This document provides an overview of the complex relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan over time. It discusses their shared history under various empires prior to the 20th century and the influence of British colonial rule in establishing their border. Tensions arose in the post-independence period due to border disputes. Relations fluctuated with changes in leadership in both countries and were impacted by superpower politics and Afghan support for Pashtun nationalism. The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan in the 1990s has historical roots relating to Pakistan's support for anti-Soviet Islamist forces during the Cold War period.
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This was my Pakistan studies semester project. I would love to hear your feedback.
This document provides an overview of the complex relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan over time. It discusses their shared history under various empires prior to the 20th century and the influence of British colonial rule in establishing their border. Tensions arose in the post-independence period due to border disputes. Relations fluctuated with changes in leadership in both countries and were impacted by superpower politics and Afghan support for Pashtun nationalism. The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan in the 1990s has historical roots relating to Pakistan's support for anti-Soviet Islamist forces during the Cold War period.
This document provides an overview of the complex relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan over time. It discusses their shared history under various empires prior to the 20th century and the influence of British colonial rule in establishing their border. Tensions arose in the post-independence period due to border disputes. Relations fluctuated with changes in leadership in both countries and were impacted by superpower politics and Afghan support for Pashtun nationalism. The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan in the 1990s has historical roots relating to Pakistan's support for anti-Soviet Islamist forces during the Cold War period.
CONTENTS: 1. Introduction 2. Brief over-view of Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations 3. The Cold War 4. The Taliban and their era 5. Pakistan and its history that relates to the Taliban 6. Deoband, Dars-e-Nizami and the Taliban 7. Pashtunwali and Taliban 8. Putting the Jigsaw puzzle together 9. Relations post 9/11 10. Conclusion
Introduction: This research paper explores some aspects of Pakistan-Afghanistan relations in detail. The main focus is on the era of the Taliban and their interesting relations with Pakistan, which are historical, political and social. The Taliban interest me because of the current divide in our society between the religious and the secular minded people. The study of the Taliban provides an insight into how all this drift started. One comes to know that this disparity is not new, rather it existed in the sub-continent in the 19th century too. The Taliban phenomenon could be traced back to the historical roots of Pakistan. This connection I venture to explore in this paper. In the first chapter, a brief overview of Pakistan-Afghan relations is given to provide the reader with a context. It covers the relation up to the advent of Afghan Jihad. The USSR war with Afghanistan is dealt with in the second chapter. The third chapter explains with the Taliban in detail. This is the most important chapter in the paper. Thereafter, in the fourth chapter, I discuss the history of Pakistan that relates to the Taliban, spanning multiple factors that relate to the Taliban but have not been emphasized before. In the fifth chapter, which buds from the fourth chapter, the history of the Deoband seminary, its curriculum and its impact on the Taliban is discussed. In the sixth chapter, the influence of Pashtunwali on the Taliban is discussed. In the seventh chapter, I try to assemble the seemingly disparate elements of the previous chapters by drawing connections between the chapters. The eighth chapter covers the post 9/11 era. I am deeply grateful to Allah almighty who made me able to work on this project. Moreover, I am indebted to my father who offered me valuable advice, to my younger brothers who bore with my lengthy sittings on the computer, and to my mother who shifted her schedule and household chores in order to facilitate my work. I am grateful to my teacher Mr. Aamir Sohail who inspired me to think differently and, of course, to my subject teacher Mr.Farooq who gave me ample amount of time to complete my project. This was my first ever research project and therefore might appear amateur. But I hope to learn from the mistakes(which are undoubtedly many) that you will point out and will continue reading and thinking and improving. Happy reading!
Chapter 1:Brief overview of Pak-Afghan Relations Before 1947: The main link between the two countries is the common pashtun areas. Historically, the lands of both countries have often come under the same empires, from Mauryans(322 BC185 BC), White Huns(420-567),Ghoris,Taimuris, Lodhis, Mughals 1 , and finally the Durrani Empire. All these empires had,at least, the area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and a major portion of Afghanistan under their rule. Until the British captured the now Khyber pakhtunkhwa(KPK) in Pakistan in 1880 2 , the Durrani Empire (1747-1826) had enjoyed dominion over Indian cities as far as Lahore. 3
Afghanistan remained a matter of conflict between the British India and the Russians during the 19th Century due to its Geo-political importance and acted as a buffer for the tension between the two super powers. 4 Afghanistan fought two Anglo-Afghan wars,one from 1838-42 and the second from 1878-80. The former was a humiliating loss to the Britons, with just one soldier living to tell the tale. 5 The second proved futile for the Afghans, who had to sign the treaty of Gandamark(1879), which provided Afghans the right to control their internal policies but restricted them from contacting the outside world except the British India. It was at this point that the Afghan-India(before partition) relations took an important turn in history. Since then, the two states seem inseparable. The British demarcated the Afghan-India border by a treaty signed in 1893 and the areas westward of present Pakistans KPK and Balochistan were to remain with the Afghan King Amir Abdur Rehman Khan. 6 The treaty was to expire in 1993 and the areas were to be returned to Afghans. In 1947, after the partition of India and the demise of the British, the Afghan parliament refused to accept the treaty 7 and demanded reversion of the Pashtun areas in Pakistan,even though the people of those areas had chosen to live in Pakistan. This dispute of borders has been the stigma in the Pak-Afghan relations since, with the Afghans supporting Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. According to Lord Curzon, 8 frontiers are indeed the razors edge on which hang suspended the modern issues of war and peace, of life or death to nations. Therefore, Afghanistan was the only country in the world which opposed Pakistans entry into the UN in September 1947 9 .
1947-1978: Afghanistan, a landlocked country, shares a 2290 10 km border on its east with Pakistan, a country which is geo-strategically as important as Afghanistan with its sea ports and transit route connecting central and south east Asia. Its surrounded by the resource-rich Tajikistan, Turkemanistan and Uzbekistan. Its a fairly symmetrically land-locked country.Pakistan, on the other hand, is also a strategically important country bordering India, Iran and China and has the nearest water port for the Central Asian States i.e. Gwadar.
The Nascent Pakistan in 1947 faced a lot of problems, those included the ones from Afghanistan. Although Pakistans foreign policy was based on the principle of Pan-Islamism 11 , Afghanistan proved to be a difficult neighbour. The afghans aimed to capitalize on the problems of the newly- born Pakistan and demand the Pashtun areas of Pakistan before the Durand Line treaty expired. In 1950, King Zahir Shah made an anti Pakistan speech at a celebration in Kabul. 12 Cross-border infiltration of Afghan forces into the Pakistani tribal areas and their repulsion by the Pakistani security forces, followed by the assassination of Pakistani Prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan in 1951 by an afghan national further worsened the conditions. At the time, Afghanistan joined ranks with India to counter possible arms support for Pakistan from the US. US also denied Afghan requests for arms in order to avoid reaction from USSR. 13 When Pakistan implemented one unit system in 1955, Afghans protested and sacked the Pakistan ambassador and consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad were attacked, with similar reciprocation form the Pakistanis in Peshawar. In reaction to Pakistans membership of SAETO and CENTO, Russia openly joined ranks with India and Afghanistan. This deepened the gulf between the two countries. Relations became better when the rulers of both sides paid visits to each other and US also supported the two countries, while Russia also aided Afghanistan. The soviets infiltrated Afghanistan by building strategically important roads and infrastructure. Increased US infiltration in Pakistan further enhanced the tensions and pak-afghan relations came to another halt until Iran mediated the Tehran accords in 1963 14 .Afghanistan supported Pakistan in 1965 war and the rulers of both sides paid visits and trade was enhanced. The relations were becoming better until 1973.
In 1973, Sardar Daud deposed King Zahir shah while he was on a visit to Europe. Daud was a pro-soviet and a pro-Pakhtoonistan and proclaimed himself president. The establishment was proliferated by pro-soviet elements form the civil and army which alarmed Pakistan. Retaliating
to the backing of separatist forces in Pakistan by Daud, the Pakistani Intelligence services started supporting anti-Daud elements in the US. Consequently, Pakistan welcomed Afghan Islamists with anti communist and anti Daud feelings. These dissidents were provided training and other supports for their incursions and uprisings inside Afghanistan. Figures like Gulbaddin Hekmat Yar, Ahmad Shah Masood, and Burhan-ud-din Rabbani escaped to Pakistan and continued controlling their armed resistance against Communists backed Daud regime from Peshawar, gaining momentum with in few years and attained a status of armed opposition to be reckoned with. Reportedly, around 5,000 Afghan dissidents were trained by Pakistan in its secret military camps. 15 Daud succumbed to the resistance and started developing good relations with Pakistan. But these were short-lived, as Bhutto was overthrown by General Zia and Daud was eliminated by the communist forces in 1978. What followed was a communist government, headed by Noor Muhammad Taraki of the Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan, which was protested against widely in the country due to its communist reforms.
15 ashraf.pdf
Chapter 2:The Cold and The Civil War(1979-1992) The positioning of communist regime in Kabul presented a serious threat to Pakistans security and integrity as it was perceived as a Soviet threat in all its totality. Pakistan had no other option but either to surrender or to go for all out support to the forces resisting against the communist regime of President Noor Mohammed Taraki. Besides, supporting and organizing resistance forces against the Communist regime of Kabul, Pakistan had to host over 150,000 Afghan refugees into Pakistan immediately after the Saur Revolution of April 1978.In December 1978 PDPA signed a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union. On September 16th 1979, Hafizullah Amin(the prime minister) staged another coup against own government, killing Taraki, and took over as President of Afghanistan. Moscow having found Amin less subservient invaded Kabul during the last days of 1979,executed Amin and installed Karmal (the former deputy prime minister. as a new president. 16
The US initially did not support the Zia dictatorship, but when the soviets invaded Afghanistan, all economic and military aid sanctions were lifted in a bid to support the Afghan freedom fighters. From this point on, things have to be analysed in certain perspectives of the current research topic: 1. Pak-Afghan relations have never been exclusive of foreign influence. In the case of cold war, Pakistans relation to Afghanistan was influenced by American interests. 2. The Sunni-Deobandi ideology connecting the two countries pashtun masses is also a factor to be reckoned with. 3. The common pashtun culture,or Pashtunwali, is also a big factor determining the relations between the two countries. Post-1979, Afghanistan had become a battlefield for a war between the Capitalists and the Communists. Pakistan. support to the resistance forces. According to Mr. Abdul Sattar, ex- Foreign Secretary and Foreign Minister of Pakistan, The Soviet military intervention provoked a deep sense of alarm in Pakistan. Suddenly the buffer disappeared and if the Soviet rulers consolidated their control in Afghanistan they could use it as springboard to reach the warm waters of the Arabian Sea. Pakistan could not afford to acquiesce in the Soviet intervention. But neither could it afford a confrontation with a super power. Islamabad therefore decided on the middle course, avoiding confrontation but raising a low pitched voice of concern and protest. 17
The Central Intelligence Agency(CIA) of US supported the Afghan Mujahideen, or freedom fighters, by funneling their aid through the Inter Services Intelligence(ISI) of Pakistan. to the Mujahideen, was funneled through Pakistans ISI. The covert aid for raising, training, equipping and managing Mujahideen in to the battle field went as high as $400 million by 1984 from $60
16 ashraf.pdf 17 ashrafs reference
million annually in 1981.52 The leading recipient of this aid was Hezb-i-Islami of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar that proved to be the trust worthy and deserving resistance force. It was Pakistans skill-full use of intel and resources against Soviet forces that made Afghanistan a bleeding wound. 18 Moscow succumbed in the end, with stinger missiles 19 and fresh recruits from the US and Pakistan augmenting the Mujahideen. What followed were the Geneva accords, in which the USSR accepted defeat and took to withdraw its forces till January 1989. But no framework was laid for an interim government. Also, the soviets left their tanks and ammunition, thereby creating a black hole of civil war that ensued till 1996. On the other hand, the US, with its primary objective fulfilled, also abandoned the Mujahideen and Afghanistan. The fighters whom they had called soldiers of God 20 were now left helpless. Besides the clash of the titans, Pakistan was undergoing a fundamental ideological and social change. General Zia was a deeply religious and pan-Islamist Sunni. Besides his social and economic Islamization of the country, he patronized the afghan jihad. He also funded the madrassahs in Pakistan, which sent fresh recruits to Afghanistan war. Apart from the madrassahs, the afghan mujahideen and their struggle was adulated in public, media and the literature of those times. 21 The mujahideen were adulated by the ulema who portrayed them as soldiers of God and their accounts of Miraculous help were,and still are, narrated. 22
Zia gave the shape to the current Pakistan policy of intervention in Afghanistan. During the period from 1983 to 1996, the ISI trained almost 83,000 afghan mujahideen and provided funding to the madrassahs set up in the afghan refugee areas. During his 10 year reign, the number of madrassahs grew from 1745 23 to above 20000. Maulana Yousaf Ludhianvi writes in his obituary to General Zia-ul-Haq that Zia was a leader of a stature incomparable with contemporary global politicians. He praised him for passing of Shariah Implementation Ordinance, for fighting USSR in Afghanistan, for his piety, and for his love of Islam. Zia was very frank with (Deobandi) ulema. 24
Here we see the deep influence of Deobandi ulema on the policy making of General Zia. Consequently, the motto of Faith, Piety and Jihad in the way of Allah was inculcated into the Pakistan Army and the GHQ press published a large number of Islamic books which are taught to the army officers in the Education Core. 25 For example,a book explaining the works of Allama
18 ashraf 19 http://abcnews.go.com/GMA/story?id=4042676&page=1 20 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lh2sVcuPk1Q 21 pg.193paharon ka beta written by malik ahmed sarwar,published1990,shirkat printing press and history of islam 22 qari jameel sahabs waqia 23 http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=314 24 shakhsiat-o-taasurat, maulan yousaf ludhianvi,june 1995, maktaba ludhianvi,page325 25 Iqbals ideology,published GHQ press, 1995
Iqbal in a specific religious context that was moulded to inspire the army officers. The army recruits sermon-deliverers which normally belong to the Deobandi school of thought. 26 Such measures made it easy for the army and ISI to support the Afghan Mujahideen and consequently, the Taliban. Besides the vested strategic interest in Afghanistan, the army personnel were working for a higher,nobler, and religious cause. Therefore, the army had no problem inviting Arabs and other muslim fighters and training them to fight the soviets in Afghanistan. A lot of pakistani civilians also took part in this training and took part in the Afghan Jihad. 27 The Arab fighters were mainly supported and funded by the Saudi government, which also looked to expand its interpretation of Wahabbism. The deobandi scholars and the Jamiat-Ulema-e-Islam maintain a separate identity from Wahabbism and have several religious disputes with the wahabbis. The Deobandi Ulemas agendas were more of a regional context than the pan-islamic agendas of the Arab fighters. But these subtle differences were not recognized by the PMA trained army people who were not well versed in the Islamic sciences, Quran or Hadith, who saw Islam through the rigid-only interpretation of Iqbal, and, coincidentally, who were the masters of a country which is an amalgam of sects, which had not recovered from the historical repercussions of the British Colonial rule, which was economically impoverished and which was under a security threat. Its obvious that in such conditions, a mere dispute of Deobandis and the Wahabbis seemed trivial. So both schools of thought were funded. Zia was championed by the ulema of both sides, and these ulema also revered Zia and publicly supported him. Trickling top-down, the religiosity pervaded throughout the armys hierarchy. And this religiosity is being targeted today by the US as being responsible for the double-game, for the support of Taliban and of Al-Qaeda . US capitalized on this very passion and now its blaming the very sentiment. The ISI has always been surrounded by mystique. No one knows how much of the ISI belongs to which ideological faction, liberal, conservative or extremist. In fact the arrest of Brigadier Ali Khan in June 2011 over allegation of his association with Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HT) has further clouded the issue. 28
One thing is for sure, the Porous pak-afghan border has been utilized by the Pak-Army and ISI to send its trainees,which include Afghan refugees,Pakistanis, and other muslims who came to help their Afghan brothers. Russia was persistently critical of this Pakistani influence on the Afghan soil. The ISI defeated the USSR, and thats why it has been termed as one of the most dangerous intelligence agency of the world. 29
It is to be noted,however, that our central point of discussion i.e. the relation between the Deobandi School and the Pak-Afghan relations is not very visible at this point of time. We note
26 personal experience 27 http://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/asia/afghan-bck1023.htm 28 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/pakistani-army-brigadier-arrested-over-suspected-links-with- islamist-radicals-2300780.html 29 http://www.dirjournal.com/info/the-worlds-best-intelligence-agencies/
that Zia was influenced by certain Deobandi Ulema but that influence was more of an internal one, although it did morph into the foreign policy later after the Generals death as the Generals generous aid of the madrassahs served the Taliban government.
The Civil War(1989-1996) The Peshawar accords did not provide any framework for an interim government that would provide for a smooth transition from a devastated, institution-less country to a peaceful,progressive one.The Soviet invaders departed on schedule and their withdrawal was followed by eight years of civil war that devastated the remains of Kabul and surrounding. The withdrawing Soviets left behind necessary war ammunition and equipment that enhanced staying power of Dr. Najeeb Ullah Government in Kabul. On the other side Americans stopped flow of arms, ammunition and equipment to the Mujaheddin thereby virtually depriving them of any capacity to fight. The disintegration of Soviet Union in 1991 triggered the collapse of Najeeb Ullah in April 1992 and setting up of Sibghatullah Mojadedis broad-based Interim Government. The power sharing arrangements under Peshawar accord brokered by Pakistan failed when Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, President and Ahmad Shah Masood, the defense minister, conspired to keep Gul Badin HikmatYar designated Prime Minister out of power. Pakistan did not appreciate Masoods neutral attitude towards Pakistan, and therefore backed Hikmatyar to gain the objective of strategic depth. 30 This new power game gave birth to another civil war on ethnic lines. Instead of honoring the terms of Peshawar Accord Rabbani perpetuated his power illegally by getting himself reelected as President in June 1994. Rabbanis extension of his presidential power of the transition government that was expiring on 15th December 1994 was betrayal to Peshawar Accord. The in-fighting amongst the different Mujaheddin between 1992 and 1994 brought about colossal loss of men and material that included over 45000 dead and nearly same numbers were injured.. The social anarchy, chaotic conditions and rampant mismanagement all around Afghanistan was depicting the country as a failed state like Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi. Pakistan accused Rabbani on his betrayal of Peshawar Accord and nurturing links with India to damage Pakistans interests. The unprecedented love for Pakistan demonstrated during and after the Soviet occupation vanished and Pakistani citizens in Kabul were being termed as enemy agents. The situation went so worst that Pakistan Embassy in Kabul was closed down in July 1994 and Pak- Afghan border was soon closed. Suddenly a new force called Taliban emerged over the ashes left behind by the war lords in southern Afghanistan. Rabani betrayal created friction between Islamabad and Rabani regime and emergence of Taliban in Afghanistan provided Islamabad an alternative choice to replace Rabani. 31
Chapter 3:The Taliban The Origins: Afghanistan was in a state of virtual disintergration just before the Taliban emerged at the end of 1994. The country was divided into warlord factions and all the warlords had fought, switched sides and fought against themselves. Rabbanis government controlled Kabul and the North East of the country, while Ismael khan controlled the west. The East was controlled by a Mujahideen council based in Jalalabad and a small southern region by Hikmetyar. 32
The Mujahideen who had had fought for the Najibullah regime and now had gone back to Quetta to study in the Madrassahs or had gone back to their home. Whenever these people met, they would discuss the problems of their people and yearn for a solution. After much discussion, these concerned groups chalked out an agenda which still remains the Talibans declared aims-restore peace, disarm the population, enforce Sharia law and defend the integrity and Islamic character of Afghanistan. The Taliban signalled that they were a movement for cleansing society rather than a party trying to grab power.All of these people were the products of the Afghan Jihad but deeply dissatisfied with the factionalism and corruption of the Mujahideen leadership. Most of the Taliban had been born in Pakistani refugee camps and educated in Pakistani Deobandi madrassahs and had learnt their fighting skills from the mujahideen parties based in Pakistan. The younger Taliban were not well aware of the history and socio-political condition of their country. We shall later examine the effects of the Dars-e-Nizami, the curriculum of the madrassahs, on the Taliban government. The Taliban chose Mullah Omar as their leader, not because of his political of military ability, but for his piety and firm belief in Islam. 33
Born around 1959 in a village near Kandahar to a family of poor parents, Omar took responsibility of his family at an early age due to his fathers death. He became the village mullah opened a small madrassah. During the soviet invasion, he joined Khalis Hizb-e-Islami and fought under its flag against the Najibullah regime between 1989 and 1992. There is an entire plethora of myths and stories to explain how Omar mobilized a group of Taliban against the Kandahar warlords. The most credible story, however, is that in the spring of 1994 Singesar neighbours came to tell Omar that a commander had abducted two teenage girls and they had been raped at a military camp. Omar organized 30 talibs and freed the two girls. Similarly he rescued a boy from a warlord. And then he became a Robin Hood like figure who
32 Ahmed Rashid.pg22 33 ibt,pg.23
asked for no credit but just asked for assistance to set up an Islamic system. 34
The Taliban vowed for support from Kabul and Rabbani promised to help the Taliban if they opposed Hikmetyar. but the talibans closest links with Pakistan were by virtue of Maulana Fazl- ur-Rehmans JUI, the Deobandi Political party which was popular among the Pashtuns of KPK and Balochistan. More importantly, JUI was a political ally of Benazirs government, thereby having access to the army and the ISI, to whom he described this newly emerging force. Pakistan was tired of the failure of Hikmetyar and was looking for potential pashtun proxies. Bhutto wanted to open the trade route to central Asia and opted for an alternative route through the south of Afghanistan which had no war going on and which required only certain war lords to be bribed before they agreed to open the chains. But the warlords dissented, and in October 1994 they hijacked a convoy of the National logistics cell outside Kandahar. Pakistan could not use a a raid by its army or a parachute drop, and therefore asked the Taliban to free the convoy, which they did very easily. The same evening they entered Kandahar and the commander there did not resist. The Taliban expelled him to his village.They captured dozens of tanks and six Mig-21 fighters and six transport helicopters. Although Pakistan celebrated the fall of Kandahar by their boys 35 , the Taliban demonstrated their independence from Pakistan. They demanded that Pakistan should not cut deal with the warlords. However, the Transport mafia was ecstatic, their business had been provided security for, and the first Pakistani convoy of cotton from Turkemanistan arrived in Quetta, paying 5000USD to the Taliban in toll. Meanwhile, thousands of Afghan refugees studying in Madrassahs in Balochistan and KPK rushed to Afghanistan to join the Taliban, followed by Pakistani volunteers from JUI Deobandi madrassas, who were inspired by the new Islamic movement in Afghanistan. By December 1992, some 12000 Afghan and Pakistani students had joined the Taliban in Kandahar. Meanwhile, Bhutto denied any links with the Taliban. 36
In the next three months the Taliban were to take control of 12 of Afghansitans 31 provinces,opening the roads to traffic and disarming the population. As Mullah Omar marched north, warlords either fled of surrendered to them. The Advance to Kabul: In February 1995, the Taliban captured Hikmetyaars headquarters at Charasyab and faced Kabul ahead. The UN mediated a dialogue between the Rabbani government and the Taliban but teh Talibans insistence that their forces dominate any new government in Kabul forced Rabbani and UN to reject their demands. The Taliban launched an offensive against Kabul and suffered a major blow in their first major battle. It damaged their prestige, but not their determination. They then turned their attention to the western city of Herat, but were bombed by Massouds air crafts there too. The Taliban spent the summer gaining fresh recruits from Pakistan and rebuilding their forces.
34 ibt.pg25 35 ahmed rshid pg29 36 ibt,pg 29
The ISI also helped to bring about an agreement between the Taliban and General Dostum to create the Talibans first air power by repairing the Migs in Kandahar and starting Dostums own bombing campaign in Herat. On September 1995,the Taliban finally captured Herat, with Ismael Khan fleeing with his men to Iran. The Rabbani government openly accused Pakistan of supporting the Taliban in order to oust him. 37
Bolstered by their victories, the Taliban restarted their campaign against Kabul. Meanwhile, India started backing the Rabbani government simply because of the Pakistani support of theTaliban.Simultaneously, Russia backed the Rabbani government because of it being more moderate and fkexible towards the Central Asian Republics.Iran, wreaking vengeance for the alleged slaughter of Shia Hazaras, set up training camps and an air bridge from Mashad in Iran to Bagram in Afghanistan. Consequently, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia stepped up arm supplies to the Taliban. Thus we witness a complex proxy war going on in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, a group of 1200 Pashtun religious leaders from throughout Afghanistan had proclaimed Mullah Omar as Ameer-ul-momineen(Commander of the Faithful). Mullah Omar declared Jihad against the Rabbani government and was revered spiritually in the eyes of Pashtuns and Pakistanis alike. This gave him unprecedented political and military power. Camped outside the capital, the Taliban kept rocketing Kabul throughout 1996,whilst simultaneously capturing more of Afghanistan,including Jalalabad. Heavy fighting followed in Kabul, resulting in losses on both sides. On 26 September,1996, the Taliban entered Kabul, with Massoud fleeing north with this army. The Taliban chased him down to Panjshir valley but could not finish him. On 10th October 1996,Rabbani, Massoud, Dostum and the Hazara leaderKhalili found theSupreme Council for the Defence of the Mother land to counter the Taliban. This alliance evaded and perturbed the Taliban till their demise in late 2001. With 75% of Afghanistan under Taliban rule, Iran, Russia and Central Asians openly announced support for the Anti-Taliban alliance while Saudi Arabia and Pakistan sent diplomatic missions to Kabul. In May 1997, the Taliban attacked Mazar, the last stronghold of the Northern Alliance, but they lost the battle,besides suffering heavy casualties due to poor tactics and an unfamiliar terrain 38 .This was their worst ever defeat. The popular, mainstream media states that in early August 1998, after attacking the city of Mazar for the second time, Taliban forces killed several thousand civilians and 10 Iranian diplomats and intelligence officers in the Iranian consulate. Alleged radio intercepts indicate Mullah Omar personally approved the killings. According to National Geographic 39 , the Taliban also cut off all road connections to the Hazara areas in the winter of 1998, resulting in mass food shortages and
drought. The Taliban accused the international community of isolating the Afghans community while the UN blamed the Taliban of arrogance and inflexibility. This aversion to Shias could be related to the Deobandi background of Taliban. In the following crisis between Iran and the Taliban, the Iranian government amassed up to 200,000 regular troops on the Afghan-Iranian border. 40 War was eventually averted. The Taliban and Islam: Few muslim peoples in the world follow Islam with as much regularity as the afghans. Also, the Pashtun tribal culture has features that are very similar to Islamic customs. Eighty percent of the Afghans belong to the Sunni sect whereas the minorities are scattered throughout the country which include Shias and the Ismaelis. The Hindus, Sikhs and the Bukharan Jews have left the country due to the socio-political turmoil. The mosque is the center of the social life in the cast rural population, headed by the local cleric, or mullah. He advises the local neighbourhood regarding personal and financial matters. The clerics were educated at madrassahs, which have an evolutionary history of their own. Interestingly, the evolution of Islamic thought in Afghanistan has certain similarities with the corresponding evolution of Islamic thought in India. Here we observe the Islamic interpretation of the Taliban, and relate that with the conditions of their age. The concept of Jihad in Islam is an agent of change,and of reform, at a personal and a societal level. The Taliban also appeared as a reform movement. But this movement was different than the reform movements that appeared in Afghanistan during1979 to 1994. The Talibans ideological base was derived from Deoband, and it was morphed by the particular conditions of their age. The Taliban implemented the Shariah law as they had studied it in the books. The most important of these were their laws concerning women. The Taliban had a Department for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. They were not allowed to step outside their residence, not allowed to wear high heels, or show their faces in public, or wear ornamental clothes. Non-compliance of these laws resulted in punishment of the women and of their family elders. Similarly in hospitals, the male patients were not allowed treatment by female doctors and vice versa. Thus there was enforced a strict segregation of the sexes every where. In one instance, the heads of three UN agencies in Kandahar were asked to leave the country when they protested that a female lawyer for the UN Higher Commission for Refugees was forced to talk to Taliban Officers from behind a curtain so her face would not be visible. 41 The involvement of women in the staff was a basic cause of Taliban aversion to UN. The Taxi drivers were not allowed to pick up women who wore the fashionable Iranian Burqa.Music was banned and if a music cassette was found in a shop, the shopkeeper was imprisoned and the shop locked till the guarantee of five people. If anybodys beard was found shaved or cut, they would be imprisoned until their beard got
40
41 ahmad rashid,pg65
bushy. Keeping pigeons, flying kites, gambling, practicing sorcery were banned with severe penalties. British and American hairstyles were banned and photography of any kind was prohibited to prevent the spread of idolatry.Music and dancing were prohibited, in parties and in general. During prayer timings, the shops were ordered to be closed and violators would be immediately imprisoned . The staff in all government and non-government organisations was to pray in the mosques in the allotted time.Similarly, female education of all sorts was banned. Within three months of the capture of Kabul, the Taliban closed 63 girl schools and shut down Kabul university.90%of the Afghan girls and 66% of the afghan boys were not enrolled in any sort of school by Deccember 1998. The Taliban leaders were all from the poorest, most conservative and least literate southern pahstun provinces of Afghanistan. Mullah Omars village women had always gone around fully veiled. Similarly the Taliban recruits-the orphans,the rootless from the war and the refugee camps- had been bought up in a totally male society. In the madrassah environment,control over women and their virtual exclusion was a symbol of manhood and a reaffirmation of committment to jihad. This was mainly due to the Pashtun culture and the economical and social conditions of Pakistan. The Taliban were a generation of muslim males who had spent much of their adult lives in complete segregation from their own communities and were a product of war culture. The line between the Shariah law and Pashtunwali has always been blurred for the pashtuns. This includes disputes over ownership of land and women and murder. The Taliban decrees-which were influenced by pashtunwali- were not completely acceptable to other ethnic groups of Afghanistan. As far as the government and political structure of the Taliban is concerned, the Taliban faced no political challenges from the Pashtuns and therefore were politically quite stable with regards to a large majority of afghans. They now had the opportunity to build a more tribal-democratic,grass- roots organization, as they also had the legitimizing factor of Islam. But the Taliban refused to include representatives of non-pashtun groups. The Talibans apex decision-making body was the Supreme Shura which continued to be based in Kandahar.It had an amorphous form with as many as 50 people,including friends and colleagues of Mullah Omar, tribal and military commanders, and Islamic scholars. In Kabul and Mazar and Herat were installed governors,mayors,police chiefs and senior administrators. The ministries were open for only 4 hours a day and the locals were given scant representation in the administration which led to administrative friction.The Taliban did not give any indication as to how and when would they set up a more representative permanent government, whether there would be a constitution and how political power would be divided. The Taliban generally reject the notion of political parties and general elections. 42 Islamic judges are installed across the country which provide swift resolution of cases and gradually Islamise the laws.The afghan people were satisfied with the justice afforded by the Taliban government. Rapes, robberies,poppy cultivation(which was a black hole for the regions economy) and corruption came to an instant halt because of the strict
42 ahmed rashid,pg102.
implementation of Shariah law. 43
Under the auspices of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, Taliban welcomed muslim fighters from abroad. The trend was in effect since the Afghan jihad These included Wahabbi Arabs whose agendas were of a global,pan-Islamic nature as compared to Talibans local mission of cleansing Afghanistan. Pakistan was closely involved in introducing Bin Laden to the Taliban leaders in Kandahar, because it wanted to retain the Khost training camps for Kashmiri militants, which were now in Talibans hands. Persuasion by Pakitsan, the Talibans better educated people, who also had a tinge of Pan-Islamism, and the lure financial benefits from Bin Laden,encouraged the Taliban leaders to meet with Bin Laden and hand him back the Khost camps. Osama morphed from a pet of the Taliban to an endeared person in the Taliban leadership. Wahabbi Arabs helped the Taliban offensives in the North. As his influence grew, the Taliban became more antagonistic to the US as compared to their initial days. After the bombing on the US embassies in Africa, the US pressure on the Taliban to expel the Taliban intensified. The Taliban said that he was a guest and it was against the Afghan tradition to expel guests. The Taliban also tried to carve a deal with the US by handing over Osama in exchange for diplomatic recognition. Lengthy dialogue between the US state department and Mullah Omar were held but to no avail. The Taliban had no choice but to disappear Osama completely, but the issue was not resolved. This very unresolved issue proved to be one of the most important turning points in the history of mankind. 44
43 http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gWl9u3ZojrsONNK4l9tiX5TViJyA 44 ahmed rashid,pg140
Chapter 4: Pakistan and its History that relates to Taliban
The sub-continent is a multi-racial,lingual, and ethnic area with a history of diversity that dates back to thousands of year before Christ. The advent of Islam added another dimension to this diversity and further strengthened the link between the Indus valley and the Mesopotamian Valley i.e the Hindus and the Arabs. However, I examine the link between the ideology of the Taliban and the History of Pakistan.
Pakistan was a reaction to British colonialism and to Hindu Oppression, with the former dealing a heavier blow to the muslims of the sub-continent. After the incident of 1857, muslims were shattered socially and ideologically, with their legacy threatened by the onslaught of Western thought and riches. To this oppression came different reactions from the Muslims which were mainly either pro-British or anti-British. The main aim of these reactions were, in essence, the same; they weer aimed at betterment of the muslims. Pakistan was a product of these divergent, although inherently similar reactions. The two schools of thought that I am referring to and which relate to the Taliban are 1. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan 2. Deobandi School of thought Sir Syed Ahmed Khan:(1817-1898): It would be better to say that the main inspiration for Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was the Persian and Urdu Poet Mirza Ahmed Ghalib(1797-1869) who criticised Syed upon his scholarly work on Ain-e-Akbari, an abstruse,archaic document regarding Mughal emperor Akbar. Ghalib advised Sir Syed, in a strict poem, to focus on the present and leave the fantasies of the past. Ghalib extolled the British for their advance in Science and Technology. Ghalibs advice, therefore, catalysed the change in Sir Syed from antiquity to reform. 45
Thus we see that the thoughts of Sir Syed were, in the very beginning of their evolution, affected by a liberal mystic poet like Ghalib. According to Zafar Sippal, Sir Syed is the counted as the founders of modern Mutazilah. 46 He was the first one to realize the incoming onslaught of western culture and responded in time. He was from the class of muslims who embraced western education, something which the orthodox Ulema are still reluctant to do. At Aligarh, he combined the west with teh east. But such adultery was prohibited by the Ulema of those days, partly because of the atrocities laid upon the muslims by the British. Syed had no reservations
45 Aamir Sohail sahab 46 Montaj,
with eating with the British, living like the British, or taking sides with the British, as long as one does not contravene the basics of Islam. It was this benign attitude towards the British that opened the flux of western thought in the muslims of sub-continent. In the Muhammadan educational conferences, many modern ideas were introduced . In the second conference, Aligarhs young Arabic teacher Muhammad Shibli presented a paper on Classical Education of Muslims in which he referred to books that were unheard of in the realm of traditional madarassahs, but which nevertheless were important muslim contribution to knowledge. 47 Later he wrote a book on Abbasid caliph Mamoon-ur-Rashid who was highly receptive to western knowledge. Thus came a generation of people who were well-versed in Arabic and Persian, who were highly nostalgic muslims, but who also sent their sons to Cambridge, who pursued them to study English, and to work in the British government. They smoke cigars and were at ease with women, unlike the stereotypical shy muslim. These were the sort of people who were flexible. And they included Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Jinnah, Iqbal, Chaudhry Rehmat Ali and the whole generation of leaders of Pakistan. Iqbals teacher Mir Hasan, who was the major influence on Iqbal, was an ardent follower of Sir Syed and Ghalib. He was a syed teaching in a missionary school. 48 This is the ambivalence that Pakistan ensued. Iqbal, the son of an orthodox sufi who was anti-pathetic to English, had to let Iqbal learn English and Philosophy while teaching him the traditional mysticism. Allama Iqbal was the muslim ummahs most articulated and composed response to modernity. A person who was a passionate follower of Rumi and who understand the subtleties of the Quran, the Hadith and the issues of western thought and modernity. He is the conceptual father of Pakistan and got the support of the Deobandi Ulema due to his passionate poetry. But his lectures, which are largely clouded from the Public and the Ulema, give us another view of Iqbals mind. He advocated creativity and flexibility and review of the religious thought of Islam. He advocated a new interpretation of the Quran and of the rights of women. Most of all, he advocated Ijtihad, which the traditional ulema refrained from. Maulana Abu-al hasan Ali Nadvi states that the reconstruction lectures are in direct conflict with the thought of the Ulema. 49 Iqbal supported an oriental form of courtship, in which the girl and the boy meet under the presence of parents and got to know each other. 50 However, Sir syed , no matter how modern, was against the liberation of women and as such wanted them to remain conservative. Iqbal was differnet in this
47 Iqbal, jild 1, pg 56
48 Iqbal,jild 1, pg 22
49 Foreword to Iqbals thoughts
50 iqbal,jild 1 pg 240
respect. Iqbal gave a scientist trying to unveal the laws of nature the same stature as a scholar demystifying the critiques of theology. In this respect, he differed from the main stream ulema. This difference was not recognized by the Ulema when they supported Iqbal vehemently and quoted him incessantly in their sermons. In his life, Iqbal was the most flexible of the muslims. In Germany, he wrote poems on his beautiful German tutor and later reverted when Atia Faizi came to Germany. 51 This aspect of Iqbal is totally neglected in his collective image embedded in the Pakistani society. Like wise, Jinnah was no bearded scholar who prayed regularly. He smoke cigar and kept poodles. The Muslim league was presided over by Sir Agha Khan, who was the head of Ismaelis , a sect which is declared non-muslim by the mainstream ulema. The Deobandi ulema vehemently supported Jinnah and the muslim league. The anti-Pakistan Deobandi faction was also not a bunch of ascetic people. Rather, Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni, one of the key figures of Deoband was a member of the Indian national congress. Jinnah was a person who united Maulana Ashraf Ali thanvi and the Agha Khan under one cause. Jinnah followed the Islamic ideology of Iqbal and the Ulema followed Jinnah whilst Iqbals and Ulemas concept of state varied. What followed was Pakistan, an amalgam of sects living together under the banner of Islam while never actually being able to implement Islam. The theological friction inherent in the Ulema of all sects in Pakistan makes it difficult to reach a state-approved Islam in Pakistan. The ruling elite is mostly secular and liberal with little or no knowledge of the masses demands and the subtleties of religion. Daunted by the call by the masses for an Islamized state, the rulers gradually tried to Islamize the country, with efforts ranging from the Objectives Resolution in 1949 to the the controversial Hudood ordinance in 2006. Thus we see that the Deobandi Ulemas dream of attaining a Pakistan where the Shariah was strictly implemented did not bear fruit. Though they still struggle to achieve their vision inside Pakistan, their dream was transferred to Afghanistan, where the Taliban helped it materialize.
Chapter 5: Deoband, Dars-e-Nizami, and the Taliban: Deoband is an Islamic reform school opened in 1866(coincidentally, with Aligarh) aimed at alleviating the pains of Indian muslims and to preserve their religious identity. After 1857, thousands of religious scholars were killed and the endowments of seminaries were abolished. In retaliation, some devoted men found a this madrassa in Deoband. The history of the independence movement of India is so mixed up with the history of the Ulema and religious personalities that it is now difficult to separate one from the other. Political decline had reduced Muslims to a state of helplessness and misery, distraction and anxiety; by the establishment of Deoband, they received equanimity, composure and stability. 52 The main figures of Deoband appearing in the Indian politics include Maulana Mehmood-ul-Hasan, Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi,Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi and Maulan Hussain Ahmed Madni. These leaders fought the British politically, with pragmatism and intelligence and resoluteness. The former two were the patrons of the Silk letter conspiracy while the latter two were pro-Muslim league and Pro- Congress respectively. Deoband attracted students from all parts of the world. 53 In the early twentieth century, the Afghan government sought co-operation with Deoband to expand its own attempt to build modern, state-controlled madrassas. Ulema from the Deoband madrassa visited Kabul in 1933 for King Zahir Shahs coronation. The Afghan state also developed some deobandi madrassas which did not become popular. 54
Deobandi madrassas developed much faster in Pakistan, with leaders like Maulana Shabbir Usmani playing key role in the Independence movement. A religious political party, JUI, was set up by the Deobandis. JUI was hugely popular within the Pashtuns and has always ruled KPK until the 2008 take over by the ANP. The JUI, during the Afghan war with USSR, set up hundreds of madrassas among the Afghan refugee communities in KPK and Balochistan. In 1979, there were less than 200 madrassas 55 . By 1989, the exact number of seminaries was
The main reason for a large number of enrollment is the prevalent poverty among the masses. But in pashtuns, the main reason is genuine love for Islam. Thus the Pashtuns and the Afghan refugees constitute the major bulk of Madrassa student population. The Taliban were also mainly afghan refugees who studied in the Deobandi Madrassas set up in Balochistan and KPK. What they were taught and how they were taught was later to influence the Taliban government. The curriculum followed in Deobandi schools is called Dars-e-Nizami, first introduced by Mullah Nizamuddin Sihalvi (d.1747) who was a scholar of some repute in Islamic jurisprudence and philosophy in Lucknow seminary in 1867. It consists of about twenty subjects broadly divided into two categories: al-ulum an-naqliya (the transmitted sciences), and al-ulum al-aqliya (the rational sciences). The subject areas include grammar, rhetoric, prosody, logic, philosophy, Arabic literature, dialectical theology, life of the Prophet, medicine, mathematics, polemics, Islamic law, jurisprudence, Hadith, and Tafsir (exegesis of the Quran). It is important to note that out of the twenty subjects, only eight can be considered as solely religious. The remaining subjects are otherwise secular and were included in Nizami curriculum both to equip the students for civil service jobs and as an aid to understanding religious texts. 57 These subjects can be compared to classical liberal arts curriculum, where one was taught from all disciplines. Although the curriculum can be compared to the liberal arts, most of the books taught in this curriculum are very old. Books used in philosophy and logic, for example, were written in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Medicine is taught through an eleventh-century text that is still considered an authentic study of human anatomy and pathology. In what we have described as purely religious subjects, the books used date back to the seventeenth century at the latest and the eleventh century at the earliest. Books prescribed for astronomy, mathematics, and grammar are more than five- to seven-hundred-year-old texts. The mathematics includes Euclidean geometry and the astronomy includes the ventures of Muslim astronomers conducted almost a millennium ago. 58
The curriculum has remained more or less the same over the course of two and a half centuries. This reflects the stagnation of muslim thought in general. The curriculum has no subject on political science and economics, which is why the Taliban could not form an effective government and decision making body. The philosophy of the west is nor studied at all and countering arguments through methods of 11th century muslim texts is practiced, whereas the philosphical thought has progressed by quantum leaps. In Dars-e-Nizami, there is no appreciation of change. Adherence to the salf i.e. the early muslims is emphasized and Ijtehad is considered to be an issue of ultra geniuses and ultra pious, rendering it virtually prohibited. Obedience is
preferred over expertise. Thus it is no surprise that the Taliban banned pictures or restrained women from wearing high heels and skirts. It is even no surprise that they were against the shia Hazaras. The Deobandi school of thought consider Shia as a non-muslim sect, though they do not claim it openly in Pakistan. The overwhelming support rendered by the Deobandi Pakistani madrassas can be viewed by a famous scholars article in Jang newspaper in response to a query regarding the Taliban government. Jihad in the path of Allah is farz(obligatory) and the Islamic movement started in Afghanistan under the leadership of commander of the faithful Mullah Omar is a pure Islamic movement. Their government is pure Shariah government and the people opposing it have the status of rebels against an Islamic government. Therefore, jihad,under Mullah Omar, against kafirs and rebels is perfectly ok, rather necessary.Another proof of their government being Islamic is that all Islamic force(countries) are their allies and the non-islamic forces(countries) are against it. If one needs to understand the situation in Afghanistan, a small journey is required to see first-hand the Islamic values implemented over there. 59
Jamia Haqqania of Akora Khattak Nowshera has been called as Mother of the Taliban by the US 60 . As of 1999, at least 8 cabinet ministers of the Taliban were graduates of Haqqania. 61 The madrassa has also granted Mullah Omar an honorary doctorate 62 . The school has sent thousands of students to fight against the enemies of the Taiban . 63 Another madrassa that has also sent a lot of its students to fight along the Taliban is Jamia Binnoria in Karachi from where several Taliban ministers have studied. 64 The school draws students from around the world, as far as from US and Canada. 65 If one looks at the curriculum of these schools, one finds similarities between the Taliban government and the madrassa ideologies. The scholars of these seminaries have just recently permitted the use of videos but still consider taking pictures as prohibited in Islam. Similarly, these scholars support the blasting of Buddha statues in Bamyan. As the Taliban put it, they blew those statues in consultation with a lot of scholars. 66 Culture, fine arts and music are totally unacceptable to the Deobandi scholars and this was manifested in the Taliban government.
59 aap kay masaail aur un ka hal volume 10:july 2002,maktaba ludhianvi page 331
60 a student in the seminary told me this on 29th August 2011. 61 ahmed rashid 92 62 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Darul_Uloom_Haqqania 63 http://www.husainhaqqani.com/reforming/journal%20articles/1/1.htm 64 ahmed rashid pg 92 65 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1996932,00.html 66 www.youtube.com/watch?v=R2tiI384SP0
It has to be emphasized that as much as the relation between the Deoband school of thought and the Taliban is vital, so are the circumstances that relate to each entity. The sub-continent has a more pervading contact with non-Muslims, British, Hindus and Sikhs which neutralized the agressive elements, if any, from the Muslims. Afghanistan, on the other hand, is a grave yard of empires. It had little or no contact with the outside world. Thus the same Deobandi ideas when applied in an Afghan environment produced different results. Who knew that the British treaty with the Afghans that restricted the Afghans to only have relations with sub-continent would have such far-reaching impacts. That treaty strengthened the bonds between the two countries and their people, intertwining their fates to an extent that was unfathomable at the time.
Chapter 6:Pashtunwali and Taliban: The Talibans interpretation of theology and their faith is deeply related to Pashtunwali or the Pashtun Tribal code. Often, the borders of Islam and Pashtunwali overlap and one has difficulty separating the blurred lines. The Taliban were Pashtuns and mostly had grown up in the refugee camps in Pakistan. Their basic education was in madrassas of the refugee camps. The teachers in these madrassas were also pashtuns who were not experienced and well-known scholars. Pashtunwalis relationship with Islam has been a complicated one. Afghanistan first became an independent state in 1747, through a coalition of a number of Pashtun tribes under one leader, Ahmed Shah Durrani. He did not claim legitimacy through religious means, as many Muslim rulers of the day did. Rather, his legitimacy was based on his tribal genealogical heritage and the nomination and guarantee of a Sufi leader, Sabir Shah.Though the Pashtuns were Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school of law, it was their Pashtun tribal code, Pashtunwali, which governed them before all else. Second in order of allegiance was the Sharia, as interpreted through the Hanafi lens(the deobandi school is also a sub-set Hanafi school). For this reason, Pashtunwali became the driving force behind the early Afghan state, and though the divine texts were still the ultimate source of authority, this authority was passed on through the tribe to their leader, the King. Pashtunwali is so essential to the identity of the Pashtun that there is no distinction between practicing Pashtunwali and being Pashtun. Furthermore, for the Pashtun there is no contradiction between being Pashtun and practicing Pashtunwali and being Muslim and adhering to Islamic law. Religious scholars (ulema) often see conflicts between some Pashtun customs and the Sharia, but in the minds of the Pashtun majority, Pashtunwali is not seen as an entity separate from the Sharia.Even though the Sharia and Pashtunwali overlap in the Pashtun consciousness, they are seen as functioning for a different purpose. The Sharia represents Gods will for humanity on earth and is practiced because it is a moral code whereas Pashtunwali is seen as a matter of honor, which to a Pashtun is defined by a persons integrity in upholding and practicing
the concepts that make up Pashtunwali. 67
The concept of killing for honour is not alien for Pashtuns and they consider it a virtue, not a vice. Therefore, violence as interpreted in the west is non-existent for the Pashtuns. The strict Taliban decrees, although averse to the west, were in accordance with Pashtunwali. The Pashtun would never want an outsider to see his women, whether he is in the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan or in Pakistan. Beating a person on acquiring a western attire is not violent to the Pashtuns, neither is it abhored.. Aversion to alien cultures has a Pashtun-self respect aspect to it besides the Islamic justification. Similarly, the Islamic punishment of cutting hands, or the Taliban rule of beating people for not praying is also not violent to the Pashtuns. Violence, as in western connotation, is prevalent in every Pashtun house hold. The father has an iron command over his house hold and beating children is considered necessary. Women are repudiated for matters of honour, this the Taliban decree for women is not alien for the Pashtuns. Deciding the fate of women like marriages or careers is no novel concept either. Similarly, protecting Osama bin Laden was a shade of Pashtunwali that the US failed to interpret. THe Taliban, being Pashtuns, could never compromise on hospitality. Osama was a guest of the Taliban and he also helped the Taliban in their fights. The Taliban could never abandon him. Unfortunately, they were mistaken for assisting him in war against US and this misinterpretation led to many tragic accidents. When the Taliban enforced their decrees on non-pashtuns, they retaliated naturally because of the cultural incompatibility of the decrees. This was something that the Taliban had not anticipated and which depicts the vacuum in the progress of Islamic thought in the modern world. The Taliban, therefore, are not to be blamed for their conservativeness. It is instead the Pashtun tribal code that made them look alien to the world. As the global community becomes increasingly aware of the complexity of human cultures, it is time we looked into Pashtunwali more closely for a better solution of the ongoing Afghan Crisis.
Putting the Jigsaw Puzzle together: The Taliban represent the complexity of Afghanistan and the subcontinent region at large. The point that I wanted to prove from the previous chapters was that the Taliban were a manifestation of Deobandi Ideology which could not completely manifest itself in Pakistan due to the buffer of multitude of other sects present there. The Pashtunwali also played a dominant role in shaping the rule of Taliban. Most importantly, we realize that we need progress and evolution in Islamic thought. Pakistan was a change in muslim thought within itself. It was a poet-philosphers revertion from pan- Islamism to regional realities. Although Iqbal was influenced by Jamal-ud-din Afghanis pan- Islamism, his brain child nation was supposed to work on a regional platform and then strive for a global change. The message of Jamal-ud-din Afghani too was not the stereotypical pan-Islamic one, but with a different tinge of modernism and flexibility. He used to follow all the four Imams as he pleased. 68 Ijtehad today is more necessary than ever, and that is what Afghani and Iqbal embodied. The ghost of Jamal-ud-din Afghani came to Taliban in the form of Al-Qaeda, which was led by a group of Pan-Islamists from the Arab world. The soul of Deoband came to Afghanistan in the form of Taliban and seminary students. Mullah Nizami, the founder of Dars-e-Nizami, was not aware of the future impact his work was going to have. While, the ghost of Iqbal came to Afghanistan in the form of Pakistan armys religiosity, which was fuelled by Sir Syeds two- nation theory and Iqbals select thoughts. Afghanistan was as much a battleground for ideologies as it was for people. The situation was made more complex by the ongoing proxy wars in Afghanistan. Iran, India, Pakistan, China, Central Asia, USSR and USA, all had conflicting interests in the region and continued to support rival factions within Afghanistan instead of negotiating for peace. One thing is for sure that peace in Afghanistan is fundamentally related to sincere involvement by Pakistan
68 jamaludin afghani book
because the link between the two countries, i.e. the Pashtuns, runs deep. Below is a flow chart of the Taliban situation:
The chart gives a rough account of the complexity of the Taliban situation. In the chart, all the individual bubbles are related to the Taliban government. The links connecting them show the inter-relationship between the bubbles themselves. The more links a bubble has, the more relevant it is. For example, the bubble of minority sects is linked to bubbles of Iqbal, Northern Alliance, Deoband and Refugees. Iqbal, Deoband and US have the maximum number of links. These links are more of a subjective nature but are a step towards quantitative study of Pakistan- Afghanistan relations.
Chapter 8: 9-11 to Present: After the 9-11 attacks, the US underestimated the importance and vitality of Pakistan- Afghanistan relationship. When general Mehmood Ahmed of ISI told US deputy secretary of state that before demanding a clear stance from Pakistan, he has to consider that the two countries(Pakistan and Afghanistan) have history. The secretary did not fully appreciate the comment and replied that no, history begins today. 69
The US bombed Afghanistan and Musharraf reversed the decades old policy of supporting the Afghans. The Taliban were ousted in December 2001 and the US troops installed Karzai as the interim president and after the 2004 elections, he became official president. NATO and Afghan troops in recent years led many offensives against the Taliban, but proved unable to completely dislodge their presence. By 2009, a Taliban-led shadow government began to form complete with their own version of mediation court. In 2010, U.S. President Barack Obama deployed an additional 30,000 soldiers over a period of six months and proposed that he will begin troop withdrawals by 2012. At the 2010 International Conference on Afghanistan in London, Afghan President Hamid Karzai said he intends to reach out to the Taliban leadership (including Mullah Omar, Sirajuddin Haqqani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar). Supported by senior U.S. officials Karzai called on the group's leadership to take part in a loya jirga meeting to initiate peace talks. According to the Wall Street Journal, these steps have been reciprocated so far with an intensification of bombings, assassinations and ambushes. Many Afghan groups (including the former intelligence chief Amrullah Saleh and opposition leader Dr. Abdullah Abdullah) believe that Karzai's plan aims to appease the insurgents' senior leadership at the cost of the democratic constitution, the democratic process and progress in the field of human rights especially women's rights. Meanwhile, the situation in Pakistan has worsened. Increasing suicide attacks and uprisings of militants who claim to be associated with the Taliban have shattered the country's system. The Pakistan army has lost two brigades(35000 soldiers) in fighting these militants in the FATA region. The US and Karzai administration is blaming these militants of insurgency in Afghanistan which has led to increased mistrust between the two countries. The NATO-US insurgency has shifted from Afghanistan to Pakistan wiht increasing drone strikes in North Waziristan on the Haqqani network which pledges allegiance to the Taliban. The most important event in the past decade has been the killing of Osama bin Laden who was killed in Abbottabad by US marines who carried out the operation without even informing the Pakistan administration. This has led to relations of increased mistrust and tension between the troika since. Musharrafs policy of supporting has had severe repercussions and the civilian victims of drone attacks view Pakistan state as the on responsible for the tragedy and carry out suicide attacks. Meanwhile, the Taliban still retain control of virtually more than half of Afghanistan by
installing a shadow government of their own. The US offensive has failed and the Afghan war, coupled with the Iraq war has proved to be a black hole for its economy. The Afghan people yearn for the peace and law and order in the era of Taliban as the US troops and the corrupt Karzai administration fail to deliver. The allied forces and the Karzai administration are forced to carry talks with the Taliban, who seemed to have survived the decade long war. Realizing the gravity of the situation, Karzai has recently showed signs of optimism by saying that his country will side with the Pakistanis in the event of US invasion on Pakistani soil. 70
Once again the Tribal areas of the two countries are the focus of the war on terrorism. These very areas form the core of the Pakistan-Afghanistan relations.
Chapter 9: Conclusion: The Future of Afghanistan The Obama administration has announced to withdraw its troops by 2014. Till then, the Taliban seem unwilling to go away. Meanwhile, Afghanistan and Pakistan seem to dwindle to rubbles in the war against terrorism. What is needed is immediate peace. Military coercion has failed repeatedly for the last decade. Therefore, the US, and the west at large, need to listen intently to what the Taliban have to say. The US will have to see the history of Afghanistan and not overlook it as it did in 2001. Finally, the fate of Afghanistan rests in the hands of Afghan people, not in the hands of ISI, CIA or NATO. Therefore elimination of foreign involvement in Afghanistan is the most important requisite for peace in Afghanistan. The Muslims also need to catch up with the rapidly modernising world. This is the time to end debates on the minuscule issues and define issues of identity, faith, extremism, and culture. There is a growing divide in the Muslim world itself i.e. the liberals and the extremists. The middle men should play their role in harmonizing the two factions. The scholars and the media have an important role to play in this regard. We see that the scholars were and remain one of the key role makers of the Afghan and Pakistani society. Thus reforms in education, both of the school and the madrassah, will benefit the world for generations to come. One example is the influence of Dars-e-Nizami on the history of Afghanistan. Innovation, creativity and vision is needed on part of the intellectuals and policy makers of Pakistan and Afghanistan. If Afghanistan fails, it will destabilize Pakistan. Iran would remain on the periphery of the world community and its eastern borders will be insecure. The Central Asian states will not be able to deliver their energy and exports. Thus the fate of the whole region depends on the success of Afghanistan.