespread
in the
Arab world
is
whom
which
it
is
appro-
speak Arabic.
Muslim identity in the Arab world and among ArabAmerican Muslims, has created a need for the language with which they can fulfill
Third, the revival of a
their religious duties
and a pride
in their identity as
revival of
Mushm
this
a religious
most im-
This revival of a
MusUm
identity
is
.mosques are
full at the
to
fhe mosques wearing their Islamic attire. In fact, the wearing of Islamic attire by Muslim women in the Dearborn area has been on the increase. It is noticeable in
the streets
and
in
some
schools.
In an article entitled 'Divided loyalties: Language and ethnic identity in the Arab world'. Holt stated that 'Given that language is probably the most powerful symbol of ethnicity, it therefore fonns a basis of identity for millions who are politically
88
tinguishes one person from another, and one group from another group. This
quite true, but Holt's remark
connection with ethnic languages in the Arab world where minority languages are indigenous to the area languages such as
in
was
Kurdish, Berber, or Nubian. These are indigenous minority languages that are in
the ethnic-minority language might erode, and such an erosion might lead to
language death.
Arabic, on the other hand, as an ethnic language
tally different fate.
It
in the
might be affected
linguistically
by English
but
it
the point
where
it
ceases to be used
will
never
die.
Hence, the difference between these two cases of language contact and conflict is that in the first case the ethnic language might be totally eroded, but in the sec-
is
at
any
in
'Ethnic
to
is
'mouth
to
mind'
in the diaspora.
at
'Mouth
is
to
mouth' refers
spoken
home, while
of
a
'mind to mind refers to the transmission of ideas. The idea of the Arabic language
what we
It is
this aspect
It
among
all
is
common denominator
One might
that
is
an expression of identity.
among Arab-Americans who belong to different speech communities. Suzanne Romaine, when referring to the sociolinguistic variation in speech communities, said the 'individuals [in a community as a whole] may share the same Sprachhund without necessarily sharing the same SprechhuncF (1982:24). Classical
Arabic
is
the
Sprachbund
use
it,
that acts as a
symbol
not
only those
others, the
who
who
understand
non-Arabic speakers.
in the
American ethos
It is a language from which members of the difdraw support and upon which they build their Arabdiaspora. Hence, it creates a bond of solidarity and an eth-
There
is
in
which the
'us versus
Using Romaine's terminology, Arab-Americans do not share the same Sprechbund, since they came from different parts of the Arab world. They have different dialects,
them' feeling
also expressed, and that
is
which they use in their daily contact with each other. This situation also erects a barrier between 'us' and 'them', them being those from other dialect areas. Hence, this multiple dichotomy between Arabs and non- Arabs, and between Arab
89
dichotomy
and a positive
linguistic imat-
pact.
It is
trition,
that is
and a positive impact in the sense that a new linguistic form can develop understood by members of the different Arabic speech-communities.
The Arobic Language in America (Rouchdy 1992), there are reports of which the fate of Arabic in the diaspora is viewed differently. First, Badr Dweik in his study of 'Lebanese Christians in Buffalo: Language maintenance and language shift' concludes by saying that 'Arabic was abandoned because it had no religious or nationalistic value to these Lebanese.' (Dweik 1992:117)
In
three studies in
On the other hand, Linda Walbridge, in her study 'Arabic in the Dearborn Mosque', discusses the relationship between Islam and the retention of Arabic in Dearborn. As she points out. the long-term future of Arabic depends on its survival as a medium of religious ritual (Walbridge 1992). Third, Sawaie in his article
entitled 'Arabic in the Melting Pot: Will
it
number
of Arab immigrants
who came
to the U.S.
protect the mother tongue' (Sawaie 1992:94). Arabic seems to be the social glue
that
bonded
the
community together
at that time,
its
use in some
churches, mosques, and community newspapers. However, with the change in the
political climate
in the
dard or dialect. Sawaie predicts that the language of the Arabic-speaking immigrants
who have
prediction and with Dweik' s assessment, especially in a city such as Detroit for
the following reasons.
among
is
number of Arabic TV
programs, Arabic newspapers, and cable networks that transmit directly from the
Arab world. Furthermore, national religious academies have been established and private schools in which Arabic and Islamic studies are taught have been opened. Arabic as a foreign language is taught in some public schools. Moreover, there is
a definite increase in enrollment in Arabic classes in the different universities in
November
in
8)
in New York (New York Times Sunday, where there are 13 Arabic schools with an enrollment of 2,400. and
New
1
Wayne
79
38%
34%
Ethnic identity
Religious affiliation
33%
24% The
5%
belonged
to different
speech-
communities: they have different dialect backgrounds. They are studying standard Arabic as a foreign language. TTius. it is standard Arabic that bonds these
students together. Furthermore,
it
is
Arab-Americans
in the different
speech-communities
community
community
in Detroit.
The diglossic nature of the Arabic language itself creates a strong relationship between the learning of standard Arabic as a foreign language, and the maintenance of the different dialects. This association is what differentiates Arabic from other ethnic nondiglossic languages in the diaspora. The question to ask
here would be: Does the learning of standard/classical Arabic as a foreign lan-
that
is
used
at
Indeed, the formal learning of standard Arabic might revive the student's
ethnic identity and spiritual motivation, which could lead to a retrieval of the
spoken language. However, the learning of standard Ai'abic will not prevent the changes that occur whenever the different dialects or languages come into contact.
As
a language that
is used among speakers in the diaspora. It does not correspond to any specific dialect variety, nor does it correspond to standard Arabic. It is a situation of language-shift that creates an ethnic language, or a lingua franca, under-
community and
that has a
is
in France, or Holland, or
not understood by Arab iminigrants outside the U.S., as Germany. Comparative research of the use of Arabic in
different parts of the diaspora will be of great value to the field of sociolinguistics.
For instance,
cally
tries,
how does
and sociolinguistically from Arabic in different non-Muslim Western counon the one hand, and in Muslim non-Western countries, on the other hand?
Conclusion
To sum up
its
and
in the Arabic
like to stress two points. First, there will always be skill-attrition spoken in the diaspora because of constant contact with a dominant language. However, when skill-attrition occurs, it is only in the immigrants' linguistic repertoire, and such attrition can easily be reversed for the language to be learned. Usually, it is the standard Arabic language that is formally learned. Such
future,
would
many
that
occur
in the ethnic
bond among
Arab-Americans and
that
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