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Buddhism in East Asia PDF
Buddhism in East Asia PDF
EAST ASIA
D.P. SINGHAL
"BOOKS.
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Contents
Preface
~ntroduction
vii
1
1.
Central Asia
11
2.
China
38
3.
139
189
Bibliography
199
Index
21 1
Preface
India's contacts with China, Japan and other countries of
East Asia were mainly through the medium of Buddhism, which
formed the basis of what is often called Asian solidarity. There
has been some demand for a study of the advance of Buddhism in
that region. To fulfil the demand I have tried to revise an earlier
version published some years ago as a part of a book, India and
World Civilization, and present it in a separate book form.
In the preparation of the revised version, I have been greatly
assisted by Dr. Uma Chakravarti, whose help I gratefully
acknowledge. My special thanks are due to my secretary,
Ms. Lyn Abnett, without whose patience and cheerful cooperation
this work would not have been written. I must also thank my
friends, Professor John Holmes for his help in making the maps,
and Dr. Swarajya Prakash Gupta for his help in selecting
illustrations.
Brisbane
August 1983
D.P. SINGHAL
Introduction
Buddhism is the world's first proselytizing religion. Any
religion which seeks to convert others to its own beliefs must face
some opposition, especially if it clashes with nationalist feelinFs.
Not surprisingly, Buddhism has often faced hostility in histoiy3
but it has always displayed qualities of accommodation apd
change. It flourished in many divergent societies, ranging from the
unsettled to the highly developed, and today it is a m a p r religiPn
of humanity. Primitive beliefs, organized religions and
atheism, all were given sanctuary in Buddhism, sometimes i6 a
curious mixture. Even technology in recent times failed t o uproot
it. On the contrary, it seems that it has recovered from ideologlcal beliefs and conflicts and has made adjustments with them. In
East Asia, Buddhism is coming to terms with a political ideology
not always in line with its tenets and a technological civilization
which it did not anticipate. Like all religions, while it retains i.he
purity of the old and is conservative by nature, it has not refralned from entering into a dialogue with the new developmeflts.
This adjustment was possible because of the inherent resilience
the Buddhist creed.
Buddhism and its institutions came into brutal and deadly
conflict with the main forces of the modern age which
dominated by colonial forces, including European culture, aljen
religion and technological civilization. Unwilling to ~ n d e r s t 9 " ~
the local religious practice and unprepared to take over the
ecclesiastical functions of the state, European rulers indulged in
religious indiscipline and interference, in the name of religious
freedom. They destroyed monasteries and introduced chaos illt0
education and finances. Some administrators were religious bigotS
and did so out of prejudice, and others attempted to destroy
Buddhist tradition to clear the path for a new society. BuddhiSm,
however, could not be destroyed by the new forces, of which.
r n i l i k i s m , d , ~or~rawcialisrn
were ~th, b c k b m Both were
Introduction
,,
rr--
Introduction
is of the Mahayana. A bodhisattva, out of the abundance of his
love, engages himself in the task of teaching every sentient being.
Nirvana, for the Mahayana, is not annihilation, but attainment.
While the arhat of Hinayana sought his own enlightenment and
thus salvation, the bodhisattva of the Mahayana devoted himself
to the Buddhahood of others. One of the most important teachings of the Mahayana is that of the Sunyata, the void, which
defines every experience and conception as delusion, but which
assumes an absolute and illumined being behind these deceptive
illusions.
The early Buddhist Pali scriptures never claimed that the
Buddha was in any way supernatural. Just before his death (the
Great Demise), which was supposed to be his final break with the
--..:
~
1
~n - *
..
u L L L v c Llrle
s ~ , nuaana tola h ~ disclyies
s
to rely for leadership on
Dhamma, and 'work out your own salvation with diligence'. Upon
his passing away, a First Great Council of 500 monks was held and
the first authoritative formulation of the Buddhist teaching took
place, a procedure some Buddhists have objected to.2 The third of
the Great Councils was called by the Indian emperor Ashoka during
the 3rd century B.C. It laid the foundation for intense missionary
effort, and it was during his time that vigorous efforts were made
to spread Buddhism abroad. According to Buddhist legend, he
even sent his son to Sri Lanka, where the scriptures of Buddhism,
which until then were transmitted orally, were reduced to writing
according to the Mahauamsa, the G~.eatChronicle. The ancient
written scriptures are Tltree Baskets or Tripitaka. A Buddhist
assembly, often called one of the Great Councils, called by
Kanishka in the 1st century A.D. played a very important role in
sareading Mahayana Buddhism in central Asia and China.
After the Buddha's death, Buddhists began to believe that the
Buddha existed in some form to guide the followers. Some second
and first century B.C. sculptures depict worshippers adoring
symbols of the Buddha-the Boddhi tree, the Wheel of Law, and
So on. But Very Soon images of the Master himself began to be
carved and he caQe to be worshipped in temples as a Hindu god.
The Buddha himself probably taught that he was the last of a
long S U C C ~ S of
~ ~earlier
O ~
BudQbas who were perhaps revered each
in his own life time. After the historical Buddha's death, the idea
gained recognition that if there had been Buddhas before Gautama,
there would be Buddhas after him. Around the beginning of the
3 ,
..
Central Asia
One of the remarkable characteristics of early Asian historyfact of the ancient world until the Christian suppression of nonChristian religions in the Roman Empire-was the receptivity to
cultural ideas regardless of their nationality, and a lack of religious
bigotry. Prejudice against a foreign belief was uncommon; it
certainly was never strong enough to cause total rejection of
a different faith. The civilized peoples of those days seem t o have
implicitly accepted the proposition that there were numerous
approaches to truth, and, without any false sense of pride or
violated nationalism, they readily accepted knowledge, alien or
otherwise, if they thought it worthwhile. This free flow of ideas,
unimpeded by preconceptions and national barriers, made the
ancient world in some ways far more international in its cultural
outlook and social behaviour than our present day society.
Trade and commerce dominated India's relations with the
countries to the west of her, and cultural intercourse remained a
subordinate partner throughout the long period of contact. Ideas
inevitably moved with goods, soldiers, and travellers; but few
journeys were undertaken just to seek knowledge and learning.
In marked contrast, Indian contacts with the countries on her
north, east, and southeast were mainly cultural, with trade playing a significant but secondary role. Commerce may have initiated
contact but it was soon outpaced by culture. Again, the marks
of Indian culture in these areas are far more clearly seen, and more
readily conceded, than those in the West. It has, therefore, often
been said that India's finest contributions to human civilization
lie in central Asia, east Asia, and southeast Asia. Whatever the
sum total of Indian influences on Western civilization, there is no
jn
Central Asia
12
13
14
Central Asia
-A-,,,+
:n
tho
~ v ~ l n r ~ t ; nf
n n
t
15
h ; ~Q r p a p c n p p ; ~ l l x rh x r
b ~ p l w l u ~ ~"
v
1 t u
l s l o ULbu,
yJ
16
Central Asia
birch bark manuscripts dating back to the sixth century in a castle
called Zangtepe in Uzbekistan. These are in the central Asian
Brahmi script, and have thrown additional light on the cultural
contact between India and central Asia.
The religious structures excavated in central Asia comprise
stupas, caves and viharas. The architecture appears to owe almost
nothing t o China but to include Indian and Persian features. While
numerous representations of Hindu deities have been found, Hinduism does not seem t o have existed, except in Afghanistan, apart
from Buddhism. Buddhist missionaries transmitted to central Asia
not only religion, art, and literature, but also scientific knowledge,
as is evidenced'by the discovery of the Sanskrit medical texts. It is
not unlikely, therefore, that Indian ideas in other branches of
science, such as mathematics and astronomy, may also have
reached central Asia and beyond.
Afghanistan, especially its northern! regions around Balkh, was
at the crossroads of central Asia. I t was here that the nomadic
peoples first learned the ways of settled life, and thus Tokharestan
Of all the
played the significant role of a cultural intern~ediary.~
neighbouring cultures, it was with India that this region was most
closely connected. In fact there is some sense in the suggestion that
the territory between the Indus and the Oxus rivers was a domain
of Indian culture during the ancient period. Until the rise of Islam,
Afghanistan was Hindu-Buddhist. The Parthians called the province corresponding t o modern Kandahar and Sistan "White India",
because Indian culture prevailed there. The Sassanians of the third
century regarded even Bactriana, o r the region of Balkh, as virtually an Indian country and the Oxus as a river of the Buddhists
and the Brahmanas. The ancient Greek writers coupled Bactriana
with India and stated that thousands of Brahmanas and Buddhist
monks resided there.
Buddhism was the predominant religion in the various states of
Tokharestan, from the second century B.C. to the beginning of the
602-664, who visited
eighth century. Hsiian-tsang (Hsiian-~huang)~,
the region on his way t o India, testifies that Balkh was a great
centre of original Buddhist studies, and gives a vivid description of
the Buddhist establishments there. Except for Hsiiang-tsang's
account there is no systematic account of Buddhism in the early
period in Tokharestan and adjoining territories. From his record
it appears that Buddhism was most prosperous i ~ the
.
cities, and
17
18
Central Asia
19
Central Asia
20
southern states along the foot of the Kun-lun range the most
important, from the viewpoint of cultural influences, were Kashgar
(Sanskrit, Sailadasa); Yarkand (Chokkuka); and Khotan (Sanskrit
Kustana, Chinese Yu-tien). The two Pamir states Kie-pan-to
(Sarikol), and Wu-sha (Yangi-hissar) in the east of Shughnan are
included in th:: Kashgar group. At the eastern extremity of these
routes the famous city of Tun-huang was located.
Th: chief sources of information about this region are the
Chinese and Tibetan annals, the narratives of Chinese pilgrims,
and modern archaeological excavations undertaken by Aurel Stein,
Albert Griinwedel, Paul Pelliot, and others mainly between 1900
and 1914 and by Soviet and Chinese archaeologists recently. The
authenticity of the traditional accounts, preserved in the Chinese
and Tibetan literatures, as well as in Buddhist texts, may be open
to further verification. However, there is reliable archaeological
evidence t o suggest that there were small Indian settlements in
existence in the southern part of this region before the Christian
era, and that the wandering peoples of central Asia, such as the
Sakas and the Kushans, together with Indian merchants, were
among the first to carry Indian culture and Buddhism t o eastern
Turkistan. An Indian dialect similar to that of northwestern
India was the official language in some of these states. It is not
unlikely that in certain areas Indians had settled in large numbers
and set up their own principalities. These kingdoms of central
Asia were centres of extraordinat y religious, literary, and artistic
activity. Indian settlements were periodically reinforced by people
from India, and many of these people would themselves set out
on missions, for example, to China. Many of these Indians were
from southern India. From recent excavations a t Toprak-kala,
Tolstov has suggested that the kings of this region employed
Dravadian Indians as palace guard^.^ In the southern kingdoms of
Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan, there was a strong Indian element
in the population, and Khotan appears to have been the most
important Indianized kingdom in central Asia.
From ancient times, Kashgar played a very significant role
in the transmission of culture t o the northern and southern states
of the Tarim Basin, being a t the junction of one route running
southeastward to Khotan and another northeastward to the Kucha
region. In Kashgar, a script of Indian origin, based on Brahmi,
was current, and possibly the language was a dialect of eastera
Ifan.
~ ~ . h ~ who
i ~ nvisited
,
Kashgar durillg his Indian journey
the
Central Asia
23
Central Asia
ruins of a Buddhist stupa.
Archaeological work has revealed a chain of sites in the east
and northeast which also testify t o the prepo~lderance of the
Buddhist culture in this region for several centuries. In the
Chinese records of the Han period, this country is referred t o as
Shan-Shan, the new name for Loulan which in turn was the
Chinese transcription of the original Kroraina (or Krorayina)
found in the Kharosthi documents. Evidence indicates that
Kroraina was a thriving centre of Buddhism and lndian culture;
according to Fa-11sien there were four thousand monks there. The
Kharosthi documents excavated from the various sites of Krorai~la
are written in Prakrit and contain names of Indian origin: for
example, Caraka, Kumudvati, Vasudeva, and Budhamitra.
The story of Buddhist expansion along the northern route is
somewhat the same. Kucha was the most powerful state in the
region and played a predon~inantrole in the spread of Buddhism
to other northern states and to China. The exact date of the
arrival of Buddhism in China is unknown, although it was
probably in the first century. The Chinese annals of the third
century state that there were nearly one thousand stupas and
temples in Kucha. Buddhist monks from Kucha went to China
and took an active part in translating Buddhist texts into Chinese.
Po-yen, who was probably a member of the Kuchean royal family,
betame a Buddhist monk, and rendered six Buddhist texts into
Chinese. Buddhist activity reached a peak during the fourth
century, with Kucha an almost entirely Buddhist city. Kumarajiva,
the Buddhist monk-scholar, who introduced Mahayana Buddhism
to the states of the Tarim Basin and also to China, was born in
Kucha of all Indian father, who was the Rajaguru of the state,
and of a Kuchean princess. Kumarajiva was taken to China as a
prisoner when Kucha was destroyed by a Chinese expeditionary
force in 382. He lived there until his death in 413 and his work
gave rise to an exceptionally brilliant and productive phase in the
history of Chinese Buddhism.
Archaeological finds show that Buddhism was a flourishing
religion in the north until about the eighth century. In the early
period, Buddhist culture in Turfan drew upon the Buddhist church
in Kucha and Karashahr, but after about the fifth century, it
increasingly assimilated Chinese influences. Buddhism continued,
however, as the religion of the people for many centuries. Hsiian-
25
26
Central Asia
27
28
Central Asia
29
30
Central Asia
31
qvalokitesVara.10
the middle of the eighth century Tibet had become so
powerful under Trisong-detsan that it was able to dictate terms
to the kingdoms of central Asia, control the nomads in the Tarim
Basin,and even defeat Chinese armies and force the payment of
Trisong-detsan's victory over China is commemorated in
pillar inscription in front of the Potala. He enthusiastically
supported Buddhism, and invited Santarakshita, a famous Indian
scholar from Nalanda University, to Tibet t o preach Buddhism
and initiate regular conversions. But Santarakshita faced bitter
opposition from the Bonists and his sermons elicited little response.
Storms and epidemics raging at the time provided "heaven-sent"
opportunities for the Bonists, who were supported by dissident
:]ements in the palace. These natural calamities were interpreted
as the wrath of the gods at the perverse teachings of Santarakshita,
and finally the king was compelled to advise Santarakshita to
retire to Nepal until public passions had subsided. In the end,
however, the king triumphed over the Bonist rebellion. Santarakshita saw that in Tibet, immersed as it was in primitive sorcery
and love of ritual, only a man versed in the esoteric practices and
beliefs of Tantrism could command attention, and on his advice
in 747 the king invited the great tantric teacher, Padmasambhava
(known in Tibet as Guru Rinpoche), to Tibet.
Born in Udayana, the border region between Kashmir and
Afghanistan famous for its sorcery and magic, Padmasambhava
had studied at Nalanda and was reputed t o possess great supernatural powers. Before starting for Tibet, Padmasambhava
Prepared himself thoroughly for his task. He carefully studied
the Ban doctrines and practices, and realized that only a person
could claim power over evil spirits and demonstrate this
could possibly succeed. He took Mahayana Buddhism
with tantric ideas to Tibet, a d , by incorporating many
gods as tantric guardian deities, he laid the foundation of Tibetan
Buddhism Or Lamaism. He replaced the Bon cult of animal
with symbolic worship and its practice of black magic
w'th inner purification.
32
Central Asia
33
34
Central Asia
35
36
Central Asia
37
far the most dominant. The Dalai Lama and a number of his
followers are presently living in India as refugees from Chinese
in Tibet. The close physical contact, although caused
circumstances, must have cultural consequences which
by
only be realized later.
China
China
Until only rec~ntly,India and China had coexisted peacefully
for over two thousand years. This amicable relationship may have
been nurtured by the close historical and religious ties of Buddhism,
introduced to China by Indian monks at a very early stage
of their respective histories, although there are fragmentary records
of contacts anterior to the introduction of Buddhism. There are
numerous references to China in Sanskrit texts, but their chronology is questionable and sketchy. The Mahabharata refers to
China several times, including a reference to presents brought by
the Chinese at the Rajasuya Yajnya of the Pandavas; also the
Arthasastra, and the A4anusnzriti mention China. According to
Rene Grousset, the name China comes from "an ancient Sanskrit
name for the regions to the east, and not, as often supposed, from
the name of the state of Ch'in", the first dynasty established by
Shih Huang Ti in 21 1 B.C. When necessary, the Chinese would
distinguish the centre of the world where they lived from peripheral
regions, and one of the ancient expressions has become the
modern name for China: Chung-kuo, literally "central country".12 The Sanskrit name Cina for China could have been
derived from the small state of that name in Chan-si (Shansi)
in the northwest of China, which flourished in the fourth century
B.C. and also, the name may have come down t o India through
central Asia. Scholars have pointed out that the Chinese word for
lion, shilz, used long before the Chin dynasty, was derived from
the Sanskrit word simha and that the Greek word for China,
Tzinista, used by some later writers, appears to be a derivative of
the Sanskrit Chinasthana.
The formative period of Chinese Quietism, the fourth century
B.C., was not one when outside influences on thought were general,
39'
but it developed and expanded during a period when such influences were growing in importance, and scholars now agree that
~hineseliterature of the third century is full of geographic and
mythological elements derived from India. "I see no reason to
doubtn, comments Arthur Waley, "that the 'holy
(shen g-hsien) described by Lieh Tzu are Indian rislzi; acd when
read in Chuang Tzu of certain Taoists who practised movements
very similar to the asanas of Hindu yoga, it is at least a possibility
that some knowledge of the yoga technique which these vislzi used
had also drifted into ChinaU.l3 The Chinese Quietists ~ractiseda
form of self-hypnosis which has an indisputably close resemblance
to lndian Yoga. The Chinese Taoist philosopher, Liu-an (Hua i-nant,u) \"ho died in 122 B.C., makes use "of a cosmology in his book
which is clearly of Buddhist inspiration".14
The first mention of India to be found in Chinese records is
in connection with the mission to Ta-hsia (Bactriana) of a talented
and courageous Chinese envoy, Chang Chien Wen), in about 138
B.C.15 Fourteen years later, having escaped after ten Years as a
captive of the Huns, he returned home and in his report to the
Chinese emperor he referred to the country of Shen-tu (India) to the
southeast of the Yueh-chih (Jou-chih) country.16 Chang Chien
had seen bamboo poles and cloth in Ta-hsia, which had reached
Bactriana from Ssuchuan, a province in the southwest of China
through India and Afghanistan. While his diplomatic mission did
not succeed, his observations and reports impressed the Han
emperor with the need to encourage trade and contact with India
and other countries to the west.
There are other traditional stories suggestive of earlier links,
bet Chang Chien's reference to Indian trade with the southwestern
districts of China along the overland route corresponding to the
Yunnan road indicates the existellce of some sort of cornmercial relations well before the second century B.C. The find of a
Chinese coin at Mysore, dated 138 B.C., suggests maritime relations
between India and China existed in the second century B.C.
in a Chinese text of the first century A.D. vaguely refer
to Chinese trade relations with countries in the China Sea and
Indian Ocean, such as Huang-che (Kanchi) as well as to the
exchange of occasion1 diplomatic missions.
There can be little dispute that trade was the main motivation
for these
contacts. This is supported by finds of beads and
40
China
41
42
travellers, it would appear that central Asia was much more habitable during the first thousand years of the Christian era than it i s
now.
Long before the northwestern routes were opened in about the
second century B.C., and long before the development of these
Indianized states, there were two other routes from India to China.
One of these began at Pataliputra (modern Patna), passed through
Assam and Upper Burma near Bhamo and proceeded over the
mountains and across the river valleys to Yunnanfu (Kunming),
thc main city of the southern province of China. The other route
lay through Nepal and Tibet. We have no contemporary description of this route, but there is definite evidence of its use. These
routes were difficult and dangerous, because they lay through
inaccessible, turbulent, and barren lands offering scanty food and
security. The route across Tibet was developed much later, in the
middle of the seventh century, when Tibet had accepted Buddhism
and established political relations with China. During the second
half of the seventh century, a large number of Chinese monks came
to India by this route.
In addition to land routes there was an important sea link
between India and China through southeast Asia. During the
course of the first few centuries of the Christian era, a number of
Indianized states had been founded all over southeast Asia. Both
cultures met in this region, and Indianized states served as an
intermediary stage for the further transmission of India culture and
Buddhism to China.
Ancient Greek geographers knew southeast Asia and China
(Thinae) were accessible by sea. Ptolemy mentions an important
but unidentified Chinese port on the Tonkinese coast. Ports on the
western coast of lndia were Bharukaccha (Broach); Surparka
(Sopara); Icalyana; on the Bay of Bengal at the mouth of the
Cavery, Kaveripattam (Puhar); and at the mouth of the Ganges,
Tamralipti (Tamluk). At least two of these ports o n the Bay of
Bengal-Kaveripattam and Tamralipti-were known to the Greek
sailors as Khaberos and Tamalitis. At first Indian ships sailed to
Tonkin (Kiao-che) which was the principal port of China, Tonkin
being a Chinese protectorate. Later all foreign ships were required
to sail to Callton in China proper. Canton became a prosperous
port and from the seventh century onward was the most important
landing place for Buddhist missionaries arriving from India or
southeast Asia.
Reading the accounts of Chinese travellers, it is impossible not
to be impressed by their intrepid spirit. The perils of the desert,
the danger of the "moving sands", and the loneliness of the
jourlley were so complete that there were not even any birds or
animals to be seen. Travellers often lost their way and the sands
were littered with the bones of those who had perished. The
rigours of the journey were relieved only by the hospitality offered
by the few Buddhist principalities and towns. The route continued
through the difficult crests and gorges of the sand-eroded Karakorum and Kohibada into north Afghanistan or into Ladakh on the
Tibetan border. South of Kapisa, then a small state to the north
of the modern city of Kabul, India commenced with the kingdom
of Gandhara, lying alongside the stretch of the Kabul river
between the Kumar and the Indus.
The sea was only slightly less dangerous. Navigation at the
time was crude and without any scientific aids except the mariner's
compass. The timber ships-tall floundering vessels of three tierswere apt to spring leaks and there was constant danger from
typhoons between China and the Indonesian islands. Fa-hsien
vividly describes how he escaped a watery grave. It took him fourteen days to reach Ceylon from Tamralipti and another ninety from
Ceylon to Java. On his journey from Java to Canton his ship lost
its course in a storm, and it took eighty-two days of anxious drifting to reach Shantung. Merchants and monks travelled together.
Although the traders faced the same hard climatic and physical
conditions as did the pilgrims, they were better organized. The
pilgrims, too, were probably weaker physically because of fasts and
other self-imposed restrictions. They often depended on the goodwill of the kings through whose kingdoms they passed for protection, and frequently these kings, who had only recently embraced
Buddhism, would coerce the monks to stay behind. But their
Single-minded devotion to their pilgrimages and their irrepressible
Urge to acquire learning sustained the pilgrims, although tests of
physical endurance did not end with the journey. Living in
and distant lands was no less trying. While some scholars
and pilgrims adapted easily to the ways of the new land, where
they either stayed for several years or settled permanently, others
longedto return to their homes.
Generally the Chinese monks set out for the famous centres of
China
learning in India, like the University of Nalanda, but many Chinese
scholars elected to stop at places on the periphery of India, such
as the seats of learning in northwest India and Kashmir. Of those
who came by sea, some chose to stop at the famous Buddhist
centres in Sumatra or Ceylon. While some monks learned the
sacred language, philosophy, and rules of monastic life, others
studied a special branch or particular school of Buddhism. Some,
upon their return to China, founded their own new schools.
The sixth and fifth centuries B.C., during which Chinese
philosophy was systematized, is by far the most brilliant period of
Chinese thought. The number of philosophies was so large that
this period is commonly known as the time of the Hundred
Schools. It was one of those unique moments in the history of a
nation, in which political suffering and economic chaos are dwarfed
by the brilliance of its philosophic and spiritual achievement. Of
the six main schools of philosophy, Confucianism and Taoism were
the most important.18
It is misleading t o use the general terms Confucianism, J u
Clzia, to define Chinese classics dealing with a wide variety of subjects, such as cosmology, ethics, morals, and theories of state and
government. But it was from the time of Kung-tzu, or Confucius
(551-479 B.C.), that the era of systematic philosophies began in
China. Confucius was, strictly speaking, not the founder of a
system but the editor, interpreter, and transmitter of ancient
Chinese lore. He expounded in his Lun-yu (Analects), the old
Chinese classics, such as I-Clzing, Shih-Clzing, Shu-Cl~ing,Li-Chi,
and Chzm-Clti~.~~
In fact, the Duke of Chou, who lived many
centuries before Confucius, is honoured in China as the founder
of the "Confucian" tradition.
With a magnetic personality and persuasive power of speech,
Confucius attracted a number of disciples-reputedly seventy-two,
although in the Analects only some twenty persons figure-many of
whom were members of the nobility. He was China's first and
greatest teacher. He spent his long life as a travelling advisor to
the feudal princes and as the head of a flourishing private school
of ethics. China was at the time, so Confucius thought, drifting
away from its ancient heritage and he felt compelled to arrest this
evil by collecting, preserving, and disseminating the records of
ancient learning. The religion prevalent in Chinese society dwelt
little on life after death and little use was made of it to deter
45
46
48
The term Tao originally meant the way in which the heavens caused
the phenomena on earth. The Tau was located about the celestial
pole, which was the seat of power because all revolved about it.
Later Tao was thought of as the universal cosmic energy behind the
visible order of nature. The Tau, omnipotent and eternal, produced
yin and yarz, the negative and positive, female and male principles
of nature, which gave birth to heaven and earth, which in their
turn produced all beings. It is conceived as unnameable, the
ultimate and absolute principle that lies beyond good and evil,
not moral but supra-moral. It is the oneness in which both being
and non-being are dialectically embraced.
Chuang-tzu (369-286 B.C.) was the earliest and the most
brilliant Taoist. Original both in thought and literary expression,
he sought to defend and develop the Ching philosophy, and he
reacted strongly against all traditional thought, particularly
Confucianism.
Until Buddhism entered China, the rivalry between the Confucian and Taoist philosophies dominated Chinese thought.
Confucianism, however, gained ground during the Han ~ e r l o d ,
but not without incorporating some Taoist doctrines. Consequently,
a culture based on the canonical writings, as edited and interpreted
by Confucious and his school, had emerged. The Former Han
dynasty, in contrast to the active policy of its predecessors,
encouraged scholarship and adopted Confucianism as the state
religion. Confucian scholars were given high positions, and a
rationale for political, bureaucratic, and social relationships was
sought in the Confucian classics. The intelligentsia and the ruling
classes accepted the complete supremacy of these classics, and the
government drew upon them as they were impregnated with legalistic notions for a standard code of morals and ritual rules regulating conduct of the rulers and the ruled. During the Later Han
period rigid Confucian "ceremonialism" dominated the whole
society. The Confucian classics had become highly formalized,
verbose, and specialized. Li, or procedural rules, actually
divided society into ranks of social positions. Even nations
had come to be placed in hierarchial positions: China was
"the Middle Kingdom" and other nations were "Barbarians".
Within nations there were lord, aristocrats, officials, common
people, and slaves.
In the Later Han period the literati, mentally exhausted and
China
49
50
China
51
few and often too casual, if not altogzthzr adverse, to give a clear
These annals scarcely give any account of the people
life in the provinces. In reconstructing the history of
~ ~ d d h i son
m the basis of such material, extreme care must be
taken. On the other hand, the Buddhist accounts were naturally
written less as history than as a means of enhancing the prestige
and popularity of the faith, often recording easy conversions and
exaggerated triumphs of Buddhism at the Chinese court.
Buddhism is generally said to have entered China during the
reign of Ming-ti (58-75), but it is certain that it had been heard of
in China before this time. According t o a Chinese tradition,
which cannot be fully substantiated, Buddhift missionaries
reached Chin China from Mauryan India. Li Tai Sun Pao Chi
(The Record Concerning the Three Treasures Under Successive
Dynasties), written a t the end of the sixth century, states that
eighteen Buddhist monks headed by the Shramana Shih-li-fang,
carrying a number of Buddhist scriptures, reached the Chin court
early in the third century B.C., but the historicity of this reference
is doubtful.21 Only a few recent scholars accept this tradition as
valid, but it is significant that one of them should be Liang Chichao (1873-1929), because he is otherwise quite critical in dealing
~
to a legend, the source of
with early B u d d h i ~ m . ~According
which, the Lieh-rzu, is a forgery of the third century or later,
Confucius knew of the existence of the Buddha. Among other
evidence cited to co:~nect Ashoka with the introduction of
Buddhism into China, mention is made of his eighty thousand
stupas, some of which were said to have been discovered in China,
and of relic bones of the Buddha said to have been excavated
from one of them. Significantly, the first reference to Buddhist
missionaries is in the period of Ashoka, the founder of
Proselytism.
While Ashoka was engaged in humanizing politics by
the spirit of the Buddha's compassion into his
administration, and by promulgating the doctrine that "victory
through the Dl~armais the highest victory", China was beginning
emerge from an age of chaos and civil wars as a unified state.
This was the period of the Chin dynasty from which China is
believed to have gotten its name. Its first ruler, Shih
Nuang-ti (246-210 B.C.), sometimes called the Chinese Caesar,
the turbulent Yueh-chih (Jou-chih) in the south and
52
the Huns in the north, and built the famous Great Wall. He
founded a centralized state which was to last under different
dynasties with varying authority and changing frontiers for more
than two thousand years. Shih Huang-ti, however, in marked
contrast to his contemporary Ashoka, violently suppressed certain
philosophical aqd political ideas. This policy culminated in the
outrageous "Fe-rl-shu-keng-ju" incident in which scholars were
buried alive and books were burned. The report that Shih
Huang-ti imprisoned a group of Buddhist monks may lend some
strength to the view that Buddhism had begun to trickle into
China in the time of the Mauryas. After the death of Ashoka in
India, the great Han dynasty (206 B.C. to A.D. 220) arose in
China, extending the Chinese frontiers, establishing internal peace
and prosperity, and laying the foundations for the greatness and
continuity of the Chinese state and culture. During the second
century B.C., the Han dynasty adopted an aggressive policy
towards its western neighbours, and opened up the central Asian
traffic routes over the Sinkiaxg Desert. These routes, which first
carried Chinese political domination, later brought Indian culture.
In the spring of 122 B.C., the Han emperor Wu dispatched a
Chinese general of cavalry, Ho Chu-ping, on a military expedition
against the Hsiu-tu king in the northern territories. It is reported
that Ho Chu-ping found a golden statue of a human form which
the defeated kiqg worshipped, and to which, except for burning
incense and ceremonial bowing, no sacrifices were offered. It has
been suggested that this statue was a Buddhist image, and if true,
it is the earliest record of Chinese contact with Buddhism. The
general opinion, however, is that it was instead a symbol of some
local deity.
In 120 B.C., while a huge artificial lake named Kunming was
being dug in Shansi, a mysterious black substance was excavated.
Emperor Wu is said to have been informed that it was the residual
ashes left behind after the conflagration of the world at the end of
a kaIpa or aeon. The digging of the lake is historically correct,
and such an explanation could only have been given after the
introduction of Buddhism. Consequently, this is regarded as
evidence of the existence of Buddhist monks at the capital, Changan, in the second half of the second century B.C.
Wei-shou (506-572), the author of the history of the Topa
Wei, Wei-shu,mentions that Chang-chien, who had been sent to
China
59
54
Clzinu
55
56
~h ina
57
58
built and the number of monks and nuns allegedly rose to two
million. Many important monk-scholars, both Indian and Chinese,
such as Kumarajiva, Boddhiruci, Tao-an, Hui-yuan, Fa-hsien,
worked and lived in China during this period.
In southern China also, Buddhism was accorded royal patronage by the Eastern Chin dynasty. Some of the rulers of the
succeeding houses were also practising Buddhists. For example,
the founder of the Liang dynasty, Emperor Wu (502-549), a Confucian, was converted to Buddhism and frequently gave public
lectures on Buddhist scriptures. He collected the first Chinese
Buddhist canon, wrote on Buddhism, and even entered a monastery
three times to lead the life of a, ascetic. Yang-ti, the Sui emperor,
also declared himself in favour of Buddhism.
The Eastern P,,.
h i n r i ~ m o r t x r hn-na +..l
I
~ LLJ ~1 C - d b bpa L Chinese
~
~ supre-------L
UJ,,UaLJ
macy and culture over the entire country. Although they adhered
to traditional Chinese culture. there was Some doubt in their minds
about its total efficacy. Consequently, they turned towards
Buddhism as a rallying force to strengthen them for the recovery of
the north. Buddhist monks and scholars responded to this attitude
in full measure, and they intensified their missionary and religious
activities, incorporating in their discussion and writing, Confucian
aad Taoist learning. Soon an alliance between the monks and the
elite emerged, rendering the monastic community powerful enough
to assert its independence from the weakened secular authority of
the Chin rulers, and "to maintain what amounted to an empire
within an empire".28
In addition to ideological factors there were other considerations for the popularity of Buddhism: it was a period of political
.
.
~urmollaria me orrlclals of the state faced hardships and danger in
the pursuit of their duties. The monastery offered a sanctuary t o
bureaucrats and literati who tried t o keep clear of the official
career. There was now a new image of the noble life of a shramana
who as usual kept away from worldly affairs for the emancipation
of all beings. Once contacts between the clergy and gentry had
been made, the influence of Buddhism became manifest in many
fields. Monks participated in discussions and visited the imperial
court and aristocratic families as preachers, chaplains, advisors
and friends. Priests expounded the meaning of Confucian rites
wrote commentaries on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tze and maintained a
A
China
1 , -
59
BY the time the Han dynasty had declined, different trends had
begun to develop in Buddhism in China. One, with its
emphasis on control of the mind, concentration, and the suppression of the passions, was inspired mainly by the translations of
shih-kao and was Hinayana in nature. The Prajna School,
based largely on the translations of Chih-ch'an, favoured
~ a h ~ ~ a n and
i s mwas more inclined to probe into the ultimate
reality behind external appearances. This aspect of Buddhism began
to develop in the middle of the third century and ultimately
became the dominant tenet of Buddhism in the south. At about
the same time, during the fourth century, Neotaoism was gaining
wide acceptance among literary circles in southern China and this
factor made a rapprochem2nt with Buddhist thought somewhat
easier. The Prajna school preached the philosophy of Surzyata, or
somewhat resembling the Neotaoist doctrine of nonbeing. A Taoist, once united with the tao or non-being, could
become eternal and manifest himself in any form at any place, just
as the Buddha was eternal and formless. The recognition of this
affinitypaved the way for closer interaction between these two
schools, and for a gradual growth of Buddhism in China. Another
fact encouraging closer relations between the Buddhists and
Neotaoists was that some of the Buddhist monks originated from
the same social class as the Neotaoists. The head of the powerful
Wang family of the early Eastern Chin dynasty, Wang Tao (276339), who was also the Prime Minister of the Empire, was a
devoted patron of Buddhism. Other members of his family were
equally enthusiastic and some of them had even joined the order
of monks. Foreign lnonks also actively participated in this
rapprochement. In southern China, a t the end of the fourth
century, under the patronage of the Eastern Chin ruler, the number
of Buddhist establishments in the kingdom alone was 1,786 temples
and therewere 24,000 monks and nuns. Jn Chien Wing, the
capital, the names of thirty-seven temples have survived. Thus,
during the third and fourth centuries, Buddhism became firmly
'Ooted in the middle Yangtze Valley, as well as in the older centres
'lf the north.
Between the years 265 and 317, sixteen translators
Ire known to have rendered 491 works into Chinese.
Rarely in history does a moment receive support from two
mutually opposed forces for separate political reasox. At this
time Buddhism in China was supported by both the traditionalists
,,
60
China
and the foreigners; either party would probably have taken rl
hostile attitude in different circumstances. Buddhism developed
along different lines in northern and southern China, reflecting the
needs of local polity. For instance, in the north it was associated
with state control and in the south it asserted its independence of
the state and worked in association with the Chinese elite. Because
Buddhism in China was an alien religion, the Huns found it more
acceptable than Confucianism, since the adoption of Confucian
principles might mean the loss of cultural identity and the cession
of some power t o the subject Chinese. Buddhist appeal to foreign
dynasties ruling over China is also endorsed by other scholars.30
Moreover, Buddhist ethic was universalistic, applicable to men of
all races, times and cultures.
Although Buddhism was a t times helped by certain political
situations, it would be wrong t o overemphasize this point. It was
not always supported by the ruling and official classes and a t times
faced intense resistance and hostility. Without the inherent vitality
of its doctrine, its sense of purpose, the capacity to endure suffering, the devoted service of its monks, and the brilliant intellectual
activities of its scholars, Buddhism could not have evoked such a
response from people as culturally advanced as the Chinese.
Buddhists not only had to make Chinese society more receptive to
their teachings, but they also had to translate Buddhist doctrine
into Chinese.
The task was spread over several centuries. Sanskrit and Pali
were completely different from Chinese, in form and style. Sanskrit
has a highly elaborate grammatical system, while Chinese has no
systematized grammar; Sanskrit is highly inflected, ideographic,
and mainly monosyllabic; and Indian literature is reflective,
imaginative, and discursive, while Chinese literature is terse,
concrete, and practical. Eve3 in temperament the two peoples
differed:
The Chinese had shown little disposition t o analyse the
personality into its components, while India had a highly
developed science of psychological analysis. I11 concepts of
time and space there were also striking differences. The
Chinese tended to think of both as finite and to reckon time
in life-spans, generations, or political eras; the Indians, on
the other hand, conceived of time and space as infinite and
61
China
62
63
translated more than thirty texts into Chinese and had a great
influence on his Chinese followers, who considered his school of
translators "unrivalled".
One of the important central Asian monks was Dharmaraksha,
better known by his Chinese name, Chu Fa-hu. Born in Tunhuang, he was a Yeuh-chih and went to China in the third century
after travelling and studying widely in India. He was an accomplished linguist and an authority on Buddhism. Most of his life
was spent at the White Horse Monastery where he worked for
of Buddhism and translated Sanskrit texts into
the
Chinese. He died about 317 at the age of eighty-seven. He
reportedly knew 36 languages, and he translated at least 21 1 works
into Chinese in the years between 284 and 317, including the
Lalita Vistara; 90 of these translations have survived.
At the invitation of a Hun king of the northwestern region
of China, Dharmakshema (Fa-feng), an outstanding Indian monk,
came from central Asia to the Hun court at Liang-chou in 414.
The king, Meng-hsun, became a Buddhist and Dharmakshema,
after prolonged study of the Chinese language, translated about
twenty-five works, twelve of which have survived. They include
Maha Sannipata Sutra, an important canonical work of Mahayana
Buddhism, and Asvaghosa's Buddha Charita. Rivalry over
Dharmakshema arose between the Hun king and the Chinese
Toba Wei rulers, and the scholar met a tragic death at the hands
of his patron in 434 because he was anxious t o return to India.
He served as royal adviser to Meng-hsun and reputedly possessed
remarkable occult powers.
While Dharmakshema was working at Liang-chou, the
followers of Kumarajiva, who had initiated a new epoch in the
transmission of Buddhism to China, were engaged in their
Prodigious translation work a t Chang-an, then the capital of a
Small state of Later Chin. Kumarajiva (343-413) was the son of
an Indian scholar, Kumarayana, who had renounced his hereditary title to a ministerial position in Kashmir. From early
childhood, Kumarajiva was educated in India in Buddhist
and literature under the celebrated Bandhudatta, who
was later Converted to Mahayanism by h i s f o r m e r pupil.
Kumarajiva became widely known for his scholarship and
attracted discipleq from Khotan, Kashgar, Yarkand and other
Parts of eastern Turkistan. Indeed, his reputation as a superb
64
66
basic text of which was his translated work, Mahayanasamparigraha-sastra. This school had eminent disciples and
prevailed for about eighty years before it was finally absorbed
by the Dharmalakshana school founded by Hsiian-tsang.
Of all Indian monks the most celebrated in China is
~odhidharma(or Dharmabodhi). Son of an Indian king, he is
an almost legendary figure and several miracles are attributed to
him.38 He was regarded as the twenty-eighth Patriarch in India.
The arrival of Bodhidharma in Canton in about 526 at the
invitation of the Liang emperor, Wu, was very significant in the
history of Buddhism, because he introduced into China the Chan
(a phonetic variation of the Sanskrit Dhyana) school, and thus
became the first Patriarch (Tsu or Tsung) of this school in China.
He did not undertake missionary tours and he wrote no books.
He disapproved of reading the canonical texts of the Tripitaka,
although he used to recommend the Lankavatara Sutra. He
taught the value of meditation t o find the Buddha in one's own
heart, and he himself meditated in silence for nine years in the
Shao-lin monastery on the Sung Mountain. Because of his
influence, Buddhist monasteries became much less intellectual and
more meditative. It is not surprising that a practical people like
the Chinese should have preferred those aspects of Buddhism
which seemed t o them more natural and practical, such as the
Dhyana exercises.
By the end of the sixth century the long period of political
unrest in China had come to a close, and the beginning of the
seventh century saw the emergence of the T'ang dynasty (619-907).
Despite the opposition of the Confucian literati, Buddhism continued to gain ground in China where it had already assumed a distinctive Chinese personality. Before the T'ang period there was some
Persecution but it was ineffective and intermittent and failed t o arrest
the Progress of Buddhism. In 405 nine out of every ten families in
northern China embraced the Buddhist faith. By the end of the
fifth century, it is asserted that the whole of China, north and
alike, was Buddhist. According to an official census made
between 512 and 545 in the kingdom of Wei in northern China,
there were thirteen thousand Buddhist shrines and monasteries and
three thousand foreign monks living in the capital alone, while an
even greater number of indigenous monks were scattered throughOut the country. In the sixth century both northern and southern
China
68
--
69
and fifty-six.
vajrabodhi and his disciple Amoghavajra were among the last
teachers to go to China. Born a royal prince and educated at
Nalanda, Vajrabodhi reached Canton in 720 in his fifty-eighth year
to present to the Chinese emperor a copy of Mahaprajnaparan~ita,,tYa on behalf of the king of Ceylon. Before he died at Loyang in
732, he had translated a number of mystical Buddhist works into
Chinese and had numerous disciples. Famed for his mastery of
Tripitaka and Tantric Buddhism, he introduced the Mantra sect of
Taitric esotericism, based on Mulamarztras, into China. The
doctrines and practices of the Mantra cults were confined to circles
of initiates, a r d Vajrabodhi during his stay in China initiated only
two mo,-,ks into the Tantric rituals. Amoghavajra carried on his
work more successfully, and translated about seventy-seven texts,
mainly dealing with tantras and dharanis, before he died in 774. He
was the spiritoal advisor of three emperors of the T'ang dynastyHsiian-tsang, Shu-tsung, and Tai-tsung.
China, in the latter part of the T'ang period, was somewhat
politically disturbed, as was India, and contact between the two
countries had virtually come to an end. Yet a few Indian missionaries went to China and, while they did some valuable work,
they lacked the zeal and ability of their predecessors. The most
important missionary of this later period was Dharmadeva (Fa-tien),
who came to China in 973 during the Sung period, and translated
about 178 Sanskrit texts. He headed a board of translators which
was responsible for rendering 201 volumes of the Sanskrit texts into
Chinese between 982 and 1011, despite his death in 1001.
Recalling the story of these monks and the enormous difficulties involved in translation, admiration for their patience, perseverance, and faith is increased. To learn Chinese with modern aids and
technique is a formidable enough task, but in those days t o learn
It and also communicate doctrinal beliefs intelligibly to a people
whose own tradition of reflective thought was relatively less developed and accommodating, was a monumental achievement.
Although a large number of Indian monks and scholars had
visited and worked in China, it was not until the end of the
fourth Century that a notable Chinese scholar, Fa-hsien, visited
Indiaa4' Until Buddhism had been established in China and Chinese
monks had acquired intellectual proficiency, the long and arduous
China
pilgrimages to India were infrequent. There are Btories of soflle
Chinese princes captured by Kaniska who had lived in northern
Punjab, and stories of Chinese scholars who may have visited lndia
in the third century. A Chinese monk, Chu-she-ling, set out i r 260
for India but elected to stay in Khotan where he found the Indian
knowledge he was seeking. On the authority of I-tsing, the Chinese
s~holkir Who visited India in the seventh century, it is said that
twenty Chinese monks went to India by the Yunnan-Burma route,
and a monastery called China-Sangharama was especially built for
them near Bodhgaya by King Sri Gupta. However, evidence of
Chinese visitors t o India from the fourth century on is more
definite, and the flow of pilgrims during this period was for greater
than the few surviving names would suggest.
By the fourth century China had developed a powerful tradition of Buddhist philosophy of her own. The two most illustrious
names in Chines Buddhism during this period were Tao-an of
Hsiang yang and Hui-yuan in Lu-shan. Tao-an (312-385) carried
on his missionary activities north of the Yangtze river and was
undeterred by the hardships prevalent at the time thus exemplifying the true spirit of the Buddha. He converted a great many
Chinese intellectuals t o the Buddhist doctrine, sending them afterwards to different parts of the country t o preach Buddhism.
Through his disciples and his writings he created a new spirit in
Buddhist China. He was the first Chinese scholar to re-examine and
correct earlier translations of Buddhist texts and to compile commentaries on them. The foreign monks rarely knew Chinese well,
while their Chinese collaborators were ignorant of Sanskrit and
Pali. More important, he became acutely aware of the invalidity
of interpreting the Buddhist scriptures in the light of the Chinese
classics, a practice which had become common during the preceding century, mainly because the Chinese intellectuals ciid not have
access to the originals or even t o scholars who were masters of the
~riginaltexts. Tao-an's organization of intensive translation
3ctivity at Chang-an later provided the much needed trained
Chinese talent to help Kumarajiva. Realizing the need for closer
:ontact between Indian and Chinese scholars, he invited a number
of Indians from central Asia t o China, and, more important,
encouraged the Chinese to visit India. It was he who had initiated
steps to invite Kumarajiva to China.
After the fall of Hsiang-yang, Tao-an" disciple, Hui-yuan
'12
China
74
China
BUDDHISM IN EAST ASIA
..
1.-
...,.I
I r ; ~ ; + ~ AIndia
76
China
authority in central Asia is of significant importance in the history
of Sino-Indian relations and of Buddhism. China's retreat from
this area at a time when Islam power emerged, left a vacuum which
was to be filled by Muslim domination, thus separating the areas
of Indian and Chinese culture. But by this time the Chinese need
to draw upon Indian learning had considerably diminished. For
by the end of the T'ang dynasty, the Chinese Buddhist canon was
practically complete, and almost all the important Sanskrit sutras
had been translated into Chinese.
After the downfall of the T' ang dynasty, there was a short
period of political anarchy in China, during which five military
leaders made themselves kings in Kaifeng and Loyang, and about
thirty thousand Buddhist monasteries were destroyed. In 960 th:
Empire was reunited by Chao Kuang-yin, who founded the Sung
dynasty (960-1270). Coatact between India and Chiaa practically
ceased after the eleventh century. The decline of Buddhism in
India itself meant that the flow of ideas from India to China
ceased altogether, affecting adversely the growth of Chinese
Buddhism.
While the last emperors of the Sung dyllasty were still ruling,
Genghis Khan was emerging as a world power. He and his
descendants, the Mongol or Yuan dynasty, were to govern China
from 1206 to 1368, and to play a significant role in the development of Buddhism. However, before the Yuans, three other alien
ruling houses had established themselves contemporaneously with
the Sungs, and these are worth notice in the history of Buddhism
in China. One, the Liao (907-1125), was established by the
Mongol tribe called the Khitans, and during its rule, Buddhism
spread in Mongolia and Manchuria. The Khitans subjugated
northern China and set up a large number of Buddhist temples
throughout their kingdom. During their rule, between 1031 and
1064, the Liao edition of the Chinese Tripitaka was printed. The
Liao rulers were also responsible for engraviag the sutras on
stone.44
While the Liacr dynasty was still ruliag Manchuria, a chieftain
of the Ju-chen (Jurchen) tribe, Akuta, successfully broke away from
the Liao rule ar?d set up the Chin dynasty (1 115-1234). He sacked
the Liao capital in 1122, and in 1126 he even captured Kai-feng
the capital of the now declining Sungs, forcing them to move
southward and extending the frontiers of his empire as far south
the Huai river. Peking became the Chin capital, until they
forced to evacuate it in 1215 under pressure from the
who brought the Chin dynasty to an end in 1234.
Buddhism Was already flourishing in the areas the Chin dynasty
had taken over, and the new rulers continued to support the
The Chin dynasty sponsored the printing of an
lndian
,dition of the Chinese Tripitaka during the period 1148-1173."
The third northern dynasty was the Hsi-Hsia which ruled
Kansu, including the famous Buddhist centre at Hun-huang, from
1038 to 1227. Although they claimed descent from the Toba,
their language seems to have been related to Tibetan rather than
to Turkish. Buddhism was their official religion and, under the
auspicesof the Imperial house, the last of the extensive Buddhist
translating or publishing projects was undertaken, involving the
production of a mass of Buddhist texts in their language. Hsi-hsia
manuscripts and printed books have survived in large numbers, and
were still being printed in Hsi-hsia well into the Mongol period.
The Mongols, the first foreign conquerors to dominate the
whole of China, came into closer contact with Buddhism after their
conquest of northern China. Kublai Khan was the greatest ruler
of this dynasty, and it was during his rule that Marco Po10
visited China. Kublai Khan had been converted to Buddhism and
was especially well disposed towards the Lamaistic Buddhism of
Tibet. Probably the Great Khan sought to use the support of
Buddhist and Taoist churches for political ends: to subdue the
stubborn Sung Iegitimism of the Confucianists. Although tolerant
other faiths, he was an enthusiastic Buddhist. Whenever he
was called upon to act as arbitrator in the ecclesiastical debates
between Buddhists and Taoists, an important feature of the times,
his verdict always favoured Buddhism. He had relics of the
Buddha brought from Ceylon, and appointed a young but learned
Tibetan Lama, Phags-pa or Matidhvajasribhadra (1240-1280), as
imperial Preceptor; this office was held in the greatest respect by
the
royal family, and Lamaistic Buddhism was made the
national religion of the Mongols.
Kublai's successors patronized Tibetan Buddhism with even
greater fervour. How highly Lamaism was held in the imperial
estimation is illustrated by the edict of 1309 which started that
anyone guilty of striking a Lama could have his hand cut off, and
lhat
insulting a Lama would lose his tongue. The
78
p h i l ~ ~ ~ p hand
y history.
This lay movement reached its
peak during the closing years of the Manchu dynasty, and
the unique rule played by laymen has continued in
modern Chinese Buddhism. The growing popularity of this
movement probably aroused the anti-Buddhist feelings of the
Confucian literati, and consequently Buddhism, which had
always faced considerable indifference and apathy from the
officials and intellectuals of the Ming and Manchu dyxasties, now
faced active hostility. An expression of this antagonism is seen in
the publication in 1898 of a work by Chang Chih-tung entitled
Chuan Hsiieh-pien, in which he advocated the reorganization of
Chinese education by appropriating Buddhist property for schools.
His theories commanded considerable support from the Chinese
intelligentsia. More than three hundred Buddhist temples were
destroyed during the first quarter of the present century.
However, Buddhism has always remained important in China,
especially among the common people. The new pressures of the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries even forced something
of a revival of Buddhism, and it subsequently played some part as
an intellectual force in the revolution that overthrew the Manchu
dynasty.50 The Chinese could more effectively combat the Western
cultural invasioll by centering their defence around their Buddhist
traditions, which, they contended, were democratic, humanistic,
liberal, and in fact contained all that the West could claim and
more. The Buddhist reformer, Liang Chi-cho, for instance, said
that the doctrine of karma was superior to the theories of Darwin
and Spencer. Another stimulus, of somewhat doubtful value, came
during the period of the Sino-Japanese War and World War I1
when some Buddhist temples were rebuilt in the Japanese-occupied
areas, and links between China and Japan were strengthened for
political reasons.
The revival of Buddhism in China was aided by the foundation
of the Maha Bodhi Society in 1891 with its headquarters in
Ceylon. The Society was begun by Dharmapala with the declared
~bjectiveof reviving the Dhamma. Its activities since then have
included holding itlternational Buddhist conferences, publishing
Buddhist literature in Asian as well as European languages, and
sending missions abroad.
Aroused by the anti-Buddhist measures of the various administrations, and by the criticisms of the Chinese Renaissance
80
82
84
were similar to those that had existed under the Chinese Empire.
Even under strict supervision and control the resilience and elasticity of the religion has enabled it to survive. The Communists are
now doing some of the very things toward Buddhism which the
emperors had done in the past. It is well to keep in mind that
even under the communist regime there still remain some of the
outward symbols of religion, temples, monks, the corpus of
Buddhist literature, and the images of the Buddhas and bodhisattva~.~
Welch
~
is also of the same opinion:
All in all I can think of nothing that happened to Buddhism
after 1949 that was without precedent and wholly new . . . .
Hostility t o Buddhism is a bureaucratic syndrome that runs
through a millenium of Chinese history. It was not invented
by Mao Tse-tung. Until 1966 there was little in Mao's treatment of Buddhism that would not have won the approval of
Confucians from Han Yu to K'ang Yu-wei. Only with the
Cultural Revolution would they have drawn the line because
of their reluctance t o oppose the customs of the people
directly-a
reluctance that Mao had previously shared
himself.56
Since Mao's death, the Chinese attitude towards Buddhism seems
t o have softened. Religion is still looked upon with suspicion but
there seems to be a resurgence of it in post-Ma Chinna.
The history of Buddhism in China is like that of any powerful
foreign culture, which, on encountering an equally powerful local
culture, has to undergo the varying processes of confrontation and
assimilation. During the initial period of impact, the local people
remain indifferent to or even unaware of the gradually mounting
influence of the foreign culture. It is only when the alien culture
begins to assume sizeable proportions that it is generally regarded
as threatening, and reaction sets in. But the struggle is not then
between a purely foreign and a purely local culture, because the socalled foreign culture by that time has come t o acquire some native
character and its opponents have become conscious of the shortcomings of their own heritage. Finally, there begins a period of
compromise on both sides, conscious and unconscious, during
which the foreign culture is either naturalized or nationalized,
serving as a distinct group within a changed pattern of the society,
86
88
BUDDHISM IN EAST
ASIA
Buddhists realized that their religion must develop and stress its
own ideas concerning piety if it were t o flourish in China. This
they did in three ways: first by pointing out the numerous sutras in
the Buddhist scriptures which stressed filial piety; second by forging
a body of apocryphal literature which emphasized piety as a central
theme; and third by contending that the Buddhist concept of filial
piety was superior to that of the Confucians in that it aimed at
universal salvation while the Confucian piety was limited to just one
family.59 To stress filial piety, Tsung-mi even:stretched some interpretations of the Buddha's life. He wrote:
Prince Siddhartha did not assume the kingship, but left family
and country because lie wished to cultivate the Way and
become enlightened, so as t o repay for the love and benefactions of his parents. Siddhartha thus becomes a filial son
entirely acceptable to the Chinese.'jO
When Confucians criticized the Buddha as being u3filia1,
Buddhists often referred to the sutra Fo Sheng T'ao-li-t'ietr weinzu shuo-fa-ching (Sutra on the Buddha ascending to Trayastrimsa
Heaven to preach t o his mother) as one which described the filial
piety of the Buddha. To make Buddhism popular with the CJlinese
people they even forged sutras. Such a sutra was the Fu-nzu-en
chung-clzing (Sutra on the importance of parental love). The
Buddhists further asserted that their concept of filial piety was
superior to that of the Confucians. Their filial son aimed not just
a t attending to all the needs of the parents, but at converting the
parents to Buddhism, so that the latter would enjoy all the benefits
that come t o the followers of the Buddha. This thesis of the
Buddhists was possibly the stroz~gestargument against the charge
of unfiliality. Buddhist piety was universal since it embraced all
living creatures, some of whom could be the ancestors i z different
forms. To identify themselves with filial piety, the Buddhist monks
in T'ang China, despite their life of renunciation, often participated in memorial services in honour of deceased imperial ancestors.
Such services had nothing t o do with Buddhism, but the Imperial
House encouraged clerical participation. Thus, by presenting an
image of itself as conforming to the prevailing practices in and
ethical values of Chinese society, Buddhism was able t o convince
the Chinese that it was no longer a foreign religion but had become
China
89
Clz iiza
stock exchanges, and warehouses, and the monasteries grew
in importance as repositories of capital. The temples bought more
and more land, thus gathering an increasing influence i2 the country's economic life. Habitual association with Buddhist monks,
even if it were for material reasons, encouraged the people to be
well-disposed towards Buddhist doctrine, because the monks worked so selflessly and the inevitable human response to this example
was one of sympathy.62
Relying mainly on the Biographies of Eminent Monks, one gets
the impression that the highly educated monks were drawn geqerally from well-to-do families who could bear the cost of a literary
education for their children. However, only the eminent monks
were included in these biographies, excluding the many who were
not so well known and perhaps not so well educated. The majority of the monks came from peasant families in the neighbourhood
of the institutions. F u Yi in his memorial against Buddhism at
the beginning of the T'ang dynasty noted specifically that those
who embraced Buddhism were mainly of peasant stock. Both in the
south and north, Buddhist monks skilfully introduced Buddhistic
elements into the old village associations which existed for the
support of fertility rites o r other observances. Many comrnoners
attached as hereditary serfs to the growing land-holdings of the
Buddhist temples must have increased the population of Buddhism
amongst the masses and the peasants.
As time passed, not only did the emperors and the common*
people become Buddhists, but even distinguished men of learning
increasingly turned towards Buddhism. In the eleventh century,
the famous reformer-statesman, Wang An-shih, whose tabIet was
placed in the Confucian temple next to that of Mencius, deplored
the fact that scholars sought new ideas and inspiration in Buddhism.
Yet his son wrote books on Buddhism. Even the chief exponent
of Confucian orthodoxy, Chu Hsi, complained in the twelfth
century that the educated man now found himself compelled to
draw upon Taoism and Buddhism for religious and ethical
concepts.
The Buddhist Sangha from the beginning seems to have
directed itself to the governing classes, seeking the cooperation of
the local authorities, and penetrating the highest strata of medieval
Chinese society. The most prominent monks came from the
;entry and they played a leading role in the propagation of
9i
~ ~ d d inl gentry
~ i ~circles,
~
constituting the cultural and social
"anguard of the Sangha. These monks were highly respected
scgentleman-monks" who, while freely moving in the milieu that
was theirs by birth and education, could preach their version of the
doctrine with the authority of a Chinese scholar.63
The aristocratic lay Buddhists were attracted by the ideals of
--..,n*lAl,,
nleaBuddhism, but they had no desire to renounce Lllcrl wv,,ulJ p.vsures. The rich and the powerful also took great satisfaction in
the lavish building of temples and retreats jn the style of Chi3ese
Buddhist architecture, which at the time was in the developing
stage- The bodhisattva ideal of renunciation and work for the
salvation of all creatures, the conception of the monastic vocation
and withdrawal, gentle contemplation, scholarship and speculation attracted the literate Chinese for several centuries that
followed.64
In the first two hundred years of the T'ang dynasty, Buddhism
by lavish donations,
flourished as never before.
Buddhism became an integral part of Chinese life and thought.
Buddhist ritual was adopted by 'he state and imperial observances.
The accession of a new emperor, the birth of an imperial prince,
ceremonies of honour of the imperial ancestors-all these occasions
and many more conformed to Buddhist rituals. The vivid and
circumstantial account of Ennin, a Japanese traveller, testifies to the
Buddhism of T'ang China as it affected the life of the country and
its court. During this period Buddhist temples multiplied enormouslv and their wealth grew, often with the powerful support of
the royal families and merchants.
Buddhism, not unnaturally, influenced the political ideals of
Chinese kings. For examale, the Indian concepts of chakravartin,
who rules well and successfully through devotion to the Buddha,
and of the mahadanapati, whose gifts to the Buddhist order for
the benefit of his fellow creatures make of him something akin to
a living bodhisattva, had a strong appeal to monarchs whose life
and power were always uncertain, and whose claims to "legitimate" descent from the Han rulers were scant reassurance after
decades of political instability. Among the monarchs who embraced
and promoted Buddhism the best known is Emperor Wu of the
Liang dynasty. He styled himself on the new Buddhist lines of
royal behaviour and his efforts won him titles which suggest a
fusion of Chinese and Buddhist political sanctions. He was called
.
.
:
.
.
.
l
4
92
China
was reversed by his successor and Buddhism resumed
its former influence. Chinese persecution of Buddhism
tended*I,",,t o
..*be directed mainly against monastlc estapllsnmenLb li(L1lG1 rlra,,
against monks and devotees. That such persecution was more
political is clearly suggested by the fact that all edicts for the
persecution of Buddism emphasized that it was a national disaster
and a humiliation for the celestial kingdom to be influenced by an
alien creed. In the initial phase, Buddhists especially the monks,
also clashed with imperial bureaucracy. There had never existed in
China a community of monks as a separate social group. When the
Buddhist monks attempted to assert their independent status, in
conformity mith the requirements of the Sangha, it was inevitable
that conflict between the Sangha and the imperial bureaucracy
should have arisen. The Sangha's insistence that it be governed by
its own monastic laws was unacceptable t o the oRcial bureaucracy.
Finally the imperial bureaucracy triumphed; the Sangha abandoned
its claim as a special independent group and submitted to the state.
However, Buddism submitted to the Chinese state only after a long
and protracted struggle with the imperial b u r e a ~ c r a c y . ~ ~
The imperial bureaucracy took various measures depriving the
monks of their independent status. The ordination of monks,
which was strictly a matter of concern only to the individual and
the Sangha, came under increasing supervision by the State.
Monks had to be registered, ordained and defrocked by the State,
their numbers limited and their ranks purged from time to time by
the imperial authorities; the construction of temples and monasteies was subjected t o government supervision. The Sangha accepted
the supremacy of the State and came t o terms with the prevailing
Confucian ideology. This acceptance was not altogether unwilling,
despite occasional struggles, and represented the gradual acculturation of Buddhism in Chinese society. The Indian monks became
Chinese subjects, the monastic community a Chinese religious
organization subject to imperial bureaucracy, and Buddhism was
sinicized political1y.
Buddhism had wide following amongst the masses, both alien
and Chinese, helping thus t o unite the divided Chinese society. If
Caused the rulers, especially in northern China some anxiety, which
was aggravated "by the abuses of clerical privilege, by mass retreat
into the holy orders to esnape the corvee and taxation and by the
*holesale and often fraudulent transfer of land-titles to the tax-
r.
4
l
.
,
.
*
94
96
Chitza
~rnpire. It is said that his decision was influenced by the machinations of Wei Yuan-sung, who had been a Buddhist monk and who
had dabbled in the occult sciences, and Chang Piu, who had lost
the Taoist argument in the debate of 520. The Buddhists resented
this decision, thus infuriating the emperor, who retaliated by proscribbg Buddhism. In his decree he ordered the destruction of
Buddhist temples, images, and scriptures; monks and nuns were t o
return to the laity and the treasures of the monasteries were to be
confiscated for distribution among officials and royal princes. It is
noteworthy that the Buddhists had so successfully exposed the
flagrant forgeries perpetrated by the Taoists that Emperor Wu had
to also include Taoism in his decree of suppression. These persecutions, however, were short-lived. Wu died in 578 and three years
later the Northern Chou dynasty was overthrown by Emperor Wen
of the Sui dynasty. He immediately reinstated both Buddhism and
Taoism. The recovery of Buddhism was extraordinarily rapid, and
it soon enjoyed a new peak of popularity.
The T'ang rulers generally preferred Taoism, but did not
interfere with Buddhism, except on two occasions. The first T'ang
emperor, Li-yuan (or Kao-tzu), was quite antagonistic, but. conscious as he was of the size and influence of the Buddhist commugity
in China, he did not risk open hostility. Hence, instead of trying
to suppress Buddhism outright, he placed various restrictions on
its activities. He regarded Confucianism essential to China and
under the influence of the imperial historian, Fu-i, who was a
staunch Confucianist. he issued an edict ordering magistrates t o
enquire into the lives of the Buddhist monks and nuns. But before
the decree could be fully implemented he was murdered and there
emerged a succession of T'ang rulers who were well disposed
towards Buddhism.
Two centuries later the Taoist emperor, Wu-tsung, during his
brief reign of five years, attempted t o suppress Buddhism. He
decreed in 845 that except for the four temples in each of the
capital cities and one in each of the provinces, all Buddhist temples
and monasteries were to be demolished and monks and nuns
unfrocked. More than sixty-five thousand temples were desecrated,
millions of acres of monastic land confiscated, and more than a
quarter of a million monks and nuns forced to return to lay life.
They were even denied Chinese nationality. These figures may be
somewhat exaggerated but they at least indicate both the scale of
98
China
99
100
ehina
ldi
102
China
103
104
China
105
c o n s c i o ~identification
~
of both the absolute and the relative.
According to the traditions of the Dhyana school, this was an
teaching of the Buddha transmitted from disciple to
disciple, independently of written texts, until it reached the twentyeighth Indian Patriarch, Bodhidharma, who taught that the Buddha
not to be found in images and books but in the hearts of men.
The heart of every man is in communion with all time and all
space. This heart is the Buddha and the Buddha is the heart. There
is no Buddha outside the heart. Enlightenment and nirvana are also
in the heart. Outside the reality of the heart, everything is imagi,,a,y, To search for something outside the heart is an attempt to
seize emptiness. It is therefore, essential to look within and to contemplate the Buddha-nature of the self. Bodhidharma's teaching
was derived from the Vijnana Vada, but if Brahman is substituted
for the Buddha, it appears remarkably similar to the Vedanta
philosophy.
The Chan school presented a challenge to Buddhist scholasti.
cism and monasticism. Throughout China there were thousands of
monasteries with innumerable monks and nuns and a vast literature
of Buddhist texts. And then the Chan philosophy arrived, ignoring
all scriptures, disregarding ascetism and all forms of worship, even
t l ~ econcept of good and evil, preaching deliverance by knowing
one's own self. Dhyana Buddhism was the very antithesis of the
easy and popular way of gaining salvation through devotio~l and
worship of Ambitahha. It opposed the worship of images and the
authority of the priesthood, and emphasized instead the application
of one's own strength, the sense of inner freedom, detachment from
worldly things, and ceaseless meditation and self-discipline. Bodhidharma is said to have told the devout Buddhist emperor WU of
the Liang dynasty that all his good works did not accumulate any
merit. To Bodhidbarma the scriptures were nothing more than the
finger that points to the moon of enlightenment, no longer useful
once the moon is seen. Because of the difference between the existing Buddhist scholasticism and Bodhidharma's Dhyana, it has been
suggested that the Dhyana movement was not really Buddhism at
all, but a Chinese revolt against Buddhist verbalism and scholasticism, as well as a movement to make Buddhism more Chinese in
character by detaching it from intellectualism. If this be true then
the Chinese alternative to Indian Buddhism emerged from
Buddhism itself. But there is little substance in this assertion,
106
L
,
.
,
.
"
ucLausc
BUDDHISM IN
.-.l-:1-
AT-.
T
..
EAST ASIA
China
.
108
China
110
China
. . . the Neo-Confucians
111
as
112
thought. His main object was to further the new approach t o the
Confucian classics as taught by the Cheng br0thers.9~ Perhaps his
central concept is that the whole universe is composed of two coeternal principles which are li and chi-the norm or reason, and
matter or energy. These two are inseparable, yet possess distinctive
characters. They existed before heaven and earth, and li set chi in
motion which produced the world. In regard to the relation
between the norm and the world, the noumenon and the
phenomenon, Chu Hsi and the Neo-Confucianist philosophers
seem t o accept the Buddhist concept of nirvana and samsara. But
the li principle is not the same as the concept of a universal
consciousness, an affable spirituality, the soul of souls and of
worlds of India3 pantheism. Li action is necessary, inevitable,
and unconscious, which excludes any idea of spirituality. All things
and all human relationships consist of li and chi, which, as one,
are infinite, eternal, immutable, unalterable, homogenous, unconscious, and unintelligent. Li is pure, vast, without form, and
unable to create. Chi is alone responsible for existent things and
for change. Irl this Chu Hsi was, no doubt, influenced by the
Indian idea that only the permanent and unchanging is good
in the highest sense.
Man's nature is his li, which is part of the Supreme Ultimate.
It is only human desire that obscures his true nature, and if he
could but realize this fact, he would be enlightened. This is
remarkably similar to the doctrine of the Dhyana school of
Buddhism, and much of this philosophy is so alien to early Chinese
thought that "it would be easy t o conclude the Neo-Confucians '
have been converted to Buddhism in everything but name."93 Chu
Hsi, in common with Shao Yung (101 1-1077), believed that at the
end of an epoch lasting 129,600 years the existing world system
would come t o an end to be replaced by another. This concept
was alien to the Chinese and must have been derived from the well
known Indian ideas of aeons and recurring world systems.
Chu Hsi's greatest rival was Lu Hsiang (or Lu Chiu-yuan*
1139-1193), the founder o f the rival school of Sung ~ationalism.
He stressed meditation and intuition, and weilded much influence
over Chinese thinkers of the day, especially in eastern China. While
his emphasis resembles that of Dhyana Buddhism, it also has roots
in ancient Chinese thought, especially that of Mencius. Chu Hsi's
system, with its vagaries and universality, is marked by an e l e m e ~ ~
of caution and consideration, while Lu Hsiang-shan's is characterized by sharpness and penetration. Lu Hsiang-shan did not share
c h u Hsi's dualist philoshphy, but propounded a monistic doctrine
stati:~gthat everything that exists is li. Nothing is finite; heaven,
earth and all things exist in the infinite. Man is personally concerned in every affair of the universe, and the universe is concerned
in a11 man's personal affairs. Early Chinese thought was closer t o
LU Hsiang-shan's than to Chu Hsi's. Lu said, "the Universe is my
mind, and my mind is the Universe", in somewhat the same way
as Mencius said, "All things are complete within me." But the
type of monism which Lu Hsiang-shan preached is also akin to
Dhyana Buddhism, and for this reason Chu Hsi's disciples criticized Lu. While Chu Hsi taught that nlan2s nature is pure and
unchanging, and that mind is composed of li and chi, Lu regarded
nature, mind, and feeling as the same thing seen from different
aspects, and believed that the process of moral cultivation consisted
of looking for one's own "lost mind", one's true nature which was
originally good, but had been led astray through desire. Lu advocated practical methods for regaining the lost mind. For man
there is nothing prior to knowing himself. For attaining knowledge' of one's own self of lost mind, he suggested meditation,
much in the same manner as the Dhyana Buddhists did. Practised
assiduously, meditation would lead to the sudden realization of the
oneness of one's own mind with the totality of all things. This
concept of lost mind resembles the Upanjshadic teaching "that art
thou" and the theory of sudden enlightenment of Dhyana
Buddhism.
The Chu Hsi school was closer to the whole rationale of
Confucianism, while the Lu school was more akin t o Indian
Buddhism. The Neo-Confucianists of the Chu Hsi school began
by examining the external world, and this determined their conception of li as heaven of nature. Because the exponents of the
school endeavoured t o permeate Cotlfucianism with Buddhist
thought they began by looking inward upon themselves, but defined
their theory of li as the mind in an attempt to modify Buddhism
with Confucian teaching. Irrespective of the validity of this
distinction, there is no doubt that the Neo-Confucian doctrine of
mind and the advocacy of concentration of mind were influenced
by Buddhism. The controversy raging within Buddhist society
"n~erning sudden and gradual enlightenment is reflected "in the
114
China
comprehended. Yet several doctrines central to Buddhism, such
as reincarnation and the concept of heavens and hells, have no place
in Neo-Confucianism. The Neo-Confucian emphasis on the problems
of society is in marked contrast to the Buddhist indifference to the
fate of society. Buddhist ascetism and pessimism is very different
from the Neo-Confucian optimism. Unlike Buddhism, Neo-Confucianism neither counsels withdrawal from life nor regards it as evil.
Neo-Confucianism displays a strain of idealism, a heightened
social conscience that has been missing in the state archaism of the
T'ang Confucian scholarship. The new ideal of the Confucian
scholar was "one who is first in worryixg about the world's troubles and last in enjoying its pleasures . . . " This maxim became
an article of political faith deeply imprinted in the mind of the
scholar class. This element of ethical universalism which found
expression in the new Confucianism was appropriated from
Mahayana Buddhism. It cast in secular terms the bodhisattva idea
so eloquently stated by Santideva: "May I become an unfailing
store for the wretched and be the first to supply them with the
manifold things of their need. My own self and my pleasures, all
my righteousness, past, present and future, I sacrifice without
regard, in order to achieve the welfare of all beings."97
As an intellectual movement, Neo-Confucianism drew the
attention of the educated Chinese away from Buddhism back t o the
Confucian classics. However, this Neo-Confucianism was influenced
by Buddhism in more ways than one. The Indian religion had
become so intimate a part of the intellectual makeup of the Chinese
that it was impossible for the Sung thinkers to give up Buddhism
entirely. While the Neo-Confucianists used terms found in the
Confucian classics, they interpreted those terms in the light of the
jominant Buddhist atmosphere, and the Neo-Confucian system
would be incomprehensible to one not familiar with the prevailing
Buddhist ideas of the age.98
Taoism also leaned heavily on Buddhism, and, in fact, was far
more affected by Buddhist ideas. The Taoists had no notion of their
system as a religion until they appropriated the idea from the
Buddhists. Having done so, they decided t o imitate the Buddhist
example. They borrowed their views on cosmology from Buddhism,
as well as their pantheon, their literature, and their doctrines:
"Instead of Taoism swallowing up Buddhism, as was feared at the
end of the Han Dynasty, the Taoists were themselves overwhelmed
116
. . . the
118
China
Biography of Emperor Mu, which comprises the barest possible
outlines of stories, can be cited as an example of Chinese writing
of the pre-Buddhist period. By contrasting this work with Wu
Cheng-en's Hsi Yu Chi, the great romantic novel written after
Buddhist influence had permeated Chinese literature, the enormous
contribution of Indian imaginative literature to creative writing in
China is apparent.
The literary masterpiece of the Budddist poet Asvagosa,
~uddhacharita-kavya, translated into Chinese by Dharmaraksha,
influenced not only Chinese Buddhism but Chinese literature as
well. The long Chinese poems, A Heroine of the Molan and the
Peacock Flying towards the South-east, reflect the style of Buddhist
literature. The novels and dramas of the Yuan and Ming
dynasties were influenced by Buddhism, either directly or indirectly.
China has no epic poetry; but what is the most surprising feature
of the history of Chinese literature is the conspicuous absence of
fiction until almost the end of the eighth century. The Chinese
sense of realism was so intense that there was hardly any mythology
in ancient China, and they have produced few fairy tales of
their own. Most of their finest fairy tales were orginally brought
to China by Indian monks in the first millennium. The Buddhists
used them t o make their sermons more agreeable and lucid. The
tales eve2tually spread throughout the cou.?try, assuming a Chinese
appearance conformable t o their new erlvironment. For example,
the stories of the Chinese plays such as A Play of Thunder-Peak, A
Dream of a Butterfly, and A Record of Southern Trees were of
Buddhist origin.
Many ghost stories were written during the Three Kingdoms
and Chin periods (220-419), a time when China was passing
through a succession of wars and natural disasters, and even the
ultrarealistic Chinese were receptive to some kind of emotional
escape. Buddhist influence on the rise of story-telling can be seen
in the collections of tales published in the period of the NorthernSouthern dynasties : for example, Yuan Hun Chi (Accounts of
Avenging Spirits) by Yen Chih-tui, and Ming Hsiang Chi
(Records of Mysterious Manifestations) by Wang Yen. But the
fables which became so popular in western Asia, Europe, and
did not find acceptance in China. The Chinese did not
much care for animals who assumed human characteristics.
The stories found in the Buddhist sutras were changed into
120
122
China
to indicate the pronunciation of the third character was, no
doubt, the result of Chinese knowledge of the Sanskrit alphabet.
previous to the fan ch'ieh system, the Chinese had endeavoured
to indicate the pronunciation of a character by the use of
homonyms, but the fan ch'ieh system combined the initial sound
of the first character with the final s o m d of the second t o indicate
ponunciation.
Indian art also reached China mainly through central Asia,
although some works of Buddhist art came by sea. Monks and
their retinues, and traders brought Buddha statues, models of
temples, and other objects of art to China. Chinese pilgrims also
enthusiastically collected works of art on their travels. Fa-hsien
made drawings of images while at Tamralipiti, Hsuan-tsang
returned with him several golder, and sandal wood figures of the
Buddha, and Hui-lun with a model of the Nalanda Mahavihara.
Wang Hsuan-tse, who went to India several times, collected many
drawings of Buddhist images, including a copy of the Buddha
image at Bodhgaya; this was deposited at the imperial palace
and served as a model of the image in KO-ngai-see temple. The
most famous icon of eastern Asian Buddhism, known as the
"Udayana" image, was reported t o have been brought by the
first Indian missionaries in 67, although there are various legends
associated with this image, and many scholars believe it was
brought by Kumarajiva. However, this influx of Indian art was
incidental and intermittent, and was destined to be absorbed by
Chinese art, which had a strong tradition of its own. This combination resulted in a Buddhist art of exceptional beauty.
There were three main centres of Buddhist art in China-Tunhuang, Yun-kang in the north of Shansi, and Lung-men near
Lo~ang. Tun-huang is located on the north-western frontier of
China near an oasis known as Yumen, or the Jade Gate, where
the northern and southern routes from central Asia converged.
For travellers to China it marked the last stage of an arduous
Journey, and it became a thriving centre for Buddhist activities.
During the fourth century, Tun-huang provided refuge t o
monks escaping from the upheavals prevalent in the
of northern China. These monks contributed t o Tun-huang's
'm~ortanceas a centre of Buddhist learning. For accommodation
dug cave monasteries in the hillsides. The earliest dated cave
was built bv a monk, Lo-tsun in 366, although Tun-huang
rest
126
128
China
129
130
China before the period of the Wei and Chin dynasties. q-he
earliest known opera, po-tow (The Wedge), is reported to have
been introduced from India. By the end of the period of the
Northern and Southern dynasties, several musical instruments
had been introduced into China through central Asia. Many
foreign instruments also came during the T'ang period, and the
stringed instrument ya-cheng played by rubbing the strings with
a slip of bamboo, came through Tibet. The Chinese hu-ch'in, a
foreign importation, is exactly like the two-stringed sitara of India.
A popular stringed musical instrument of the time, the kiung-hou,
came from India during the Han period. The Chinese guitar,
called the p i p'a, which was another popular instrument during
the Han and T'ang dynasties, possibly came from India.
, Indian music was at one time so popular in China that
Emperor Kao-tsu (581-595) tried unsuccessfully to proscribe it by
an Imperial decree. His successor Yang-ti was also very fond of
Indian music. In Chinese annals references are found to
visiting Indian musicians, who reached China from India, Kucha,
Kashgar, Bokhara, and Cambodia. Even Needham, the wellknown advocate of Chinese cultural and scientific priority, admits
"Indian music came through Kucha t o China just before the Sui
period and had a great vogue there in the hands of exponents such
as Ts'ao Miao-ta of Brahmanical origin."ll5
By the end of the sixth century Indian music had been given
state recognition. During the T'ang period, Indian music was
quite popular, especially the famous Rainbow Garment Dance
melody. There were Indian, central Asian, and southeast Asian
orchestras at the T'ang court, and each year the emperor invited
musical parties from abroad. A contemporary Chinese poet, Po
Chu-yi, wrote a poem in praise of Indian music. "It is little
wonder.", an official publication of the Chinese Republic says, ''that
when a Chinese audience today hears Indian music they feel that
while possessing a piquant Indian flavour it has a remarkable
affinity with Chinese music."l16 However, Chinese music has
always retained its own character and values.
One reason for the early success of Buddhism was the
Chinese fascination for Buddhist science and knowledge of elixers
and practices that were thought to promote longevity or produce
levitation. However, the history of the migration of Buddhism to
China has not yet been seriously examined with a view to tracing
China
the exchange of scientific ideas; the study of the history of
~ ~ d i science
an
itself has hardly begun. Broadly speaking, there
are two reasons for this: the interest in Buddhist religion and
which constitute the more fascinating and spectacular
side of the story, has been, understandably, too concentrated t o
allow specific investigation of the secondary concepts relating to
science; and, second, such a study would require exceptional
scholarship, including competence in several languages, such as
Chinese, Sanskrit, Pali, Persian, plus a keen sense and understanding of history and philosophy, and a thorough knowledge of
science. Joseph Needham, in his multi-volunle history of
Chinese science, alludes to Indian ideas, but only very briefly and
he has used a limited range of sources. He prefers to rely on
Chinese materials and some well known but hopelessly out of date
Indian commentaries, such as V.A. Smith for Indian history and
G.R. Kaye for Indian mathematics. Perhaps the limitations
of an arbitrary selection of Indian references, more than his
generous disposition towards China and his reliance on Chinese
sources, which were disinclined to admit t o any substantial
"barbarian" influence on Chinese achievement, have tilted his
scientific objectivity towards China.'17
A major Buddhist influence on Chinese scince was in scientific
thought itself. Buddhist concepts, such as the infinity of space
and time, and the plurality of worlds and of time-cycles or kalpas
chieh), had a stimulating effect on Chinese inquiry, broadening
he Chinese outlook and better equipping it to investigate
scientific problems. For example, the Indian doctrine of pralayas,
)r recurrent world catastrophes in which sea and land were turned
lpside down before another world was recreated to go through
he four cycles-differentiation (clz'eng), stagnation (chu), destruction
huai), and emptiness (kung) -- and which was later adopted by Neo-onfucianists, was responsible for the Chinese recognition of the
rue nature of fossils long before they were understood in Europe.
$gain, the Indian doctrine of karma (tso-yeh) or metempsychosis,
Influenced Chinese scientific thought on the process of biological
:hange involving both phylogeny and ontogeny. Buddhist
Iconography contained a biological element. Buddhism also
Introduced a highly developed theory of logic, both formal and
jialectical, and of epistemology.
Tantric Buddhism, which reached China in the eighth century
1
132
that this work also contained a table of sines, which were typically
~ndian. I-hsing was associated with the Kumara school and was
much influenced by Indian astronomy. In 720 he was employed
by the emperor to revise the calendar. While I-hsing's works o n
mathematics have been lost and the exact nature of his work is not
known, lndian influence can be seen in the nine planets he
introduced into his calendar, Ta-j;en-li. The nine planets included
the sun, moon, five known planets, and two new planets, Rahu
and Ketu, by which the Indian astronomers represented the
ascending and descending nodes of the moon. I-hsing organized
an astronomical expedition to the southern seas to chart stars that
could not be seen in China, and he also conducted a very valuable
project for measuring latitudes. He made measurements in ecliptic
coordinates, constructed amillary spheres with ecliptically mouated
sighting-tubes, and a h o invented the first escapement for a
mechanical clock.119
Evidence of Indian influence on C h i ~ e s emedicine is even more
definite. A number of lndian medical treatises are found in
Chinese Buddhist collections: for example, the Ravanokumaratantra
and Kasyapasamhita. From its very inception Buddhism stressed
the importance of health and the prevention and cure of mental
and physical ailments. Indeed, the Buddha is credited with some
miracle cures, and he described his teaching as a therapy for the
ills of the world. The main emphasis of Buddhism has always
been on the relief of pain and suffering. An important bodhisattva
in the pantheon was Bhaishajyaguru, the master of medicine.
There were always many Buddhist monks noted for their medical
skills. Indian medical texts were widely known in central Asia,
where parts of the original texts on Ayur Veda have been found as
well as numerous translations.
A basic doctrine of Indian Ayurvedic medicine is that of the
tridhatus (tridoshas) or organic functions and disturbance.
The elementary substances of the universe also make up
the human body and the proper equilibrium of these elements
ensures good health. Malady o r disease occurs when this equilibrium is disturbed, and the function of medicine is to restore the
right balance. The Chinese adopted this theory, as is seen in the
writings of one of the leading T'ang physicians, Sun Ssumiao,
who, despite his adherence to Taoism, was nicknamed the "new
Vimalakirti" because of his interest in Buddhist medicine. In his
134
China
sound mind in a sound body, taught the monks in the Shao-lin
temple this style of boxing for self-defence and for rejuvenating
the body after exacting meditation and mental concentration.
During the first millennium Indian racing games reached
China. The well-known expert on the history of Chinese games,
Karl Himly, on the authority of a passage from the Hun Tsun Su,
a work of the Sung period (960-1279), suggests that the Chinese
game T'shu-p'u was invented in western India and spread to China
in the time of the Wei dynasty (220-265). T'shu-p'u is in fact the
Chinese adaptation of the Indian chatuslz-pada (modern chaupur).
Chess was introduced from India ca. 700 through the ancient trade
route from Kashmir. The oldest and best of the native Chinese
games, wei-ch'i, did not appear until 1000.123Cubical dice (ch'u-p'i
or yu-p'i), although found in ancient Egypt as well as in India, are
generally believed t o have reached China from lndia, possibly quite
early. Arthur Waley is of the opinion that the prominence of the
number six in the Book of Changes was derived from the six sides
of cubical dice.124
During this period of Sino-Indian contact, one would expect
to find some Chinese influence on India, but there is little evidence
of such influence. Since the overwhelming majority of the scholars
and monks who travelled between the two countries were Indians
going to China, China quite naturally assimilated more Indian
culture than vice versa. Most of the Indian monks who went t o
China settled there permanently, aqd consequently India did not
have the opportunity of exposure to the knowledge these monks
had acquired in China. The lndian monks felt their primary loyalty
to Buddhism and went where they thought they were most needed.
Historical accounts tell us that these monks lived aad worked until
their death in the temple cells of China, on a simple vegetarian
diet, carefully translating and interpreting Buddhist texts. They
were above worldly temptation and the very nature of their faith
precluded attachment to either nation or family.
By contrast, the Chinese monks and pilgrims who came t o
India returned home, thus disseminating Indian ideas in their
country. They returned, not necessarily because of nationalism,
but because of their sense of duty t o transmit their newly gained
knowledge t o those people in China who were not able t o undertake similar journeys. Moreover, many of the Chinese travellers
to India were simply pilgrims, who could not be expected to have
136
138
140
142
143
144
145
146
147
they were an integral part of the cosmos. They did not consider
. .*-A
r--existence and the
bv
themselves in any way separa~cu I~~~~~ --smic
life was understood
rhythm of nature. The meaning of human
in terms of man's relation t o the kami, who would "enable" men
to act in their behalf.
Chinese thought and religious practice played some part
- ....
L-A
~ ~ , ~ ~ intn
~ ~ methods
Q t ~ r l
in pre-SudUhlst Japan, OUL L I I C ~ C I I ~ U
----- - of divination. It was only after Japan had been exposed to
Confucian ethics with a metaphysical background, as modified
by Buddhist thought, that Chinese ideas made an impact on the
Japanese mind. Confucianism gained popularity with the royal
court, and was later to exercise a real influence on Japanese legal
and educational institutions, and to contribute a systematic method
of teaching morality. Taoist thought also had some influence
on Japan, but it was never very significant. Real advances in
Japanese thought
and civilization were made only after the advent
of Buddhism.
With Buddhism came its rich heritage of learning in arts and
sciences, letters and philosophy, which inspired higher ideals and
encouraged indigenous art and literature. Buddhism provided
a wealth of material for metaphysical speculation, satisfying
Japanese yearnings for the unseen. Indeed, it gave them a clear
and deep insight into a profound mysticism hitherto unknown
to them. It resulted in the development of elaborate methods of
spiritual training and the organization of ecclesiastical institutions,
and led to the teaching of a system of cosmology and eschatology.
The Mahayana form of Buddhism that was introduced into Japan
had acquired various ideas and practices on its journey from India
across central Asia, China, and Korea, but Japan was able to
impress upon it a distinctive Japanese character.
While there is general agreement that Buddhism first came to
Japan from Korea, the records differ as to the exact date of its
advent. Buddhist figures have been found on bronze mirrors
dating from about 300, but it is not certain whether their real
significance was known to the Japanese at the time. The first
known prominent Buddhist is Shiba Tachito, who went to Japan
as a refugee in 522. Later his family produced more eminent
Buddhists, including the first Japanese Buddhist nun and the
greatest artist of the seventh century, Tori, who cast the m a i ~
i ~ a g eof the Horyuji Temple at Nara,
I .-A
r ~ - - -
148
150
151
common man, but Japan had developed her own scholars and
leaders. The constant flow of ideas from China during this period
stimulated a rapid cultural progress. Examining the historical
contribution of these sects, it is found that their major role was the
introduction of the academic study of Buddhism into Japan; as
centres of Buddhist propaganda among the masses they were
unsuccessful. The government regarded their purpose in society
still very much the same as what i t was before. They were t o
conduct rites and services for the protection of the nation, the
imperial family and aristocracy and to promote culture and study.
From the historical development point of view, it is possible t o
regard the Nara period as merely representing the transfer of
Buddhist institutions to Japanese soil. By the end of the era,
the six Nara sects remained alien implants apparently exerting
imperceptible and enormous influence upon Japanese thought and
society. Certain basic Buddhist attitudes towards life were assimilated that left indelible marks upon succeeding generations.
One such view was the nascent comprehension of the transitory
and illusory nature of human life. Such views of impermanence
represented a drastic change in Japanense t h 0 ~ g h t . l ~ ~
The origin of the Japanese educational system began in
Buddhist temples, and the introduction of medicine, hospitals and
dispensaries are similarly traced to Nara Buddhism. Even farm
implements were improved under the patronage of travelling
Buddhist priests; as well as on the vast temple holdings. Not
only did they help to improve agriculture, thus methods of living,
but they also brought about changes in methods of disposing of
the dead. Cremation began t o become popular. It well suited
Shinto concepts of purification and also served the pratical purpose of preserving scarce agricuitural lands. Buddhist funeral
rites gradually developed under indigenous influence and evolved
into the cults of Jizo bosatsu (Ksitigarbha) and Emma (Yama).
But even more important were the gradual changes in social
attitudes. The abandonment of hunting for pleasure and meat
eating, along with the skilful development of vegetarian cooking,
became Japanese characteristics.
In 794, a grandiose new capital was built at Heian, modern
Kyoto, a few miles north of Nara. The capital of Japan remained in Kyoto until 1868 when it was moved to Tokyo. With the
change of capitals a new phase in Buddhist activity began and new
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
duced the use of the mantra formula, namu myoho renge kyo
(homage to the Sutra of the Lotus of the True Law), the recitation
of which could give men the power to fuse themselves with eternal
life. Because of his rudeness and violent expressions, Nichiren
was frequently in trouble with the authorities, and his story is a
long catalogue of persecution, although he always miraculously
;scaped.
These Buddhist sects were not free from rivalry and conflict,
and disputes between monasteries were at times settled by force
of arms. There was much antagonism betweem the followers of
Nichiren and those of Shinran in the last half of the fifteenth
century, mainly because Buddhism in Japan was too closely
associated with the political and social affairs of the country.
Consequently, during periods of political upheaval, religious
leaders combined religious ambition with the contest for power.
Buddhism in Japan has often been a major political force and, as
in the Fujiwara period (858-1068), even threatened the sovereignty
of the state. Buddhist militancy, as reflected both in sectarian
disagreements and interference in power-politics, was also
conditioned by the prevalent feudal divisions, wh'ch became more
pronounced in times of political agitation.
However, it would be wrong to characterize Japanese
Buddhism as militant or aggressive, because if this were true, its
missionary activities would have invited military reaction and its
highly developed philosophy and intellectual equipment would
have crushed many primitive beliefs, mythologies, and superstitious traditions. It nevzr declared a holy war, jihad (crusade),
although for patriotic reasons, Japanese Buddhism has sanctioned
national wars as crusades for peace and good will on earth.
Because of its spirit of accommodation, Buddhism did not
encounter sustained hostility from traditional beliefs, except for
brief occasional spells.
Although both Buddh'sm and Shinto have survived and have
interacted on each other, there has been, in marked contrast to
China, no persecution of "foreign" Buddhism by the "nationalistic" Shinto. Shinto is a Chinese word (Shen-tao) and means
c
way of the spirits"; in Japanese it is called Kami no Michi.
Buddhism adopted a characteristic policy of tolerance and
assimilation towards Shinto. It accepted the Shinto cult of
ancestor worship, and the Shinto deities or Kamis-Kami has a
6
162
163
164
165
I66
167
First of all, there would be 110 painting, sculpture, architecture, or even music and drama. Following this, all the
minor branches of art would also disappear-landscape gardening, tea ceremony, flower arrangement, and fencing (which
may be classed as art since it is the art of spiritual training
and defence of oneself against the enemy, morally as well
as physically). The industrial arts would also vanish, the
first impetus to which was given by B~ddhism.1~'
168
169
170
171
of imrnanse power and was used for averting and conquering evil.
He is worshipped as bestower of riches and power as well as for
Gonquering evil. Ganesha is worshippcd as Sho-ten (literally,
holy god) in many Buddhist temples, and is believed to confer
happiness upon his devotees. One of the most popular gods of
~induism,he was worshipped in many Asian countries. In China
172
174
175
Buddhist temple,
Bodh Gays, 5-6th century A.D., India.
Head of a Bodhisattva,
stucco, Mingoi, 8-10th century A.D., Chinese Turkestan.
Wooden statue of Bodhisattva,
8th century A.D., Chinese Turkestan.
Bodhisattva Manjusri,
Tibetan Bronze, 18th century A D.
Padmasambhava,
Tibetan bronze, 18-19th century A.D.
Kichijo-ten (Mahasri),
painted clay, Todaiji, 8th century A.D., Japan.
Hanuman masks at the So-sho-in collection, Nara, 8th century A.D., Japan.
Ba-ra-mon (Brahman),
Bugaku masks in the So-sho-in collectiorr
Nara, 8th century A.D., Japan.
177
of this period were so brilliant that even today Nara is the most
impressive site in Japan from an artistic standpoint. Typical of
the excellence of the Nara art is the nine foot seated bronze
Buddha, attended by the sun and moon.
Japan by this time had matured artistically and had developed
indigenous traditions. Furthermore, her contact with China was
broken off around the end of the ninth century. Japanese art
began t o assume its own character with the paintings of Kanaoka
Kose, who flourished in the ninth century and who is traditionally
regarded as Japan's greatest painter. He painted secular scenes
as well as Buddhist subjects. Genshin, better known as Eshin
Sozu (942-I017), is particularly associated with the beautific vision
of the Amitabha Buddha. He was a profound thinker and held
the view that the Buddha-nature was inherent in everyone and
that by contemplation of the innermost depths of the soul, a
manifestation of the Buddha's wisdom and power could be
realized. This philosophy gradually led him to concentrate o n
Amida Buddha, and he painted the Pure Land in graceful lines
and harmonious colours. Indeed, the surviving pictures of the early
period are all Buddhist, though the artists also painted secular
themes.
Kamakura painting, which is the most truly national, was
deeply inspired by Buddhism. Nobuzane, one of the outstanding
masters of the period, is famous for a series of portraits of poets,
but his masterpiece is the portrait of the Buddhist saint Kukai
depicted as a child kneeling upon the lotus. The great bronze
Buddha Daibutsu, although an emulation of Nara style, is in fact
characteristic of the art of the period, reflecting the mood of
Amidism as influenced by the widening of Buddhist consciousness.
Temple architecture of the Kamakura period witnessed a variety of
styles, some incorporating Nara features, and some influenced by
the emergence of Zen Buddhism, which became the premier spiritual
force in Japanese life during the Murornachi period (1336-1753).
Zen Buddhist influence on art can be seen on the ink paintings of
the period, including the extensive work done by the Zen monk
Sesshu (1420-1 506), and the paintings of arlzats or Buddhist sages
by Mincho (or Cho Densu) (1251-1427). The Zen emphasis on
contemplation reduced the importance of icons in religious
wohrship. Consequently, sculpture declined in importance.
After this period the influence of Buddhism, which had been
178
179
180
its long journey from the Nara period Bugaku has influenced the
music of Japan in a variety of ways, including the national anthem
as well as the Kuroda-bushi, a popular drinking song. Thes:
court dances and music are now extinct in India, their original
home.
Japanese dance music is composed of eight, possibly more,
pieces: Bosatsu, Garyobin, Konju, Bairo, Bato, Riowo (or Roy-o),
Ama Ninomai, and Banshuraku. Some of these names can be easily
traced to Indian origins; for example, Bosatsu is the Japanese
adaptation of bodhisattva, Bairo of Bhairava, GarJ,objn of
Kalavjnka, a sonorous, sweet voiced bird. The Riowo dance,
according to the famous scholar Takakusu, is a part of an ancient
Indian opera, Nagananda (The Joy of the Snake) written by Emperor
Harsha. I-tsing, during his pilgrimage to India. saw a performance
of this music-drama and presumably it was he who brought it back
t o China, from where it was later transmitted to Japan.
The no plays of Japan were developed from what was called
Dengaku-no-woh, meaning field-music performance. The no owes
its present form to two men: Kanami (1333-1384), who was a
priest of the Kasuga Temple near Nara, and his son Zeami
(1363-1443) who was an outstanding actor, author, and composer.
The intricate term yugen meaning "what lies beneath the surface",
which occurs throughout Zeami's writings, is derived from Zen
literature. During the sixteenth century, comic interludes called
kyogen were incorporated in the traditional no performances.
Kyogen was the name of secular entertainments given to relieve the
strain of long religious ceremonies and the term implies a prayer
to the Buddha that the chatter of the mountebank may be
transformed into a hymn of praise.
Certain analogies between Indian drama and the Japanese no
play have been pointed out. Just as Indian drama was origin all^
a combination of song and dance performed for inspiration at
sacred festivals, so was the Japanese no. Again, the development
of Indian drama was from narrative recitation to dialogue, first
sung then spoken, just as in Japan the recitative of the ''tonsured
lutist" was followed by the sung and spoken dialogue of the
Furthermore, in Indian drama the narrative connection was
preserved by interpreters whose function closely resembled that of
the chorus in Japanese no. Both dramas were performed in the
open courts o f palaces o r temples, and artificial scenery Was
\
i8l
182
183
185
c. 2 5 0 B.C.
..-......-
derivative< frnm
9.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
r\r:-:,,i
r-..
Later, during the Tang period, a new term, Yin-tu o r In-tu was used.
16' The term Shen-tu can be philologically related to the word Sindhu
(Indus). See B. Karlgren, Analytical Dictionary of Chinese, No. 869.
Waley, The Way and Its Power, pp. 1 14-15 .
18.
The other main schools of ancient Chinese thought were those of Mo-tzu;
the so-called School of Names (ming-chis); the Yin-Yang school; and
T
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
_I.__.
IT-
-.
..
.
r,.6..na~ L U I uodana
~
or Khotana. A chinese nam,
.
perhaps a more learned form, was Kiu-sa-ta-na, Kustana. rz.found in old Kharosthi documents are Kustana, Khotana, '""versions
.,.. .
Khodana, and
Sambhota is theSanskrit title meaning the good Bhotiya or T
The Tibetans call their country Bod from which is derived ~ ibetan.
hby ~
which name Indians called Tibet. The inhabitants of Bhota were
known as Bhotias.
*is two wives were also canonized as incarnations of Avalokitesvara's
consort Tara, the goddess of mercy
*.ye ~ " ~ ~ s - w e nThe
t z , Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, P. 62.
Rene Grousset, A History of Chinese E'n~ire?P. 79Arthur Waley, The Way and Its Power, p. lL4.
P.C. hi, vide K.A. Nilakanta Sastri (ed.), A Com~rellen~ive
Hi.~rory
of India. V O ~11.766.
.
In Chinese the common term for India is Tien-&, which is a phonetic
corruption of Shen-tu as are the variants Kan-iu, - ~ j ~ . ? - ? ~ , fiienn-,oN,
thn
I --1
Ch'en, Buddlz i ~ in
~ China,
n
p. 425.
Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History, pp. 33-75.
HU Shih, Independence, Convergence, Borrowing, p. 225.
In the Tripitaka catalogues, their names are recorded.
Nanjio has listed the Tripitaka translators, both Chinese and foreign,
,
whose names occur in the Ming dynasty catalogue rendered into English
by him; these worked from the first century onwards. Among Nanjio's
names are several who are said to have come from the "western region",
and no doubt include monks from India.
The prefix chu is indicative of the Indian origin of the monks.
Many Buddhist texts no longer available in India in their original have
survived in their Chinese renderings.
These translations were made from Sanskrit texts. "In those days it was
not considered that the mere knowledge of languages sufficed to make a
man a 'translator' in any serious sense of the words; no one would have
undertaken to translate a text who had not studied it for long years at
the feet of a traditional and authoritative exponent of its teachings, and
much less would anyone have thought himself qualified to translatea
book in the teachings of which he did not believe". Vide A.K.
and Buddhism, P. 49.
Coomaraswamy, Hind~fisn~
Bagchi, India and China, p. 34.
Some Sinologists doubt the historicity of Bodhidhanna and claim that
he was invented to give Ch'an Buddhism an air of authenticity.
Some scholars assert that although a strong patron of Buddhism, Harsha
was not exactly a Buddhist ruler. He is called a Saiva in the Harsha
Charita of Bana. Possibly he developed leanings toward Buddhism under
Hsiian-tsang's influence, but he does not seem to have actually embraced
the faith. However, he practised extreme religious tolerance, building
temples for the Saivas, and monasteries for Buddhists; he was a brave
soldier and a great commander, as well as a generous patron of art and
learning, and a writer of repute. He erected a vihara and a bronze temple
at the Nalanda University as well as several thousand stupas on the banks
of the River Ganga. Like Ashoka, he was responsible for a variety of
humanitarian and public welfare activities and establishments.
There was another Bodhiruci who worked in northern China from 508 to
536. His original name was Dharmaruci, but was changed to Bodhiruci
by order of the Empress, Wu Tso-thien.
There are records of earlier pilgrims but little is known about them.
Tao-pu, Fa-sheng, Fa-wei, Tao-yo, and Tao-tai.
It is said that when he found that Harsha had died, and his throne had
been usurped by his minister, he secured the military help of Nepal and
Tibet, which were bound in matrimonial alliance with each other and
Tibet also with China, and defeated the usurper, Arunasva, taking him as
a prisoner to China.
A set of the Liao edition of the Tripitaka was presented to Korea. Later,
on the eve of printing their second edition of the canon, the Koreans
made a comparison of the three editions-the Sung, Liao, and the first
Korean-and found that the Khitan version was more accurate and
comprehensive than the other two.
192
45.
46.
- r
-"..
rl-f.-:*-
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
--ml..-&:rr-
-+
nrars-t
The last imperial patron of Chan Buddhism in China was Emperor Yingcheng (1723-1736).
Many Buddhist paintings, especially lamaistic,
executed during the
reign of Chien-lung (1736-1796).
Edward Conze, B ~ ~ d d l ~ ivide
s m , GUYWint (ed.), Asia: A Handbook.
H.G. Creel, Chitzese Thought, P. 228.
Holmes Welch, Buddhism Under Mao, pp. 7-8.
Ibid., p. 9.
G.P. Malalasekhara, "Nirvana or Fulfilment", in Main Currents in
Modern Thought (New York), 16.3: 51-52 (January, 1960), cited in
Holmes Welch, Buddhism Under Moo, p. 556.
Holmes Welch, ibid., p. 362.
Ch'en, Buddhism'in China, p. 469.
Holmes Welch, ibid., p. 373.
Grousset, Rene, Chinese Art and Culture, p. 137.
Cited Ziircher, Buddhist Conq~cestof China, vol. 1, pp. 256 and 258.
Kenneth K .S. Ch'en, The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism, p. 18.
Taisho Tr@itaka, 39, 505a, cited Ch'en, op.cit., p. 29.
Ch'en, The Chinese Tra~zsforn~ation
of Buddhisnl, p. 60.
Wolfram Eberhard, A History of China, pp. 142-43.
The Kao seng-chuan (the "Biographies of Eminent Monks") which was
compiled around 530 by the monk Hui-chiao, is a work which, despite
shortcomings, remains the most important source for the history of early
gentry Buddhism.
Wright, B1tddhistninClzineseHistory,p.53.
Ibid., pp. 50-51, 62.
Ch'en, The Chinese Ttansforn~ationof Buddhism, p. 151.
Ibid., pp. 68-69.
Wright, Buddhisnz in Chinese History, p . 60.
Ziircher, Buddhist Conquest of China, P. 264.
Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History, p. 83.
Hu Shih, Independence, ChWe~gence,Borrowing$ p. 226.
Confucian historians have insisted that the edict
446 was due to the
.
Hindu Architecture in India and Abroad* V1, 367.
113 p . ~Acharya,
the Tun114. The earliest Chinese music manuscript Yet known* found
haung caves, belongs to the T'ang period.
115. J. Needham, Science and Civilization in Chitla, 1,213-I 14.
116. Cllinese Literature, 4th issue, 1955, P. 164.
117. However, as the work progresses and if Needham finds further evidence'
he does sometimes revise his opinion in subsequent volumes, e.g. concerning the trigonometric tables. See Needham, Science and Civilization
China, IV, Part 1, 51, footnote (a).
118. Needham, Science and ~ i v i ~ i z a t i oinnchina, 119419-26.
119. Ibid., 111, 202.
120. Needham, who finds it hard to adduce definite proof of Indian influence
on Chinese science, says: "It is probable that drugs such as Chaulmoogra oil, used for leprosy, which have been for many centuries in
Chinese pharmacopoeia, were of Indian origin." Ibid., I , 212.
121. F.H. Garrison, An Introduction to the History of Medicine, p. 73.
122. Ch'en, Buddhism in China, p. 483. Hua T'o of the Han dynasty is often
referred to in his biography as the father of Chinese surgery because of his
surgical exploits, which included a laparotomy with anesthesia, amputation of an infected portion of the intestines, then suturing the opening
and applying some ointment to the wound. On another occasion he is
said to have operated on the head of a patient. These exploits remind
one of the surgical accomplishments of the Indian physician Jivaka, who
was a contemporary of the Buddha, and whose deeds had come to be
known to the Chinese through the translations of An Shih-kao in the
second century. The earliest biography of Hua T'o appeared in the
Wei-Chih of Ch'en Shou (233-297), which suggests that the operations
reputedly performed by Hua T'o were but echoes of those of Jivaka.
123. H.J.R. Murray, A History of Board Games, p. 36.
124. Cited in Needham, Science and Civilization in China, l V , Part 1 , 328.
125. Suniti Kumar Chatterji, "India and China: Ancient Contact", The
Jourrral ofthe Asiatic Society, I (I), 1259, pp. 98-104.
126. The modern Indian names for Pear and peach are different: they are
naspati and adu respectively,
+--nqlated into Sanskrit, although the
127. This was the only Lnlncss wvln ,,,,,.
Sanskrit version has not yet been found.
128. I t is from the name of this dvnastv that the name of the country, Korea,
is derived.
D . Bethune McCartee, a well-known American scholar, writes: "The art
of spelling was invented neither by the Chinese nor by the Japanese. Its
introduction into both these countries (and, as we are convinced, in Corea
. the early Buddhist
as well), was the result of the labours of
missionaries. I n all the three countries . the system of spelling is most
undoubtedly of Sanskrit origin." Cited in W.E. Griffis, Corea-The
Hermit Nation, p. 338.
130. In 607, a Japanese mission visited China, and a year later the Chinese
sent a return mission. The Japanese emperor addressed the Chinese
emperor, Tang-ti, of the Sui dynasty as "the Emperor of East respectfully
'
nq.:..---
-..-w~
..
. .
196
greets the Emperor of the West", but the Chinese emperor returned -the
Emperor greets the sovereign of Wa". Wa was the old name of Japan.
The ancient religion of Japan did not have a name, but after the
introduction of Buddhism, it was called Shinto to distinguish .it from
other creeds.
Yamato is now a province in central Japan, but at the time it meant
the whole of central Japan. Until Tokyo was made the capital of the
country in 1869, the seat of government and the imperial residence were
always in that part of the country.
In Japan the reigning queen in her own right is designated as "Emperor
to distinguish her from the queen consort, who is addressed as
"Empress".
The present temple is not really the original, since it has been rebuilt
many times on the original plan.
Daigan & Alicia Matsunaga, Fo~rndationof Japanese Buddhism, p. 136.
Ibid., pp. 303-305.
He died at Kongobuji, the leading monastery of the Shingon sect, but
his followers believe he did not die but merely entered into Izyuji, eternal
sunladhi. At a fixed time a properly qualified high priest comes and
changes Kulai's gown in the inner sanctuary where he is believed to be
staying in meditation,
A. Toynbee & D . Ikeda, Choose Life: A Dialogue, p. 139.
Matsunaga, Foundation of Japanese Buddhism, Vol. I, pp. 3-4.
D.C. Holtom, Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism, p. 129.
Matsunaga, Foundation of Japanese Buddhism, pp . 7-8
H. Nakamura, Japan and Indian Asia, p. 8.
D. Suzuki in Chaman La1 (ed.), India and Japan, p. 1 1 .
Nakamura, Japan and Indian Asia, p. 3.
The Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu and the Vijnaptimatratasiddhi of
Dharmapala have become known to the West only through the French
translations by L . de la Vallee Poussin, whereas in Japan numerous
treatises have been composed upon them.
Even the bibliography appended to the Itnmyo Z~rigenki (The Origin of
Buddhist Logic) written by Hotan in the first half of the eighteenth
century includes eighty-four Japanese works of logic.
Lokesh Chandra, An ZlZustrated Japanese Manuscript on Mudras and
Mantras, p. 4.
The Sanskrit original of the poem runs as follows:
Sarve Samskarah anityah
Utpadavayadharminah
Tesam vyupasamah sukham
Avadad mahasramanah.
The Sanskrit verse is based on the last words of the Buddha in the S"tr*
8nd its English rendering would be:
49.
[50.
151.
52.
153.
54.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
198
Bibliography
Allen, G.F., The Buddl~u'sPlzilosophy, London, 1959.
Anesaki, Masaharu, Buddhist Art, Boston, 1915.
--,History of Japanese Religion, Tokyo, 1963. First published
London, 1930.
--, Nichiren, The Buddhist Prophet, Cambridge, Mass., 1949.
Anuruddha, R.P., An Introduction into Lamaism, Hosiarpur, 1959.
Aston, W.G., Shinto : The way of the Gods, London, 1905.
Bagchi, Prabodha Chandra, India and Central Asia, Calcutta, 1955.
-,India and China, 2nd ed., New York, 1951. First published
Calcutta, 1927.
Bailey, H.W., Indo-Scytlzian Studies, Vol. IV, Cambridge,
1961-1963.
Bakshi, D.N., Hindu Divinities in Japanese Buddhist Pantheon,
Calcutta, 1979.
Bapat, P.V. (ed.), 2500 years of Buddhism, Delhi, 1956.
Barthold, V.V.. Four Studies on the History of Central Asia,
translated from the Russian by V . Minorsky and T . Minorsky,
Leiden, 1956-1962.
- -, Le decouverte de L' Aise; histoire de l'orientalisme en Europe
et en Russie, Paris, 1947.
Barua, Benimadhab, A History of Pre-Buddhist Philosophy,
Calcutta, 1921.
Beal Samuel, Buddhisn? in China, London, 1884.
--, (tr.), Si- Yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World,
2 vols., London, 1884. (From the Chinese o f Hiven Tsiang,
A.D. 629.)
, Travels of Hirlen Tsiang,Vols. I-IV, Calcutta, 191 1.
Bell, Sir Charles, The Religion of Tibet, London, 1931.
Bhattacharya, Benoytosh Vinayanosha, T f ~ eIndian Buddhist
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/-
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--
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Geiger, W., The Maltavamsa, Vols. I and 11, London, 1912.
Gernet, Jacques, A History of Chinese Civilization, translated by
J.R. Foster, Cambridge, 1982.
Getty, Alice, Ganesa, New Delhi, 1974.
--, The Gods of Northern Buddhisnt, Tokyo, 1962. First published
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Giles, H.A., Confucianism and Its Rivals, London, 1915.
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--, (tr.), Tao Te Clzing, London, 1954.
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. "
.--- -'
n*,"xa,,
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e
ut
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~P
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9
T,
n-.--L!
rp-.-
204
Bibliography
205
--
206
Bibliography
207
--and
7-
208
1900.
--
210
--,A
Index
Amitabha : the Compassionate
Buddha;
cult of in China, 71, 103;
Architecture : Buddhist influence in
Central Asia, 16;
in Japan, 153;
in Korea, 142
Buddhist influence in China, 129;
Buddhist
influence in Japan,
175-178;
in Japan, temples, 149;
in Korea, 144
Arhat : ideal of Hinayana Buddhism,
7;
Art : Gandharan, Greek and Indian
elements of, 21-22;
Gandharan, Greek style in, 21;
Guptan, diffusion of, 22;
in China, Buddhist, 123-129;
in China, Centres of, 123, 127;
in Japan, Buddhist influence
on, 170, 175,-178;
in Korea, 144
Ashoka : Buddhist council of, 9;
Buddhist mission of, 9, 51;
promotes religion, 17;
visits Nepal, 26;
Balkh ; Buddhist centre, 16-18;
destroyed, 18;
visited by Hsiian Tsang, 16
Bamiyan : Buddhist centre, 17-18. See
also Tokharsetan
Bodhidharma :Indian monk in China,
62, 66-67;
introduces Dhyana, 104- 105
Boddhisattva : ideal of Mahayana
Buddhism, 8-9
212
sity, 156;
in Japan, extent of influence, 165;
in Japan, festivals, 165;
in Japan, Indian monks, 157;
in Japan, officially recognized,
148;
in Japan, periods of, 148;
in Japan, persecuted, 156;
in Japan, political activities, 161;
in Japan, reformers, 156-157;
in Japan, religious contribution,
147;
in Japan, sects of, 152, 157, 158;
in Japan. sect developed, 158-161;
in Japan, Shinto oppositions to,
164-65;
in Japan, study of philosophy of,
167;
in Japan, syncretism with Shinto,
161-163;
in Japan, under Prince Shomu,
150;
in Japan, under Prince, Shotoku,
148-150;
in Japan, Zen introduced, 153;
in Japan, Zen thought, 159, 160;
in Korea, adaptations of, 143;
in Korea, brought to Koguryu,
139:
,
to Pekche, 139;
in ~ o i e abrought
in Korea, brought to Silla, 140;
in Korea, Dliyana introduced, 141;
in Korea, Lamaism introduced,
141;
in Korea, modern, 147;
in Korea, monks, 140, 141;
in Korea, need filled, 143;
in Korea, routes of diffusion to,
139;
in Korea, secular activities, 143;
in Korea, Sillan centre of, 141;
in Karea, Son, 141;
in Korea, translations in, 145;
in Korea, under Japanese, 142;
in Korea, under Koryos, 141;
in Korea, under Yi Chosuns, 142;
in Korea diffusion of culture of,
144;
Mahayana, 3-6,7-9, 19, 23, 26, 59,
65, 102, 130-131, 147,178;
Vajrayana, 9
Central Asia : archaeological exploration of, 13-15;
art of, 22;
character of Buddhism in, 26;
Indian ideas reach, 16;
manuscripts of, 13, 15-16
see also Balkh, Bamiyan, Kasega,
Khotan, Kucha, Sir Aurel Stein,
Tokharestan
Chakravartin : in China, influence of,
92;
in India, concept of, 91;
China :art in, 123-129;
astronomy, 132;
Buddhist influence on, 116, 132;
Buddhist monks, 38,49, 51;
Buddhist influence on language of,
113, 122-123;
Buddhist influence on literature of,
60-61, 117-122;
Buddhist influence on medicine,
117, 133-134;
Buddhist influence on science, 130,
131;
contribution to Korea, 145;
culture, alien to Buddhism, 61, 70,
84;
development of Buddhist thought,
71, 84, 86;
during three kingtloms, 56;
early religion of, 44, 61;
early references by Indian literature,
38;
end of Indian contact, 69;
lndian influence on music, 129-130;
Indian influence on games in, 135;
Indian missionaries, 38, 51, 53, 54,
61,62,63-66, 69;
influence on India, 135-138;
literature of, 39, 50, 56, 117-121;
literature of, compared with Indian
literature,60;
mathematics, 132;
monks, 61, 62, 73-75;
musical theory, 129;
navigation, 43;
ports, 42;
Quietist period in, 38-39, 106-107;
relative tolerance under T'angs, 67,
91,96-98 ;
schools of philosophy of, 44-49, 59,
78, 102-111,
T'ang contact with India, 76;
theories of origin of name, 38;
trade, 39,40;
trade routes, 40-42;
values of, compared with lndian
values, 61. See also Confucius,
Confucianism,
Communism:
Taoism
Chinese Turkestan : Buddhist influence on, 20;
description of settlements, 19;
excavations of, 15;
influence of Buddhism, 19;
Indian influence on, 20;
see also Kashgar, Khotan
relation
with
Communism :
Buddhism, 78-80, 80-84
Confucius : disciples of, 44, 86, 90;
philosophy of, 45, 53;
social goals of, 45-46
Confucianism : attacks Buddhism,
79, 88,92,94,95-98;
compared to Taoism, 47;
decline of, 49, 56;
in Japan, 146;
In Japan, opposes Buddhism, 165;
in Korea, 142-143;
morality of, 89;
ranked first as state religion, 48;
shortcomings of, 53, 56, 85;
under Han dynasty, 48
Dalai Lama : influence on Tibet,
36, 37;
title conferred,36, see a l ~ oLamaism
Dharmaratna : among first Indian
missionaries to China, 62
214
in Japan, 182
Harsha : Indian king, patron of
Buddhism, 68
Hinayana : arhat, as ideal of, 7;
doctrines of, 7, 8;
See also Buddhism Hinayana
Hsiian-Tsang : Chinese novel about,
120;
contributions of 61, 66, 68, 73-74,
87,123;
founds Buddhist sects, 67, 102;
returns to China, 68, 123;
travels to India, 61, 68, 73-74;
on Chinese Turkestan, 21;
on Tokharestan, 16;
on Turfan 25;
India : art in Japan, 176;
Buddhism in, 2;
Chinese influence on, 136;
concept of Chakravartin in, 91;
contribution to Korea, 145;
contribution to Japanese divinities, 170-173;
ideas of resisted in China, 95;
influence on Chinese thought 102;
modern relation with China; 137;
138;
Mathematics, 132;
Music : Chinese, 129;
Japanese, 178-180;
in India, 129;
Musical instruments : 129;
Nagarjuna : contribution to Mahayana
philosophy, 102;
Nalanda : university at, 6, 31, 35, 6869, 73-75
appeal to Mencius, 109;
Neo-Confucianism : attempts to
match Buddhist thought, 109;
Buddhist elements of, 109;
Chang Tsai's version, 1I I ;
Chu-Hsi's school of, 11 1-114;
stimulated by Buddhism, 109-1 15;
Taoist elements in doctrines of
Sungs, 110;
Wang...
Yang-ming's
writings
in,
114;
216