Paths To Liberation PDF
Paths To Liberation PDF
Paths
to Liberation
The Marga and Its
Transformations in
Buddhist Thought
Edited by
5 4 3 2 1
The Kuroda Institute for the Study of Buddhism and Human Values is a nonprofit, edu
cational corporation founded in 1976. One of its primary objectives is to promote schol
arship on the historical, philosophical, and cultural ramifications of Buddhism. In association with the University of Hawaii Press, the Institute also publishes Classics in East
Asian Buddhism, a series devoted to the translation of significant texts in the East Asian
Buddhist tradition.
University of Hawaii Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the
guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources
Contents
vii
Preface
Conventions
IX
Introduction
Robert E. Buswell, Jr., and Robert M. Gimello
Theraviida Buddhist Soteriology and the Paradox of Desire
Grace G. Burford
Attainment through Abandonment:
The Sarviistivadin Path of Removing Defilements
Collett Cox
The Path to Perdition: The Wholesome Roots and
Their Eradication
Robert E. Buswell, Jr.
On the Ignorance of the Arhat
Padmanabh S. Jaini
Paths Terminable and Interminable
DonaldS. Lopez, Jr.
The Illusion of Spiritual Progress:
Remarks on Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Soteriology
Matthew Kapstein
A Tibetan Perspective on the Nature of Spiritual Experience
Jeffrey Hopkins
Mental Concentration and the Unconditioned:
A Buddhist Case for Unmediated Experience
Anne C. Klein
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63
107
135
147
193
225
269
Vl
Contents
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339
371
439
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507
523
Introduction
My recent research has focused on the development ofFa-tsang's (643712) doctrinal thought, especially his view of soteriology and its relation
to one of the key doctrinal categories he posited, the Distinct Teaching
of the One-vehicle. Fa-tsang's views have been compared with those of
his teacher Chih-yen (602-668) and the Korean monk Uisang (625702), who also studied under Chih-yen. Here I would like to discuss a
different theme, namely, my view of the overall development of Chinese
Buddhism, although I will return to Hua-yen and Fa-tsang later in this
chapter. I have chosen this topic because from the time of Gautama
Buddha's enlightenment until the present day, any group that called
itself Buddhist has focused its soteriology on explaining the realization
ofbuddhahood. Their explanations, however, have varied in form, content, and metaphors used.
For example, in India, the Abhidharma tradition and early Perfection of Wisdom literature clearly exhibit different soteriological stances.
Abhidharma thought stressed the four noble truths; of the four, the path
(miirga-satya) was especially important because of its soteriological significance. The first two truths, suffering and the cause of suffering, concern conditioned (sa171S!crta) and tainted (iisrava) existence, but the third
noble truth, nirvlil)a, concerns the unconditioned (asa1!1Skrta) and
untainted (aniisrava). Thus the world we live in and the ideal were separated. The fourth truth, which is both conditioned and untainted,
serves as a bridge between the two by specifying religious practices. The
eightfold noble path was generally considered to be the content of the
fourth truth, but it was often interpreted so that all the various practices
found in the threefold studies (morality, meditation, wisdom) could be
included.
Because the path (miirga) specified in the fourth truth served as the
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enment, Hui-kuan. His classification system, known as "the two teachings and five periods," is presented below: 10
1. Sudden teaching (AvataTfi.Sakasiitra)
2. Gradual teachings
a. The distinct teaching of the three vehicles (PraJiiiipiiramitiisiitra)
b. The pervasive teaching of the three vehicles (Vimalakirtinirdesa
and Brahmavise~acinlpariprcchii)
c. The restraining and praising teaching (Perfection of Wisdom)
d. The identical-goal teaching (Lotus Siitra)
e. The teaching of eternal abiding (Nirvii(la Siitra)
In the classification systems of both Tao-sheng and Hui-kuan, the dissimilar teachings of Hlnayana and Mahayana have been arranged so
that they fit within Sakyamuni's biography without any apparent contradiction.
The first major purpose of such systems was to determine which of
the many Buddhist texts was the ultimate teaching of the Buddha.
Kumarajiva had convincingly argued that Mahayana was superior to
Hfuayana; but when additional Mahayana texts were translated after
his death, Chinese monks argued about which Mahayana teachings
should be considered the Buddha's ultimate teaching.
The second major purpose of these classification systems was to
respond to criticisms of Buddhism by outsiders, especially by Confucians and Taoists. These criticisms attacked Buddhism as a foreign religion from a variety of positions. For example, the Southern Ch'i Taoist
Ku Huan (420-483) wrote a text entitled 1-hsia lun (Treatise on the Barbarians and Chinese). In it, he argued that although Buddhism might
be of value to barbarians, it certainly would not benefit the Chinese.
Moreover, when Buddhists were ordained, they rejected filial piety
because they chose to be celibate and did not have children. Their practice of honoring only the Buddha and refusing to pay obeisance to the
emperor violated Confucian dictums on loyalty. Their doctrines of noself and emptiness led to the teaching that the soul perished, a position
that contradicted their views on karma. Mahayana Buddhist texts were
filled with nonsensical talk that should not be trusted. Such attacks on
Buddhism were a concerted effort to discredit the Indian tradition from
a broad array of perspectives. These criticisms focused on whether Buddhism was to be considered a "teaching."
The term "teaching" (chiao) occupied a special position within Confucian ethics. According to one view, a teaching had to have the following three characteristics. 11 First, the founder of a teaching had to be an
exceptional human being, a sage or superior man (such as Confucius).
Second, a teaching's contents had to be worthy of belief and trust, of
being included in a "classic" (ching). Third, a teaching had to benefit
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society in important ways. This last point was often used against Buddhists in China, most recently during the Cultural Revolution. Buddhist monks were said to be unproductive members of society; they did
not work, pay taxes, or serve in the military. Moreover, the upkeep of
their temples consumed large amounts of resources.
From the Northern and Southern dynasties through the early T'ang
period, Chinese monks repeatedly argued that their founder was worthy
of being called a sage, that the contents of Buddhism were correct, and
that it benefited society. Their claims are found in commentarial and
apologetic literature as well as in records of face-to-face debates. Classification of doctrines must also be considered in terms of the Buddha's
biography. If all the various siitras were the Buddha's words, then
despite their apparent contradictions, monks had to claim that all the
Buddha's teachings could be arranged within a biographical framework
so that any discrepancies were resolved. If the Buddha's teachings were
not consistent, then he could not be viewed as a sage. Far from being
seen as classics (ching), Buddhist scriptures would then be exposed as
containing falsehoods, and Buddhism would be revealed as undeserving
of the trust given to a "teaching" that could benefit society. Thus classifications of doctrine should not be seen only as the product of debates
within Buddhism; they also were directed toward Confucian and Taoist
critics of Buddhism.
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One-vehicle-Perfect--- Perfect
teaching
teaching
Hlnayana
Elementary
Mahayana
Hlnayana
In the second part of the chapter, Fa-tsang demonstrated how the Onevehicle, three vehicles, and Hinayiina were encompassed by the five
teachings. 17
One-vehicle
-~-r-r-r-
- r Perfect Teaching
_j
One-vehicle that
transcends thought - - - - - - - - S u d d e n Teaching
Universal One-vehicle of the
Buddha-nature ---------Advanced Teaching
One-vehicle of hidden import---- Elementary Teaching
321
Fa-tsang's explanation of the One-vehicle, three vehicles, and Hinayana in terms of the five teachings is diagrammed in the above charts.
In the third section of the chapter, the relations among the five teachings are analyzed. Fa-tsang did not hesitate to criticize both Hsiiantsang's interpretation of Buddhism as a system of vehicles and various
theories of the One-vehicle in terms of his own five teachings. The following chapters of the Wu-chiao chang (from the sixth, "The Sequence of
the Teachings," onward) are primarily devoted to an explanation of the
five teachings. Fa-tsang's discussion o(Hsiian-tsang's interpretation of
Buddhism as vehicles was intended only to supplement the analysis into
five teachings.
Hsiian-tsang's campaign to emphasize the importance of the concept
of vehicles did not have a major influence on Chinese Buddhism. Fatsang's criticisms once again established the concept of the "teachings"
as the major idea for categorizing Buddhism. The appearance of the
term "chiao" (teachings) in the tides of Chih-i's Ta-pen ssu-chiao i (Doctrine of the Four Teachings) and Fa-tsang's Wu-chiao chang (Essays on
the Five Teachings) epitomizes the recognition of Buddhism as a teaching by both Buddhists and non-Buddhists.
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323
In the Pure Land tradition, the character "kuan" is found in the title
of Shan-tao's Kuan Wu-liang-shou-fo ching su (Commentary on the Siitra
on the Contemplation of the Buddha oflmmeasurable Life), a text that
concerns meditation on the Pure Land. As Shan-tao declared in summarizing the essentials of the scripture, "This Contemplation Siitra (Kuanching) has the concentration of discerning the Buddha (kuan-fo san-mei) as
its essence (tsung); it also has the concentration based on recitation of the
Buddha's name (nien-fo san-mei) as its essence." 22 Thus even Shan-tao,
who was noted for encouraging people to recite the Buddha's name,
considered meditation with recitation to be his basic practice.
Although Hsiian-tsang's disciple Chi strove to develop the Yogacara
tradition in China, he was not fully satisfied with Hsiian-tsang's
emphasis on "vehicles." In the Ta-shengja-yilan i-lin chang (Essays mi the
Mahayana Garden of Dharmas and Grove of Doctrines), he enumerated the various vehicles mentioned in Indian Buddhism but then continued by noting that "When the innate nature (t'i-hsing) (of vehicles] is
explained, teachings (chiao), principle (li), practice (hsing), and the effect
of practice (kuo) are discussed. These we collectively call vehicle." 23 Like
Fa-tsang, Chi turned away from the concept of "vehicle" toward that of
"teaching."
In the beginning of his "Chapter on Ideation-Only," Chi stated,
There are two aspects to examining the essence (t'i): (1) the essence of the
object discerned, and (2) the essence of the subject that discerns. The
essence of the object discerned in ideation-only is all dharmas. The practitioner performs a fivefold discernment on their existence and nonexistence
in order to ascertain that they are ideation-only. 24
Chi continued by explaining that the subjective aspect was the mental
concomitant, wisdom. Since the objective aspect, all dharmas, had
varying degrees in which they seemed to exist, a fivefold discernment
had to be devised. However, this discernment was not based directly on
Indian texts, but rather was devised by Chi on the basis of the three
natures and the four aspects of consciousness. 25
In the Hua-yen tradition, Tu Shun's (557-640) Fa-chieh .kuan-men
(Contemplation of the Dharmadhatu) deserves special attention. His
disciple Chih-yen is the purported author of another meditation (kuanmen) text, the Hua-yen i-sheng shih-hsii.an men (The Ten Profundities of the
One-Vehicle of the AvataJllsaka), but the authenticity of this text has
been questioned. 26 However, since the ten profundities are emphasized
in Chih-yen's Hua-yen sou-hsilan chi (Record of Seeking the Profound in
Hua-yen), they are clearly a vital part of his teachings. One of the most
common terms in Hua-yen texts is "distinguishing between teachings
and meaning" (chiao-i Jen-ch 'i). The term "meaning" (i or i-li) refers to
the basis of the teachings, that which the teachings point toward. Mean-
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through the way in which Chinese monks regarded doctrines, and that
this movement can be characterized by the term "tsung." Suzuki
Daisetsu translated this term into English as "principle." 36 But Suzuki's
explanation is easily confused with Tsung-mi's emphasis on terms such
as "nature" (hsing) or "principle" (lt), leading to a loss of the sense of
tsung as a personal interpretation of Buddhism which reflects the Buddha's dictum that practitioners should be a lamp unto themselves.
Translating tsung as "personal or subjective standpoint" indicates how
certain terms came to characterize the position of individual Ch' an
masters. For example, in comparing Shen-hsiu and Hui-neng, Suzuki
noted that Shen-hsiu was scholarly, whereas Hui-neng seemed to have a
personal sense of his religious mission that was expressed in the frequency with which tzu (self) appeared in the Platform Siitra. 37 Similarly,
jen (human) appears frequently in the Record of Lin-chi, in expressions
such as "the true man of no rank" (wu-wei chen-:fen). 38 The use of these
terms to characterize the individual perspectives of the protagonists of
these texts reflects the sense of tsung as personal standpoint.
The Ch'an protest against the emphasis on teachings can be
expressed through the tension between the statements, "Take the
Dharma as your lamp" and "Be a lamp unto yourselves." Ch'an
monks respected the Dharma by honoring the buddhas and patriarchs,
but at the same time they sought to develop their own individual understanding of Buddhism. As a result, they often used seemingly rough or
coarse expressions in Chinese instead of Buddhist technical terms that
had originated in India. Everyday events were often taken as the subject
of their discourse. The meetings and clashes between the individual
standpoints (tsung) of various Ch'an masters appear repeatedly in the
genre of literature known as "records of the sayings [of masters]"
(yu-lu). 39
Ch 'an Soteriology
The soteriological stance of those who advocated Buddhism as a "teaching" was characterized by the term "kuan." In contrast, Ch'an soteriology can be summarized through the words "mind" (hsin) and
"transmission" (ch 'uan). The term "mind" is found in the last two of
the four lines quoted above ("Directly pointing at man's mind (hsin),l
Seeing one's nature (hsing) and realizing buddhahood"). These verses
are often used to epitomize the Ch'an view of liberation. The term
"transmission" has also been introduced above, in Fa-ts'ai's description of Hui-neng's teaching as "the personal and profound principle of
the simple transmission" (tan-ch 'uan tsung-chih).
The term "mind" is often misinterpreted as referring only to one's
own mind. The phrase "seeing [or realizing] the nature (hsing) [of one's
mind]" in the second line just cited has contributed to this explanation.
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Instead, "mind" should be understood in accordance with the definition in the Ta-sheng ch 'i-hsin lun (Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana),
which equates the principle (fa) of Mahayana with the minds of sentient
beings. 40 Thus early Ch' an practitioners saw the locus of practice as
including all sentient beings. Rather than being concerned with the
authority of words and scriptures, they strove to open their own minds
in order to speak directly to and about the minds of other people. Hence
"realizing the nature of mind" could be interpreted as meaning
"directly pointing to society."
Practice directed toward sentient beings was expressed as "seeing the
nature and realizing buddhahood." Although this phrase eventually
was interpreted to mean that enlightenment was identical to seeing
one's own nature, it was originally an exhortation to bodhisattva practices. When figures such as Shen-hui used the phrase, they did so with
the sense of "seeing the buddha-nature" (chien Jo-hsing), a phrase that
was interpreted through texts such as the Nirviirza Siitra, according to
which a ninth-ground bodhisattva could hear about the buddha-nature
and practice (wen-chienfo-hsing), but only a tenth-ground bodhisattva or
a buddha could actually see the buddha-nature (yen-chien Jo-hsing). 41
Thus the term "buddha-nature" could be interpreted as referring to the
activities ofbodhisattvas and buddhas. "Seeing the nature" (chien-hsing)
indicated the practices of bodhisattvas and buddhas as they saw the
buddha-nature of all sentient beings. Understanding the phrase "seeing
the nature" as suggesting that the individual thoroughly saw his own
nature was clearly a later interpretation.
The self-confidence evident in the Ch'an soteriological position is
expressed through their frequent use of the term "transmission."
Among the phrases already mentioned, "a special transmission outside
of the teachings" and "the profound principle of the simple transmission" clearly indicate the importance of this term. In addition, the
phrase "not dependent on words and phrases" is often associated with
the expression "a transmission from mind to mind." Ch'an monks
claimed that they transmitted the Buddha's teachings directly, without
recourse to scriptures, because they were confident that their actions
could serve as transmissions. In this sense, their use of the word "transmission" suggests the freedom in their actions and interpretations of
Buddhism, much as the earlier use of "vehicle" in India had indicated
the independent views of early Mahayanists.
The term "transmission" was used in the titles of many texts. Beginning with early texts such as the Ch 'iian Ja-pao chi (Annals of the Transmission of the Treasure of the Dharma), this tendency continued with
works such as the Ch 'iian-hsin fa yao (Essentials of the Transmission of
the Dharma That Can Only Be Passed from Mind to Mind), Ching-te
ch 'uan-teng lu (Records of the Transmission of the Lamp Compiled dur-
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ing the Ching-te Period), and the Ch 'uan1a cheng-tsung lun (Treatise on
the Transmission of the Dharma and the True Essence). The transmission of specific pieces of clothing, such as robes, or the composition of
verses concerning the transmission of the dharma were also emphasized. However, when the transmission of a robe came to be seen as
proof of some sort of enlightenment, the original significance of the
term was weakened. Similarly, when Ch'an traditions boasted of the
length of correct transmission, the original meaning of the term was
diluted. The initial emphasis on transmission had nothing to do with
length of time or the conferral of an object; rather, it arose naturally out
of the Ch'an focus on relying on the self rather than on external authorities.
Although the heart of Ch'an soteriology lies in the bodhisattva practices directed toward sentient beings and in the transmission of the lamp
of enlightenment, another important aspect of Ch'an soteriology must
also be mentioned: the use of all aspects of everyday life, even farming,
as religious practice. This approach would have been unthinkable in the
Indian Buddhist tradition. In Ch'an, however, leaving home to become
a monk was not seen as a necessity for practice. Ch'an attitudes developed in part as an answer to Chinese criticisms that Buddhism was not
productive and was immoral (especially when considered in the light of
Confucianism's emphasis on filial piety). Thus Ch'an offered salvation
to lay believers through everyday activities.
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ings and Ch'an might sometimes be concerned with the innate nature of
things, Tsung-mi's emphasis on the innate nature seemed to deviate
from both these traditions. Advocates of Buddhism as a system of teachings would have found little room for a discussion of the innate nature
of things in the elaborate edifice of the Buddha's teachings they constructed. Ch'an practitioners, with their practices based on concrete
behavior, would not have been interested in Tsung-mi's discussions of
innate nature. Tsung-mi's position thus represented a third movement
in Chinese Buddhism.
Tsung-mi's advocacy of the convergence of the three teachings (Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism) is illustrative of a second aspect of
his views that can be called "neither the teachings nor Ch'an." Of
course, many Ch'an advocates as well as scholars who considered Buddhism to be a system of teachings had been attracted by either Confucianism or Taoism. Although some of them had argued that Buddhism
or Ch'an was essentially identical with Confucianism or Taoism, they
had ended up rejecting Buddhism or Ch'an. Tsung-mi advanced
beyond them by positively avowing the convergence of the three
teachings.
Tsung-mi argued forcefully for his position in the Yuan-Jen lun (Essay
on the Origins of Man), in which he developed his case in two phases.
First, he demonstrated the superiority of the "One-vehicle teaching that
reveals the nature" over all other teachings. Thus Confucianism and
Taoism were rejected as superstitious views concerned only with life in
this world. The four Buddhist traditions of lay teachings, Hinayana,
and Mahayana Fa-hsiang and San-lun were rejected as one-sided and
shallow. Thus only the "One-vehicle teaching that reveals the nature"
was accepted as the supreme correct teaching.
In the second phase of his argument, in a section called "Reconciling
(hui-t'ung) the Roots and Branches," Tsung-mi revealed that Confucianism and Taoism were incorporated into and encompassed by the
"One-vehicle teaching that reveals the nature." When the original
nature of all was thoroughly understood, all previously rejected teachings were seen to be encompassed by the teaching that reveals the
nature. Only then could the virtues of each teaching be appreciated.
Thus Confucianism and Taoism were ultimately in agreement with
Buddhism, and the three traditions converged.
This aspect of Tsung-mi's thought, described above as "neither the
teachings nor Ch'an," does not directly contradict his insistence on
combining Ch' an and the teachings. The combination of Ch' an and the
teachings eventually contributed to the theories that led to Ch' an's cultural influences on art and literature. 44 Tsung-mi's insistence on the
ultimate agreement of Buddhism with Confucianism and Taoism enabled adherents of the latter two traditions to associate more easily with
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ditions are found in the two characters they employ repeatedly: "discern" or "meditation" (kuan) for T'ien-t'ai, and "reveal" (hsien) for
Tsung-mi.
Differences existed between Tsung-mi's version of sitting meditation
(tso-ch 'an) and that advocated by many Ch' an masters. One view of sitting meditation within Ch'an circles is exemplified in the famous dialogue between Nan-yiieh Huai-jang and Ma-tsu Tao-i about polishing
a tile to make a mirror. 46 The point of this story is that sitting meditation is ultimately nothing more than sitting and meditating, and is not
to be used with the intention of becoming a buddha. Although meditation was certainly a valid practice, by itself it would not lead to buddhahood; the other practices of a bodhisattva were also needed. For Tsungmi, the various bodhisattvas and gods were to be invited to the practice
hall where meditation was performed; only then could the practitioner's
true nature be revealed through sitting meditation. At the very least,
Tsung-mi's attitude was markedly different from that of practitioners
like Nan-yiieh and Ma-tsu.
Conclusion
Soteriology in Chinese Buddhism shifted through the ages as monks
used different concepts to provide a framework for their views. However, even as they developed new positions, they also adopted themes
from many of the movements that had occurred in Indian Buddhism.
Of these themes, that of the tension between external authority and selfreliance was particularly important.
This approach can be extended to other cultures. If Japanese Buddhism were considered, the same tension between external authority
and self-reliance that is important in Indian and Chinese Buddhism
would be seen in the emergence of the Kamakura schools. The Japanese
emphasized soteriological elements that were not as important in Indian
and Chinese Buddhism. For example, the Japanese insistence on sectarianism (shii, Ch. tsung), the rapid realization of buddhahood, the
worship of the founders of the schools, and the emphasis on a single
practice were all major influences on Japanese Buddhist soteriology.
However, these are themes for another paper.
Notes
1. In recent years, many scholars argued that Mahayana arose from the
Mahasanghika school. However, Hirakawa Akira has demonstrated that many
peculiarly Mahayana characteristics arose around Buddhist stiipas (Shoki Daijii
Bukkyii no kenkyii [Tokyo: Shunjiisha, 1965)). Shizutani Masao (Shoki Daijii
Bukkyii no seiritsu katei [Kyoto: Hyakkaen, 1975)) has developed Hirakawa's
research further by discussing "primitive Mahayana" Buddhist orders.
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2. Yoshizu Yoshihide, Kegon Zen no shisiishiteki kenkyii (Tokyo: Daito shuppansha, 1985).
3 For a discussion of these lines, said to epitomize the Ch'an position, see
Yanagida Seizan, Shoki Zenshii shishi5 no kenkyii (Kyoto: H6zc5kan, 1967), 471484.
4 For a thorough description of early Chinese Buddhism, see Kamata Shigeo, Chiigoku Bukkyiishi, vol. 1, Shodenki no Bukkyii (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1982).
5 For Kumarajiva and Hui-yiian, see Kamata Shigeo, Chiigoku Bukkyiishi,
vol. 2,juyiiki no Bukkyii (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1983).
6. Kimura Eiichi, Eon no kenkyii: !bun-hen (Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1962).
7 For example, in the Ta-chih-tu lun 100 (T25.756b14-16), Mahiikii.syapa is
said to ha~e compiled the Hinayii.na canon while Maiijusri and Maitreya
entrusted Ananda with the compilation of the Mahayana canon. The text also
notes that both Hinayii.na and Mahii.yii.na are the "word of the Buddha"
(T25. 756b22).
8. For a survey of Buddhism under the Northern and Southern dynasties,
see Kamata Shigeo, Chiigoku Bukkyiishi, vol. 3, Nambokuchii no Bukkyii, jii (Tokyo:
Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1984).
g. Miaoja lien-hua ching su, Hsu-tsang-ching (Taipei: Hsin-wen-feng ch'u-pan
kuang-ssu, 1977; hereafter HTC), 100.396d13.
10. Hui-kuan's views are described in Chi-tsang's San-lun hsuan-i (T 45.5b4).
In Ching-ying ssu Hui-yiian's Ta-sheng i-chang (T 44.465a), a similar classification system is attributed to Liu Ch'iu (438-495). Hui-yiian's statement was
probably based on Liu Ch'iu's Wu-liang-i-ching hsu (Introduction to the Siitra of
Innumerable Meanings), included in the Ch'u san-tsang chi chi (T 55.68a). Liu
Ch'iu's classification system was presumably based on that ofHui-kuan.
11. I have benefited from the discussion of chiao in Kobayashi Masayoshi,
"Sangy6 k6shc5 ni okeru kyo no kannen," in Yoshioka Yoshitoyo hakase kanreki
kinen ronshii kankokai, ed., Yoshioka hakase kanreki kinen: Diikyii kenkyiironshii:
Diikyii no shisii to bunka (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1977), 249f.
12. Ta-sheng i-chang 1, T44.465a; Miaoja lien-hua ching hsilan-i lOa, T33.801a;
Fa-hua hsuan-lun 3, T 34.382b; San-lun hsuan-i, T 45.5b4; Ta-sheng fa-yuan i-lin
chang 1, T 45.245a; Chieh-shen-mi-ching su 1, HTC 34.298b; Hua-yen wu-chiao
chang 1, T 45.480b; Hua-yen t'an-hsii.an chi 1, T 35.110c; Hua-yen ching k'an-ting
chi 1, HTC 5.8b; Hua-yen-ching su 1, 35.508a.
13. Ta-pen ssu-chiao-i 1, T 46. 723a29-b5. The English translation, with minor
changes, is based on Robert Rhodes, "Annotated Translation of the Ssu-chiao-i,
chiian 1," Annual Memoirs of the Otani University Shin Buddhist Comprehensive
Research Institute 3 (1985): 54-55.
14. Chi ku-chinfo-tao lun-heng 2, T 52.378b.
15. Kuang hung-ming chi 22, T52.258a.
16. See Tokiwa Daijo, Busshii no kenkyii (Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1944) for a
detailed examination of these debates.
17. In Hua-yen wu-chiao chang 1 (T 45.482a23), Fa-tsang does not define both
the Distinct and Pervasive teachings of the One-vehicle as the Perfect teaching.
However, in following Chih-yen, he seems to relate the Pervasive teaching of
the One-vehicle to the Perfect teaching. The Distinct and Pervasive One-vehicle are not equal, though; the Distinct One-vehicle teaching is identified with
the Avata1J1Sakasiitra, while the Pervasive One-vehicle teaching is identified with
the Lotus Siitra. Thus even though the Pervasive One-vehicle teaching is not specifically defined as the Perfect teaching, the identification is implied in
Fa-tsang's complex classification system.
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18. T46.936c.
19. Ta-sheng i-chang 3b, T 44.536bl 0.
20. T 45.13b29-c2.
21. T45.819b.
22. Kuanwu-liang-shoufochingsu 1, T37.247a18.
23. Ta-shengfa-yii.an i-lin chang 1, T 45.264c17.
24. Ibid., T 45.258b19. For an English-language discussion of the fivefold
meditation, see Alan Sponberg, "Meditation in Fa-hsiang Buddhism," in Peter
Gregory, ed., Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press), 30-34. Sponberg's analysis of the term "kuan" comes close to
my views.
25. Nemu Kazuchika, "Goju yuishikikan no shiso to sono seiritsu," Bukkyiigaku kenkyii 38 (1982).
26. Ishii Kosei, "lchijojiigenmon no shomondai," Bukkyogaku 12 (1981).
27. Kojima Taizan, "Miijin gengenkan no senja wo meguru shomondai,"
Nanto Bukky~ ( 1982).
28. Yuki Reimon has argued that the Hua-yen wu-chiao chih-kuan (T 1867),
usually said to have been based on Tu Shun's talks, was in fact not by Tu Shun
at all. Instead Yuki claimed that it was a draft of Fa-tsang's Hua-yeri yu-hsin fachieh chi (T 1877). See Yuki Reimon, "Kegongokyii shikan senjussha ronko: Gokyii
shikan no Tojun senjutsu setsu wo hitei shi, Hozosen Yiishin hokkaiki no soko nari
to suitei su," Shiikyii kenkyii new 7. 2 ( 1930).
29. Fa-tsang, Ta-shengch'i-hsin lun i-chi 3b, T44.283b4, 284b16.
30. Sung kao-seng chuan 5, T 50. 763b. The Miao-li yUt.zn-ch 'eng kuan is cited
often in the works ofthe Korean monk Kyunyo (923-973).
31. For example, see Myoe Shonin Kohen's (1173-1232) Kegon Bukkii zanmaikan hihiizii (T 72.87-100). For a study of Li T'ung-hsiian, see Robert
Gimello, "Li T'ung-hsiian and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-yen," in
Robert Gimello and Peter Gregory, eds., Studies in Ch'an and Hua-yen (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983), 321-389.
32. A-p'i-ta-mochii-shelun 1 (Abhidharmakoia), T29.1b9.
33 For a discussion of the compilation of these lines, see Yanagida Seizan,
Shoki Zenshii shisho no kenkyii (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1967), 470-4 76.
34 For the inscription, known as the Kuang-hsiao-ssu ifa t'a-chi, see Yanagida, Shoki Zenshii shoshi no kenkyii, pp. 535-538.
35 Yoshizu Yoshihide, "Shiishi no gaku ni tsuite," Shiigaku kenkyii 29 (1987).
36. Suzuki Daisetsu zenshii (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1968), vol. 2: Zen shisii
kenkyii, 2. Darumayori Enii ni itaru, pp. 229, 371. Suzuki explains tsung as "genri"
(principle).
37 Suzuki Daisetsu zenshii, vol. 3: Zen shisiishi kenkyii, 3. "Eno shijaku chokugo
no Zen shiso," p. 72.
38. For Suzuki's view of Lin-chi, see Suzuki Daisetsu zenshii, vol. 3.: Rinzai no
kihon shiso, pp. 337-560.
39 John McRae has argued that the "encounter dialogues" between Ch'an
practitioners may be considered their soteriology. In these exchanges, each participant had his own point of view, but their confrontation sometimes resulted
in a more profound understanding on the part of at least one of the participants.
I agree with McRae's analysis, but note that the later tendency to base practice
on Ch'an problems (kung-an) probably represents a return to a stance in which
"teachings" are emphasized.
40. T32.575c20; Yoshito Hakeda, trans., The Awakening of Faith (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1967), 28.
41. Ta-pan-nieh-p'an ching 27, T 12.527c29.
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yiian ;l.f,
Encounter Dialogue
and the Transformation of
the Spiritual Path in
Chinese Ch'an
] oHN
R. McRAE
Introduction
The ReJection of the Path in Chinese Buddhism
Instead of discussing some variant of the Buddhist notion of the marga
or spiritual path, I will consider a case involving the rejection, or at the
very least a radical reworking, of the concept of marga itself. The emergence in medieval China of the Ch'an school, with its distinctive style of
spontaneous "encounter dialogue" between masters and students, represents just such a situation: the appearance of Ch'an and its development into a major school signals a major transformation in Chinese
Buddhism-one that appears to have been based in part on a shift away
from a primarily marga-based perspective. Indeed, the practice of
encounter dialogue derived much of its creative energy from the iconoclastic rejection of traditional Buddhist formulations of the spiritual
path, and the incrediqle popularity of the Ch'an methodology meant, at
least in part, a rejection ofthe concept ofmarga itself.
The originally Indian concept of marga was never completely
uprooted from Chinese soil, and it is not my intent to argue that Chinese Buddhism underwent some sudden and total revolution in consciousness, some Foucauldian epistemological shift, at one particular
point in time. Rather, the emergence ofCh'an implies a gradual metamorphosis in the Chinese religious and intellectual consciousness, and
the marga and encounter models of spiritual training, ifl may use those
terms, were reciprocally engaged in a mutually interactive evolution
over a period of several centuries.
There are still many unresolved historical issues pertaining to the
emergence of the classical style of Ch'an practice, which as much as
possible will be relegated to some later forum. The texts of Ch'an
339
340
McRae
341
342
McRae
fessor Yanagida's, a set of texts taken from the Chinese Buddhist meditation tradition itself will better serve as comparative reference points
for the emergence of the classical Ch'an approach to religious training.
The first of these reference points is actually a set of texts: the prodigious output on the subject by the great T'ien-t'ai Chih-i (538-597) and
his amanuensis Kuan-ting. The Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men (Graduated Teaching
of Meditation), Mo-ho chih-kuan (Great Concentration and Insight), and
other shorter works by Chih-i constitute an encyclopedic repository of
practical instructions and analyses regarding meditation. Although the
T'ien-t'ai school suffered a temporary eclipse after the fall of Chih-i's
patron Sui dynasty, his works in many ways represent both the font of
knowledge and the springboard for the formation of Ch'an, both the
wellspring from which Ch'an drew its sustenance and the template
against which it rebelled. 7
The complementary bracket to Chih-i's works is the Tsu-t'ang chi
(Anthology of the Patriarchal Hall; hereafter TTC), the oldest of the
mature and comprehensive "transmission of the lamp" texts to survive
in complete form. Compiled in 952 by two obscure figures during the
Five Dynasties period in what is now Fukien, the TTC survives only in
a crude xylograph edition prepared as a supplement to the Korean
canon. Organized according to the religious genealogy of Ch'an, the
TTC traces the transmission of Ch'an from the Seven Buddhas of the
past through a series of Indian and Chinese patriarchs and their successors, right down to earlier contemporaries of the compilers.
In contrast to the entries in the HKSC and SKSC, only rarely does the
TTC attempt to create complete hagiographical portraits of its subjects.
This is especially true for the more recent masters, for whom the legacy
of earlier works is absent and about whom the editorial perspective of
the compilers is most obvious; as in literary anthologies, only the most
rudimentary of background information is given. The Ch'an masters
included in the TTC are introduced primarily-it is almost fair to say
solely-on the basis of their participation in memorable encounter-dialogue exchanges. In an editorial decision that was probably quite natural but extremely significant, it is left to the reader to visualize the contexts of those exchanges. 8
Chih-i's works were in many ways the culmination of a long tradition
of textual erudition and practical training. His synthesis is unique but
could not have been accomplished without long years of study in the Ta
chih-tu lun (Great Treatise on the Perfection of Wisdom; Mahiiprajfiii.
piiramitopadefa) and training under the meditation master Hui-ssu. The
TTC, in contrast, was but one of a long series of Ch' an "transmission of
the lamp" texts, a genre that begins with two products of the Northern
school in the second decade of the eighth century, climaxes with the
appearance of the Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu (Records of the Transmission of
343
344
McRae
(chien-tz'u chih-kuan) occurs in the Tz'u-ti ch'an-men, which was transcribed from lectures probably given around 571 at Wa-kuan ssu in
Chin-ling. 10 Here occurs Chih-i's first formulation of what came to be
called the twenty-five expedient means (erh-shih-wu fang-pien), which
define the prerequisites of meditation practice. Even more important,
this work contains the sequential explanation of the following list of
techniques:
Four dhyanas (ssu-ch 'an)
Four unlimited states of mind (ssu wu-liang hsin) or pure abodes (Skt.
brahma-vihiira)
Four formless dhyanas (ssu wu-se ting)
Six wondrous teachings (liu miao-men)
Sixteen excellent dharmas (shih-liu t'e-shengfa)
Three penetrative illuminations (san t'ung-ming)
Nine contemplations (chiu hsiang) of physical impurity
Eight remembrances (pa nien) of the Buddha, Dharma, SaqJ.gha,
breathing, etc.
Ten contemplations (shih hsiang) of impermanence, suffering, the lack
of a self, etc.
Eight renunciations (pa pei-she), more often known as the eight emancipations (pa chieh-t 'o)
Eight excellences (pa sheng-ch 'u) or distinctions in the treatment of
craving by contemplating various aspects of form in this world
Ten totality-spheres (shih i-ch 'ieh ch 'u) of earth, water, fire, wind, etc.
Nine successive dhyanas (chiu tz'u-ti ting), the ability to pass through
each stage of dhyana without any extraneous intervening thoughts
Samadhi of the lion's charge (shih-tzufen-hsun san-mei), which allows
one to enter rapidly into an uninterrupted state of concentration
Samadhi of transcendence (chao-yiieh san-mei), the ability to proceed
directly from normal consciousness to nirodha-samiipatti and back
again without any intervening stages 11
The order of the practices listed in the Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men is derived in
part from passages in the Ta chih-tu lun and, ultimately, the Great Perfection of Wisdom Siitra, but the overall achievement is Chih-i's. The comprehensive approach taken by Chih-i in this work goes beyond a simple
ranking of individual techniques, however. As Ando Toshio writes:
[The Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men] took a variety of Hfnayana and Mahayana meditation techniques that had been given nothing more than a sequential ranking ever since the Great Perfection of Wisdom Siitra and distinguished them on
the basis of their being tainted or untainted, worldly in purpose or conducive to emancipation, and whether they emphasized phenomena or absolute principles, etc. [Chih-i] grasped the essential character of each prac-
345
346
McRae
thought of as a self-study project undertaken after departing from Huissu's side, the Mo-ho chih-kuan is much more intimately based on Chihi's own religious experience-or at the very least on his later intellectual
and spiritual development.
Chih-i's approach in the Mo-ho chih-kuan differs from that of the Tzu-ti
ch 'an-men in significant ways, although the same attention to comprehensive structure obtains. Practice of the "perfect and sudden meditation" (yii.an-tun chih-kuan) explained within this work is organized into
three stages:
1. The twenty-five expedient means, preparatory moral and procedural considerations drawn almost entirely from the Tz'u-ti
ch'an-men;
2. The four types of samadhi, from which the practitioner selects the
one most appropriate to his/her own needs and interests, as a more
advanced but still preliminary stage;
3. The ten realms (shih ching) and ten modes of contemplation (shihsheng kuan-Ja), which alone constitute true contemplation. a
Even granting this overall structure, the most significant aspect of the
Mo-ho chih-kuan's system of perfect and sudden meditation is the allowance made for spontaneous, even instantaneous, freedom in the application of different meditation techniques.
Although in the Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men Chih-i did not insist that practitioners master each of the listed techniques in serial order, the emphasis of
that text was unmistakably on the overall contour of the spiritual
agenda. In a text written slighdy later, the Liu miao-men (Six Wondrous
Teachings), Chih-i defines what is generally called the "indeterminate
meditation" (pu-ting chih-kuan). 15 According to Chih-i, the practitioner
can choose any technique at any given moment on the basis of individual needs and circumstances. Traditional meditation theory posited that
certain techniques were appropriate responses to different problems,
but never before, as far as I am aware, were the techniques to be chosen
and applied in such an immediate, short-term framework. In addition,
traditional meditation theory required that the student perform techniques chosen for him by an accomplished master, whereas in Chih-i's
system this responsibility was shifted to the student.
In the Mo-ho chih-kuan 's explication of the perfect and sudden meditation, this allowance for momentary, instantaneous spontaneity in the
application of different meditation techniques is incorporated into the
very heart of the system. The beginning point of that system is contemplation of the first of the ten realms, the realm of cognitive reality or,
more literally, the realm of the skandhas, 4J!atanas, and dhiitus (yinjuchieh ching). This is nothing less than one's complete personal system of
347
physical form, sensory capabilities, mental activities, and realms of sensory perception. This realm is present during every moment of contemplation-indeed, during every moment of sentient existence. Although
the entire human cognitive apparatus is included in this category,
Chih-i indicates that one's meditation should begin with concentration
on the mind itself: "If you wish to practice contemplative investigation
[of reality] you must cut off the source [of your illusions], just as in moxabustion therapy you must find the [appropriate physical] point." 16 The
goal of this inspection of the mind is the comprehension of the first
mode of contemplation, the contemplation of the inconceivable realm
(kuan pu-k 'o-ssu-i ching).
Chih-i's elaborate explanation of the inconceivable realm is summarized by Leon Hurvitz; there is no need to expand on that summary
here. What is significant at present is not Chih-i's description of the
ultimate realization, but the substantial allowances he makes for those
who do not achieve that realization immediately. Although the first of
the ten realms is present in every moment of consciousness, the others
occur adventitiously, based on the karmic propensities of the individual.
In other words, the very effort of intense contemplation may agitate the
klesas (affiictions or illusions), generating various feelings and desires
that would not occur during normal consciousness. Such agitation may
lead to physical illness or to awareness of former events' karmic implications, both of which occurred during Hui-ssu 's course of practice, or
even to apparitions, both fearful and enticing, tempting the practitioner
away from his practice, as supposedly happened to Chih-i.'7 Due to the
practice of different states of dhyiina in previous lives, the practitioner
may now experience any number of the concomitants of those states.
In other words, the latter nine realms are all manifestations of the
impediments associated with meditation. They may occur in any order
or combination and continue for any length of time. As they occur they
are to be made objects of contemplation. Their nonarising would indicate the relative aptitude of the practitioner for the ultimate goal.
The ten modes of contemplation, in contrast, are a preconceived
sequence of practices aimed at ensuring achievement of ultimate
enlightenment. The goal of the entire system is success in the first
mode, that of the contemplation of the inconceivable realm, but failing
this at the outset, the practitioner is to avail himself of each successive
mode until he achieves success. Thus he renews his dedication to the
bodhisattva ideal, reposes his mind in the dharmata, frees himself of
attachments, distinguishes between that which hinders and that which
aids his progress, and so on (these are a few of the ten modes), to the
extent necessary and in the appropriate order.
The fundamental stance of the practitioner in this type ofendeavor is
one of autonomy and spontaneity: fixing his aspirations firmly on the
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McRae
highest goal, he draws from his broad knowledge of meditation techniques whatever means are appropriate to bring him nearer to success.
As Kuan-ting writes in his introduction to the Mo-ho chih-kuan:
In the Perfect and Sudden [Meditation], from the first one focuses (yiian)
on the True Characteristic, the realms [all being] the Middle, there being
nothing that is not True. One fixes one's focus on the dharmadhiitu; one is
completely mindful of the dharmadhiitu. Of all the forms and fragrances
(i.e., all reality) there is not a single bit that is not the Middle Path. One's
own realm, the realms of the Buddhas, and the realms of sentient beings
are also similarly [the Middle Path]. The skandhas and iiyatanas are all
"such-like" and without suffering that can be rejected. The illusions of
ignorance are enlightenment and without any accumulation that can be
eradicated. . . . Sa~psara is nirvfu)a, with no extinction that can be realized. . . . The serenity of the dharmatii (fa-hsing) is called concentration
(chih, iamatha). Serene yet permanently reflecting is called insight (kuan,
vipaiyanii). Although the terms "beginning" and "later" are used there are
no dualities, no distinctions. This is called the Perfect and Sudden Meditation (yiian-tun chih-kuan). 18
There is an undeniably gradualistic cast to the design of the perfect
and sudden meditation, in the self-evident sense that achievement ofthe
goal requires the expenditure of effort in a prescribed set of contemplations. Nevertheless, the distinction between this and manifestly gradualistic systems such as that of the Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men is clear: here one is
not eradicating attachments, illusions, and the like in order to gain
greater and greater individual perfection, but seeking for the one
moment of realization that will obviate the entire framework of one's
conceptualized ignorance. Hallucinations, recurrent swells of feeling,
mental agitation, and so on are obstacles to success, but not in the sense
that they must be eliminated or forcibly suppressed. Since one's illusions are fundamentally no different from enlightenment, theybecome
objects of one's contemplation; one seeks to understand and not be
unduly moved by them rather than to annihilate them.
What additional inferences can we now make about Chih-i's formulation of the path? First, there is a fundamental contradiction inherent in
the concept of the gradual path: even though the overall process may be
described as a progressive development, actual performance of the
many exercises involved requires that the practitioner focus exclusively
on the moment, the immediate present. This contradiction is, I believe,
inherent in the earliest Indian formulations of the spiritual path, in
which the stages of dhyana are perceived as a vertical progression preparatory to but not sufficient for a lateral leap into a moment of prajiia.
Of course, many Chinese were skeptical of the implicit requirement to
continue spiritual training for lifetime after lifetime, and this awareness
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McRae
ings, is largely unknown. The same situation prevails in Chih-i's theoretical descriptions of the path: the theoretician is glorified and the
actual practitioner is reduced to a virtual cipher.
Third, implicit in the hierarchical structure and the focus on gifted if
anonymous individual practitioners is the exaltation of the teacher or
guru. In traditional meditati9n texts, the master is specifically given the
responsibility for intuiting the student's dispositional tendencies and
assigning the appropriate meditation technique or sequence of techniques.19 Indian texts set out rules and guidelines for the master's input
that make his role as instructor to students seem somewhat mechanical
and automatic. Perhaps this is the source of Chih-i's tendency to deal
with students' problems in the abstract: in traditional meditation theory, students have the autonomy to seek different teachers, but they
themselves play only a secondary role in the cultural expression of the
religion. To put it differently, practitioners are virtually invisible within
the system until they achieve the status of master or teacher.
Of course, the master's training gives him special insight into Buddhist doctrine, and it is this facet of the Buddhist monk's identity that
was most highly valued in the Chinese tradition. In China the teacher is
often perceived as the great expounder, the theoretician, either delivering the authoritative interpretation of the text or generating brilliant
theories for the consumption of lay and ordained followers. 20 These
great teachers were, in effect, independent entities due to their perceived status as figures who towered over the rest of the religious community (this was, at least, a favored descriptive). Like lesser buddhas,
they radiated their teachings outward and downward to their spiritual
inferiors. There was competition among teachers for this role of ascendency and cooperation among those who recognized themselves to be at
similar spiritual levels (usually considered out of humility to be uniformly low relative to the buddhas), but the radial and unipolar model
held even in these situations.
Chih-i was, of course, the ultimate example of such an exalted
teacher: his brilliance was transcribed in roll after roll of abstruse treatises and commentaries, he lectured to large audiences of monks and
laypeople, and he ministered to princes and courtiers. Although his
instructions on meditation are magnificent, it is simply not known how
he taught his own students. Whereas traditional meditation texts place
great emphasis on the role of the instructor in analyzing the student's
temperament and assigning techniques to him, the role of the teacher is
recognized but not emphasized so explicitly by Chih-i.
351
ated system. This is not to say that all meditators used his texts, nor that
they restricted themselves to the techniques he described or the way he
described them. Although his work was very influential, we have no
means of tabulating the statistics that would be implied by such assertions. Rather, Chih-i's work was the dominant example of the kind of
religious paradigm presupposed and superseded by the Ch'an school
(according to its own perspective) in its creation of a "transmission outside the teachings."
In the most positive sense, meditation practice according to Chih-i's
writings was the most subtle of crafts, a spiritual trade learned through
self-effort by gifted students practicing predetermined techniques. But
the marga paradigm was so well elaborated in Indian texts that it often
seemed to the Chinese to be mechanistic in its application and not a little overwhelming in its requirements. Authority was granted to the
meditation instructor, but the relationship between instructor and
trainee was mechanistic in that the master used preestablished rules to
select among known meditation techniques on the basis of the student's
dispositional problems. In Chinese biographies, however, individual
masters appear devoted to a certain style or interpretation of religious
practice. In cases where their training is described, the identities of their
teachers is often unclear. And in accord with the invisibility of practitioners who are not (yet) teachers, in many cases their training is hardly
mentioned and never described in any depth or detail. (In this the meditation master Seng-ch'ou (480-560] of the Northern Ch'i is much more
representative than Chih-i. )2 1
As a spiritual craft, the practice of meditation as conceived by Chih-i
was intrinsically elitist, being limited solely to the spiritually advanced.
Essentially, it was open only to monks and others who had given up all
family ties. This was in part due to the great dedication of time and
energy involved, but it was also presumed that those with great moral
impediments, such as a large store of negative karma from past lives,
simply could not participate in the process described. Hence monks and
the occasional layperson with the capacity for dedication to a long-term
process of self-transformation were the intended audience of Chih-i's
meditation texts.
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McRae
353
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McRae
The "transmission of the mind with the mind" described in the anecdotes involving Hung-jen and Hui-neng, Bodhidharma and Hui-k'o,
arid eventually the historical Buddha and Mahiikiisyapa, are scripts of
the primal event in the Ch'an religious sensibility. This pristine
moment of ancestral time was intended for repetition, over and over,
within each teacher-and-student combination throughout the extended
genealogy ofCh'an.
It was through the reenactment of this primal script that Ch'an
derived its emphasis on sudden personal transformation: with the cast
limited to teacher and student, there could be no in-between category of
"almost-enlightened" or "rather like a master." One either belonged
within the lineage of enlightened masters or one did not, and the religious transformation from one status to the other could only take place
suddenly.
355
McRae
356
transformation was a process not of self-improvement but of self-discovery: namely, recognition of one's own identity as a buddha or patriarch.
This is graphically demonstrated by the internal structure of the PLC,
in which each patriarchal successor is discovered by his predecessor but
undergoes no training prior to his accession to the status of patriarch. In
fact, the text does not contain a single description 9f the enlightenment
experience of any of the Indian patriarchs.
The first patriarch whose enlightenment is described in the PLC is
Hui-k'o, but even here the treatment is unusual. Before meeting his
teacher Bodhidharma, Hui-k'o underwent an inner transformation that
is depicted in amusingly physical terms: he experiences what is literally
an exchange of skeletons prior to his encounter with Bodhidharma. 26
Thus to become a patriarch he had to be totally transformed. The suddenness of the encounter paradigm implies a transformation of self,
awareness, or one's total being into a different mode of existence. As
Robert Gimello has noted, sudden enlightenment was perceived as a
transformation into a world totally different and absolutely separate
from, but at the same time identical with, ordinary reality, yet immediately at hand. 27 This was a leap similar to that of prajii.a, a lateral jump
off the vertical ladder of the stages of dhyana. In other words, the
encounter model of Buddhist practice is intrinsically subitist. In addition, it makes no claims regarding the validity of sazpsara as a description of sentient existence.
Conclusion
The Implications of Chronology
In this chapter I have described the T'ien-t'ai and Ch'an approaches to
spiritual practice with a variety of terms, such as paradigms, models,
and templates. Since this is a preliminary statement of findings that will
change as my research continues, the reader is justified in considering
the multiplicity of terms a function of the experimental nature of this
paper. However, there is another more profound reason for the avoidance of a .rigid terminology-namely, that the emergence of Ch'an was
a complex process that should not be treated by the social and intellectual historian with artificially precise theoretical categories. 28
To explain this dictum, let me briefly address the issue of the historical emergence of encounter dialogue itself. Earlier writers, including
Professor Yanagida, have treated the existence of this unique form of
spontaneous Ch'an dialogue as a given, with the explicit assertion that
it emerged in conjunction with the Hung-chou school of Ma-tsu in the
last part of the eighth century in south-central China. 29 It would seem,
in fact, that singleminded devotion to encounter dialogue distinguishes
357
the "classical Ch'an" of Ma-tsu from the "early Ch'an" of the Northern, early Southern, and Oxhead schools, the last of which was almost
contemporaneous with the Hung-chou school. Indeed, the distinction
between early and classical Ch'an, which I posed in an earlier article as
the primary discontinuity in the development of Chinese Ch'an, was
based on this identification of encounter dialogue with Ma-tsu's community.30
Although Robert Buswell recently made the very cogent suggestion
that we identify early, middle, classical, and postclassical phases of Chinese Ch'an, the precise delineation of these stages is still subject to further consideration_31 More important is the question of whether we can
actually use the occurrence of encounter dialogue as a distinguishing
characteristic of a specific chronological period. When did it emerge as
the central style ofCh'an practice? Was there ever a period in which the
primary activity of Ch'an students and masters was spontaneous religious dialogue, or is the image of such a period only an enabling myth
generated by later generations ofCh'an devotees?
The orthodox texts of Ch' an would clearly have us believe that such a
period did exist, and that it existed during the careers ofMa-tsu and his
immediate students and successors. But examination of these sources
indicates that none of the stories involved can be traced back earlier
than the TTC. While some of the anecdotes seem quite obviously to be
artificial reconstructions-for example, Huai-jang's mimicking the
young Ma-tsu in meditation by trying to polish a piece of tile into a mirror-others carry a sense of vivid realism that makes us want to believe
they really happened. However, we must not allow ourselves to be misled by this impression of credibility, which is an essential function of fictional writing.
Examination of the contemporary sources for Ma-tsu's Hung-chou
school, which include a number of epitaphs and texts such as the PLC,
supposedly from 801, and the Ch'ii.an-hsinfa-yao (Essential Teaching of
the Transmission of Mind), from around 850, has led me to believe that
the school did have a significant emphasis on oral practice, or at least
oral instruction. But was the type of oral encounter emphasized the
same as that evoked by the classical Ch'an encounter dialogue that
appears in the TTC and later texts? At this point, I am uncertain. I suspect that all the famous stories we have about Ma-tsu and his students
are later reconstructions rather than edited 1:ranscriptions of contemporary, first-person observer accounts. This is not to say that spontaneous
dialogue did not occur, but that the examples we have of it are less journalistic reports than creative imitations. 32
To support the assertion that encounter dialogue arose only with the
Hung-chou school, it has usually been said that the absence of such
material among the Ch'an literature discovered at Tun-huang shows a
358
McRae
basic lack of conformity with early Ch'an. But although there was no
encounter-dialogue material at Tun-huang, there were several Hungchou schooland later texts of the "classical" or "middle" periods. Significantly, the latest of these consists of Wen-t'eng's verses, which
formed the backbone of the TTC, as mentioned earlier. 33
Although further research is needed, the implication is clear: encounter dialogue was published for the first time in Chinese history with the
TTC. No doubt there were private transcriptions circulating within the
monastic community, but we know of nothing prior to this text, which
was compiled more than 150 years after the death ofMa-tsu. Given this
passage of time, the accounts that we have of Ma-tsu and his early generations of students must be edited reconstructions at the very least,
rather than first-person accounts.
In the present context, we need not specify exactly when encounter
dialogue came to dominate Chinese Ch'an. But notice that the question
is not solely one of chronological obscurity. A larger issue is involved:
the appearance of encounter-dialogue material in the TTC must be considered as a phenomenon of literary genre. We should think not only
about masters and students of the late eighth and early ninth centuries
engaging in spontaneous dialogue, but about their successors during
the middle of the tenth century pondering the implications of the anecdotes of spiritual parry and riposte handed down from generations
before.
The TTC was compiled during the relatively peaceful southeastern
regime of Wu-Yiieh, and its very creation implies that its editors were
on a mission to preserve a tradition that had become tenuous due to the
difficult military and social conditions of the Five Dynasties period. If
the urge to compose the text was essentially conservative, in the primary meaning of the term, then the attitude of the editors and their
cohorts toward the patriarchs of earlier years was inherently retrospective. Whatever the facts of the eighth and ninth centuries, it was at the
hands of these editors that the "golden age" ofthe T'ang Ch'an masters
was created; it was from their text, and later ones like it, that students of
Ch'an reenvisioned the wondrously enlightened actions of Bodhidharma, Hui-neng, and Ma-tsu. And it was in this process of creative
visualization that the genealogical structure of the TTC is of absolutely
fundamental significance.
The Attractions of Living in Ancestral Time
The masters and students of the postclassical Ch' an of the Five Dynasties and Sung periods read, pondered, discussed, and sermonized about
the anecdotes contained in the TTC, and in so doing they defined both
their own religious identities and the contour of their own spiritual
endeavors. Meditating on the hua-t'ou or "critical phrase" wu O. mu)
359
360
McRae
361
362
McRae
the parallelism is there: to cultivate correct views is to engage in selfimprovement, whereas to eliminate views is the sudden achievement of
wisdom. In this sense, the congruence between Ch'an and the Indian
tradition goes back not only to the A.t.thakavagga, but to the two traditions
discussed by Alan Sponberg-the ecstatic, visionary perspective of the
Upani~ads and the enstatic, purificatory approach of the srama1.1a
groups. 39
In the Buddhist context, of course, these two traditions percolate out
as the famatha (concentration) and vipafyanii (insight) branches of meditative endeavor. Even though the Indian conception of the path
embraced both gradual and sudden, famatha and vipafyanii, in Ch'an the
path is redefined as entirely gradualistic, entirely famatha. Any gradual
progress was but the cultivation of positive qualities, which, as shown in
Collett Cox's chapter, was the preferred choice in the Mahiivibhiiia system. It is thus possible to line up the different subtraditions of Buddhism according to how they treat the basic polarity between views or
no views, famatha or vipafyanii, marga or encounter; the delineation of
precisely how these variants resemble, relate to, and differ from each
other is an important task of future research.
Second, we might take a hint from the Chinese. material and suggest
that, no matter what set of alternatives is being considered, the relationship between the two is probably not so much one of absolute opposition
as one of creative tension or mutual interrelation. For in(i;tance, is it possible that the two views apparent in the A.t.thakavagga were not independent viewpoints but different poles of a single continuum, or at least
alternatives that constituted an interdependent pair? There does not
seem to be any direct evidence of this in the text, and it would be difficult to find explicit, incontrovertible evidence that differing approaches
to spiritual practice, when offered roughly simultaneously, necessarily
represent pairs of alternatives operating as a single system. Nevertheless, this is an attractive interpretive perspective to which we must
remain sensitive.
Within the Ch'an tradition, I am reminded of the introductory manual attributed to Hung-jen, the Hsiu-hsin yao lun (Treatise on the Essentials of Cultivating the Mind), which displays a palpable sensitivity in
its simultaneous exhortations to vigorous practice and cautions against
predicating enlightenment as a goal to be desired and achieved. 40 This
same delicate touch is apparent in the Japanese Zazen ron, discussed in
this volume by Carl Bielefeldt, which displays a delicate balance
between zazen as a goal-oriented technique and as an expression of
inherent buddhahood. Since the Zazen ron draws heavily on early Ch'an
ideas, it is not surprising that it also records interest in two separate
models of the religious life-one that suggests working to attain enlightenment, and another that advocates simply manifesting the enlightenment already inherent within.
363
In a similar fashion, Chinese texts from the late seventh and early
eighth centuries seem to espouse two separate models of spiritual practice and enlightenment-one based on the doctrine of the buddhanature obscured by ignorance (likened to the sun obscured by clouds),
and the other based on the image of the mind of the sage reacting perfectly to the needs of sentient beings (depicted by the perfectly reflecting
mirror). 41 As Gimello and Buswell suggest in their introduction to this
volume, these are manifestations of Buddhism's maintenance of a vital
balance between the apophatic thrust of the doctrine of siinyata and the
theoretical implications of marga. By restraining the urge to reify or
routinize practice, the doctrine of siinyata mitigated spiritual enervation and the decay of mii.rga.
Thus for Chinese Buddhism to have sustained two different models of
spiritual practice is consonant with the Buddhist tradition as a whole.
Of course, the specific nature of that pair of models, not merely the paradigm of encounter dialogue but the antinomy between the marga and
encounter models, evolved within the context of the Chinese historical
and cultural situation. Hence it is entirely valid to consider the parallels
between the marga/encounter opposition and themes native to Chinese
culture, such as the different views of human nature in Chou dynasty
Confucianism, the contrast between Taoist naturalism and Confucian
moral training, and the differing approaches to self-cultivation in Sung
and Ming dynasty Nee-Confucianism.
However, in at least two respects the marga/encounter polarity seems
unique. First, the encounter paradigm is based on an iconoclastic rejection of the very notion of marga itself. Although such antinomian tendencies may be latent in other subtraditions of Buddhism, one suspects
that the Ch'an example is the most pronounced. Second, the encounter
paradigm involves an image of human interaction that derives jointly
from Indian and Chinese sources. Not only did the genealogical model
of the "transmission of the lamp" theory grow out of a coincidence of
Indian and Chinese ideas, but the dialogic style of discourse used in
Ch'an literature derived from a combination oflndian logical dilemmas
and stylistic tendencies going back as far as the Chinese classics.
Notes
This paper was prepared while I was a postdoctoral fellow at the John King
Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, with financial support from both the
Fairbank Center and the American Council of Learned Societies. In addition to
the participants at the UCLA conference on Buddhist soteriology, large measures of gratitude are due to Professors Masatoshi Nagatomi of Harvard University and Robert M. Gimello of the University of Arizona, both of whom
made insightful suggestions on earlier drafts.
1. The term "encounter dialogue" is used to render kien mondo, as in "The
Development of the 'Recorded Sayings' Texts of the Chinese Ch'an School,"
364
McRae
trans. from Yanagida Seizan, "Zenshu goroku no keisei," in Whalen Lai and
Lewis R. Lancaster, eds., Early Ch 'an in China and Tibet, Berkeley Buddhist
Studies, no. 5 (Berkeley, Calif.: Lancaster-Miller Press, 1983), 185-205. The
basic components of the corresponding Chinese, chi-yuan wen-ta, are attested,
but the phrase is not widespread. The term "wen-ta" ("questions and answers,"
or simply "dialogues"), is quite general and may refer to any text with a question-and-answer structure.
2. Other than virtually any of the works of D. T. Suzuki, the most convenient source for examples of encounter dialogue is probably Chung-yuan Chang,
The Original Teachings of Ch 'an Buddhism: Selected from the Transmission qf the Lamp
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1969; rpt. New York: Grove Press, 1982).
3 See Suzuki Tetsuo, To Godai no Zenshii-Konan Kosei hen-, Gakujutsu
sosho Zen Bukky6 (Tokyo: Dait6 shuppan sha, 1984), 112-138, 359.
4 See John R. McRae, The Northern School and the Formation of Early Ch'an
Buddhism, Studies in East Asian Buddhism, no. 3 (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1986), 91-97.
5 Yanagida Seizan, Shoki Zenshii shisho no kenkyii (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1967).
6. There was a steady increase in the percentage of meditation specialists in
successive "Biographies of Eminent Monks" texts, i.e., the Kao-seng chuan of
518, the HKSC of 645/667, and the SKSC of 967. As compiled by Mizuno
Kogen, only 16+ percent of the subjects were listed as meditators or thaumaturges (the power for whose feats came through meditation) in the first of these
texts, whereas successive versions had 45+ and 36+ percent. The last figure
may actually be adjusted to some 60-70 percent due to the suffusion of meditation specialists throughout the other categories. Mizuno suggests that the ultimate prevalence of meditation in Chinese Buddhism resembled that in primitive Indian Buddhism, where only certain monks were listed as especially
proficient in meditation but all were well versed in it. See Mizuno Kogen,
"Zenshu seiritsu izen no Shina no zenjo shisoshi josetsu," Komazawa Daigaku
kenkyii kiyo 15 (March 1957): 17-18. I would note that the increased number of
figures bearing the title "Ch'an master" and identified within Ch'an genealogies does not immediately imply an increased devotion to the practice of meditation per se, but rather the greater currency of Ch'an as an ideology of religious identity.
7 The discussion of Chih-i's writings here is distantly based on work
included in my doctoral dissertation, The Northern School qf Chinese Ch'an Buddhism (Yale, 1983), 51-76.
8. The TTC is a quintessentially "hot" medium, as the term is defined in the
dialogue. surrounding the classic work by Herbert Marshall McLuhan and
Quentin Fiore, The Medium Is the Massage (New York: Random House, 1967).
That is, it provides only the bare narrative thread, forcing the reader to imagine
the background information. This is in contrast to "cool" media (such as television), which supply enough information to supplant the process of creative
imagination.
g. Hui-ssu's own curriculum of training seems to have paralleled a later
T'ien-t'ai scheme of four types of meditation, and it is probable that he also initiated the process of rationalization that culminated in Chih-i's system of the
graduated meditation (chien-tz'u chih-kuan). This inference is based on Chih-i's
heavy dependence on the Ta chih-tu lun in explicating this graduated meditation,
this being a text he studied under Hui-ssu. Unfortunately, there is very little
direct evidence with which to gauge the extent of Hui-ssu's contribution, so for
the purposes of this discussion I consider only the most relevent themes of
T'ien-t'ai meditation theory, which become manifest in Chih-i's writings.
365
. 10. The Tz'u-ti ch 'an-men is Chih-i's most important earfy work; there are a
number of abstracts or commentaries based on it compiled by Chih-i and/or
Kuan-ting. I have used an abbreviated title for this work, which occurs at T
46.475a-548c. For an analysis of its background and importance, including its
relationship to other T'ien-t'ai texts, see Sato Tetsuei, Tendatdaishi no kenkyiiChigi no chosaku ni kansuru kisoteki kenkyii-(Kyoto: Hyakkaon, 1961), 103-127.
For a discussion of the origins and date of this text, see Takahashi Shuei, "Dai
ikkai Kinryo dendo jidai ni okeru Tendai daishi no kosetsu ni tsuite-toku ni
Shidai zemmon o chiishin to shite-, Komazawa Daigaku Daigaku~n Bukkyogaku
kenkyiikai nempo 5 Uune 1971): 125-126. Chan-jan's date for the compilation of
this work is given in Ono Gemmyo, Bussho kaisetsu daiJiten, 13 vols. (Tokyo:
Daito shuppan sha, 1933), 5:21a.
n. The four dhyanas, the four unlimited states of mind, and t~e four formless dhyanas are discussed at length in Paravahera Vajiraiiana Mahathera, Buddhist Meditation in Theory and Practice: A General Exposition According to the Piili Canon
of the Theraviida School (Colombo, Sri Lanka: M. D. Gunasena, 1962), 35-42,
263-317,332-340. For a shorter explanation, see Stephen Beyer, "The Doctrine of Meditation in the Hinayana," in Charles Prebish, ed., Buddhism: A
Modern Perspective (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975),
138-139, 142-144. The six wondrous teachings refer to stages in the practice of
meditation on breathing. The three penetrative illuminations refer to the four
dhyanas, four formless dhyanas, and the attainment of extinction (nirodha-samiipatti), so named because they lead to the three illuminations (ming) into past,
future, and the exhaustion of the defilements, as well as the six penetrations or
supernatural powers (t'ung or shen-t'ung, Skt. abhijna). See Nakamura Hajime,
Bukkyogo daijiten, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Tokyo shoseki; 1975), 2:972d. For the nine
contemplations, eight remembrances, ten contemplations, eight renunciations,
and eight excellences, see Mochizuki Shinko, Mochizuki Bukkyo daijiten, 10 vols.
(Tokyo: Sekai seiten kank6 kyokai, 1933-1936), 1:678b-79a, 5:4223a-c,
3:2284c-85b, 5:4206b-207b, 5:4213c-14b. For the totality-spheres, see Vajiraiiana, Buddhist Meditation, pp. 139-165, and Mochizuki 3:2374a-75b. For the
nine successive dhyanas, samadhi of the lion's charge, and the samadhi of transcendence, see ibid., 1:664c-65a, 2: 1788a-c, and Nakamura, Bukkyogo, 2:965c.
12. Ando Toshio, Tendaigaku-kompon shiso to sono tenkai-(Kyoto: Heirakuji
shoten, 1968), 430.
13. Exceptions are lives of solitary practice or singleminded dedication to an
ideal, such as the forbearance of suffering, that a practitioner may choose to
emphasize for a particular lifetime. Such lifetimes are conceived of as individual
steps along the path. A somewhat related exception must be made for the case
of Mahayana texts that posit a single key to the entire panoply of Buddhist practices, such as the perfection of wisdom or the fiirarhgamasamiidhi.
14. See Leon Hurvitz, "Chih-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and
Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk," Melanges chinois et bouddhiques 12 (19601962): 318-331.
15. This text occurs at T 46.549a-55c under the title Liu miaoja men. (The
three-character title is apparently older.) See Sat6, Tendai daishi, pp. 151-172;
Ando, Tendaigaku, pp. 438-462; and Mochizuki, Mochizuki, 6:5077b-58a.
And6, Tendaigaku, pp. 434-436, discusses the status of this work as a forerunner
to the Mo-ho chih-kuan.
16. T46.52a-b, as quoted in And6, Tendaigaku, p. 219.
17. See T 50.563a for the events cited for Hui-ssu.
18. T 46.1c-2a, quoted in Mochizuki, Mochizuki, 1:311c-12a. The "accumulation" of illusions and its eradication refers to the four noble truths.
366
McRae
19. This paradigm was described in detail in Chinese texts derived from the
Kashmiri meditation tradition, e.g., Kumarajfva's Tso-ch 'an san-mei ching
(Scripture of Seated Meditation and Samadhi).
20. The theories proposed by these theoreticians are often very long on
abstraction, categorization, and hierarchical evaluation, as is shown by the
popularity of the p 'an-chiao tradition of classifying Buddhist doctrines according
to a systematic ranking of theoretical and heuristic principles.
21. See McRae, Northern School of Chinese Ch'an, pp. 31-50.
22. This is the Ch 'iian-chou Ch 'ienjo hsin-chu chu tsu-shih sung (i-chuan), Stein
1635 or T85.1320c-1322c.
23. My analysis of Siikyamuni's biography in the TTC is still not complete,
but suffice it to say that the text explicitly cites a large number of early Chinese
sources here. Presumably, this is drawn from the PLC, although the TTC does
omit the Siitra in Forty-two Sections, used in the PLC as the Buddha's "recorded
sayings." See Yanagida Seizan, "Zen no Butsuden" (The Ch'an Biography of
the Buddha) IBK 13, no. 1 (25;January 1965): 124-128.
24. Eventually, of course, the proliferation of Ch' an led to a very hierarchical
arrangement of encounter-dialogue material according to generations and lineages. This may be viewed as a natural function of the institutionalization of
the original charisma of early Ch'an, although hierarchy may also be inherent
to the act of textual re-creation.
25. Encounter-dialogue exchanges may be analyzable into more or less re~
lar patterns that were internalized by their participants, but the lack of explicit
rules remains a relative distinction made in comparison with other forms of
Buddhist spiritual endeavor. I refer to the notable efforts by William Frederick
Powell, The Record of Tung-Shan: An Analysis of Pedagogic Style in Ch 'an Buddhism
(Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University
Microfilms, 1983), and Alan Sponberg, "Puttin' the Jump on the Master:
Nagarjuna and the Tactics of Emptiness in Ch'an Encounter Dialogue"
(unpub. draft, 1987).
26. Similar skeletal exchanges are noted in shamanic religions. See Mircea
Eliade, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, trans. Willard R. Trask, Bollingen Series, no. 76 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1964), 57.
27. I am recalling oral comments made at the Kuroda Institute conference
on sudden and gradual approaches to enlightenment in Chinese Buddhism,
held in Los Angeles, March 1982. For a more detailed and somewhat different
statement, see Luis 0. Gomez, "Purifying Gold: The Metaphor of Effort and
Intuition in Buddhist Thought and Practice," in Peter N. Gregory, ed., Sudden
and Gradual Approaches to Enlightenment in Chinese Thought, Studies in East Asian
Buddhism, no. 5 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 67-71, 131135.
28. In addition to Robert Gimello's lament, made in his role as respondent
to an earlier reading of this paper, that the Kuhnian terminology of "paradigm
shift" has been used ad nauseum and with insufficient discrimination in the
humanities and social sciences, my criticism of the oversimplifications and distortions implicit in Hu Shih's work on Ch' an has rendered me more sensitive to
the problems implicit in gross periodization schemata. Hu Shih's dichotomy
between gradual/Indian/complex and subitist/Chinese/simple resembles that
between the marga and encounter paradigms, and the problems inherent in the
former may thus apply to the latter. Although I believe the latter comparison to
be more sophisticated and of greater analytical utility, the potential for error
remains.
367
36. This summary is necessarily brief and overly general. In fact, the intellectual world of the Northern and Southern Sung, not to mention the Chin
(which was contemporaneous with the latter), was complex and multivalent. To
cite only the broadest of major currents, Sung dynasty intellectuals disagreed
on whether the Way was real and universal, being transparently expressed by
the sages through language and ritual (this was Ou-yang Hsiu's position), or
whether it was an understanding or interpretation by the sages of the patterns of
human affairs (Chu Hsi's position). They also disagreed on whether one could
achieve wisdom by exploring the world on one's own and relying on the natural
ability of the mind (the position taken by Ch'eng I), or whether one had to
probe the ancient classics of the Chinese tradition to understand the principles
known to the sages (Chu Hsi's interpretation). The latter, more absolutist position is that taken by Nee-Confucianism; the former, more epistemological one
is that of Ou-yang Hsiu and others. Although still highly speculative at this
point, it is possible to correlate the two major streams of Sung dynasty Ch'an
practice with these differing currents within the civil Chinese traditi\)n. Ch'eng
McRae
368
l's reliance on the natural ability of the mind resembles the "silent illumination" (tTUJ-chao) approach to Ch'an meditation, while Chu Hsi's access to the
Way through the mediation of the Confucian classics parallels the "observing
the critical phrase" (k'an-hua) style ofCh'an. In this summary I am paraphrasing the formulation of Peter Bol, as expressed in several private conversations
and stated during the Chinese religions workshop at Harvard, April 1988. In
addition, I have referred to Bol's presentation at the Harvard Buddhist Studies
Forum of February 1988, "Ch'eng Yi was not a Confucian"; I responded to
these remarks with "And so the Ch'an monks weren't Buddhists?"
37 See Bernard Faure, "Bodhidharma as Textual and Religious Paradigm," History of Religions 25, no. 3 (February 1986): 187-198.
38. David Pollack, The Fracture of Meaning: Japan's Synthesis of China from the
Eighth through the Eighteenth Centuries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1986). For an extremely critical review of this book, see Naoki Sakai,
"Modernity and Its Critique: The Problem of Universalism and Particularism," in Masao Miyoshi and H. D: Herootunian, eds., Postmodernism and
Japan, a special issue of South Atlantic Quarter{y (1988): 475-504, esp. 481-487.
The reader should also consult Pollack's rejoinder, in his "Modernism Minceur, or Is Japan Postmodern?" Monumenta Nipponica 44-1 (Spring 1989): 7597, esp. 83-86.
39 This discussion occurred in a paper Alan Sponberg presented at the Buddhist soteriology conference held at UCLA in June 1988 but not submitted for
inclusion in this volume.
40. See McRae, Northern School and Formation, 136-138.
41. Ibid., 132-136, and 144-147, where I discuss these two models as complementary but separate "conceptual matrixes" of early Ch'an thought.
Glossary
Ando Toshlo 4i- .idt.Ml
chao-yiieh san-mei ;!! @..:.. ~
cheng-t'ung if.t~
Chiang-hsi nan-tao ii. i9 iW it
chien-tz'u chih-kuan ~ /k.JI:. l!
chih Jl:.
Chih-i (see T'ien-t'ai Chih-i)
chih-shih wen-i ~~ ,,, .li:
Ching-chou lfolffl
Ching-hsiu Wen-t'eng )to~ :*:f'f
Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu
-!~~:I:T~
Ch'ing-yiian Hsing-ssu
..W. ff ~
chiu hsiang it.~
chiu tz'u-ti ring it./k ~ Jt
chi-yiian wen-ta r.t~r~~
ch'uan-fa
~)!
Ch'uan-hsin fa-yao
..t
~~~5!.:f.
erh-shih-wu fang-pien
fa-hsing 5!11
fang-pien ~ ft
HanYii fUt
Huai-jang il"!l
hua-t' ou
JJi
Hui-k'o 1! "f
Hui-neng !! it
Hui-ssu !! oW.
Hung-chou i* ffl
Hung-jen ~t. .~
k'an-hua ;;lit
kien mondo (see chi-yiian wen-ta)
koan (see kung-an)
kuan lt
kuan pu-k'o-ssu-i ching lit::f- "f .1!!,1l_J;t
Kuan-ting ill 1Ji
kung-an ~-$"
ku-wen -1;-~
li-hsiieh J-1: ~
Lin-chi 1-hsiian If& )1t .li; j;;
u-
r,
r,
**{i;
369
r,
'*-
M.
GIMELLO
371
372
Gimello
373
"9ther," perhaps transcendent factors beyond his or her deliberate control. To be sure, the theoretical literature on marga itsclf tells us that
disengagement from marga as formal and artificial procedure is in the
end a paradoxical requirement of marga, but the point of that paradox
is lost, or becomes innocuous, if one accepts it too quickly. To grasp the
full measure of its consequence, we must move from the rerum of
assured efficacy, normative theory, and systematic praxis into the realm
of contingency. Such a move takes us inevitably into history (the proper
domain of the contingent), and it is there that we find the Buddhist tradition itself calling marga into question in ways that are sure to sharpen
our efforts to assess the theoretical claims made for miirga's efficacy and
relevance to real life.
What follows, then, is an exercise in the historical study of Buddhist
miirga and Buddhism's miirga-based soteriology-an approach distinct
from the textual, systematic, or philosophical investigation of the same.
By "history" we mean not only a diachronic tracing of the internal evolution of Buddhist ideas and practices but also (and chiefly) a sustained
investigation of the synchronic, multivalent, and densely circumstantial
connections between Buddhism and the other values and events that
comprise the full life experiences of particular Buddhists. Focusing on a
particular period in the history of Chinese Buddhism, we shall consider
a particular constellation of controversies carried on among certain
Buddhists who displayed rather high levels of historical consciousness
and who were explicitly concerned more with the historical ramifications of the issues involved (i.e., their relevance to the immediate historical situation) than with their purely theoretical or systematic implications.
The central questions under discussion were two, and yet inseparable. First, which (if any) of the components of the larger Buddhist tradition are to be classified as miirga, in the sense of being deemed necessary and sufficient unto liberation, and which may be regarded as
extraneous, dispensable, or even deleterious? Second, how (if at all)
may miirga be integrated into the general structures of value and action
that make up a society; or to what extent (if at all) i:nay marga be understood to encompass the larger patterns of private and public practice
that comprise a whole culture? These questions, I believe, are telling.
The importunate way in which they were posed and answered by particular persons in particular historical situations reveals something
more about marga than is disclosed in any prescriptive statement
thereof-this despite, or perhaps because of; the way in which the
untidy particularity and unruly contingency of history and biography
always resist neat, balanced, and rigorously consistent exposition as resolutely as they resist final closure.
Gimello
374
375
376
Gimello
truth, that each argued against a mere caricature of the other's position,
that one side spoke from an absolute perspective while the other
adopted a relative point of view/ or that in the end Ch'an surmounted
the controversy by finding a sane and sensible middle way between the
two extremes. The issues were too urgent and deep for such facile resolution, and the tension between conflicting views of those issues was
never really relaxed, but kept reappearing in various guises and in evernarrowing frames of dispute. Thus, even among Ch'an traditions that
were more or less in agreement on the question of Ch'an's "separateness" from the rest of Buddhism (scholastic doctrine, scripture, etc.),
conflicts repeatedly erupted between two kinds of Ch'an. On the one
hand; there were those who seemed to retain confidence in the margalike utility of particular devices-uniquely Ch'an devices like k'an-hua
(inspecting the hua-t'ou [caption] or kung-an [precedent, J. kOan])employed in a deliberately dynamic practice. Ch'an practitioners of this
sort believed that such tecniques helped precipitate a distinct and
unconditioned liberating experience (wu, satori) essential to final liberation. On the other hand, there were those who criticized all reliance on
external, makeshift devices. They believed that such contrivances necessarily implied duality, and insofar as they felt it essential to deny all
dualistic distinctions-including those between soteriological means
and soteriological end-they declared null any notion of a distinct
liberating experience to which any formulae of practice could lead.
This latter tack led to the claim that liberation does not follow from,
but simply consists in, a life of assiduous practice understood as its own
end. But those who made this claim were accused by their opponents of
having sunk into mere routine, doltish passivity, or sheer inertia of
spirit. 8 Further, even among advocates of k'an-hua Ch'an, and thus in
still narrower polemical contexts, the same tension could reemerge in
the form of distinctions between the proper use of kung-an as "living
words" (huo-chil) and their abuse as "dead words" (ssu-chil), 9 or between
those whose kung-an practice was still at the reputedly elementary stage
of "investigating the intention" (ts'an-i) of the hua-t'ou and those who
had gone beyond such meditative conceptualizing to the purportedly
metaconceptual "investigation of the word" (ts'an-chil) itself. 10 Perhaps
the best known of these intramural arguments among various radical
and moderate versions ofCh'an are the many changes rung on the difference between subitism and gradualism, a distinction which could further ramify in such a way that, among subitists (and everyone considered himself a subitist), there could be those who spoke only of sudden
enlightenment, followed or preceded by gradual practice, and those
who spoke of practice itself as sudden. 11
Finally, this tension could appear in the most narrow and specific
polemical contexts of all, that is to say, in the context of ambivalence or
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ical values of Buddhism. In the frequent conversation or correspondence between eminent monks and eminent statesmen, for example,
the role of the Ch'an interlocutor was usually to remind the layman of
the transience of the world in which he lived and of the insubstantiality
of the goals for which he strove. Drawing on the resourc"es of Buddhist
psychology, the monk might alert the layman to the subtle ways in
which the latter's passions and false discriminations could vitiate even
his most well-intentioned efforts to fulfill his worldly responsibilities. In
a more philosophical vein, he could draw attention to how even those
things which might seem entirely objective and material are actually
inextricable from one's own mind. Most important, he often urged his
lay associate to consider that there must be some purpose or meaning to
life beyond anything the world itself could offer. There is ample literary
evidence that the Ch'an masters' teachings on such matters were effective and that many of the most prominent literati of the time were
moved to serious reflection on Buddhist themes-not a few were, in one
sense or another, actually converted to the Buddhist worldview. 16
Nevertheless, the dialogue with the laity and with secular culture proceeded in both directions. Although Ch'an did not forfeit its character
as a Buddhist tradition and continued to bring to bear on worldly matters the otherworldly or transcendental (ch 'u-shih-chien, lokottara) perspective of Buddhism, the Ch'an teacher could no longer address questions of religious moment without at least tacitly considering their
secular implications, their relevance to the experience ofliving men and
women both in and out of the monastery, and their bearing on analogous issues raised in non-Buddhist intellectual and religious traditions.
This inevitably affected (as, indeed, Buddhist principles of accommodation would allow it to affect) the answers Ch'an teachers could give to
religious questions.
What I wish most to argue here is that questions of miirga and soteriology were prominent among the issues affected by Ch'an's participation in secular culture, and that the overriding consequence was the
stimulation or 'support that participation gave to the conservative
impulse in Ch'an. Ch'an's newfound worldly responsibilities and affmities served, I believe, to impede or abate its old centrifugal and radically
anti-miirga tendencies. They strengthened, instead, its ties to its own
larger heritage-to the codes of orderly religious and moral practice
that made up the miirga portion of that heritage, and to a "broad
church" vision of a Buddhism that was not restricted to small, elite
groups of monastic illuminati but could accommodate persons of all
capacities from all walks of life. They induced, one might say, a kind of
Ch'an sobriety and moderation.
There is a term used in some traditions of Northern Sung Ch'an
which I believe captures the character of this sober Ch' an conservatism
381
better than any other, even though it was a focus of controversy in its
'own day and acquired over the centuries largely negative connotations.
That term is "Wen-tzu Ch'an." Although this is often translated as "literary Ch'an," and so conveys the derogatory sense in which it was used
by critics, I prefer the implicitly more affirmative translation, "lettered
Ch'an." The latter is truer to the intention of those who employed, and
perhaps coined, the term to distinguish their Ch'an, which encouraged
the combination of spiritual discipline with literacy and learning, from
the illiterate or anti-intellectual Ch'an that they despised as mere posturing.17 "Wen-tzu Ch'an," -therefore, was an inherently polemical
term. Like the contemporary and similarly controversial phrase "Taohsiieh," it was used by some to disparage, by others to praise and
inspire. 18
During the Sung, the phrase "Wen-tzu Ch'an" had at least two
orders of reference. First, it was a purely Buddhist shibboleth. In the
immediate context of Ch'an's internal polemic, it stood in deliberate
contrast to the older phrase ''pu-li wen-tzu." For those who advocated
"lettered Ch'an" (and I repeat that it was they. who coined the term), it
announced rather boldly, almost as if issuing a challenge, the decision to
annul or at least seriously to qualify the conventional divorce of Ch' an
from scriptural and doctrinal Buddhism. For the opponents of "lettered
Ch'an," the same phrase had chiefly derogatory connotations and
labeled an ersatz, merely "literary" Ch'an whose practitioners had
allowed themselves to become entangled in the web of words.
But internal Buddhist polemic was not the only context in which the
phrase "Wen-tzu Ch'an" had special significance. It also spoke to, and
resonated with, certain dominant themes in the broader secular culture
of the Northern Sung. In addition to its Buddhist associations, it had
non-Buddhist implications that no Sung intellectual could have missed.
Outside of Buddhism per se, but not at too great a distance therefrom,
the Northern Sung witnessed a vigorous debate between two factions of
the Confucian revival that was then in full spate. On the one hand,
there were the advocates of "Tao-hsiieh" (study of the Way), those
whom we in the modern West know best under the imperfect label,
"Neo-Confucians." The Ch'eng brothers (especially Ch'eng 1), their
teachers (men like Chang Tsai and Chou Tun-i), their disciples (men
like Hsieh Liang-tso and Yang Shih), and an appreciable but still relatively small number of their contemporaries were convinced that the
Tao could be truly apprehended only directly, immediately, and introspectively. Only by concentrating on the innately available Tao-that
is, only by attending to the fixed and universal moral principles (li) that
were believed naturally to inhere in one's nature and mind as the very
immanence of Tao-could one hope to achieve individual and communal realization of Heaven's Way. The goal was not just to study the liter-
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ary and other artifacts created long ago by "the sages" of the past, but
to become a sage oneself, here and now.
It is not surprising that these men, though they were all eminently
learned and accomplished authors, should have been deeply suspicious
of cumulative learning, and especially of literary pursuits. They
believed that such undertakings were too likely to trivialize the intellectual life, to deflect from experiential "study" of the Way and from the
all-important concentration on ethical endeavor, and to lead to mere
polymathy and literary refinement for their own sakes. They also felt
that literary pursuits could too easily become obsessive or self-serving
preoccupations that would sap and waste one's moral and intellectual
strength. Such fears, they believed, had already been borne out-for
example, by the past and present literary corruption of the civil-service
examination system, the consequences of which affected the whole
nation. To be sure, the proponents of Tao-hsiieh made no Ch'an-like
disavowal of all learning, nor were they inclined, after their unhappy
experience with radical reform, to overhaul the examination system.
Rather, they resorted to a retrenchment of the legitimate field of learning, which they strove to restrict to the classics and a few approved commentaries thereon. The other and vaster territories of traditional learning, together with literary creativity as something. valuable in itself, they
declared illegitimate. 19
Ranged against the advocates of direct access to the Tao were the
proponents of "Wen-hsiieh" (cultural or literary learning), a phrase
quite different from "Tao-hsiieh" in connotation as well as denotation.
These culturally more conservative literati were led by men like Su Shih
and his disciples, who gloried in the abundance of culture afforded them
by the Sung renaissance and who believed that access to the Tao is possible only through the diverse and cumulative mediation of culture. For
them it was "only" by way of poetry, prose, calligraphy, painting,
music, antiquarianism-together with appreciation and cultivation of
the mysterious capacity for personal creativity and aesthetic sensibility
from which such things flow-that the Tao might be perceived and realized. What they required was sustained and reverent attention to the
diverse particularity of history and literary tradition as preserved in
books and other cultural media, along with nurture of that intuitive creativity by which one might participate in the further growth of culture.
Direct apprehension of the universal principles of the Tao, without the
mediation of culture, was seen as a chimera.
Significantly, Wen-hsiieh advocates of such a cultural and especially
literary path to realization of the Tao held that theirs was a responsible
and realistic "gradual" approach. Advocates of Tao-hsiieh, they
averred, were both irresponsible and mistaken in proposing a "sudden"
or immediate apprehension of Tao. It is ironic that Su-shih, despite his
383
Just as Ta-hui often warned his lay students against wasting their minds
in secular literary pursuits, so he frequently warned his fellow monks
that they must "escape the dark caverns of vehicles and doctrines,"
cease "groping about in the vacuousness" of texts, and understand that
words .and letters are at best Jike fingers pointing at the moon."24
Apropos of Ch'an in particular, Ta-hui was quick to condemn the specious profundity of a certain kind of pretentiously discursive Ch'an,
which he was distressed to believe was common in his day and in which
he found true Ch'an practice replaced by mere rote intonation of deepsounding Buddhist catchphrases. This he attacked as "mystagoguery"
(t 'an-hsiian shuo-miao). 25 But all this is relatively well known; what of the
other side of each of these mutually analogous arguments?
It appears that the Ch' an monasteries of the Northern Sung, as well
as the era's Confucian academies, harbored both "foxes" and "hedgehogs."26 The "foxes" knew, and believed it necessary to know, "many
things." They were concerned to exploit all the resources bequeathed to
them by their respective traditions, despite their variety, and were
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385
and an uncle of sorts to the young Che-tsung (r. 1085-1100). 30 According to a famous description of the scene questionably attributed to the
artist and critic Mi Fu ( 1051-11 07), 31 the guests were as follows: Shown
in the lower foreground, seated at a table and absorbed in poetic composition and/or calligraphy, is the most distinguished member of the
group, Su Shih (1037-1101). 32 At the same table are his host, Wang
Shen, and two of his students, Ts'ai Chao33 and Li Chih-i. 3 i In the middle ground is Li Kung-lin himself, shown in the act of painting his
famous illustration of T'ao Yiian-ming's Kuei-ch'u-lai tzu (Homecoming). Among those clustered about Li, watching him, are Su Shih's
brother Su Ch' e ( 1039-1112)35 and the poet Huang T'ing-chien ( 104511 05). 36 Above and behind them are two other groups. To the left is Mi
Fu himself, the alleged author of the description we are now using, in
the act of inscribing one of his beloved fantastic rocks, while the academician and official Wang Ch'in-ch'en37 and an unnamed companion
look on. To the right is the Taoist calligrapher Ch'en Ching-yiian, 38
portrayed playing a p'i-p'a while a student of Su Shih named Ch'in
Kuan ( 1049-11 00) 39 listens. Also present are a friend of Su Shih named
Cheng Ching-lao~ 0 and two other Su followers, Ch'ao Pu-chih (10531110)41 and Chang Lei (1054-1114),~ 2 all in the group around Li Kunglin.43 Elsewhere are two groupings of what may be ancient bronze vessels. These are unattended at the moment of the painting but had
perhaps been assembled for the antiquarian delectation of Wang Shen's
guests, most of whom, like many literati of the day, were probably collectors and connoisseurs of antiques. 44
These distinguished personages and their manifold activities are all
fascinating, but for our purposes it is most important to note another,
relatively unobtrusive element in the painting. At some remove from
the rest of the party-in the uppermost sector, and in the shaded seclusion of a thick bamboo grove separated from the main garden by a
stream-sits an aged Buddhist monk reading a text with an attentive lay
student. The description of the painting ascribed to Mi Fu identifies the
layman as a minor poet and painter of the period named Liu Ching
(1047-1100). 45 It also says that the subject ofthe teaching he is receiving
from the old monk is "the theory of (or the essay on) nonarising" (wusheng lun), i.e., the teaching of emptiness.4 6 It is the monk himself to
whom I want to draw special attention. He is identified as the Ch'an
master Fa-hsiu (1027-1090), 47 an eminent cleric nearing the end of his
days and perhaps better known to the Chinese tradition by the honorific
Yiian-t'ung Ch'an-shih, a title bestowed upon .him in 1084 by an
admiring Emperor Shen-tsung. ~ 8
Much of the interest that this painting has elicited from later Chinese
commentators focuses on the traditional identification of the famous
literati represented in it. It was thought to provide a rare and precious
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glimpse into the daily lives of some of the most famous figures of a
famous age. However, the same interest has not extended to the one
Buddhist monk included in the scene. To my knowledge, no traditional
or modern scholar who has dealt with the painting has pursued the
question of just who the Reverend Fa-hsiu was, why a Buddhist monk
was included in the scene, or why this monk rather than another was
deemed worthy company for the literary and artistic luminaries who fill
the rest of the painting. It is not as though Buddhism was a negli~ble
ingredient in Northern Sung culture, nor was Fa-hsiu a particularly
inaccessible or obscure figure. Buddhism was never far from the center
of the Northern Sung literary scene, and we know quite a bit about this
particular cleric and the specific variety of Ch'an Buddhism he represented. We know, for example, that Fa-hsiu was well regarded in the
highest secular and monastic circles both for his religious accomplishments as a Ch'an master and for his broad learning, cultivated tastes,
and lambent wit. These facets of his fame are themselves of general significance, reminding us that Ch'an during the Northern Sung was
hardly the rude, renegade, and anti-intellectual tradition of both earlier
and recent Ch'an lore.
In more specific terms, we know that Fa-hsiu was a Ch'an monk in
the sixth generation of the Yiin-men lineage, a paramount house of
Ch'an during the early Sung that was especially well known for its literary and ecumenical accomplishments. 49 His immediate predecessor in
that line, the even better known T'ien-i I-huai (993-1064), 50 had been
the student and chief successor of Hsiieh-tou Ch'ung-hsien (980-1052),
who is-and was throughout the Sung-famous as the author of an
influential early kung-an and poetry collection, the Hsileh-tou po-tse sungku. This later became the core of the most famous of all kung-an anthologies, the Pi-yen lu (The Record of the Blue Grotto or, as it is most commonly known in the West, "The Blue Cliff Record"), compiled by the
Lin-chi Ch'an monk Yiian-wu K'o-ch'in (1063-1135). Moreover, there
is abundant independent evidence that Fa-hsiu was as famous outside
the Srupgha as he was within it. It can be demonstrated that he was well
known-as teacher, friend, and colleague-to many of the other famous
secular figures represented in the Western Garden painting. Thus the
unobtrusive old monk, half hidden in a far comer of Wang Shen's garden, was not simply a stock type but a particular historical person as
consequential in his own right as nearly all his companions in the painting were in theirs. He was an eminent cleric in what was then an especially influential lineage ofCh'an Buddhism, while at the same time he
enjoyed the patronage and admiration of the leading figures in the secular culture of his day. The fact that he lived among both fellow monks
and literati, together with the equally well-established fact of his emi-
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If it be the case that doctrine (chiao) exhausts the Buddha's intent, then it is
not fitting to criticize the doctrinal teachings as Master Yuan [i.e., Huaitung] does. And if it be true that Ch' an contradicts the teachings, then one
ought not to "study" Ch'an in the manner of Tsung-mi. But I do not
believe that in what was transmitted to Mahakasyapa.there was anything
apart from the Buddha's teachings. 54
389
by this and said, as he tried to catch his breath from laughing, "How
could one dare to say that the buddha-nature is something one could
'have' or 'lack,' much less suggest that one could be enlightened by
such statements!"
Eventually he arrived at the T'ieh-Fo Monastery in Wu-wei chiin
(mod. Wu-wei hsien, Anhui), where he presented himself to the
renowned Ch'an master I-huai. 58 He is said to have found I-huai seated
in formal posture and displaying a forbidding demeanor, but with tears
streaming down his face and soaking his robes. Fa-hsiu, however, simply ignored this strange spectacle. I-huai then restrained his tears and
asked, "What scripture is it, Reverend Sir, which you expound?"
When Fa-hsiu replied that he specialized in the Hua-yen ching, I-huai
asked him what the essential purport (tsung) of that text was. Fa-hsiu
said that its cardinal meaning was mind (hsin). I -huai then asked if there
were an essential purport to the doctrine of mind. To this Fa-hsiu could
give no reply, and so I-huai said, "In even the smallest discrepancy
yawns the distance separating (hsiian-ke) heaven from earth. Look to
yourself and you will surely understand."
Thus did I-huai manage to transform a Hua-yen metaphysical
abstraction-the doctrine of the mind as the ground on which the vast
and the minute encompass each other-into an urgent Ch'an reminder
of the necessity of close attention to the immediacies of one's own experience. At this, Fa-hsiu was taken aback and lost his composure. He
trembled and made obeisance to I-huai, vowing to spend night and day
learning the dharma from him. Fa-hsiu remained with I-huai for several years before achieving his own enlightenment. This is said to have
occurred when the master posed to his students the "old case" in which
Po-ch'ao asked Pao-tz'u, 59 "What is the time before the emotions
arise?" and Pao-tz'u replied, "Separation" (ke). 60 I-huai then confirmed Fa-hsiu's attainment by announcing, "You are truly a vessel of
the dharma; in the future my message will proceed with you."
Following his time with I-huai, Fa-hsiu spent approximately ten
years wandering from temple to temple in the Anhui region. We are
told that he led a very austere life during this period, and was impervious to the cold and hunger that were the lot of an itinerant monk. What
did trouble him, however, and grievously so, were the sorry spiritual
conditions in which he found the monasteries he visited, conditions in
which "the Way ofthe patriarchs was not flourishing," and for which he
harbored a strong sense of personal responsibility. From Anhui he went
further south to Kiangsi and settled on Mt. Lu, residing for nearly
twenty years at that mountain's Hsi-hsien Temple. 61 There his reputation as a strict and enlightened teacher grew steadily. It was on Mt. Lu
that he met another teacher, Yiin-chu Hsiao-shun (d. between 1064 and
1067), who served for a time as abbot ofHsi-hsien ssu. Hsiao-shun, like
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391
night with questions about the Tao," and he even preached at court. He
is said to have met Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), whose lack of appreciation for Buddhism he lamented, and as already noted, he also came to
know and be admired by Su Shih. Su had apparently learned of Fa-hsiu
earlier, either while he was still in exile in Huang-chou or as he was
making his way from there to the capital. The two )Den seem to have
corresponded with each other during the early 1080's, perhaps even
before Fa-hsiu reached Kaifeng, and four short letters from the great
poet to the venerable monk survive today. 70 No doubt the two men
came to know each other even better after Su Shih returned to Kaifeng
in 1086. Sometime after the monk's death in 1091, Su Shih made it
known that he believed Fa-hsiu to have been, along with his dharma
brother Hui-lin Tsung-pen (1020-1099), 71 one of two persons most
responsible for the great effiorescence ofCh'an in the Sung capital. 72
We have already seen that Fa-hsiu also knew Li Kung-lin and Huang
T'ing-chien. In fact, he was apparently on quite familiar terms with
both, as is indicated by several oft-repeated anecdotes. For example, he
is said once to have teasingly reproved the great painter by telling him
that his paintings of horses were so realistic as to engender concern that
Li might be reborn as a horse (lit., "enter a horse's belly"). Fa-hsiu's
remark seems to have been made in a half-humorous vein, yet the story
goes that Li took the caution seriously and put aside his brush until Fahsiu encouraged him to take it up again, this time to paint images of
Buddhist figures like Kuan-yin, Vimalakirti, the arhats, and so on. 73
Likewise, Fa-hsiu is said to have chided Huang T'ing-chien about the
sensual or voluptuous diction (yen-yii.) of the latter's poetry, which he
noted was so popular that men vied with one another to transmit and
emulate it. When Huang laughed and asked if this would put him, too,
"in the belly of a horse," Fa-hsiu responded that karmic retribution for
using seductive words to excite the concupiscent minds of people
throughout the world would not stop at mere equine rebirth. Huang, he
said, should rather fear rebirth in hell itself. 74
Fa-hsiu may have had a reputation for severity, but he seems also to
have had an excellent sense of humor. Such bantering strictures against
art and literature were no doubt made with tongue at least partly in
cheek, although with an undertone of caution and serious reserve as
well. In any case, that the impression Fa-hsiu made on Huang was serious and lasting is proved by several reverential references to him in
Huang's surviving writings. Among these is an encomium (tsan) in
which the poet confesses his grateful admiration of the eminent monk's
renowned severity, taking it to be a manifestatio~- of compassion especially well suited to the spiritually decadent times in which he believed
they lived. 75
As to Fa-hsiu's monastic following, the records indicate that he had
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no fewer than twenty-eight formal heirs. 76 One of the most famous was
Fo-kuo Wei-po (d.u.), who succeeded him as a prominent resident and,
later, abbot of the Fa-yun ssu. 77 Wei-po is best known as the author of
the third of the great "transmission of the lamp" compendia, the Chienchung Ching-kuo hsu-teng-lu, a text published in the summer of 1101 and
accorded the signal honors of a preface co~posed by Emperor Huitsung ( r. 1100-1125) and immediate inclusion in the canon. This thirtyfascicle Ch'an history is itself enough to establish Wei-po's credentials
as a monk for whom Ch'an piety and scholarship were not incompatible. That he went so far as to hold that scriptural and doctrinal study
were necessary complements to Ch'an was confirmed in 1104, when he
published another scholarly work, a systematic catalogue of the Sung
Buddhist canon entitled Ta-tsang-ching kang-mu chih-yao lu. 78 In the concluding section of this work, Wei-po pleaded for rapprochement
between doctrinal Buddhism and Ch'an, asserting that practice of
Ch' an without study of scripture and reflection on doctrine would result
in a constricted and dangerously one-sided caricature of true Buddhism.
It is significant that Wei-po presented the complementary relationship between Ch'an and the four major doctrinal or scripturally based
schools by means of an analogy drawn from the world of art, viz., the
modeling of a figure of the Buddha in clay. 79 In the terms of this metaphor, Yogaciira Buddhism (Tzu-en chiao) is like the under-layer of clay
applied to the skeletal framework of the Buddha figure to form its musculature; the Vinaya school (Nan-shan chiao) is like the external layer of
fine plaster with which the clay of the statue is covered; T'ien-t' ai is like
the set of five vital organs placed within the body of the statue; 80 Huayen (Hsien-shou chiao) is like the gloss of golden color applied to the plaster surface of the figure; and Ch'an (Ch'an-men tsung) is like the brilliant
light emanating from the jewel-pupils of the figure's eyes. To be sure,
this elaborate p'an-chiao (doctrinal classification) trope grants pride of
place to Ch'an, implying that is a kind of quintessence of Buddhism.
However, the point Wei-po says he is most concerned to make is that,
just as a statue of the Buddha cannot be complete without all five of
these stages in its fabrication, so Buddhism remains incomplete unless
all five of its major component schools are given their due.
The principle of harmony between Ch'an and learned Buddhism,
and the disposition to demonstrate that principle by means of artistic
expression, is further exemplified in the only other ofWei-po's works to
have survived, the Wen-shu chih-nan t'u-tsan (Illustrated Encomia [Recounting Sudhana'sJourney to] the South as Directed by Maiijusri), a
set of illustrated verses summarizing the final chapter of the Hua-yen
Siitra. This text, illustrations to the better editions of which are vaguely
reminiscent of the style of Li Kung-lin's paintings, is a prime instance
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rian Ellen Johnston Laing, holds that the "Western Garden Gathering"
is a fictitious event, that the original version of the painting was not
painted by Li Kung-lin, and that the scene was probably first rendered
(admittedly in Li's style) by an unknown artist of the early Southern
Sung. Laing argues convincingly that the painting may well have been
first conceived and executed in the early Southern Sung, as an exercise
in nostalgic admiration for the "men of the Yiian-yu period (10861093)"-namely, for the party of conservative literati who dominated
Chinese culture and politics in the era following Wang An-shih's experiments in reform. During the decades that immediately followed Yiianyu, these men were condemned by the then-resurgent reform party, but
their reputations were redeemed and they became heroes shortly after
the 1126 fall of the North, which was then blamed on Wang's epigones,
their enemies.
Although the painting may be only an imaginative and elegiac recreation du temps perdu, it is happily suggestive of certain aspects of Sung
Ch'an that bear directly on our underlying theme. Note first that Fahsiu's presence is somewhat remote and aloof, even though he is a significant part of the composition, holding his own in the idyllic scene
along with a distinguished and select company of far more famous culturalluminaries. One might even go so far as to say that, at least in the
version of the scene attributed to Chao Meng-fu (Figure 1), Fa-hsiu
does more than hold his own: he may actually be the culmination of the
overall visual narrative of the painting. The eye of the viewer seems to
be drawn first to the Su Shih cluster in the lower left part of the painting. From there it is led, along an ascending "S" curve, to the decreasingly congested Li Kung-lin and Mi Fu clusters, finally coming to rest
on the tranquil pair of monk and attentive lay student. Apropos of this
arrangement, one may again follow Ellen Johnston Laing who, in her
article on this painting, quotes part of a colophon by the poet Tseng Chi
(1084-1166), found on an unpublished and unnamed handscroll version of the scene: "At the end of the scroll an old Ch'an master and a
scholar sit in silence opposite each other on rush mats amidst a bamboo
grove, a stream, and rocks. Can this be without significance (ch 'i wu
iyeh)?"
Significance there must surely be, and it may lie precisely in the fact
that Fa-hsiu's location in the scene places him in contrapuntal relationship to all the painting's other figures. It is as though we are meant to
take special note of his difference from (particularly his apparent indifference to) the fascinating activities that preoccupy Wang Shen's other
eminent guests. 87 There is a visible and marked contrast between the
contemplative stillness embodied in the figure ofthe monk and the more
active scenes ofliterary and artistic creativity that seem to lead the viewer's eye toward him. Is it too much to suggest an analogy to the larger
l. H si-yii.anya-chi t 'u attributed to Chao Meng-fu ; original in th~ collection of the National Palace Museum , Taipei,
Taiwan, Republic of China (Catalogue no. YV.117)
FIGURE
D .C . (CataFtGURE 2. Detail from an anonymous Hsi-yiianya-chi t'u, now in the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington,
Institution,
Smithsonian
Art,
of
Gallery
Freer
the
of
(Courtesy
century.
sixteenth
garden;"
a
in
"Personages
entitled
.523),
logue no. 11
Washington, D .C .)
FtGURE 3. Detail from an anonymous, purportedly Sung version of the Hsi-yiian ya-chi t'u; original in the collection of the National Palace
Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China (Catalogue no. SH . !33 .m)
4-. Detail from Hsi-yiianya-ch 'i t 'u attributed to Liu Sung-nien (ca. 1150-after 1225); original in the collection of the National Palace
Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China (Catalogue no. SH.109 .e)
FIGURE
An
anonymous,
purportedly
Ming version
of th~ f!si-yuan
ya-chl-l u;
original in the
collection of
the National
Palace
Museum ,
Taipei, Taiwan , Republic
of China
(Catalogue no .
MV.670)
FICURE5 .
401
In this wry epigram we hear an echo of Fa-hsiu's half-jocular (but halfserious) remarks to Li Kung-lin and Huang T'ing-chien, cited above.
Poetry, and by implication the other arts as well, can too easily be made
into an ersatz religion, can too readily become the elegant but shallow
diversion of those whom later Japanese Zen monks would call "shavenheaded laymen." Fa-hsiu is shown here, clearly, to be skeptical about
the place of poetry in Ch'an.
The same point is made in another anecdote, this one offering actual
examples of good and bad Ch'an usage rather than mere comment on
them. Ta-hui tells us that Yiin-chu Hsiao-shun (a.k.a. Shun Lao-fu)9 1
once asked Fa-hsiu whether or not he had known T'ien-i 1-huai. When
Fa-hsiu replied that he had, Hsiao-shun asked for an example of
1-huai's discourse. Fa-hsiu offered the following epigram: "One, two,
three, four, five, six, seven. Before the lofty peaks I stand alone. I
snatch the pearl from the black dragon's jaws. With a single word I
402
Gimello
expose Vimalaki:rti." Hsiao-shun's response to this was terse but scathing. "Not good," he said, "what else have you got?" Fa-hsiu then
related that once, when an old monk had come for an interview with
I-huai, the master raised his wisk and asked, "Do you understand?"
The old monk replied, "I don't understand." I-huai then said, "The
earlobes, two pieces of skin; the teeth, all bone." Shun Lao found this
anecdote much more to his liking and praised I-huai as a true spiritual
guide (chen shan-chih-shih) whose latter remark should never be forgotten.92
Consider the contrast between these two examples of I-huai's Ch'an
wordcraft offered by his student Fa-hsiu. The first is somewhat prolix,
extravagantly figurative, even bombastic, marked by a self-consciously
poetic or tropic quality. The second is extremely terse, deliberately flat
and prosaic, actually rough and vernacular. Such contrast, and the
explicit approval ofthe entzauberte mode of the latter example, seem to be
yet another illustration of Fa-hsiu's (as well as Shun Lao's and Ta-hui's)
distrust of poetic discourse or artful diction. They had their doubts
about such elegant things because they saw them as too susceptible to
use as mere counterfeits of true Ch'an experience. Of course, the style
of expression they did favor, or something very much like it, was itself
recognized as a literary value at the time. Many of the leading poets and
critics of the Northern Sung expressly favored what was called an "even
and bland" (p'ing-tan) style. This is a poetic diction that is sparse,
direct, understated, and astringent-a style that was said sometimes to
verge on the rough and vulgar. Mei Yao-ch'en (1002-1060) is perhaps
the most famous exemplar of this style, but it was championed by others
as well, like Ou-yang Hsiu and Su Shih. 93 Su Shih, in fact, once borrowed a similar term, "tan-p'o" (bland and tranquil), from the T'ang
literatus and scourge of Buddhism, Han Yii, and used it to draw an
analogy between the kind of poetry Su himself favored and the sort of
insight and discourse he believed Ch'an required. Han Yii had once
cited the "blandness and tranquility" of the Buddhists as proof of their
lack of "heroic valor" (hao-meng). Su Shih turned that criticism into
praise, affirming blandness and tranquility as positive virtues in both
literature and religious life, and likening them to Buddhist notions of
emptiness and quiescence. In a letter of farewell to a Ch' an poet-monk,
he wrote (in Richard Lynn's translation):
Your Eminence has studied the bitterness and illusory nature of
thingsHundreds of reflections whose ashes have long become cold.
So why ever try to contend with one's contemporaries
To see whose writing will be most magnificent!
A new poem should be like the most white of snows,
403
404
Gimello
and abstruse phrasings of the dharma, the spinning of doctrine as a substitute for experience, and we have already seen something of Fa-hsiu's
withering views of that. Even as a young man, when he weighed the
quite learned Ch'an of a Tsung-mi and the radically quotidian Ch'an of
a Huai-tung, he found neither alternative satisfying. Nevertheless, he
was adamant in rejecting doctrinal reflection whenever it was divorced
from Ch'an experience and Ch'an practice-a theme that reverberates
throughout his latter life as well. Thus, in still another exchange with
Hsiao-shun, again about Fa-hsiu's teacher 1-huai, we encounter one of
the earliest instances of a largely pejorative label that came traditionally
to be given to the sort of inferior, discursive Ch'an which Fa-hsiu had
rejected and which he criticized in the anecdotes recounted above.
Hsiao-shun, Ta-hui tells us, was in the habit of criticizing 1-huai for
preaching what Hsiao-shun called "Kudzu Ch' an" (k 'o-teng Ch 'an): 99
One day, Hsiao-shun heard that Ch' an Master T'ien-i'Huai had died. He
entered the dharma hall with palms join.ed in the gesture of reverence, and
said, "How delightful that this old vine-pole has collapsed." Hsiu Yiiant'ung was at that time serving as Rector (Wei-na, KfJ17Tiadiina) in Hsiaoshun's congregation and was constantly being subjected to such abuse. He
then said to his fellow monks, "I must reach some sort of understanding
with this old fellow." That night, during the evening colloquy with the
Master, he was again reviled as before. Fa-hsiu then stepped forth from
the assembly and said, in a harsh voice, "How is it that you never manifest the middle way of the Siitra of Perje6t Enlightenment?" 100 Hsiao-shun
replied, "I have kept you all standing here for too long; I bid you goodbye," and then he returned to the abbot's quarters. Fa-hsiu said, "This
old fellow's 'whole body is an eye.' 101 Well may he revile Master Huai.'' 102
Hsiao-shun's wont to taunt Fa-hsiu by criticizing his teacher's Ch'an
style, and Hsiao-shun's specific retort to Fa-hsiu's angry response, may
seem a bit less puzzling once it is understood that Hsiao-shun's phrasing is probably an allusion to a passage in the Lin-chi lu (Record of Linchi). The sixth discourse (shang-t'ang) in that work concludes when Linchi dismisses his audience with the phrase "I have kept you here too
long; good-bye" (chiu li chen-chung; lit., "You've been standing a long
time; take care of yourselves"). The intent of Hsiao-shun's allusion
may have been to bring to Fa-hsiu 's mind the message of that sixth discourse, in which Lin-chi claims, in accordance with a longstanding
pedagogical principle of Buddhism, always to be able to fit his teaching
precisely to the individual needs and circumstance of each of his students. Lin-chi says of himself,
I always know exactly where each person is coming from (tsung-shih i laich 'u). When a student presents himself just as he is, it is as if he had lost
himself. And when he doesn't present himself just as he is, then he is as
though bound without rope. Never make precipitous judgments. "Under-
405
406
Gimello
407
gle that it once seemed to be. What Fa-hsiu never ceased to reject, of
course, were learning and letters pursued as mere surrogates for religious experience. But these he condemned no less than he condemned
their opposite extreme-namely, the sort of "ignoramus Ch'an" that
simply divorces itself from scripture and doctrine. If our severe and
simple "mountain monk" could be both Ch'an master and master of
Buddhist learning, it should not be surprising that he was also the abbot
of a metropolitan monastery and a friend' to renowned poets and painters. Nor is it incongruous that his most famous disciple, Wei-po, continued such affiliations while becoming both an eminent Ch'an teacher
and a scholar-poet in his own right.
It would seem, therefore, that when we contemplate the old monk in
the painting we have as much reason to focus on his presence in the
scene as we have to note his distance from its foreground. Both the
famous painting itself and the outline we have sketched of Fa-hsiu's life
and teachings support the hypothesis that Ch'an Buddhism, for all its
austerity, had reached in the Sung a kind of ditente with the wider world
of higher Chinese culture. This was not accomplished at the expense of
Buddhism's autonomy and orthodoxy, nor did it result in a loss of the
religion's traditional tension with the secular world, or in a relaxation of
its essentially critical attitude toward all the world's constructs, sacred
or profane. But it did allow Buddhism, precisely in its unflagging role as
a critical tradition, to leave the cloister, so to speak, and take its place in
the more public arena of civilized Chinese discourse.
This amounts, I believe, to a kind of fulflllment of the earlier promise
of Chinese Buddhism, a culmination of its gradual process of sinicization, by which Buddhism wove itself into the fabric of Chinese civilization while simultaneouly altering the basic pattern of that fabric. The
theoretical foundations of that change had been laid during the T'ang,
in the creation of new schools of Chinese thought, such as Hua-yen. Its
practical foundations were laid, also during the T'ang, especially with
the creation of Ch'an Buddhism. But it was not until the Sung that
Buddhism emerged from its own exclusively religious confines to
become an integral part of the public order of concept, value, and
action that China's intellectuals and men of letters then called Wim and
Tao, "Culture and the Way."
The problem of how precisely to define and illustrate the role that
Ch'an Buddhism played in this wider culture remains, but Fa-hsiu and
the Western Garden painting suggest a beginning for that effort. The
themes of ambivalence and ambiguity seem apposite to our consideration of both the monk and the painting. The Buddhist perspective,
symbolized by both the historical and the pictorial Fa-hsiu, is ambivalent, in that accoutrements of both secular and sacred culture are
treated as proper objects of some suspicion or caution for Buddhists,
408
Gimello
just as they always had been. Yet they are also recognized, more readily
than ever before in China, as legitimate components of the Buddhist
Way, provided they serve rather than replace the higher disciplines of
religious experience. The perspective of Sung l~terati culture, represented best by the leaders of the Wen-hsiieh movement, is also ambivalent. On the one hand, the literati seemed favorably disposed to include
Buddhism within the range of their culture's constitutive ideas and values. There was genuine and deep interest in Buddhism, not mere idle
curiosity, on the part of many influential literati. On the other hand, the
literati appeared to reserve Buddhism for use only in extremis or on the
margins of cultural life, as a kind of hovering eschatological presence.
They tended to place Buddhism mostly in the background of culture as
a kind of memento mori, a constant reminder of such Buddhist "fmal
things" as the transient insubstantiality of words and the transcendence
of nirvai;ta.
Given the mutual ambivalence of both parties to this historical relationship, it is not surprising that the picture of the relationship presented to the modem scholar is, in its tum, inherently ambiguous. Contrary to long-held assumptions of its decline, we find Ch'an Buddhism
during the Sung to be very much alive, actually flourishing as never
before, and in the highest strata of society. We also find it (somewhat
surprisingly perhaps) to be a tradition deeply rooted in literature, in the
production and use of new genres of written religious discourse. Moreover, these new forms of Ch'an literature, which are what best distinguish Sung Ch'an from earlier phases of the tradition, are "classicist"
in a sense that Chinese humanists or men of letters outside the Saipgha
could readily appreciate: they were texts employed in the common
enterprise of ju-ku, the restoration and vital preservation of the sacred
past. In matters of literary style, too, Ch'an and the secular belles lettres of the day often coincided and influenced each other.
On all these grounds, and more, the modem scholar could well build
the argument that Ch'an became accepted as an important and integral
component of Sung culture, and that Ch'an Buddhists cultivated a
greater appreciation of both secular and sacred tradition by abandoning
their isolation from the secular world and from the rest of Buddhism as
well, and by participating more readily in public cultural life. Yet such a
characterization of the relationship between Ch'an Buddhism and Sung
literati culture does not tell the whole story. There remained considerable differences between the two, and despite their greater mutual
involvement they did not entirely coalesce. Buddhism remained in
appreciable degree alooffrom the world, and Ch'an's participation in
secular culture was still conducted with considerable reserve. Ch'an
Buddhists were more literary in their religious orientations than they
ever had been before, but they never ceased to worry about the still-ac-
409
111:177-227.
CCHTL: Chien-chung Ching-kuo hsil-teng-lu (The Continued Lamp Record Published in the Chien-chung Ching-kuo Era), 30 chilan. By Fokuo Wei-po (d.u.); completed in 1101. HTC 136:1-414.
CLSPC: Ch 'an-lin seng-pao chuan (Chronicles of the Ch' an Order), 30
chilan. By Hui-hung (1071-1128); completed in 1123. HTC 137:439-
565.
CTCTL: Ching-te ch 'uan-teng-lu (The Record of the Transmission of the
Lamp Published in the Ching-te Era), 30 chilan. By Tao-yuan (d.u.);
410
Gimello
FHCL: Miaoja lien-hua ching ho lun (The Lotus Siitra Together with an
Exposition Thereof), 7 chilan. By Chiieh-fan Hui-hung; date of
composition unknown. HTC 47:701-835.
FTLTTT: Fo-tsu li-tai t'ung-tsai (A Comprehensive Registry of the Successive Ages of the Buddhas and the Patriarchs)', 32 chilan. By Niench'ang (1282-1323); completed in 1341. T 49:477-735.
FTTC: Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (A Chronicle of the Buddhas and the Patriarchs),
54 chilan. By Chih-p'an (1220-1275); completed in 1269. T 49:129-
475.
HTC: Hsi1 tsang-ching (Tripitaka Supplement), 150 vols. Taipei: Hsinwen-feng Ch'u-pan-she, 1977. Originally published as Dainihon
zokuzokyo, 750 vols. Kyoto: Zokyo Shoin, 1905-1912. [Note: Citations of works in this series include the original chilan number of the
particular work cited, but give the HTC volume and page numbers
rather than those of the originalJapanese edition.]
JAOS: Journal of the American Oriental Society
LCL: Lin-chien lu (Anecdotes from the "Groves" ofCh'an), 2 chilan. By
Chiieh-fan Hui-hung; completed in 1107. HTC 148:585-647.
LCTC: Lin-chi tsung-chih (Lin-chi's Principal Message), 1 chilan. By
Chiieh-fan Hui-hung; date of composition unknown. HTC 111:171-
175.
LCYH: Leng-chaiyeh-hua (Nocturnal Ruminations in the Chill Studio),
10 chilan. By Chiieh-fan Hui-hung; composed between 1111 and
1128. In Pi-chi hsiao-shuo ta-kuan, cheng-pien (Taipei: Hsin-hsing shuchii, 1973) 2:893-909.
LYCHL: Leng-yen eking ho lun (The Siirarpgama Siitra Together with an
Exposition Thereof), 10 chuan. By Chiieh-fan Hui-hung; completed
in 1118. HTC 18:1-190.
LTHY: Lien-teng hui-yao (The Collated Essentials of the Consolidated
Lamp [Records]), 31 chilan. By Wu-ming (d.u.); completed in 1183.
HTC 136:415-950.
PEW Philosophy East and West
SJCSY: Sung-jen chuan-chi tzu-liao so-yin (Index of Materials for the Biographies of Sung Figures), 6 vols. Revised and expanded edition.
Edited by Wang Te-i et al. Taipei: Ting-wen Shu-chii, 1977. [Note:
References to this work include both the volume and, following a
colon, the page numbers.]
SKCSCP: Ssu-k'u ch'ilan-shu chen-pen (Rare Works from the "Complete
Collection of the Four Treasuries"), 13 series in 4,800 vols. Edited by
Wang Yiin-wu et al., 1934; rpt. Taipei: Shang-wu ch'u-pan-she,
1970-1982.
SMWTC: Shih-men Wen-tzu Ch 'an (Stone Gate's [i.e., Hui-hung's J Lettered Ch'an), 30 chilan. Date of compilation unknown. A two-volume
reprint of a 1921 typeset edition done at the T'ien-ning ssu in Chang-
411
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412
Notes
I am particularly indebted to Bernard Faure and Lee Yearly-the
respondents in the conference at which the first version of this paper was presented-for their acuity in posing these and other crucial questions. Thanks are
also due to Paul Griffiths for his helpful comments on these issues. Note, too,
the relevance of Anne Klein's chapter in this volume to the last of the questions
mentioned, i.e., whether the path-which must be, in at least some sense, a
kind of conditioning-can be said to generate or facilitate an attainment that is
somehow unconditioned.
2. These two clauses are most familiar as the opening half of a four-part formula which goes on to assert that Ch'an is also "a direct pointing at the human
mind by which buddhahood is achieved in the seeing of one's own nature"
(chih-chihjen-hsinlchien-hsing ch'engjo). The locus classicus of the whole formula
is a rather late text, Mu-an Shan-ch'ing's gloss on the term "singular transmission" (tan-ch 'uan) in his Tsu-t 'ing shih-yiian (Chrestomathy from the Patriarchs'
Halls, HTC 113.132a), a work that was not compiled until1108. However, the
individual components of the formula, and the general claims they make, date
back much earlier, perhaps to Bodhidharma himself. Even Yanagida Seizan,
who has done so much to distinguish the legends of early Ch'an from its true
history, accepts these traditional claims as definitive of classical Ch'an (see the
concluding chapter, on "the fundamental essence" [honshitsu] of Zen, in his
classic Shoki Zenshii shisho no ken!cyii [Kyoto: Hozokan, 1967], 472). For an excellent discussion of Yanagida's and others' critical acceptance of traditional selfdefinitions ofCh'an, see the fifth chapter of Theodore Griffith Foulk's University of Michigan Ph.D. dissertation, The "Ch'an School" and Its Place in the
Buddhist Monastic Tradition (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1987),
164-255. This view of the fundamental character ofCh'an has led to the widespread, but I think very dubious, view that Ch'an is essentially antinomian.
Thus, for example, loan Petru Culianu, in the article on "Sacrilege" in the
new Encyclopedia of Religion, defines antinomianism as "subversion of a religious
or moral code" and goes on to say, "There are other religions in which antinomianism is fully accepted as the characteristic of a special school, such as Ch'an
Buddhism in China or Zen Buddhism in japan" (ER 12:557-558).
3 My thanks to Theodore Griffith Foulk for reminding me in private communication that even in the locus classicus of the "pu-li wen-tzu. . "topos, i.e.,
in Mu-an's Tsu-t'ing shih-yiian (HTC 113.132a11-16), it is said that those
Ch'anists who take the phrase literally, and thus understand Ch'an to be the
actual abandonment of words and letters for a practice of "silent sitting" (motso), are like "dumb sheep" (ya-yang) who display their doltish dependence on
words and letters precisely by their literalist interpretation of the phrase "do not
depend on words and letters."
4 See the remarks on this topic in the Introduction to this volume.
5 This text is traditionally attributed to Bodhidharma himself and, although
some contemporary scholars are willing to accept that attribution, most are
comfortable only with the more cautious view that it is a composite work
formed during the period extending from the late sixth into the early eighth century. In any case, its crucial opening sections may date back to Bodhidharma
and his immediate followers, and there are two important points about the text
which are indisputable-that it is one of the earliest, if not the earliest, of all
Ch'an texts, and that it has exerted great influence throughout Ch'an history.
For an expert treatment of the text and its content, along with a precise and
1.
413
complete English translation, see John R. McRae, The Northern School a,nd the
Formation of Early Ch 'an Buddhism, Studies in East Asian Buddhism 3 (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1986), 101-117. See also Bernard Faure's more
popularly oriented but expert and thoughtful French translation with commentary, Le trait! de Bodhidharma (Paris: Le Mail, 1986). Note that in this early
Ch'an text the "entrance of practice," which might be taken to counterbalance
the "entrance of principle," is not so taken. Rather it is presented, in McRae's
terms, as little more than "a.didactic conceit, useful in the correct orientation of
new students" (Northern School, p. 109). Note, too, Faure's observation that the
tension between extremist and moderate Ch'an may be found in the earliest
phases of Ch' an history (Bodhidharma, pp. 48-49).
6. On medieval Chinese uses of tathagatagarbha doctrine for such purposes,
see Robert M. Gimello's Columbia University Ph.D. dissertation, Chih-yen and
the Foundations of Hua-yen Buddhism (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms,
1976), 212-337. Note, too, Robert Buswell's argument that the apocryphal
Vajrasamiidhi Siitra ( Chin-kang san-mei ching, T 9.365c-37 4b) was composed precisely for the purpose of providing earliest Ch'an (i.e., the sort of Ch'an found
in the Erh-ju ssu-hsing) with the kind of encouraging doctrinal support that was
afforded by the Tathagatagarbha Buddhism of works like the Larikiivatiirasiitra
and the Ta-sheng ch'i-hsin lun; see Robert E; Buswell, Jr., The Formation of Ch'an
Ideology in China and Korea: The Vajrasamiidhi-Siitra, a Buddhist Apocryphon (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), esp. 74-122, 179-181.
7. This particular irenic gambit I have always found especially irritating and
incoherent, as I have never been able to get past the contradiction obvious in
any sue!). juxtaposition of the terms "absolute" and "perspective."
8. The example par excellence of this polemic is found in the writings ofTahui Tsung-kao (1089-1163), a Lin-chi Ch'an monk whose life bridged the transition from Northern to Southern Sung. For thorough treatments of his championing of k'an-hua Ch'an, see Miriam Levering's 1978 Harvard Ph.D.
dissertation, "Ch'an Enlightenment for Laymen: Ta-hui and the New Religious Culture of the Sung," and Robert E. Buswell, Jr., "The 'Short-cut'
Approach of K'an-hua Meditation: The Evolution of a Practical Subitism in
Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," in Peter N. Gregory, ed., Sudden and Gradual:
Approaches to Enlightenment in Chinese Thought, Studies in East Asian Buddhism 5
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 321-377. Levering makes it
clear that the targets ofTa-hui's strictures against "the Ch'an of silent illumination" (mo-chiao Ch'an), though long assumed to be the contemporary Ts'aotung master Hung-chih Cheng-chiieh (1091-1157) and his congeners, are
really unknown ("Enlightenment for Laymen," pp. 261-274). The arguments
against Ta-hui's position on such matters are best known in the form that the
Japanese Sot6 master Dogen Kigen (1200-1253) would later give them. Ignorant as we are about so much of Sung Ch'an, we cannot be sure that Dagen's
position had close antecedents in the China of Ta-hui's time, but it is certainly
possible that it did.
9 Again see Buswell, "Short-cut," p. 348; and idem, "Ch'an Hermeneutics: A Korean View," in Donald S. Lopez, Jr., ed., Buddhist Hermeneutics,
Studies in East Asian Buddhism 6 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
1988), 246-248.
ro. This usage is apparently novel with the great Korean Ch'an patriarch
Chinul (1158-1210), and I owe my acquaintance with it to Robert E. Buswell,
Jr., The Korean Approach to Zen: The Collected Works of Chinul (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983), 252-253, 260, and idem, "Chinul's Systematiza-
414
Gimello
415
416
Gimello
417
~n Things at Hand: The Nco-Confucian Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and Lu Tsuch'ien (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 123.
28. As far as modem Japanese and Western scholarship is concerned, the
unsavory reputation of Wen-tzu Ch'an was confirmed by medieval and later
Japanese judgments concerning the Gozan or "Five Mountains" Zen ofMuromachi times. Gozan Bungaku and related art forms, which were cultivated by
Zen monks in conscious emulation of Sung art and letters, were seen as factors
in the corruption or weakening of medieval Zen. Such traditional judgments
even now carry normative authority and exert considerable influence on contemporary assumptions of what Zen is or sliould be. Thus Philip Yampolsky, in
an uncharacteristic expression of personal evaluation, was moved to write of
Muromachi Zen that "it might not be an exaggeration to say that when Zen
flourishes as a teaching it has little to do with the arts and that when the teaching is in decline its association with the arts increases." See Philip B. Yampolsky, trans., The Zen Master Halcuin: Selected Writings (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1971), 9. One must not mistake artistic sensibility, however
much it may exploit the imagery of Zen, for true Zen spirituality, but a general
declaration that the two are mutually inimical flies in the face of universally
available evidence for the often mutually enriching relationship between art
and religion. For a thoughtful and learned discussion ofthis issue, particularly
as it relates to the life of the great Muromachi Zen master Muso Soseki (12751351), see David Pollack, The Fracture of Meaning: Japan's Synthesis of China from
the Eighth through the Eighteenth Centunes (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1986), 111-133; and idem, Zen Poems of the Five Mountains, American
Academy of Religion Studies in Religion 37 (New York and Decatur: The
Crossroad Publishing Co. and Scholars Press, 1985), which contains many
well-translated examples of the sort of Chinese poetry, written by Japanese Zen
monks, that comprises Gozan Bungaku.
29. Li Kung-lin (tzu: Po-shih, hao: Lung-mien), a major figure in the literati
culture of his day, was particularly celebrated for his renderings of famous Buddhist subjects-e.g., scenes from the Hua-yen eking (misidentified by Basil Gray
as Taoist scenes; see below), an oft-imitated portrait of Vimalakirti, an evocation of Hui-yiian 's Lien-she (Lo,tus Society), several paintings of arhats (lo-han),
depictions of Pu-tai, icons of Sakyamuni and Kuan-yin, etc. But he was also
esteemed for his illustrations of classical Confucian and literary texts-e.g., the
Hsiao-ching (Classic of Filial Piety), T'ao Ch'ien's Kuei-ch 'u-lai tz'u (Homecoming), and the Chiu Ko (Nine Songs)-and for his paintings of Taoist immortals
and horses. Although most celebrated as a figure painter, his landscapes were
admired, too. As was common among literati painters of the period-and
among poets and Ch'an teachers as well-Li was a careful student of the work
of earlier masters and was given to working consciously in their styles. In his
paintings of horses, for example, Li is said to have imitated Han Kan; as a
landscape painter he is believed to have imitated Wang Wei; Wu Tao-tzu is said
to have been his model for paintings of Buddhist figures; in his renderings of
secular figures he is said to have followed Ku K'ai-chih; and the Hsi-yuanya-chi
t'u itself is said have been done in the style of another T'ang master, Li Tachao. For more on the theme ofju-ku (restoring the past) and neo-classicism in
Chinese art and culture of the Sung and later periods, see Wen Fang, "Archaism as a 'Primitive Style,' " and Frederick W. Mote, "The Past in Chinese
Cultural History," both in Christian F. Murck, ed., Artists and Traditions: Uses of
the Past in Chinese Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976),
89-109 and 3-8, respectively. For general information concerning Li Kunglin, see:
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419
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rather the Buddhist "emptiness" (iiinyatii, k'ung), i.e., the intrinsic transience,
indeterminacy, and consequent ineffability of things rather than their supposed
derivation from some eternal meontic substratum.
47 The piece ascribed to Mi Fu, and several other literary sources describing this painting, refer to the monk by name, but in some later texts his name is
forgotten or ignored and he is identified simply as "a certain monk," even
though the names of all the other figures are carefully preserved. Not only his
name but even the monk himself disappeared from certain later versions of the
painting, e.g., the anonymous late Ming rendering owned by New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art and reproduced in Lin Yutang's The Gay Genius, following p. 16. Such neglect, I think, is a token of the declining interest in Buddhism that characterizes many later traditions of Chinese learning, and of their
eventual ignorance of the place of Buddhism in Sung culture. In this connection
we should note that Ellen Johnston Laing was worried by certain inconsistencies in the record regarding the monk's name. In those sou.rces in which he is
named, Fa-hsiu is not always referred to in precisely the same way. Sometimes
he is called Yiian-t'ung Ta~shih; other times Yiian-t'ung Lao-shih; still other
times simply Hsiu-lao, Hsiu Ch'an-shih, or Seng Yiian-t'ung. This should not
be cause, as it was for Laing, to doubt the tradition that identifies the monk as
Fa-hsiu, for the use of such variant epithets is quite common in later Chinese
Buddhism. The one instance Laing cites of a truly different name (T'an-hsiu),
found in a colophon on one anonymous version of the painting, is most likely
an error. Moreover, in the biographies of Fa-hsiu and other contemporary
sources there is ample evidence, some of which is presented below, that he was
well known to many of the other figures depicted in the painting, including Li
Kung-lin himself. This evidence renders the identification of the monk as Fahsiu no less certain than, say, the identification of the calligrapher-painter in the
foreground of the painting as Su Shih.
48. In the summary of Fa-hsiu's career that follows, I rely especially on the
biographies contained in two early works: first, the CCHTL (HTC 136.155a158b), because it is the earliest (1101) and one of the most extensive, but also
because it was written by Fa-hsiu's chief disciple Wei-po; and second, Huihung's CLSPC (HTC 137.543b-545b), which was written only thirty-three
years after Fa-hsiu's death by someone who was not just a recorder of relevant
events but a leading actor in the Wen-tzu Ch'an story we are concerned to tell.
I have also compared Wei-po's and Hui-hung's accounts with those found in
Hsiao-ying's 1155 Yun-wo chi-t'an (HTC 148.55b-56a), Wu-ming's 1183 LTHY
(HTC 136.915a-916b), Tao-yung's 1197 Ts'ung-lin shih-sheng (HTC 148.55b56a), P'u-chi's 1252 WTHY (2:1037-1039), Nien-ch'ang's 1341 FTLTTT (T
49.673cl-674a14), Chiieh-an's 1354 SSCKL (T 49.875b20-876a10), and Ch'ii
Ju-chi's 1595 CYL (HTC 143.578a-579a). P'u-chi's work has become a favored
source of information on the lives and teachings of the Ch'an monks whose biographies and selected sayings it contains, due to the care its compiler took in
collating earlier sources. This work has been available since 1984 in a fine
three-volume critical edition, punctuated and collated by Su Yiian-lei and
published in Peking by Chung-hua Shu-chii in their Chung-kuo Fo-chiao tienchi hsiian-kan series. I would recommend that henceforth this Peking edition be
used at least together with, if not instead of, the HTC and other editions. It is
this edition that I cite throughout the present chapter.
49 In early Sung, Yiin-men was in close competition with Lin-chi for the
status of most influential Ch'an lineage. Its importance has been traditionally
overlooked since then, perhaps because it did not last long (Yiin-men was even-
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leave his identity a mystery by calling him simply "Yuan Hua-yen," a name
otherwise unattested except for an independent reference to him in another of
Hui-hung's works, the LCL (HTC 148.586a-b). Another reference, in Chinul's
Chinsim chiksol, seems to be simply a quotation of the opening lines of the LCL
passage; see Buswell, The Korean Approach to Zen, pp. 175, 187-188. Whereas the
references in the Fa-hsiu biographies identify Yuan as from Pei-ching, the LCL
and Chinul references identify him as from Wei-fu, but these are just two Sung
dynasty names for the district now known as Ta-ming in southeastern Hopei.
However, the matter does not end here. Apparently the issue of Yuan Huayen's identity was recognized as problematic early on, for apart from the indecisive texts already mentioned, there are several other sources that offer two conflicting identifications. One of the latest of the standard biographies of Fa-hsiu
-the one in Chueh-an's 1354 SSCKL (T 49.875b23-25)-offers the opinion
that our Yuan Hua-yen is actually Fa-hsiu's elder dharma brother, a monk
named Chung-yuan who died 1063. The SSCKL refers to the anti-exegetical
monk in question as "Ch'an Master T'ien-po Yuan of Pei-ching" and adds the
crucial comment that his style (hao) was Hua-yen. Now, there was a T'ien-po
Yuan Ch'an-shih whose standard monastic name was Yuan-chung and whose
honorary title was Wen-hui Ch'an-shih. He was a Yun-men monk who had
been, like Fa-hsiu himself, a disciple ofT'ien-i 1-huai, having studied with him
probably some years before Fa-hsiu did. He is a relatively well-known figure
and information on his life, along with excerpts traditionally thought to be from
his recorded sayings, is available in several of the standard sources: CCHTL 10
(HTC 136.160a-161b), CTPTL 3 (HTC 137.77b-78a), WTHY 16 (3:10411042), FTTC (T 49.473b25-28), FTLTTT (T 49.667c18-:22), and SSCKL
(T 49.872b3-c3).
All these sources note that Chung-yuan, like the presumptive Yuan Huayen, resided in the T'ien-po ssu in Pei-ching (a.k.a. Wei-fu, mod. Ta-ming).
Given the fact that both the putative Yuan Hua-yen and the historical Chungyuan were associated with the same city and temple, and considering Chungyuan's close relationship with Fa-hsiu, it was not entirely unreasonable of
Chueh-an to assume, as he apparently did in his SSCKL, that the Yuan Huayen to whom earlier Fa-hsiu biographies and other texts had referred was actually Chung-yiian.
However, there is also good reason to doubt this identification. Chung-yuan
and Fa-hsiu were near contemporaries, and Fa-hsiu would probably have come
to know of his senior dharma brother only after he had himself become a disciple ofl-huai. But the reference to Yuan Hua-yen in Fa-hsiu's biographies pertains to an earlier phase of Fa-hsiu's career, before he had become 1-huai's disciple. Could Fa-hsiu have known of Chung-yuan that early, and would
Chung-yuan's views have already become so well known as to have acquired
the status in Fa-hsiu's mind of a model for one of the standard attitudes toward
the relationship between Ch'an and doctrinal Buddhism? Neither seems likely.
Also, Fa-hsiu's reference to Yuan Hua-yen contrasts him to Tsung-mi, but if
Yuan Hua-yen is to be identified with Chung-yuan, one is faced with the troubling and dubious anachronism of a contrast between an eminent ninth-century
figure and a not nearly so eminent figure of the eleventh century. Then, too,
there is nothing in the recorded sayings of Chung-yuan, at least not in those we
can judge to be authentic, to indicate that he was a particularly outspoken critic
of learned or exegetical Buddhism. Finally, none of the biographies of Chungyuan say that his hao was Hua-yen; this seems to have been pure surmise on
Chueh-an's part.
423
For all these reasons it seems improbable, despite the testimony of the
SSCKL, that Chung-yiian could be our man. However, as early as the midtwelfth century, an alternative identification had been adduced that must have
been missed by Chiieh-an and those who accepted his suggestion. In 1155, a
disciple of Ta-hui Tsung-kao named Hsiao-ying, in his Yun-wo chi-t'an (Anecdotes from the Lodge Reclining on Clouds; HTC 148.28a-b), identified our
Yuan Hua-yen with a certain Huai-tung, also known as Lao Hua-yen. No
independent biographical record of this monk is known, at least none in which
he is so named, but he and his teachings are mentioned in Ta-hui's recorded
sayings (Ta-huiyu-lu 26; T47.923c8-12), and it was probably through Ta-hui
that Hsiao-ying learned of him. In any case, Hsiao-ying tells us that Huaitung, alias Lao Hua-yen, was also a resident of Pei-ching or Wei-fu (modern
Ta-ming) and was also called T'ien-po after the local monastery of that name.
Most significantly, Huai-tung is best known as one who had repudiated an
earlier attachment to learned Hua-yen in favor of an exclusive commitment to
that "separate transmission outside the teachings," i.e. Ch'an. He is said thereafter to have advocated a very down-to-earth and quotidian Buddhism in which
the dharma consisted not of labored and exclusively religious undertakings like
study or exegetics but of quite ordinary activities like "walking, standing, sitting, lying down, eating, drinking, and conversing." This certainly seems to be
the sort of teaching about which Fa-hsiu's biographies say he was so ambivalent. Moreover, Huai-tung is a much earlier figure than Chung-yuan. His
exact dates are forgotten, but it is known that he flourished in the ninth century
and that he was a minor disciple of classical Ch'an Master Hsing-hua Ts'unchiang (830-838). The latter is well known as the foremost heir of none other
than Lin-chi I -hsuan (d. 866), progenitor of the Lin-chi line.
Hsiao-ying argued that it is really this monk to whom Fa-hsiu's biographies
and the other sources we have mentioned refer, and that it was Hui-hung's misreading or a misprint of "Yuan Hua-yen" for "Lao Hua-yen" which Jed him
and then others, like Chiieh-an, into error. Although Hsiao-ying's identification of Huai-tung as the man in question cannot be independently verified, it
does seem much more likely than the alternative identification of Chung-yiian,
particularly in view of the fact that Huai-tung serves better-both chronologically and substantively-as a focus of contrast with Tsung-!!li. Note, too, that
this identification was accepted as correct in 1715 by the Obaku Zen scholar
K6h6 Jitsuge (pronunciation uncertain) in his very useful Zenrin kujitsu konmei
shii (Compendium of Confused Ch'an Names; Kokuyaku Zenshii si5sho 2:5 or Zenhsueh ta-ch 'eng (Taipei: Chun-hua Fo-chiao wen-hua kuan, 1969], 5:23-24).
Also, marginal collation notes in the HTC edition of the LCL (HTC 148.586ab) mention that "another edition of the LCL reads 'Tung-lao' rather than
'Yuan-kung.' "
There is also a curious appendix to chiian 30 of the CTCTL (T 51.466b467a) entitled "Address to the Assembly by Wei-fu Hua-yen Ch'ang-lao." This
appendix appears only in certain editions of the CTCTL, not in all of them, and
according to the T collation note, was added to Tao-yiian's 1004 compendium
only in its 1601 Ming Tripi~aka edition (but then, the CTCTL is a work known
to have had a very complicated textual history, marred by repeated scribal and
other errors; see Shiina Koyii and Suzuki Tetsuo, "So-Gen-han Keitoku denti5
roku no shoshiteki kosatsu," Aichi Gakuin Zen Kenkyiijo Kiyo (1973], 3:261-280).
Some later scholars, following Hui-hung's and Chiieh-an's mistake, have
attributed this longish passage to Chung-yuan, but it would seem to follow from
what we have shown that it is really a document of ninth-century rather than
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eleventh-century Ch'an, and that it is most likely a remnant (perhaps the only
one extant) of Huai-tung's recorded sayings. Later, of course-and again
because of Hui-hung's original error-certain of Huai-tung's teachings were
ascribed to Chung-yi.ian and even inserted into his biographies, thus further
compounding the confusion.
Lest this long argument seem otiose, I would point out that the correct identification of the person in question is not only valuable in its own right, as the
solution to a longstanding puzzle in Ch'an history; it also serves the underlying
purposes of this study insofar as it reminds us that the extreme anti-exegetical
Ch'an position that Fa-hsiu rejected was, in this instance, an inheritance from
an earlier phase in Ch'an's history and not the opinion of a contemporary Sung
figure. This is a further reminder of the evolution toward moderation and
breadth which we argue Ch'an underwent during the transition from the late
T'ang to the Sung.
54 This subtly worded remark seems susceptible to several slightly different
interpretations. I take it to indicate first that Fa-hsiu held Ch'an and learned
Buddhism to be compatible. He was certainly not choosing one to the exclusion
of the other. However, I also take it to mean that he did not give the two equal
recognition for, after acknowledging the compatibility between Ch'an and
exegetical Buddhism, he implied that such compatibility warranted his confident and relatively singleminded commitment 'to Ch'an. Convinced that in
accepting the transmission through Mahakiisyapa he would get just what is to
be found in "the teachings" and not anything other or less than that, he did not
need to treat Ch'an as something apart and different from the rest of Buddhism. By the same token, he could rely on Ch'an as in itself a genuine and sufficient transmission of the Buddha's truth. Having claimed the compatibility of
Ch' an and exegetics, he could, as the text goes on to say, immediately thereafter
put aside exegetics as a separate vocation and devote himself entirely to Ch'an,
which he had now come to understand as subsuming exegetics.
55 LTHY (HTC 136.915a6-9). This use of the term "schools (or 'principles') of nature and characteristics" is a bit unusual. "School of nature" usually
refers to the Hua-yen and associated traditions, whereas "school of characteristics" most commonly refers to allegedly lesser forms of elementary Mahayana
Buddhism, like the wei-shih (representation-only) teaching of the Fa-hsiang
school. Here such distinctions among various theoretically oriented traditions
pale by comparison with the difference between all of them, on the one hand,
and the practical or experiential orientation of Ch'an, on the other. Again, the
point is not that Fa-hsiu rejected theoretical Buddhism, but that he chose to
incorporate it into a Ch'an framework, just as Bodhidharma and Hui-neng had
exemplified in their own lives the symbolic significance of Sudhana's mythic
pilgrimage.
56. Also known as Shou-ch'eng Ch'an-shih (d.u.); see WTHY 13, 2:833.
Shou-ch'eng was the founder of the Hu-kuo monastery where the stele was
located.
57 Ch'an Master Hui-lang of the Pao-tz'u Yuan in Fu-chou (mod. Fukien)
was a late T'ang or Five Dynasties Ch'an monk in the lineage of Hsi.ieh-feng
I-ts'un (822-908). See WTHY 8, 2:463. He also appears in case forty-eight of
the Pi-yen lu.
58. T'ien-i I-huai was, as noted above, a Yi.in-men Ch'an monk of the fourth
generation after that line's founder, Yi.in-men Wen-yen (864-949). As a direct
heir of Hsi.ieh-tou Ch'ung-hsien, he participated in the latter's temporary
revival ofYi.in-men, which made that house preponderant during the mid-elev-
425
enth century and until the ascendancy of the Lin-chi line that would eventually
absorb it. He was a very popular teacher; Fa-hsiu is but one of fifty-four of his
disciples whose names have been preserved in Ch'an records (see ZGDJT, Keifu 10).
59 Po-ch'ao Chih-yiian was a little-known monk of the early Sung who
belonged either to the lineage of Hsiieh-feng I-ts'un (822-908) or to that of
I-ts'un's dharma brother, Kan-t'an Tzu-kuo. See WT~Y7, 2:386. Regarding
Pao-tz'u, see note 57.
6o. I have not been able to find this obscure exchange in any source other
than Fa-hsiu's biographies, nor am I confident that I have translated Pao-tz'u's
reply correctly. This is regrettable because the question may be that relatively
rare thing, a Buddhist allusion to a Confucian classic. The opening lines of the
Chung-yung (Doctrine of the Mean) speak of the state before the feelings or emotions are aroused. The word "separation" (ke) is the same term that appears in
the phrase "hsilan-ke" (distant separation) which I-huai used earlier in the dialogue with Fa-hsiu quoted above.
61. An old monastery, first established during the Southern Ch'i (479-501),
rebuilt during the T'ang, and given its name ("Sage's Roost") because a
famous Ch'an layman named Li Po (772-831), a student of the Ma-tsu disciple
Kuei-tsung Chih-ch'ang, once used it as a retreat. It was one of several Ch'an
establishments on Mt. Lu during the Sung.
62. Yiin:chu Hsiao-shun was, along with the famous Ch'i-sung, a disciple of
Tung-shan Hsiao-ts'ung (d.u.). He thus traced his lineage back to the Yiin-men
founder, Yiin-men Wen-yen (864-949), through Wen-yen's direct disciple Teshan Yiian-mi (d.u). Fa-hsiu's teacher T'ien-i I-huai, in contrast, traced his
and his teacher Hsiieh-tou Ch'ung-hsien's lineage back to Wen-yen through
another of Wen-yen's direct disciples, Hsiang-lin Ch'eng-yiian (908-987).
Criticism of the teaching of other Ch'an masters, carried out in the spirit of
dharma combat, was not uncommon, even among different branches of the
same Ch'an house. For standard versions ofHsiao-shun's biography and representative samples of his teaching, see CCHTL 5 (HTC 136.99); LTHY28 (HTC
136.906); CTPTL 2 (HTC 137.60); and WTHY15, 3:1003-1004. See below for
more on Fa-hsiu's debates with Hsiao-shun concerning I-huai's Ch'an.
63. This may be Chiang-shan Tsan-yiian, a.k.a. Chiieh-hai Ch'an-shih,
another Lin-chi monk who enjoyed the admiration and support of Wang Anshih. If so, however, there is a dating problem to be resolved because there are
records indicating that this particular "Master Yuan" did not die until 1086.
See WTHY 12, 2:730-731. Chung-shan or Chiang-shan was located just a few
miles northeast of Sung-era Nanking and came to be called Chin-ling-shan in
Ming, Ch'ing, and modern times (in the nineteenth century, it was the site of
Yang Wen-hui's famous Buddhist printing center). During the Sung it was the
site of several important Buddhist establishments and happened also to be
Wang An-shih's residence for much of the time following his 1076 retirement,
Wang having been throughout his life a very pious Buddhist layman. For an
excellent treatment of Wang An-shih's life that is more sensitive than most to
his Buddhist interests, see Jonathan Pease's 1986 Stanford Ph.D. dissertation,
"From the Wellsweep to the Shallow Skiff: Life and Poetry of Wang An-shih
(1021-1086)."
64. Hui-hung tells an anecdote (CLSPC 26 [HTC 137 .544b]) according to
which Fa-hsiu did not accept, or did not long retain, the office of abbot that was
offered to him because, when Wang An-shih called on him shortly after his
arrival at the monastery, Fa-hsiu was preoccupied with clerical duties and kept
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the distinguished lord waiting. Wang was insulted and the result was Fa-hsiu's
departure. No doubt this story endeared Fa-hsiu to Wang An-shih's critics, several of the most famous of whom later befriended the monk. It may have been
this encounter that was recorded in another Li Kung-lin painting in which Fahsiu is said to have appeared, this one unfortunately lost. The anti-reform
statesman Lu Tien (1042-1102, SJCSY3:2648-2649; Franke, Sung Biographies,
2:687-691), in fascicle 11 of his collected writings entitled T'ao-shan chi, records
that Li visited him in Kaifeng in 1089 and painted for him a work called Wang
Ch'ing-kung's Visit to Chung-shan, in which the eminent monk was depicted
standing beneath a pine tree. The Lu Tien passage i~ quoted in Ch'en Kaohua, Hua-chia shih-liao, 4 75.
65. The story goes (CLSPC 26 [HTC 137.544b]) that a certain Ch'iian-chiao
Ch'ang-lao, to whom I can find no other reference, once came to lecture to the
monks of the Ch'ung-fu monastery but was greeted only by the ridicule of most
of the audience, none of whom would rise to question him. Fa-hsiu, however,
hastened to ask, "What is the self ofFa-hsiu?" Ch'iian-chiao laughed and said,
"Iron-faced Hsiu doesn't even recognize himself." Fa-hsiu then said, "These
clerics here are all deluded; I at least will acknowledge your fidelity to the
dharma."
66. Among Ch'i-sung's preserved writings are three brief, undated letters
addressed to a Yiian-t'ung Ch'an-shih, who was then residing on Mt. Lu (see
T'an-chin wen-chi 10, T 52. 702a). If the recipient of these letters had been our
Fa-hsiu, then it is notable that the younger monk, who was 20 years junior to
Ch'i-sung and thus only 45 at the time of Ch'i-sung's death, should have
caught the favorable attention of one of the foremost Ch'an monks of the day.
However, it is more likely that the Yiian-t'ung Ch'an-shih in question is actually Ch'i-sung's contemporary and dharma brother, Chu-na (1010-1071), who
presided for a time over a Lu-shan temple named Yiian-t'ung and who was
also, therefore, known as Yiian-t'ung Ch'an-shih. Chu-na and Ch'i-sung had
both studied for a while with Tung-shan Hsiao-ts'ung (d. 1030). Concerning
Chu-na, see CCHTL 5 (HTC 136.97b-98a); CLSPC 26 (HTC 137.542a-b);
WTHY 16, 3:1020-1021; FTLTTT 19 (T 49.668b14-c2), and SSCKL 4
(T864b19-c2).
67. TMWK, T 47.943c, 944c, 949c, 955a, 956a, and 957b. This work was
compiled in 1186 by Ta-hui's disciple Mi-an Tao-ch'ien (d.u.). Unlike other
collections ofTa-hui's remarks, the Ch'an Arsenal seems to have been designed
especially for an audience of monks. Its purpose was apparently polemical and
hortatory-to provide inspirational models of appropriate monastic conduct,
thus highlighting just those particular styles ofCh'an, among the many available during his day, that Ta-hui found most worthy of emulation. Fa-hsiu, it
seems, was one ofTa-hui 's heroes.
68. This seems not to have been a major establishment-nothing on the
order of, say, the Ta-hsiang-kuo ssu, the T'ai-p'ing Hsing-kuo ssu, or the K'aipao ssu which dominated the city. The only standard description of Northern
Sung Kaifeng in which I have found any reference to the Fa-yiin ssu is rather
late and not very informative, viz., Li Lien's Pien-ching i-chi chih (Record of the
Antiquities ofKaifeng), compiled in 1546 (SKCSCP, Series 10, vol. 96). Without citing his sources, Li Lien tells us (ibid., 10:15b) that there was a "Fa-yiin
ssu" located to the west of the Yiin-chi bridge, outside the Nan-hsiin Gate, and
that it was razed by soldiers at the end of the Yiian (the Nan-hsiin gate was the
main southern gate of the city; I have not been able to locate the bridge on any
map). Li also mentions (ibid., 10:25a) a "Fa-yiin yiian" that had been erected
427
i~ 1010 by the northwestern wall of the city, at a bend of the Chin-sui river near
the Kuo-tzu gate, and that was destroyed by the Chin armies in 1126, but it is
probably with the former of these two establishments, the Fa-yiin ssu, that Fahsiu was associated.
We also learn from the FTLTTT(T49.687c28-688a2) that a Fa-yiin ssu was
"rebuilt" in 1082, somewhere on the southern outskirts of the city, at the behest
of a grandee by the name of Chang Tun-li (fl. 1068-1102). Chang was very
much like, and was indirectly related to, our noble host Wang Shen. Like
Wang, he was a prominent painter and patron, and like Wang, he was married
to one of Emperor Ying-tsung's daughters. It is not an unreasonable conjecture
that the Fa-yiin ssu had earlier been a kind of private chapel located on Chang's
estate in the southern suburbs of the capital, and that he had reconstructed and
expanded it to attractto the capital an eminent cleric like Fa-hsiu. For more on
Chang Tun-li, see SJCSY 3:2410-2411; also Bush and Shih, Early Chinese
Texts, 294.
69. Su Shih wen-chi 19, 2:561-562. This inscription makes effectiv~ use of references to the sound of a bell found in the Shou-leng-yen ching (Siira~gama
Siitra), with which Su Shih was clearly quite familiar. Su Shih apparently
maintained some continuous connection with the Fa-yiin temple; his collected
writings include a short, undated composition commemorating the reconstruction of its bathhouse (SuShi wen-chi 62, 5:1906-1907).
70. Su Shih wen-chi 61, 5:1885-1886. These are more like polite notes than
letters, and they inform us of little other than the depth of Su Shih's commitment to Buddhism, born in part from his worldly disappointments, and of his
great respect for Fa-hsiu. Internal evidence (e.g., reference to Su Shih's exile,
etc.) indicates that the notes were written prior to Su's 1086 return to Kaifeng,
perhaps during his slow progress back from the exile in Huang-chou, which had
ended in the spring of 1084. During that period Su Shih visited several of the
locales in which Fa-hsiu had recently been living, including Chung-shan, and
this may be how he came to know of Fa-hsiu. However, in one of the missives
Su Shih acknowledges that he owed his knowledge of Fa-hsiu to letters he had
received from Huang T'ing-chien. From this we can deduce that Huang T'ingchien had known Fa-hsiu either before the monk's 1084 arrival in the capital or
immediately thereafter. Thus Huang may have introduced Fa-hsiu into the
literati society of the capital. Both Huang and Su, of course, had close relations
with other Ch'an monks as well, and Fa-hsiu, although he was revered by both,
seems not to have been the chief Buddhist influence on either of the two great
poets. For good, albeit brief, discussions of Su-shih's relationship to Buddhism,
see Yoshikawa K6jir6, "So T6-pa no bungaku to Bukky6," Tsukamoto Hakushi
shiiju kinen: Bukkyoshi ronshii (Kyoto: 1961), 939-950; Chikusa Masaaki, "So
Shoku to Bukky6," TOM GakuhO, 36 (1964): 457-480; and Beata Grant, "Buddhism and Taoism in the Poetry ofSu Shih" (Stanford Ph.D. diss., 1987). For
a treatment of this topic as refracted by the lense of medieval Japanese Zen, see
Asakura Hisashi, Zenrin no bungaku (Osaka: Seibund6, 1985), 457-499. I have
not yet found comparable studies of Huang T'ing-chien's Buddhism, although
this, too, is a topic that deserves extensive treatment in its own right.
71. Also known as Fa-k'ung and later as Yuan-chao Ch'an-shih, Tsung-pen
was perhaps the most eminent ofi-huai's many disciples. In 1082, after decades
of prominence in Suchow and Hangchow, he was invited to the capital by
Emperor Shen-tsung to preside over the Hui-lin Ch'an-yiian, an institution
that was established in 1080 as one of the Ch'an components of the great Tahsiang-kuo temple complex and that quickly became one of the major centers of
428
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429
Japan in the fourteenth century and served as the basis of several later Japanese
printings. One such, done in 1661, was the basis for the only modern edition of
the work, viz., that found as item no. 37 in the second volume of the Shiiwa hiibO
somokuroku (T99. 571-772). Wei-po tells us in his postface (ibid., 771a) that in
the summer of 1103, while proceeding on a pilgrimage to Mt. T'ien-t'ai, he
stopped at the Chih-che Ch'an Monastery near Chin-hua shan in Wu-chou
(mod. Chin-hua hsien, Chekiang). There he found a copy of the Tripitaka that
he decided to catalogue. The task kept him at Chih-che ssu through the winter,
and the catalogue was not finished until the spring of 1104. The particular
canon he used seems to have been a copy of the K'ai-pao edition, with some
additions and some texts missing. According to Wei-pa's numbering system, it
contained 1,048 tides. See Ts'ai Yiin-ch'en, Erh-shih-wu-chung tsang-ching mu-lu
tui-chao k'ao-shih (Taipei: Hsin-wen-feng, 1983), 563-576. The last few pages of
Wei-po's catalogue contain a brief summary ofCh'an history and a very interesting set of Ch 'an justificatiqns for such learned undertakings as the collection
and study of scripture, both of which echo Fa-hsiu's arguments that Ch'an and
doctrinal Buddhism cannot be divorced from each other.
79 T99.771a14-20.
So. The Chinese practice of placing models of the five viscera in statues of
the Buddha is well documented. Perhaps the best known example of this practice (significantly, a Sung example) is the famous sandalwood statue of
Sakyamuni that the Japanese pilgrim-monk Chonen (938-1016) brought back
from China in 986 and had installed in the Seiryoji, a temple in the Saga district
of Kyoto. This statue had been carved and sealed in 985, at the Kai-yiian ssu in
Tai-chou. When the hollow cavity of the statue was opened nearly a thousand
years later (in 1954), scholars found among the several fascinating articles contained therein a cloth replica of the five viscera which had been sewn by a group
of Ta'i-chou nuns. See Gregory Henderson and Leon Hurvitz, "The Buddha
ofSeiry6ji," Artibus Asiae 19 (1956): 5-55.
81. The most readily available edition of this text (but not the most interesting from an aesthetic point of view) is the one found in standard modern Japanese editions of the Tripitaka (T45.793-806 andHTC 103.910-936). The work
was first published around 1101. It was apparently lost in China by the early
Yiian, but not before versions of it had been brought to Japan in the thirteenth
or early fourteenth century. A Southern Sung Hangchow printing of the text, at
least three copies of which survive in Japan, was the basis for seyerallater Japanese editions, one of which was included in the T and HTC. See Jan Fontein,
The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of the Garu!avyiiha Illustrations in China, Japan,
and java (Mouton: The Hague and Paris, 1967), 24-40; also Lokesh Chandra,
Sudhana's Way to Enlightenment, Sata-pitaka Series, No. 224 (New Delhi: Smt.
Sharada Rani, 1975), 7-63. Neither Fontein nor any other scholar hazards an
explicit comment as to whether or not Wei-po drew the illustrations of the text
in addition to composing its encomia. The version in the T and HTC, however,
includes as its final panel a portrait ofWei-po together with an encomium about
him, and this, I should think, would count against the hypothesis that he was
himself the artist. Perhaps the illustrations were done by his patron, the painter
Chang Tun-li. The brief preface to Fo-kuo's work found in all extant editions
was written by yet another Buddhist layman and literatus of the day, the former
Prime Minister Chang Shang-ying (1043-1122), who was an associate of
Huang T'ing-chien, Ta-hui, Yiian-wu K'o-ch'in, and several others whom we
have had occasion to mention. As a particular friend of Hui-hung, Chang
should be counted as an active participant in Wen-tzu Ch'an movement. See
430
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431
432
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433
la,ter used the term U. kattii) as the title and theme of one chapter of the Shi5bi5genzi5, he stressed that the image of intertwining vines symbolizes Zen transmission as well as the tangle of verbalization. In this he claimed to be following the
teachings of his Chinese master, T'ien-t'ung Ju-ching (1163-1228). Katti5 as
word-tangles, Dogen says, can be cut only with other katti5, in the sense of links
in the mind-to-mind transmission of Zen. For a graceful translation of Dogen's
"Katti5" chapter, see Kazuaki Tanahashi, ed., Moon in a Dewdrop: Writings of Zen
Master Dogen (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1985), 168-174. For a useful
general summary of the various Ch'an uses of the term "k'o-teng," based in part
on the earlier work of great Tokugawa Zen scholar Mujaku Dochu, see Yanagida Seizan, trans., Rinzairoku, Butten koza 30 (Tokyo: Daizo shuppansha,
1972), 47.
100. The Yiian-chiJ.eh ching (T 17 .913-920) is an eighth-century Chinese apocryphon that combines themes from the Hua-yen and Tathagatagarbha traditions. It attracted the special interest of the Hua-yen and Ch'an patriarch
Tsung-mi (780-841 ), who wrote several influential commentaries on it, and it
proved to be a major inspiration for many of his distinctive teachings, including
his characteristic advocacy of the unification of Ch' an and doctrinal Buddhism.
The text became quite influential during the late T'ang and the,Sung, and
seems to have been taken, along with the Shou-leng-yen ching (*Surarpgama
Sutra), as the expression of a kind of Buddhist gnosticism, i.e., a view that Buddhists have commonly called "the Srenika heresy." Its central argument seems
to be an assertion of utter difference between the realm of ordinary illusory
experience and the immaculate and transcendent absolute that is thought to be
embodied in the perfect and natural purity of the mind. Although frequently
cited by Sung Ch'an teachers, its message was in fundamental respects contradictory to the Ch'an conviction that the absolute and the relative are mutually
inextricable. Thus it was a controversial text and appears to have been condemned or questioned as often as it was praised. Exactly what aspect of the
text's teaching Fa-hsiu had in mind when he used it to rebuke Hsiao-shun we
simply cannot say. Perhaps it was intended to stand for a kind of inert or placid
Ch'an, devoid of the sort of vital tension that Hsiao-shun's relentlessly critical
attitude seeks to sustain. An unsatisfactory translation of the Yiian-chiJ.eh ching,
together with the comments of the Ming Buddhist Han-shan Te-ch'ing (15461623), is available; see Lu K'uan-yii (Charles Luk), trans., Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Series 3 (London: Rider & Co., 1962), 148-278.
101. This phrase, too, is an allusion. Hsiieh-tou Ch'ung-hsien, in the verse
he composed to accompany the eighteenth of his "hundred old cases" -which
verse is now found in the eighteenth case of the Pi-yen lu-uses the same trope.
Yiian-wu K'o-ch'in would later use it again in his introduction to the eightyninth case of the same kung-an anthology. There are probably other early examples of its use to which Fa-hsiu might have been alluding, but I have not yet
found them. I confess, too, that although the image of "a whole body being an
eye" was probably meant to convey more than generic praise, its precise meaning eludes me.
102. TMWK (T 47.943c13-20).
103. Chen-chou Lin-chi Hui-chao Ch 'an-shih yiJ.-lu (T 47 .497a2-8). For slightly
variant translations of this passage, see Ruth Fuller Sasaki, et al., trans., The
Record of Lin-chi (Kyoto: The Institute for Zen Studies, 1975), 5; and
Demieville, trans., Entretiens de Lin-tsi, pp. 39-40.
104. I take these quotations from a very erudite and wise book about literary
learning and the Christian monastic life that even students of Ch'an Buddhist
Gimello
434
Glossary
Ch'an ;IV.
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;!V-#.1tf1*
im
435
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Huang T'ing-chien 1t :#!. ~
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huo-chii it{;]
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kano iii.
ke 1%
ko-t'eng iit
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koan ~1f
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a.a.
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436
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Introduction
One of the major characteristics of Japanese Buddhism has been a tendency to describe the ultimate goal of practice as being attainable either
within a person's lifetime or soon after death. Discussions of how such
attainments might be possible can be traced back to the early Heian
period-as soon as Japanese monks such as Saich6 (767-822) and
Kukai (774-835), the founders of the Tendai and Shingon schools,
began developing their own views of the path.
A number of aspects of a shorter path to enlightenment could be enumerated, but three are particularly relevant to the discussion of the path
in early Japanese Buddhism. First, Tendai and Shingon monks were
relatively uninterested in the detailed presentations of rebirth and
karma that had captured the attention of the Hoss6 (Ch. Fa-hsiang)
monks that had dominated Nara-period (710-784) Buddhism. Although karma and rebirth are recurring themes both in popular literature concerning morality and in classical literature, they did not receive
nearly as much attention from Tendai and Shingon monks interested in
doctrinal issues. Second, although Japanese Buddhists were certainly
attracted to celestial buddhas and bodhisattvas in their devotional worship and doctrinal discussions, they also brought the concept of buddhahood "down to earth," often insisting that it was attainable by ordinary
people "with this very body" (sokushin). Historical figures were called
"bodhisattvas" (bosatsu), sometimes during their lifetimes. 1 Monks
advanced arguments which claimed that a person could manifest
enlightenment even as he was beset by defilements. Third, discussions
of the path were often based on two types of criterion: the enumeration
of defilements to be eliminated and the manifestation of untainted wis-
439
440
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dom. The two were often combined, but Japanese Buddhism gradually
tended to place increasing emphasis on the problem of how the innately
enlightened mind could be made manifest. At times, any semblance of
balance between the two types was lost as scholars argued that the
enlightened mind could be manifest even withou-t eliminating defilements.
Early Japanese Tendai discussions of the concept of the realization of
buddhahood with this very body (sokushin jobutsu) offer an opportunity
to investigate the arguments that led to these positions as Japanese
thinkers both compared their positions with those found in Chinese
T'ien-t'ai and defended them against Rosso criticisms.
This chapter consists of four major sections. In the first the historical
background of the discussion is sketched, while the last three sections
concern doctrinal issues. The second and third sections are based on
issues raised in the Tendai scholar Annen's (841-889?) two-part definition of sokushin jobutsu as realization of buddhahood while a worldling
(bonbu) and within a single lifetime (isshO jobutsu). 2 Arguments for the
realization of buddhahood by worldlings typify efforts by Heian-period
Tendai thinkers to explain how buddhahood might be made accessible
to ordinary people during their current lifetimes, rather than remaining
a goal solely for advanced practitioners. In arguing for the realization of
buddhahood within a single lifetime, some Tendai thinkers gradually
inflated their claims about the efficacy of their practices. In doing so,
they discussed whether sokushinjobutsu entailed full or partial realization
of enlightenment, and whether a practitioner could leap past some
stages or had to go through each stage in order.
The fourth section concerns Tendai efforts to reconcile differences
between Chinese T'ien-t'ai and Esoteric Buddhist (mikkyo) claims about
the efficacy of their practices. According to authoritative Esoteric scriptures, as well as Kiikai's Shingon school, Esoteric practices were superior to those from the exoteric tradition. However, such a position violated Saicho's dictum that the Perfect teaching and Esoteric Buddhism
had the same purport. Tendai monks thus devoted considerable energy
to discussing the relationship of the two traditions. In terms of the path,
monks asked whether the two types of practices were simply alternate
paths that led to the same goal or whether they were to be combined in a
hierarchical fashion. Finally, in the conclusion, some of the factors that
led Japanese monks to insist on realization of buddhahood with this
very body are investigated and the practical import of these claims for
Tendai monks is explored.
Historical Background
One year before his death, Saicho, the founder of the Japanese Tendai
school, introduced a new term to Tendai discourse, "the realization of
441
442
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443
444
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445
By arguing that Hui-ssu, Chih-i, and others had actually attained high
stages on the path, Tsung-ying suggested that the Japanese interest in
rapid realization was justified.
If the stage at which a monk could realize sokushin jobutsu were lowered, at least some of the time-consuming and difficult practices of the
path could be eliminated. Kojo suggested this when he asked about the
significance of the Tendai teaching that each of the ten states of existence (or dharma realms) contains the other nine states. Thus a human
being could be reborn in a state as miserable as a denizen of hell or
attain a state as exalted as Buddha. To Kojo, this teaching suggested the
possibility of rapid realization of buddhahood. Kojo also noted that the
threefold truth of nonsubstantiality, provisional existence, and the middle is embodied in each of the realms, a teaching which implies that
enlightenment must not be very distant. 15 Kojo consequently asked
whether a worldling who understood this teaching could enter the ranks
of the buddhas with his current body, whether he would be able to master the Lotus meditation (Hokke-zanmai), and whether he could travel to
different realms. Finally, he inquired whether "a person could naturally
enter the ranks of the sages by simply knowing [the ultimate teaching]
446
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447
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448
449
dent soon after Saicho's death. In the Min )u benwakushO (Essays Compassionately Explaining Delusions), Anne cited the Kuan P'u-hsien p 'u-sa
hsing-Ja eking (Siitra on the Meditation on the Bodhisattva Universal
Virtue) passage that Saicho had quoted in order to support the view that
followers of the Lotus Siitra would realize buddhahood within three lifetimes. However, Anne quoted only the first part of the passage, which
mentions realization in one lifetime. By omitting the last part of the passage, which says that realization might require two or three lifetimes,
Anne clearly indicated that he was primarily interested in the realization of supreme enlightenment in this current lifetime. 23
By Annen's time, the realization of enlightenment in a single lifetime
had become an integral part of many presentations of sokushin jobutsu,
which Annen defined as having two major components: realization of
buddhahood within a single lifetime (isshO jobutsu), and realization of
buddhahood while a worldling (bonbu). 24 The issue of realization within
three lifetimes was not mentioned as an element of sokushinjiibutsu.
450
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451
452
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ries on Chih-i's three major works, discussed the problem of the rapid
realization of buddhahood. By Sh6shin's time, Japanese Tendai views
on original enlightenment (hongaku) and on the rapid realization of
enlightenment through Esoteric practices were well developed. Sh6shin
opposed these Japanese innovations and generally followed the views of
Chih-i and Chan-jan (711-782). Because he was reacting against positions characteristic of japanese Tendai, his criticism of certain aspects of
rapid realization is more clearly stated than that of his Chinese predecessors. Shoshin presented his case in the Hokke gengi shiki (Personal
Record on [Chih-i's] "Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra"), his
commentary on the Fa-hua hsii.an-i:
Question: Ignorance is difficult to eradicate and the Middle Way is
difficult to realize. How can a person cut off so many [defilements]
and suddenly attain the tenth ground in a single lifetime?
Answer: ... Rapid realization is for those with superior religious
faculties. [However, even] the man with superior faculties must
have previously practiced the various provisional teachings. Thus
although we refer to sudden realization within the Perfect teaching,
many aeons are required to go from the beginning to the end of the
process. 33
For Sh6shin, the rapid attainment of the higher stages on the path was
possible only when a person had practiced provisional teachings in earlier lifetimes, thereby maturing his religious faculties to a point from
which he could make rapid progress in the Perfect teaching. Consequently, Shoshin saw the Naga girl as someone who had practiced expedient teachings for aeons. Since she told Wisdom Accumulation Bodhisattva that she could attain buddhahood quickly through practicing
the Lotus Siitra, her claim of rapid realization must be accepted, but
Shoshin argued that it applied only to her practice of the Perfect teaching in her current life, not to her previous practice of expedient teachings. 34
Shoshin recognized that the realization of supreme enlightenment in
a single lifetime could be justified by citing Tendai teachings and various sutras, but argued that this possibility was theoretical only. When a
search was conducted for examples of those who had realized supreme
enlightenment in a single lifetime, although such legendary figures as
the Naga girl could be said to have done so, no examples of historical
figures were to be found. Moreover, performing the many practices that
benefited others-a major component of Mahayana paths-required
long periods of time. Thus even if a person had directly received the
Perfect teaching without first practicing the lower teachings, he would
still need more than one lifetime of practice to complete the path. 35
453
454
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455
At the same time that they actively studied Esoteric teachings, Tendai
monks had to defend the Tendai interpretation of sokushin.Jobutsu against
Shingon claims that exoteric Tendai was inferior to Esoteric Buddhism.
The Tendai position was based on Saicho's argument that the Perfect
teaching of the Lotus Siitra and Esoteric Buddhism had the same purport
(enmitsu itchi). For example, in the above passage, Ennin cited a sentence from the Fa-hua hsuan-i, indicating that the practitioner can "leap
to the ten grounds in a single lifetime," to prove that exoteric Perfect
teachings coincided with Esoteric doctrines on rapid realization. Thus
Tendai monks had to respond to two sometimes conflicting demands.
On the one hand, they had to defend and interpret the Lotus Siitra story
of the Niiga girl as a major source for sokushin Jobutsu (without Shingon
criticisms of Tendai, the story might have quickly come to play a minor
role as Esoteric doctrines became more central in Tendai thought). On
the other hand, Tendai monks had to give Esoteric teachings a major
role in sokushin .Jobutsu and explain its relation to the story of the Niiga
girl. Some of their attempts to combine Tendai and Esoteric teachings
in interpreting sokushin.Jobutsu are explored below.
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jobutsu. 53
Most of Saicho's immediate followers did not apply Esoteric practices
to sokushin jobutsu. Gishin did not mention them in his Tendai Hokkeshii
gishii, nor was their role in sokushin Jobutsu mentioned in the questions
that Ench6, Gishin, and Kojo submitted to Chinese T'ien-t'ai monks.
However, during this time, Kukai had advanced Esoteric teachings
concerning sokushin jobutsu. A clear reference by a Tendai monk to the
relationship between Esoteric Buddhism and sokushinJobutsu appears for
the first time in Tokuen's Tiiketsu. Tokuen began by citing the traditional
scriptural support for sokushinjobutsu-namely, the story of the Naga girl
from the Lotus Siitra. He then alluded to a passage from the apocryphal
]en-wang ching (Siitra of the Benevolent King), "translated" by Amoghavajra, that mentions "realization ofbuddhahood with one's current
body" (genshinjobutsu). 54 Finally, he asked about Esoteric Buddhism:
According to 1-hsing's commentary on the Mahiivairocanasiitra, upon entering the gate of Esoteric Buddhism [Shingon], essentially there are three
subjects: (1) the mystery of the body, (2) the mystery of speech, and (3) the
mystery of thought .... By using these three expedients, a practitioner
purifies his three types of activity (sango) and [receives J the empowerment
of and response (kaji) to the three Mysteries of the Tathagata. Thus in this
lifetime a person can complete the perfections of the [ten] grounds without
going through aeons of practice and completing the various practices to
vanquish the defilements. As is stated in the Greater Perfection of Wisdom
Siitra (Ta-p'in ching), "There are bodhisattvas who at the time of the aspiration to enlightenment attain the stage of nonretrogression [the eighth
ground) and others who attain supreme enlightenment." 55
On the basis of the previously quoted passages [some monks of) the
Shingon School say that through the empowerment and response from the
mantra, the body is transformed into the golden one [of a buddha] without
abandonment of the current body or acquisition of a [new and) separate
body. But there are also [monks of the) Shingon school who reject this
457
t!'!aching and argue that the body which has arisen through ignorance [and
its karmic results] must necessarily be abandoned and a new body without
any taint (muro) must be obtained for supreme enlightenment [to be realized].
If we speak of the realization of buddhahood with this body, then within
our minds we should embody Birushana. When our bodies are identified
with the three activities [or mysteries of the Buddha (sanbyOdo)], this [state]
can be called "supreme enlightenment." However, we should not identify
supreme enlightenment with a body which moves as if it were in a dream
(mukan no shin). If the Niiga girl did not abandon her body, then how could
she have ascended to the Lotus throne? 56
Tokuen's question contains the first clear reference to Esoteric sources
in a Tendai discussion of sokushin jobutsu. Although Esoteric practices
eventually occupied a major place in such discussions, Tokuen maintained a skeptical attitude when he argued that supreme enlightenment
must involve a profound mental transformation, not just the performance of Esoteric rituals in a dreamlike state. 57 Moreover, he questioned whether the Naga girl was a good model for sokushinjobutsu, since
her transformation into a male and miraculous travel to a different land
before attaining buddhahood suggested that she had indeed received a
new body.
Tsung-ying's reply to Tokuen's question once again demonstrated
that the Chinese T'ien-t'ai monks were interested in different issues
than their Japanese counterparts. Tsung-ying did not even mention
Esoteric Buddhism, but did note that the transformation of the Naga
girl was a change in sexual identity only, not a complete bodily change
and not the beginning of a new life. Moreover, he did not seem to
understand the importance of the practical issue of whether sokushin
jobutsu was a viable possibility for Japanese monks. After noting that
only those with the most superior religious faculties could attain sokushin
jobutsu, he dismissed the urgency of the issue by stating that, once they
were enlightened, the aeons that people with lesser religious faculties
had spent practicing religious austerities would seem "like awakening
from a dream of one hundred years and [realizing that it had been] only'
an instant." 58
In 84 7, approximately a decade later, a major step was made toward
introducing Esoteric sources into the discussion of sokushin jobutsu when
Anne listed twenty-five .passages from the Buddhist canon that supported sokushin jobutsu in his Min )>u benwakushO. Twenty of the twentyfive were from exoteric sources such as the Hua-yen ching (Avala1J!Sakasiitra), Nieh-p 'an ching (Nirviit;1a Sutra), and Ying-lo ching (Sutra on the
Garland of the Primordial Acts of the Bodhisattva). However, the other
five were from Esoteric sources: one from the Hsin-ti kuan ching (Sutra
on the Discernment of the Mind-Ground), one from the Ta-jih ching
458
Groner
459
460
Groner
461
dha. [The P'u-t'i-hsin lun] uses the word "missing" to indicate that
the practices of the three mysteries are not present [in other texts],
not to indicate that a teaching of sokushin jobutsu is [completely)
"missing." 75
Despite Shoshin's efforts, the teaching of the realization ofbuddhahood
with this very body sometimes came to be thought of only in terms of
Esoteric Buddhism within the Tendai school. Many Tendai monks
came to believe that Esoteric practices were superior to exoteric meditations such as those described in the Mo-ho chih-kuan. Although passages
in exoteric works might refer to sokushinjobutsu, it was believed that they
had theoretical significance only and were of little use in practice. By
the thirteenth century one of the topics in Tendai debate was, "Is the
doctrine of sokushin jobutsu limited to Esoteric teachings or does it also
extend to exoteric teachings?" 76 The way the question was phrased
implied that the Esoteric component was generally considered to be
more important than the exoteric one.
Conclusion
The most striking characteristic of the early Tendai questions on
sokushin jobutsu that Japanese monks directed to their Chinese counterparts was the Japanese tendency to constantly inflate claims for the efficacy of practices and for the stages thereby attained. As time passed,
Tendai monks suggested that sokushin jobutsu applied to increasingly
lower levels on the path, brought the practitioner to higher goals, and
did so in shorter periods of times. Even when Tendai scholars received
answers from their Chinese counterparts that were disappointing or
missed the point, Japanese monks persisted in developing their views.
Although later Tendai monks such as Hojibo Shoshin criticized the
more extreme claims for sokushinjobutsu, arguments for either a shorter
path or virtual elimination of stages came to dominate medieval Tendai
thought. These trends, evident in Tendai by the second half of the ninth
century, point toward the emergence of hongaku (innate enlightenment)
thought and the views of the path that emerged in the Kamakura
schools. To conclude this study, answers to two further questions are
suggested: What factors led the Japanese to interpret the path in this
manner, and what practical significance did these discussions of sokushin
jobutsu have for Tendai monks?
462
Groner
direct guidance from Chinese monks, who did not travel to japan to
insist on a balanced view of T'ien-t'ai doctrine and practice. In fact,
Chinese T'ien-t'ai was moribund during much of the time when J apanese Tendai was developing. Although a few japanese monks such as
Ennin and Enchin spent long periods of study in China, they focused
their attention on Esoteric Buddhism more than on Tendai. With no
Chinese T'ien-t'ai monks in japan, japanese monks could ignore Chinese positions when they wished to do so and emphasize scriptural passages conducive to rapid realization.
Second, Esoteric Buddhism played a major role in Tendai discussions
of sokushin jobutsu. The physical side of buddhahood had played an
important role in Chinese Esoteric Buddhism, even though it does not
seem to have been emphasized in the literature to the extent that it
eventually was in Japan. The physical side of Esoteric rituals, including
special hand gestures (mudra) and the physical performance of ritual
actions, must have impressed Japanese monks. The physical emphasis
in Esoteric Buddhism was even reflected after death. For example,
when Shan-wu-wei (Subhakarasirpha), translator of the Mahiivairocanasiitra and coauthor of the most authoritative commentary on that text,
died, his body did not decay. 77 Thus both ritual performances and the
legends surrounding one of the most important monks in the japanese
Tendai Esoteric lineage might have suggested to Tendai monks that
realization of the highest truth should be accompanied by physical
attainments.
Although the need to compete with the Shingon school was probably
the most important factor in the development of Tendai Esoteric views
of sokushinjobutsu, it should not be overemphasized. Early Tendai monks
devoted considerable effort to explaining sokushin jobutsu in terms of the
Lotus Siitra's story of the Naga girl and studiously avoided mentioning
Esoteric practices. However, Tendai efforts to compete with Shingonand to develop interpretations of the Lotus Siitra and a Tendai Esoteric
tradition-lay behind many of the discussions of the term. With time,
Tendai discussions of sokushin jobutsu and the Lotus moved toward an
accommodation with Esoteric Buddhist concerns, until the Esoteric perspective dominated exoteric discussions. When sokushinjobutsu was discussed in exoteric terms, it was usually intended for use in the theoretical investigations of the path that occurred in the Tendai debate system.
Inclusion of the term "shiki" (private record) in the titles of much of the
literature on sokushinjobutsu shows that it was intended for use by debating monks rather than as a guide for practice. 78 In contrast, the practical aspects of sokushinjobutsu came to be dominated by the Esoteric Buddhist tradition.
A third set of factors that pushed Tendai monks toward shortening
the path is found in the other traditions in japan that permitted the real-
463
ization of high spiritual states while still alive. Taoism was not established in Japan as an independent tradition, but Japanese monks and
emissaries to China brought back Taoist longevity techniques and traditions about physical immortality. With the rise of Esoteric Buddhism
during the early Heian period, Taoist immortality techniques influenced many intellectuals and Buddhist monks. Many of the thisworldly benefits of Taoist practices were similar to those promised in
Esoteric Buddhist texts. Both Kukai and Ennin were included in Oe
Masafusa's HonchO shinsen den (Biographies of Japanese Immortals). 79
Japanese emperors during the Heian period sometimes partook of
alchemical potions, and immortals (hsien) were sometimes associated
with buddhas. Kukai was clearly aware of Taoism and wrote about it in
his Sangashiiki (Indications of the Goals of the Three Teachings) before
he traveled to China. 80 Although Tendai and Shingon monks did not
cite Taoist sources to support their views on sokushinjobutsu, Taoist concerns with physical immortality might well have bolstered their interest
in the physical dimensions ofbuddhahood. 81 In addition, the mummification practices that turned deceased practitioners into "buddhas in this
very body" (sokushin Butsu) were affected by both Taoist teachings and
Buddhist traditions surrounding sokushinjobutsu. 82
Shinto traditions that human beings might be installed as deities
(kami) shortly after their death or, in the case of emperors, recognized as
"kami that manifest themselves as men" (arahitogami) or as "present
kami" (akitsukami) also may have contributed to setting the stage for
sokushinjobutsu. Notions such as these led Japanese monks to make exaggerated claims about the spiritual accomplishments of figures such as
Gyogi (670-749) and Shotoku Taishi (574-622). However, neither
Taoist nor Shinto traditions were mentioned in early Tendai discussions
of sokushin jobutsu. Tendai monks limited themselves to citing sources
within their own tradition, just as they sometimes rigidly differentiated
between discussions based on Esoteric and exoteric sources.
Groner
464
superiority of Tendai over Hosso teachings. For his disciples who composed the questions in the Toketsu concerning sokushin jobutsu, the topic
played a vital role in their attempts to define a path to enlightenment
and to determine the possibilities of rapid realization. However, with
the establishment of an independent Tendai Esoteric tradition, discussions of sokushin jobutsu, particularly those framed around the story of
the Naga girl, appeared increasingly in the context of debate manuals.
In such cases attention was paid to reconciling contradictory doctrinal
claims, not to laying out a scheme for practice. Actual practices were
described in other genres, such as manuals for meditation or for Esoteric rituals, not in the debate manuals about sokushinjobutsu.
Sokushin jobutsu did have practical consequences for Japanese Buddhism, however. It laid the theoretical foundation for the many Tendai
monks who used Esoteric practices to advance themselves on the path
and to attract patrons. It also contributed to the rise of teachings on
hongaku (innate enlightenment) and eventually to the formulations of the
path found in the Kamakura schools.
Notes
Individuals usually were called "bosatsu" because of their efforts to help
others rather than because they exhibited wisdom; see Yoshida Yasuo, Nihon
kodai no bosatsu to minshii (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1988), 8-41. However,
sometimes they were said to have reached specific stages on the path. Prince
Shotoku is said to have realized supreme enlightenment in Ssu-t'o'sjogii kiitaishi
bosatsu den, Dainihon Bukkyo zensho (Tokyo: Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan, 1970-1973;
hereafter BZ), 71.122c8. BZ was first published in a different format in Tokyo
by Bussho kankokai, 1911-1922. Since I've used both sets, the edition is specified.
2. Taizo kongo bodaishingi ryakumondosh52, T75.472a24-26.
3 For Saicho's views on sokushinJobutsu, see Paul Groner, "The Lotus Siitra
and Saicho's Interpretation of the Realization of Buddhahood with This Very
Body (sokushinjobutsu)," in George and Willa Tanabe, eds., The Lotus Siitra in
Japanese Culture (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989), 53-74. In writing this chapter, I benefited considerably from a seminal article by Fujita
Kairyii ("Nihon Tendai ni okeru sokushin jobutsu shiso," Shiikyo kenkyii new
L1.3 (1933]: 459-480) as well as from a number ~f more recent articles by
Okubo Ryoshun that are cited below. In addition, Okubo kindly supplied me
with a copy of Rinsho's Tendai Hokkeshii sokushinJobutsugi.
4 For the story of the Naga girl, see Miaoja lien-hua ching 4, T9.35a18-c26;
Leon Hurvitz, trans., Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1976), 198-201.
5 For a discussion of the difficulties in determining whether Saicho or Kiikai
was the first to use the term "sokushin Jobutsu," see Groner, "The Lotus Siitra and
Saicho's Interpretation," pp. 54-57. Sueki Fumihiko has suggested that the
Rosso monk Tokuitsu (fl. early ninth century) may have played a key role in
calling the importance of sokushinjobutsu to the two men's attention through his
criticism of the concept ("Nihon Bukkyo: Sokushin jobutsu wo chiishin to
1.
465
466
Groner
467
includes a more extensive discussion on the relationship between the roku soku
(six degrees of identity) and sokushinJi5butsu.
21. Ennin, SoshitsuJikarakyi5 ryakusho, T 61.401b19-c5. For a discussion of
Ennin's view of the realization by worldlings, see Chiba Shokan, "Jikaku
Daishi no sokushin j6butsu ni tsuite," Tendai gakuhi5 26 (1984): 166-168; Misaki
Gisen ("Ennin no sekens6 jojii ni tsuite," Tendai gakuhi5 26 [1984]: 50-55) has
discussed some of the ramifications of the teaching for later Japanese culture.
22. Rinsh6, Tendai Hokkeshii sokushinJi5butsugi 1b-2a; Annen, SokushinJi5butsugi
shiki, p. 186. Rinsh6 went beyond Saicho's position that even practitioners who
had advanced faculties might require three lifetimes to realize buddhahood by
arguing that even the dullest person who followed the Perfect teaching would
realize buddhahood within three lifetimes. Enchin also noted that even the person with the dullest faculties within the Perfect teaching should be able to realize enlightenment within three lifetimes (Kan Fugen bosatsu gyi5hi5 kyo mongu goki 1,
BZ [Bussho kankokai ed.)26.414a17-b16, 419a13-b3).
23. Min'yu benwakushi5, in Eizan gakuin, ed., Dengyi5 Daishi zenshii (Tokyo:
Sekai seiten kankokai, 1975; hereafter DZ) 3.378-79; Kuan P'u-hsien p'u-sa
hsingja ching, T9.389c23-26; Bunn6 Kat6 et al., The Threefold Lotus Siitra (New
York: Weatherhill, 1975), 348. Scholars are divided over whether Ennin
allowed the term "sokushin Ji5butsu" to refer to realization within three lifetimes.
Asai Endo Uoko Nihon Tendai honmon shi!_i5shi [Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1973),
366) claims that he did so. However, Okubo Ryoshun ("Ennin no sokushin
jobutsuron ni kansuru ichi ni no mondai," Waseda Daigaku daigakuin bungaku
kenkyiika kiyi5, bessatsu 10 (1983): 46, note 3) has cited passages in Ennin's works
that call Asai's interpretation into question.
24. Taizi5 kongi5 bodaishingi ryakumondi5shi52, T 75.472a24-26.
25. BZ (Suzuki ed.) 38. 75a22-b3. For a discussion of the significance of the
fifth of the six degrees of identity, see Groner, "The Lotus Siitra and Saicho's
Interpretation," pp. 64-67.
26. Ti5ketsu, ND 46.404b4-13. The translation of the Ta-sheng ch 'i-hsin lun (T
32.581 b3-8) with minor changes is from Yoshito Hakeda, The Awakening of Faith
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 87-88. Encho's interest in the
passage from the Ta-sheng ch 'i-hsin lun may have arisen from Tokuitsu's use of it
to criticize sokushinJi5butsu in the Shingonshii miketsumon (T77 .863cll ).
27. All that is known of Wei-chiian is that he was a disciple of the eighth
patriarch, Kuang-hsiu (770-844?), and that he probably participated in the
revival of Buddhism after the Hui-ch'ang persecution (Ono, Nitta guM Junrei
ki5ki, 1:388-389).
28. The interpretation of the story of the Niiga girl depended on whether it
was considered to be an ultimate or provisional teaching, a difficult issue for
Tendai monks. For a discussion, see Groner, "Tendai Interpretations."
29. DZ3.371-383.
30. ~nnen, SokushinJi5butsugishiki, pp. 195-196,204.
31. Okubo Ryoshun, "Shoshin no sokushinjobutsuron," Firosofia 73 (1985):
145. In contrast, some Tomitsu (Shingon) scholars argued that the Niiga girl
had attained full enlightenment (ibid.).
32. Ninkii Jitsudo, Dainichikyi5 gishaku si5ketsushi5, Tendaishii zensho (Tokyo:
Daiichi shob6, 1973), 10.275; Kouda Ry6sen, Wayaku Tendaishii rongi hyakudai
Jizaibi5 (Tokyo: Rink6in, 1972), 525-527. Ninkii is famed as a scholar of both
Pure Land (in the Seizan lineage of the Jodoshii) and Tendai (in the Rozanji
lineage). His Dainichikyi5 gishaku si5ketsushi5, important as one of the few Taimitsu
(Tendai Esoteric) commentaries on the Ta-jih ching, draws on the teachings of
468
Groner
Ennin, Enchin, and Annen to advance the view that the first stage of the path is
identical with the goal. See Okubo Ryoshun, "Ninkii no sokushinjobutsuron,"
Tendaigakuh031 (1989): 134-138.
33 Hokke gengi shiki 3a, TZ Hokke gengi ~.140. Some Tomitsu monks maintained similar positions on sokushinjobutsu (Okubo, "Shoshin no sokushinj6butsuron," p. 146).
34 Hokke gengi shiki 3a, TZ Hokke gengi 2.140.
35 Hokke mongu shiki 8b, TZ Hokke mongu 4.1999a1-19; BZ (Bussho kank6kai
ed.) 22.681a. Sh6shin's views on the rapid attainment of the higher stages of the
path are discussed in Okubo Ryoshun, "Issh6 nyiimyokaku ni tsuite: Shoshin
wo chiishin ni," Tendai gakuhO 26 (1984): 178-181; and idem, "Shoshin no
sokushinj6butsuron," pp. 145-158.
36. Ta-jih ching (Mahiivairocanasiitra) 1, T 18.!b3-4.
37 Miaoja lien-hua ching 4, T 9.31a10-11; Hurvitz, trans., Lotus, p. 176.
This passage is cited as support for the realization of supreme enlightenment in
a single lifetime in such sources as the Shiiyo kashiwabara anryii 3, T74.489b8-9.
38. Fa-huahsuan-i2b, TZHokkegengi2.138.
39 Tendai Hokkeshii sokushinjobutsugi 9a. Esoteric Tendai had its own version
ofleaping past some stages (hisho).
40. Bodaishingish04, T75.524a5-6.
41. Hokke mongu shiki 8b, TZ Hokke mongu 4.!999a; BZ (Bussho kankokai ed.)
22.679a. Shoshin's comment is reminiscent of Tokuitsu's criticism of sokushin
jobutsu in the Shingonshii miketsumon (T 77. 863b8-c26).
42. Hokke mongu shiki 8b, TZ Hokke mongu 4.1999a-2000a; BZ (Bussho kank&
kai ed.) 22.679a-b.
43 Chih-i, Mo-ho chih-kuan 6a, TZ Maka shikan 3.653-666.
44 Ta-jihching I, T18.1b3-4.
45 Hokke gengi shiki 2b, TZ Hokke gengi 2.140. The question and answer are
found in a long discussion of "leaping over" (ch0ti5) stages and going to the tenth
stage in a single lifetime with a body of flesh (nikushin).
46. Annen also ignored Kiikai in his Sokushinjobutsugi shiki, but mentioned
Kukai's teachings in works such as the Bodaishin gishi5. However, even though
Annen usually mentioned the author of the work he cited, when he quoted
Kiikai's Sokushin jobutsugi he did not mention Kiikai as the author (T
75.472a26-b2). Since some of the six versions of the Ihon sokushin jobutsugi (T
77 .384a-40 1b) attributed to Kukai are very close to the Himitsu sokushin jobutsugi
( Tendai sosho, Annen senshii 2.167-177) attributed to Annen, if their relationship
were clarified, the role of Esoteric Buddhist teachings in early Tendai formulations of sokushinjobutsu could be elucidated.
47 Ta-jih-ching i-shih 1, Hsu-tsang-ching (Taipei: Hsin-wen-feng ch'u-pan
kuang-ssu, 1977; hereafter HTG) 36.521b14; Ta-jih-ching su 1, HTC 36.67b15.
48. Ta-jih ching, T 18.1 b3-4. Although Ennin was pointing out the identity
between Butsuji (buddha-ground) and the ten grounds, in other contexts the
passage he cited also served as evidence for those who argued that a practitioner
had to pass through all the stages in order (shidai), a process that might require a
long period of time. I plan to consider the issue of whether the tenth land is
identical to the buddha-ground in a forthcoming article on the physical aspects
of sokushin jobutsu.
49 The Tendai monks thus were following the position maintained by
Saich6 and Gishin.
50. Fa-huahsuan-i2b, TZHokkegengi2.138.
51. Reported in both Enchin's Dainichikyosho shO (BZ [Bussho kankokai ed.)
469
26 ..678) and in a fuller form in ShOshin's Hokke mongu shiki 8b, TZ Hokke mongu
t.I998a. The translated text is a composite of these two sources compiled by
Okubo Ryoshun, "Ennin no sokushin jobutsuron," p. 44. The translation of
shiko.n no shosii as "advocates of the Mo-ho ehih-kuan" comes from the division of
Tendai studies into an Esoteric course (shanagii) and an exoteric course (shikangii)
based on exoteric siitras and Chih-i's works, especially the Mo-ho ehih-kuan
G. Mako. shikan).
52. Shugo kokkaishii, DZ2: 349.
53 The passage from the Kuan P'u-hsien p'u-sa hsing1a eking (T9.392c15-16)
is cited in Hokke shiiku (DZ 3.264, 266). For a discussion of the significance
of this passage in SaichO's thought, see Gron~r, Saiehii, pp. 260-262. Although
Tendai monks maintained that Shaka-butsu (Sakyamuni) and Birushana-butsu
(Vairocana) were identical, Shingon monks argued that Shaka was inferior to
Birushana. The Tendai monk Tokuen included a question about this issue in his
Toketsu (ND 46.414b2-415bl). As a result, Shingon monks could argue that
Esoteric texts were clearly superior to the Lotus Siitra because they were
preached by a superior form of the Buddha. Tendai monks could reply that
Shaka and Birushana were identical and that the Lotus was essentially equal to
the major Esoteric scriptures.
54 ]en-wang eking 2, T8.841a20.
55 Ta-jih-ehing su, HTC 36.58a9-15; Ta-jih-ehing i-shih, HTC 36.512a9-15.
Tokuen omitted several phrases within the passage without changing the meaning. The passage from the Ta-p'in eking (fasc. 2) cited by 1-hsing is found at T
8.226a8-10.
56. Toketsu, ND 46.416a5-17. Little is known ofTokuen's biography except
that, like Ennin, he studied under Kochi in Shimotsuke (Saeki, jikaku Daishiden, pp. 348-353). He eventually became Saicho's student and was active in
encouraging Tendai monks to study Esoteric Buddhism.
57 Tokuen's questioning of the identification of performing Esoteric ritual
with buddhahood is reminiscent of the second of the three types of sokushin
jiibutsu described in the Himitsu sokushinjiibutsugi (Tendai siisho, Annen senshii 167)
attributed to Annen-namely, the temporary realization ofbuddhahood during
Esoteric rituals due to the Buddha's empowerment and response (kaji sokushin
jiibutsu).
58. Toketsu, ND46.416b3-13.
59 P'u-t'i-hsin tun, T 32.572c13-14; cited in Kiikai's Sokushin jiibutsugi,. T
77.381c11-13, and in Anne's Min'yu benwakushii, DZ 3.582. Although Saicho
was aware of this text (Hokke shiiku, DZ 3. 78-79), he had not used it in his discussion of sokushinjiibutsu.
6o. An example of this tendency is Encho's 83lletter tuKiikai asking him to
teach Tendai monks. See Groner, Saiehii, p. 82, note 25.
61. Min'yu benwakushii, DZ3.382.
62. Kiuchi Gyoo ( Tendai Mikkyii no keisei [Tokyo: Keisuisha, 1984], 301) notes
that the terminology Ennin used in his classification system was influenced by
Saicho's discussion of sokushin jiibutsu.
63. Okubo, "Ennin no sokushinjobutsuron," p. 41.
64. Kongiiehiikyiisho 1, T61.9c4-5. Ennin followed 1-hsing in maintaining this
position(Ta;jih-ehingsu 1, T39.584a21-23).
65. T9.10b8, 31b18-19, 39b18-19; Hurvitz, trans., Lotus, pp. 46, 178,219.
The Ta-ehih-tu tun 4 and 100 classifies Buddhist teachings into categories and
hints that the Lotus Siitra is a secret teaching (T25.84c16-85a6, 754b18-27).
66. These arguments are developed by Misaki Ryoshii, "Tendai ni okeru
470
Groner
'himitsu' to Taimitsu," Mibu Taishun hakushi shOJu kinen: Bukkyo no rekishi to shiso
(Tokyo: Daizo shuppansha, 1985), 448-454.
67. SoshitsuJikarD.kyoryakusho 1, T61.393b14-26.
68. Ono, Nitto guhOJunrei kOki, 4:570; Asai Endo,}Oko Nihon Tendai, p. 581.
6g. Sasa gimon 1, BZ (Suzuki ed.) 38.217c3-5. Although Enchin does not
directly refer to the passages from 1-hsing's commentary in this passage, they
are referred to in Annen's BodaishingishO 1, T75.451b6-452a7.
70. T 75.451 b6-452a7. Annen cited the P'u-t'i-hsin tun seventy-nine times in
his Bodaishin gisM (T 2397), a text compiled just three years after Enchin had
suggested that the P'u-t'i-hsin tun was by Amoghavajra. Moreover, the very
structure of the Bodaishin gisM relies on the P'u-t 'i-hsin tun (Kaneko Tessho,
"Annen osho no enmitsugi ni tsuite," Eizan gakuin kenkyiJ. kiyo 8 [1985]: 235).
Disagreements between Enchin and Annen can be seen in a number of other
sources (Groner, "Annen, Tankei, Henjo and Monastic Discipline," pp. 132133).
'JI. Fukuda Gyoei (Tendaigaku gaisetsu [Tokyo: Bun'ichi shuppan kabushiki
kaisha, 1954], 321) noted that the P'u-t'i-hsin tun is one of "the three sutras and
one siistra" considered basic sources in the Taimitsu tradition. Fukuda also
commented that whereas Shingon monks wrote a number of commentaries on
the P'u-t'i-hsin tun, Tendai monks treated the text in a less direct manner, mentioning it in passing in texts such as the Bodaishin gisM (ibid., 344). The TaishO
shinshiJ. daizokyo sakuin 40 (jo).573b reveals that the citations of the P'u-t'i-hsin tun
in Tendai works increase markedly from Annen onward.
72. Bodaishin gishO 1, T 75.471a10-12. In the next paragraph, Annen reiterates this position in response to the question, "In the Lotus SiJ.tra, the Niiga girl
hears the [Lotus] SiJ.tra in the sea and realizes sokushinJobutsu without using [Esoteric] meditations. Why is it necessary to use [Esoteric] meditations?"
73 Bodaishin gisM 2, T 75.481b12-15. In the third fascicle of the Shingon kyoJigi 3 (T 75.415a17-b22), Annen bases this approach on Chinese T'ien-t'ai
arguments that the upper stages of the Hlnayiina, Pervasive, and Distinct
teachings are all fictitious. For studies on Annen's view of the path, see Okubo
Ryoshun, "Annen no gy6iron," lndogaku BukkyOgaku kenkyii 33.1 (1984): 106107; Kaneko Tessh6, "Annen osh6 no Enmitsugi ni tsuite," Eizan gakuin kenkyii
kryo8 (1985): 235-246; and Kiuchi Gy66, Tendai Mikkyono keisei, p. 369.
74 Shingonshii kyijigi 3, T75.415b23-c17.
75 Hokke mong~ shiki 8b, TZ Hokke mongu 4.2000b12-19; BZ 22.680bll681a1. The passage cited from Annen's BodaishingisM (fasc. 1 and 4) is found at
T 75.471c3-4, 534a15-17. Shoshin makes the same point found in this passage
again in the Tendai Shingon nishii doisM, T 74.420c14-24. He follows it by J).oting
that the three mysteries are appropriate for those with dull faculties during the
latter period (matsudai) of the Dharma, but that Tendai meditations are more
appropriate for those with better faculties (T 74.421a19-23). The term "missing" in the passage is from the sentence "sokushinJobutsu ... is missing in other
teachings and not mentioned" (P'u-t'i-hsin tun, T32.572cl3-14).
76. Kouda Ry6sen, Wayaku Tendaishii rongi hyakudai Jizaibo (Tokyo: Rinkoin,
1972), 209-214; idem, Wayaku Tendaishii rongi nihyakudai (Tokyo: Ryiibunkan,
1966), 494-497. Although debate texts generally focused on exoteric subjects,
and could therefore be expected to be more sympathetic to the exoteric position
on sokushin Jobutsu, the way this question is stated clearly revealed the Esoteric
bias of most later discussions on the topic. In the modern survey of Tendai
thought by Fukuda Gyoei, a study that generally reflects traditional Japanese
Tendai views, sokushin Jobutsu is treated as a topic under Esoteric Buddhism.
471
Groner
472
Glossary
akitsugami JJI.#
Anne !f.~
Annen !f.r.~
arahitogami JJ/..J-.:!>1'
Asai En do i~ Jt filllt
Birushana ~Jt~1J~
bonbu .R.."bon'i jobutsu Jt'iit~{A
bosatsu %i..i
bundan shoji $)'- 11.1. ?F.
bunshoka $]-ti
bunsho soku $)- tlEI!r
butsuji {AJ,i!?.
Chan-jan ~~
Chien-chen it.A
Chih-i ~gfi
chii ~{I
cho ~
chosho ~tlf.
chota ~~
Daikyo yogisho *~if. ,ii; t!
Dainichikyo gishaku soketsusho
*. El *IMKtt;M.Y
Dainichikyosho sho
El *!1AiA:7
Enchin P'l~
Ench6 filii
enmitsu itchi fil !Hi- ft
Ennin P'l-1=Fa-hua hsuan-i i:!-- ~ ,ii;
Fa-tsang ~~
Fo-tsu t'ung-chi 1Mll.~~
Fujita Kairyii if. W5ti-~
genshin jobutsu JJ/.!{ ~{A
gensho shotoku JJI.1. ~1~
Gishin ,ii;J{.
Gyogi n-~
hennyaku shOji ~ ~ 1. ?F.
himitsukyo f~ !Hi f;!:
Himitsu sokushin jobutsugi
~3& !Hi !!p f! ~{A ,ii;
hish6 .ftlt
Hojibo Shoshin 7 ill!.~ tlE 1{.
Hokke gengi shiki $!-- ~ ,ii; ~ t~
Hokke mongu shiki ~-- ~{;];ft. t~
Hokke shiiku $!-- ~ {;]
Hokke-zanmai ~--.E.. 0;!<
hongaku ;f.j;
HonchO shinsenden .;f.~JI#1J.i:E:
Hoss6 ~{!1
Hsi-ming i!S B}J
Hsin-ti kuan ching ,..:;J.II?.l[*f:
U*sJI.% i..ifi~*i
Kiikai 1:;~
kukyoka ~it
kumitsu o !Hi
manzoku )~I{
matsudai
Miao-fa lien-hua ching t.Y ~it--*!
Min 'yu benwakusho ~~ ~ .ft ~ "*"
Mo-ho chih-kuan 1'/: Jl: U
mukan no shin /1- ~ !(
muro ~ii
myoji soku -t. l!p
myokaku *.Y j;
Nieh-p'an ching ii~*!
nikushin ;] f!
Ninkii 1::.1:
Oe Masafusa *. i!.II ~
Okubo Ryoshun *.~fl.~~~
P'u-t'i-hsin lun %ll(,..:; til
ri ~
riji gumitsu J]( :f. Jl.. !Hi
Rinsho lA ag
ri soku ~l!p
roku soku * l!p
Saicho Jil:lft
sanbyodo ;.. .if'- ~
sang6 .E..1;
sanmitsu ;_ !8f
sansho jobutsu ;_ 1. ~{A
Sasa gimon ~ 4 J.{ ~
shanago ~ 1J~ 1;
*{'(.
i"'
473
'*
Soshitsu;ikyosho ii .t ;e ~if!
Ssu-t'o ~it
Sueki Fumihiko *-;;!;; *- .:
Ta-iih ching *.a~
Ta-iih-ching i-shih *. a ~ J% f){
na
;;k{s)J.~';f;J%.
**
&Ji.Wtl ii;
togaku ~11:.
Ti5ketsu I~
Tokuen {,tf"l
Tokuitsu {,tTsung-ying 1f' ~Jl
Wei-chiian *t~
Wu-chiao chang li.~ "*"
Wu-liang-i ching $~-At.!
Ying-lo ching ],l~t.f
yuiri himitsu "ltJJ:f~ WI
zasu li i.
Zen Soteriology
Zen Buddhism is famous for its no-nonsense approach to religious salvation. "We are," Zen likes to say of itself, "a special tradition apart
from scripture that does not depend on the written word; we simply
point directly at the person's mind, that he may see his own nature and
become a buddha." The contrast between this self-definition and what
we are used to in religion could hardly be starker, particularly when we
consider what has been left out of it. There is no talk of God, of course,
nor of a savior by whom we are redeemed; no mortal sin from which we
are delivered, nor better land to which we shall repair. There is no holy
writ to be revered nor divine revelation before which to bow; no church
dogma to be believed nor church ritual to be performed. Instead, we are
to abandon our rituals and dogmas, simply examine directly our own
minds and see into our own natures. "Just turn the light around," says
Zen, "and shine it back."
How are we to accomplish this revolutionary shining? Here Zen
offers concrete, practical advice. We are to sit quietly in the exercise
known as zazen (seated meditation), focusing our minds (perhaps on
the enigmatic koan stories of Zen tradition) until our conceptual
thought processes have come to rest and we suddenly perceive things as
they are "before" we have understood them. In this sudden perception,
we discover the preconceptuallevel of consciousness that is the nature of
our minds; in this discovery, or satori, we have become buddhas, freed
forever from attachment to the false dualities of conceptual thought and
done with the need for religion.
This is, to be sure, a crude model of Zen soteriology, but I think that
something like this model (no doubt loosely derived froin the sort of psychology cum metaphysics introduced to the West by the great Japanese
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476
Soteriological Models
The term "soteriology," drawn as it is from a branch of Christian theology, initially suggests the science of the salvific or healing function of the
siitlr, or savior, and in this sense seems a peculiarly inappropriate designation not only for our model of secular mysticism but for most (though
perhaps not quite all) of what we find in the records of Zen. Yet,
depending on how far we want to stretch the term from this initial theological context, it can reach to the very limits of religion itself and, at
least by analogy, even beyond. Though these limits are by no means
clear, and it would be naive to imagine that we can set neat stages in the
stretching of "soteriology," it is helpful to distinguish narrower and
broader senses of the term. The narrower senses tend to get fixed in one
or both of two ways: ( 1) according to genre, by retaining the idea of a
theological "science" and by limiting the extension of "soteriology" to
explicit, more or less systematic accounts of religious goals and means;
and (2) according to content, by accepting some version, more or less
tightly defined, of the religious notion of salvation (though not necessarily of a savior) and by restricting "soteriology" to accounts of those religious goals, and their means, that are taken to be functionally or conceptually analogous to this notion. The former restriction yields a
477
between what we may call "theological" and "nontheological" religious expression. The latter restriction, when based on a loose
definition of salvation as something like the final spiritual goal, gives a
distinction between "ultimate" and "proximate" religious concerns;
when derived from tighter criteria (such as notions of transcendence,
liberation, transformation, and the like), it implies additional distinctions between forms of religion or religiosity that are "salvational" and
"nonsalvational," "otherworldly" and "this-worldly," and so on. 1
When thus restricted in these two ways to systematic, theological
accounts of ultimate spiritual ends and their means, soteriology tends to
be associated with the "great religions," and with the "great traditions"
within those religions. When it is not thus restricted, there is a broader
sense in which we can say that all religions have (or even are) soteriologies, insofar as all are cultural systems that have as a goal the justification of human experience (whether of individual or group) by bringing
it into right relationship with a particular value structure. In this latter
sense, "soteriology" intends little more than definitions of this relationship and the ways it is supposed to be achieved. Those "great" theological systems that define the relationship as individual salvation, seen as
the transcendental solution to what is considered a radically problematic human condition, are in this sense simply subsets of the broader
soteriological enterprise.
Buddhism is usually treated as such a "great" theological system,
and discussion of its soteriology tends to assume the more restricted
senses of the term, focusing on its systematic accounts of such transcendental ends as nirvfu)a or buddhahood, and on the renunciate's path of
meditation and wisdom through which they are achieved. Yet as a historical phenomenon, the Buddhist religion is of course much more than
this, and an adequate historical understanding even of its disparate theological systems can hardly do without some consideration of the
broader soteriological interests within which they occur and with which
they continually interact. Such an understanding must take into
account not only what Buddhists should want and should do according
to the norms of the "explicit," "official" soteriologies of the theologians, but also what Buddhists (including the theologians) have wanted
and have done in the exercise of their "implicit," "de facto" soteriologies. Whether at explicit or implicit levels, it must acknowledge not only
the "ultimate" soteriologies of final goals and means but also the many
and varied "proximate" soteriologies of more immediate religious
needs. Whether taken as ultimate or proximate, it must be willing to ask
about the implicit soteriological purposes of the explicit soteriological
systems themselves and be ready to recognize that both the production
of such systems and the specific forms they take may well serVe ends
(whether individual or group) quite different from those defined by the
478
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479
at~ goals. Generally speaking, I think it fair to say that most Buddhists
of Japan, like most Buddhists elsewhere, whether monk or layman,
probably looked to their religion less for final liberation from S!llpsara
than for various kinds of consolation in salllsara-for the proximate resolution of particular ,personal problems, to be sure, but also for some
broader, more comprehensive sense that these problems made sense;
that in the big picture, their sufferings were not in vain; that in the long
run, the ups and downs of their lives were headed more up than down.
The means to such consolation were basically twofold: first of all, faith
-faith in the compassionate power of the Buddha, the verity of the
Buddhist teachings, and the purity of its institutions; and second, action
-ethical as;tion, to the extent possible, but more importantly, the ritual
actions that were the most powerful forms of spiritual merit (donation of
alms, recitation of sacred texts and formulae, participation in religious
rites, and so on).
The gap between the explicit and implicit soteriologies was bridged
by the ndtion that the means to consolation were also the first steps
toward the official goal of liberation-steps that would eventually lead,
through the laws of karma, to rebirth at higher spiritual levels, on which
the distant ideal ofbuddhahood and the arduous path of the bodhisattva
would one day become personally relevant. Yet for many Buddhists of
the late Heian (794-1185) and Kamakura, this bridge no longer
spanned the gap. On the near side, so to speak, the historical upheavals
of the age, and the attendant prevalence and intensity of personal anxiety and pain, threw into doubt the hope that real consolation in s~sara
could be found short of total liberation from it, raising the demand for
more immediate access to the ultimate goal in this lifetime (or at least in
the one to come). Meanwhile, on the other side of the gap, the possibility of actually achieving this goal in any lifetime looked increasingly
remote. The validity of the sanctioned soteriological models was being
undermined by two sorts of theological developments within the official
systems themselves: one that gave exaggerated emphasis to the metaphysical interpretation of buddhahood and hence cast doubt on its status as real religious experience; and another that introduced the historical doctrine of the inevitable decline of the dharma and thus raised fears
that no one in the present, final age could actually negotiate the bodhisattva path. 3 These theological doubts and fears were exacerbated by
the increasing empirical evidence of the times that the established Japanese Buddhist institutions supposed to embody the official soteriology
fell far short of the ideal.
To meet the new religious demand and to revalidate the Buddhist
response, some of the Kamakura reformers looked back to China for
culturally sanctioned but hitherto neglected soteriological strategies that
might liberate them from the practical and theoretical difficulties of the
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old bodhisattva path. They found there two prime candidates in the
flourishing traditions of Pure Land and Zen. Of these, perhaps the
more radical, and surely the more popular, was that of the Pure Land.
This movement took seriously the soteriological implications of the doctrine of the last, degenerate age. In effect (though of course it had ways
to soften its break with tradition), it abandoned the remote, official ideal
ofbuddhahood in favor of the more proximate goal of birth in the Western Paradise of the Buddha Amida-a goal already assured by Amida's
vow to take into his land all who called on him in faith. Given this new
goal, the movement could substitute for the difficult practices of the
bodhisattva path the more accessible style of the implicit religion: faith
in the saving vow of Amida, and ritual participation in the power of this
vow through the recitation of his name. In the reformed soteriology,
then, the same means by which one was consoled in this life-faith and
ritual action-became the sufficient conditions for deliverance into the
new final goal of the Pure Land.
In the Chinese Zen tradition, the Kamakura reformers discovered a
soteriology that was in some ways structurally similar. While continuing to pay lip service to the traditional ideal of buddhahood, the Zen
masters had brought the ideal down into the human sphere in two ways.
First, they had "demythologized" the perfections of the Buddha, such
that his omniscience tended to be seen simply as freedom from epistemological error and his supernormal powers over the world became his
pure, spontaneous participation in the world, as enacted in the lifestyle
of the Zen master himself. Second, they had taken advantage of the
metaphysical definitions of buddhahood to emphasize that such a
demythologized buddha was latent in the mind of every being and
needed only to be recognized there. The single, simple practice of Zen
meditation, in which one abandoned the erroneous thoughts that covered this latent buddha, was sufficient to uncover it and permit the Zen
Buddhist to discover, in the new goal of satori, that his own mind
already possessed the ultimate spiritual state.
We may notice here that, for all its reputation as a radical critique of
religion, Zen Buddhism was theologically (and institutionally) more
conservative than Pure Land: the end of its soteriology remained (in
name, at least) the traditional goal of buddhahood; the way to this end
remained (albeit in truncated form) meditation, one of the central spiritual practices of the standard bodhisattva path, and a practice traditionally left to the professional religious. This conservative quality made
it easier for the Kamakura Zen Buddhist apologists to argue for the
orthodoxy of their reform, but it also made it more difficult for them to
bring that reform down to the implicit soteriologies of the mass of J apanese Buddhists. For all the theoretical proximity of the latent buddhamind, to those without the actual experience of satori, it offered little
481
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uted to Enni's contemporary Lan-ch'i Tao-lung (Rankei Doryli, 12131278), the first Sung missionary to Japan. Tao-lung's text is of course
written in Chinese, but one need not read far in it to recognize that it is
a version of the Japanese work associated with Enni. It has been suggested that, when asked by Michiie for private instruction, the overworked abbot of TOfukuji simply borrowed Tao-lung's text and put it
into the vernacular. 6 But this suggestion is rather dubious. The association of Enni's text with Michiie seems to have been a late development
and does not appear in the earliest extant version. 7 More importantly,
whoever wrote the original text, and whether in Chinese or Japanese, it
was probably not the Chinese master Tao-lung: the writing bears no
resemblance to his other work, and the diction, scriptural sources, and
religious themes of the Zazen ron all seem to stamp it as a work of japanese authorship. I am reluctant at this point to hazard a guess about its
provenance, but I do think the internal evidence of style and content
allows us to accept the Zazen ron as a product of the early Kamakura; for
my purposes here, this is enough.
By the early Kamakura, the Japanese had been Buddhists for some
seven centuries, but they had not been Zen Buddhists. While Zen Buddhism had been enjoying a long and glorious history on the continent,
the Japanese had continued to favor the older, more scholastic forms of
Mahayana imported from the T'ang. Hence the first native converts to
Zen were forced to contend with these established forms, and it is not
surprising that, like the Zazen ron, much of the earliest Japanese Zen
writing has a strongly apologetic character. As such, it tends to involve
arguments for three general points: the orthodoxy of Zen, in terms
acceptable to traditional Mahayana; the superiority of Zen over other
forms of Mahayana; and the relevance of Zen to the religious needs of
the community of Mahayana believers. Needless to say, such arguments
are not necessarily mutually supportive: certain sorts of claims for the
superiority of Zen, for example, can undermine the grounds for both
orthodoxy and relevance; by the same token, overemphasis on orthodoxy may vitiate the case for superiority or rob the teaching of its appeal
to those seeking new, more accessible forms of religion.
Of course, what one chooses to emphasize and how one goes about it
depend to a large extent on the particular audiences and purposes of the
argument. Thus, within the broad category of early Zen apologetic
writing, we find quite disparate presentations of the religion. YOsai's
famous Kozen gokoku ron (Promotion of Zen for Protection of the Country), for example, addressed as it was to the government and written to
defend the faith against charges of antinomianism, emphasizes the institutional integrity and superior social benefits of Zen practice; ShOjo's
Zenshii komoku (Outline of Zen Teaching), in contrast, composed in
response to theological doubts among the author's colleagues in the
483
Kegon school, focuses on the legitimate place of Zen within the doctrinal structure of the Kegon orthodoxy. 8
The Zazen ron is rather different from these more traditional, more
learned essays. As its alternative title, Kana Mgo, indicates, it belongs to
the popular new homiletic genre through which reformed versions of
Buddhism (both Zen and others) were being spread throughout (at least
the marginally literate levels of) late Heian and early Kamakura society.
Given its intended audience, this genre eschewed the classical literary
language of Chinese in favor of the contemporary vernacular; largely
abandoned the traditional rhetorical device of argumentation through
the marshaling of scriptural citation; and translated and reduced the
complex technical vocabulary of scholastic Buddhism to a relatively few
key religious notions. Due to both its audience and its purposes, the
genre tended to put strong emphasis on the last of our apologetic points:
the relevance and accessibility of the faith to everyman. Typically, as in
the Zazen ron, it focused directly on the ultimate issue of individual salvation and offered more or less concrete advice on how to win salvation.
Thus it was deeply concerned with soteriology. As we shall see in our
text, not only this general concern but also the particular approaches
taken to soteriology go hand in hand with the means and ends of the
apologetic argument.
Sudden Awakening
Although the Kana Mgo is popularly called a "Treatise on Seated Zen,"
and although it opens by declaring this practice to be the very essence of
Buddhism, the text as a whole is both more and less than an account of
zazen-less, in that it does little to describe the actual techniques of
seated meditation; more, in that it ranges well beyond this practice to
offer an apologetic for a particular vision of Buddhism. This vision is
very close to the sort of thing one finds in some of the literature of the
early Zen movement of the T'ang, especially in the eighth-century texts
associated with the so-called sudden teaching of the Southern school.
Like that literature, it often seems to reduce Buddhism to a single,
transformative insight into the ultimate truth.
When asked, for example, to explain how Zen can lead to buddhahood, the author of the Kana Mgo distinguishes between two kinds of
practice: that of the traditional bodhisattva path, which is based on the
accumulation of good karma and requires three great incalculable
aeons; and that of the Zen way, which "points directly at the person's
mind" (jikishi ninshin) and permits him simply to "see his nature and
become a buddha" (kenshifjobutsu) (7; 414). 9 Similarly, the author calls
on us to abandon the quest for the paranormal spiritual powers developed on the path and simply "extinguish at once the three great incalcu-
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lable aeons [of the bodhisattva path J and abruptly see our natures and
become buddhas" (15; 416). Elsewhere, quoting "an ancient," he says,
"When you suddenly recognize the Zen of the Tathagata (nyorai zen),
the six perfections and the myriad practices [of the bodhisattva path] are
all complete within your body" (3; 412). 10 Dismissing'the study of the
Buddhist scripture, he remarks that "reading the true siitra" consists of
nothing but "awakening to the original mind and returning to the root
source" (6; 413). Knowledge gained by studying the siitras and sastras
is not "true knowledge," which lies only in "recognizing the inherent
buddha-nature by turning the light around and shining it back (ekii
henshii)" (16; 416). All the teachings of the siitras are merely "a finger
pointing at the moon"; all the words ofthe Zen patriarchs are simply "a
tile [taken up] to knock on a gate": once the moon is seen and the gate
opened, once we have "awakened to the one mind," the teachings are
irrelevant (23; 419-420). The awakening to this mind itself suddenly
dispells all the delusions and afflictions of sarp.siira; it is like the bright
moon emerging from behind the clouds (18; 417), like a lamp taken into
a dark cave (22; 419). There is no need for any spiritual verification
beyond this awakening (2; 411).
As a kind of corollary to its emphasis on awakening, the Zazen ron
repeats the classical Zen warnings against misguided attempts to overcome the afflictions (bonnii, Skt. klefa) through meditation. This is the
way of the Hinayiina practitioners who, hating the afflicted state, try to
"extinguish body and mind, becoming like dead trees, tiles and
stones." This practice leads only to rebirth in the formless realm
(mushiki kai, iiriipyadluitu); it is not "the true dharma" (12; 415). In a
similar vein, the author rejects the notion that Zen practice is limited to
seated meditation (19; 417) and criticizes those who "stop the thoughts
of the three poisons (sandoku) [of desire, aversion, and delusion] only in
zazen" and therefore "lack the authentic mind of the way (diijin)" that
"clarifies the root source ofsaq~.sara" (20; 418). In more general terms,
he dismisses all efforts to seek buddhahood through religious endeavor:
Jesser types cling to the characteristics of things and seek the goal outside of themselves; higher types abandon these characteristics and turn
within, trying to "rouse the mind to seek the mind"; both types fail to
see that the afflictions are empty and the mind originally pure; their
practices simply lead to more sarpsiira (22; 418-419).
As this last passage indicates, the rationale for the Zazen ron's criticism
of such spiritual practices is, not surprisingly, the ancient Mahayana
notion of emptiness and the classical Zen teaching of the inherent buddha-mind (busshin). "Everything merely appears provisionally, like a
dream, like an illusion" (11; 415); "when we awaken to the one mind,
all things are empty, and not a single thing remains" (21; 418). "If we
seek the source of the afflictions, they are like dreams, illusions, bub-
485
bles, or shadows" (22; 419); "when we open the gate ofthe great liberation (dai gedatsu no mon), . . . there is no Buddha and no sentient being;
from the beginning there is not a single thing" (23; 420). Since (as the
usual Zen logic goes in these matters) "from the beginning the mind
neither arises nor ceases, ... srupsiira is nirviii].a"; since "the mind is
originally pure, ... the afflictions are enlightenment" (22; 418-419).
In like fashion, since there are no real buddhas or sentient beings, they
are equivalent (23; 419-420). To put this more ontologically,
All beings have a self-nature (jishii). This nature is intrinsically without
arising or cessation; it constantly abides without change. Therefore, it is
called the inherent self-nature. The buddhas of the three worlds [of past,
present, and future] and all sentient beings have this same nature, which is
the dharma body of the original ground (hory"i hosshin) (17; 417).
To put it more personally, "One's own mind is the Buddha" (2; 411).
This buddha-mind is free from attributes and free from attachments
(muso mujaku) (5; 413); it is immaculate, without concepts, with no
thought of attainment (6; 413). It is, to use the standard metaphors, like
the bright moon behind the clouds, like the clear mirror beneath t;he
dust (18; 417). Because this mind is our "original lot" (honbun) (24;
421), we are buddhas from the beginning (jiko honrai) and not only as
the fruit of the path (7; 414). It is only because this mind is covered by
the clouds and dust of deluded thoughts (monen) that we fail to recognize
it (18; 417); it is just because we believe that these thoughts are the
"original mind" (honshin) that we wander in srupsiira ( 17; 417). If we
once awaken to the mind that is the source of these thoughts, we share
in the supematural clarity and power ofbuddhahood (18; 417).
Those familiar with the early Zen texts will recognize the standard
moves ofthe sudden teaching, complete with the orthodox equivocation
on the notion of buddhahood as ultimate truth and as realization of this
truth, and the usual uncertainties on the question of whether we really
need to eliminate deluded thoughts (as in 3; 412) or only (deludedly)
think we do (21; 418). More interesting for our purposes here (and for
Zen study more broadly) than these tricky bits of Zen soteriological
strategy is the way in which the strategy is played out in the actual tactics of salvation. For these tactics, the opening questions posed by the
sudden teaching become something like this: Assuming that being a
"buddha from the beginning" is not quite the end of the matter, what is
that end and how do we reach it? Assuming that the emptiness of
deluded thoughts does not eliminate the need to eliminate (at least
deluded thoughts about) them, how shall we proceed? In the apologetic
context of our text, these questions take on a particular thrust: How is
the Zen understanding of the ends and means of Buddhism related to
other, more familiar versions of the religion-especially those Mahii-
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yana versions that also teach emptiness and posit an innate buddhamind? And what are the implications of this understanding for those
who choose to adopt the Zen religious life? Let us consider these two
questions in order.
Q: Why do you say that this Zen gate is the root of all the teachings?
A: Zen is the buddha-mind. The discipline is its outer marks; the
teaching is its explanation; the recitation of the [Buddha's J name is
its expedient. These three samadhis have all come from the buddha-mind. Therefore, this school represents the root. (1; 411)
Zen is the "root" (konpon)-both the essence and source-of all Buddhism because it is the Buddha's own mind-that ultimate state of mind
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dhism but the supreme version of Buddhism that stands "above" all
others and obviates or supersedes their practice. The argument takes
two, probably not wholly compatible forms: one negative, which dismisses the ordinary goals and practices of the Buddhist path as being
based on shallow understanding; the other positive, which locates Zen
at the final stage of this path, as the culmination of all Buddhist religious
endeavor.
Q: Why is it that, although one who sees his nature and awakens to
the way is immediately a buddha, he does not have the psychic
powers (jinzii) and radiance (komyo) [of a buddha] or, unlike ordinary people, show the mystic functions ( myiiyii) [of a buddha]?
(15; 416)
The answer comes in several forms. First it is held that the physical
body, even of one who has seen his nature and become a buddha,
because it is the karmic product of past delusion, does not display the
powers and radiance. Behind this position one can imagine the common
Mahayana distinction between the physical body of the Buddha (nirma~akaya) that appears in history and the spiritual body (sa!"flbhogakaya), known only to the advanced adept, that is the product and shows
the signs of the Buddha's perfections. The text itself, however, does not
invoke this distinction, and later on in section 15, it takes a rather different approach to the problem, declaring that the desire for paranormal
powers is "the way of Mara and the pagan religions" (tenma gedo). Even
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foxes, the author reminds us, have magical powers, but they are not
particularly honored for that. In either case, whether it relegates them
to a hidden world or limits them to the mundane world, the thrust is to
dismiss the common understanding of the paranormal powers as irrelevant to the Zen religious program.
The real meaning of the powers, the text goes on to explain, is the
"mastery of the six dusts and the deluded conceptions" (rokujin moso)i.e., psychological freedom from attachment to the objects of sensory
and intellectual experience. In like fashion, the "mystic functions" of
the enlightened are identified with the sudden practice of one who,
without requiring the three great incalculable aeons of aescetic practice,
"abruptly sees his own nature and becomes a buddha"; and the supernatural "radiance," or aureola, supposed to emanate from the body of
the Buddha is interpreted as the "light of wisdom" through which the
Buddhist teacher saves beings from the "darkness of ignorance"
(15; 416).
The Zazen ron's redefinitions of the supernatural powers and qualities
are quite typical of the way Zen apologetics likes to use the standard categories of Buddhist theology to its own ends; they are also quite suggestive of how this use at once closes and discloses the gap between ultimate and proximate soteriological concerns. On the one hand, the
dismissal of the "literal" interpretation of the supernatural or superhuman character ofbuddhahood and its redefinition as an internal, epistemological state demystifies and humanizes the ultimate spiritual goal
and thus reduces it to a level seemingly more accessible to actual experience. On the other hand, by dismissing the supernatural as irrelevant,
this internalization and demythologization rob it of its power as a buffer
between real and ideal. To the extent that the buddhas are within, there
are no other powers "out there" to whom we can turn for solace and
aid; we are left alone with ours-elvs. To the extent that buddhahood is
directly within our reach, there is no safe distance from which we can
gaze on the glories of the ultimate end to come, or across which we can
imagine ourselves gradually progressing toward them; our proximate
hopes and partial victories are in vain. In effect, our spiritual options
have been reduced to indefinite suffering in srupsara or immediate
ascent to supreme, perfect enlightenment.
The stark soteriological implications of the Zen apologetic are equally
evident in our second example, the Zazen ron's treatment of the traditional Buddhist practices of siitra reading and recitation. In section 6,
the interlocutor complains that the uncompromising Zen style of religion seems "difficult to believe in and difficult to practice" and asks
whether one might not "seek the merits of reading the siitras and reciting dharal).1, or keeping the precepts, or recollecting the Buddha and
calling his name" (6; 413). The answer begins on a high note, by
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declaring that "the siitras and dhar~i are not words: they are the original mind of all beings." This metaphysical interpretation is immediately followed by a rather different, more utilitarian reading: "They are
speech, intended for those who have lost their original minds," taught
simply in order to "bring about awakening to the original mind and put
an end to birth and death in delusion" (ibid.).
Such a reading seems to hold out the hope that those who have lost
their minds might yet make use of reading and recitation to regain
them; and elsewhere the Zazen ron does somewhat grudgingly acknowledge the utility of scripture reading for those who, having not yet
"awakened to the buddha-mind," must "rely on the finger" to "see the
moon" (23; 419-420). But in our passage, the text immediately shifts
back to its initial approach with the remark that "reading the true
siitra" consists simply of "awakening to the original mind" itself. It
then goes on to dash any hope for the spiritual efficacy of reading or recitation: to use language to bring about realization is like saying "fire" to
get warm or "breeze" to get cool, like trying to assuage one's hunger
with the picture of a pastry or quench one's thirst with the word
"water" (6; 413). Finally, the author moves his argument beyond the
topic of language to a deeper religious issue: the problem here lies not
merely in the futility of the particular practices of reading and recitation
but in the more fundamental mistake of practicing the Buddhist dharmas with the intention of attaining something (ushotoku). This is "the
great stupidity" of the ordinary man (bonpu, Prthagjana), deluded by his
belief in birth and death; in the "wisdom of the Great Vehicle," one
"practices all dharmas with no thought of attainment" (ibid.).
If the rather rambling rhetoric of this passage reflects the venerable
Zen tradition of a rough-and-ready approach to argumentation, its content reminds us of the tradition's readiness to play rough with the religious aspirations of proximate soteriology. The Zazen ron's final warning
in section 6 against the fundamental Buddhist practice of merit-making
recalls the legendary opening statement of Zen in China, in which the
First Patriarch, Bodhidharma, dismisses the pious deeds of the Liang
Emperor Wu with the remark, "No merit whatsoever." 13 As in our passage, the patriarch goes on to contrast mundane notions of merit with
"pure wisdom, perfect and profound." This wisdom, of course, is the
Zazen ron's perfect "wisdom of the Great Vehicle" (daijii han7!}'a)-the
knowledge that, as Bodhidharma says, "the substance is naturally
empty and still." In the light of such wisdom, which sees through the
causal structure of "birth and death," there is no confinement by that
structure and hence no "thought of attaining" (iishotoku no kokoro) the
spiritual fruits of karma within it. As Bodhidharma tells the emperor,
"the primary sense of the holy truth" (sheng ti ti-i i) taught by the Buddha "is that there is nothing particularly holy. Here again, if we are
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of their careers is, we are told, that throughout their path they are still
subject to the afflictions (wakuchi no shO). 14 At first glance this may seem
an odd way to explain the matter, since we have already been warned
against making the Hinayanist mistake of hating the afflictions and
enjoined to understand them as empty and as enlightenment itself (13;
415, 418-419). This oddity is not peculiar to our text or to Zen: it is the
sort of thing that comes easily to all Mahayana theologians, who can
nimbly move back and forth across the distinction between ultimate and
conventional levels of discourse. Though such moves are common
throughout our text, at this point the author prefers a slightly different
approach: to say that the bodhisattvas are subject to the afflictions, he
explains, is simply to say that they have "aspirations to seek the
dharma" (guho no nozomi) and hence "do not accord with their original
lot" (honbun ni kanawa[zu]) (13; 415).
In other words, the prime attitudinal failing that separates the religion of the traditional Buddhist path from Zen practice is its intentionality-the "thought of attainment" (ushotoku no kokoro) that is the
key defect of merit-making. Zen practice begins where this failing stops,
in the attitude that the Zazen ron calls "no-mind" (mushin). Despite its
seeming remoteness at the very end of the bodhisattva path, it is precisely this attitude of no-mind that the Zazen ron uses to span the gulf
between real and ideal and bring the experience of awakening across
from the other shore.
No-Mind
When asked how one is to use the mind (yi[jin) in Zen spiritual practice,
the author of the Zazen ron replies that the true use of the mind is nomind and no-thought (munen) (5; 412-413). Since all things appear only
provisionally, we should not consider (shiryo) them (11; 415); if we do
not consider them-if we have "the ultimate [practice of] no-mind"we put a stop to all false views and discriminations of thinking (akuchi
akuken shiryo junbetsu) (9; 414). This way of no-thought, or no-mind,
"does not consider any good or evil" (9; 414); hence it has no aspirations for merit (kudoku) (8; 414) or even for the buddhadharma itself (13;
415). It simply "sees all things without seeing them in the mind and
hears all things without hearing them in the mind" (24; 421). This is by
no means the Hinayana practice of stilling the mind (12; 415): indeed,
it is beyond the stages of the bodhisattva path (13; 415) and eliminates
the three aeons of the path ( 15; 416). One who "does not consider any
good or evil" directly cuts off "the root source of sa111sara"; he is "a
buddha without beginning or end and is [practicing] Zen whether walking, standing, sitting or reclining" (19; 417).
The teaching of no-mind, or no-thought, is one of the most famous
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dharma; since our distance from the goal is measured only by the persistence of our attempts to achieve it, one who abandons such attempts
-one who, in the famous words of the Sixth Patriarch, "does not consider any good or evil" -immediately closes that distance. He is, as the
Zazen ron says, "a buddha without beginning or end, (practicing] Zen
whether walking, standing, sitting or reclining" (19; 417). To put the
point a little differently, in the attitude of no-mind, Zen practice is its
own reward-the direct, spontaneous expression of buddhahood in
daily life.
As models for the religious life, these various traditional uses of nomind are clearly in tension with one another: ( 1) the psychological use
seems to imply a contemplative life aimed at cultivating the zazen exercise for control of the mind; (2) the metaphysical sense of no-mind tends
to undermine such a religious style and, at least in theory, reduce spiritual practice to the single transformative experience of sudden awakening to the buddha-mind; and (3) the ethical use appears to dismiss the
quest for such an experience and locate the goal of spiritual practice in
the ongoing expression of the mind in action. From the broader perspective of intellectual history, the tension among these uses of no-mind
may be viewed as a sudden-style analogue to such venerable Buddhist
polarities as famatha and vipafyana, darfana and bhiivanii, and to such
enduring Chinese ethical dichotomies as knowledge and action, recovery and cultivation, and the like. But rather than pursue this broader
perspective here, I want to ask how our text handles this tension in dealing with the troubled relationship between its twin themes of no-mind
and sudden awakening.
Historically speaking, the Zen tradition was loath to abandon any of
these three models of no-mind; hence the tension among them became a
prime ideological factor in the development of variant interpretations of
the tradition's sudden soteriology. By the thirteenth century, when the
Zazen ron was written, these interpretations had already begun to crystalize in the two styles of teaching that would eventually dominate J apanese Zen: the so-called kanna (story viewing) Zen of the Rinzai school,
based on the k6an teachings of the Sung figure Ta-hui (1089-1163); and
the mokushO (silent illumination) Zen of the S6t6, promulgated by Enni's
famous Japanese contemporary, Dogen (1200-1253). Ta-hui strongly
rejected the notion that zazen was an end in itself and emphasized the
need for the experience of awakening, brought about through concentration on the sayings of the Zen patriarchs; Dogen criticized the utilitarian interpretation of zazen as means to an end and held that its practice was itself the enlightened activity of the patriarchs. 17
Accustomed as we are to associating the Rinzai tradition with kanna
Zen, the attribution of the Zazen ron to the Rinzai master Enni might
lead us to expect it to offer a spiritual program designed to generate
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direct intuitive insight into the mind through koan concentration. However, the Zazen ron makes no mention of the kanna technique and shows
almost no awareness of the koan stories so popular during the Sung, or
of the considerable corpus of Zen transmission histories and recorded
sayings already circulating in Japan. In fact, the Zazen ron seems blissfully ignorant of the contemporaneous disputes swirling around it over
the interpretation of meditation and awakening. Yet to the extent that
we can identify it with any position in these disputes, our text seems to
fall closest to those that would emphasize the ethical attitude of nomind.
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All the teachings of the siitras are like a finger pointing at the moon ....
After one has awakened to the one mind, there is no use for any of them.
All the words of the patriarchs are like a tile [taken up] to knock on a gate .
. Once you have entered the gate, why pick up the tile? (23; 420)
Note, however, that the answer has sidestepped 'the question: the
question had to do with the need for practice (yOjin) after awakening
(kensM); the answer concerns the role of the teachings in such practice.
Before one has awakened, the text explains, "to the original meaning of
the buddhas and patriarchs," one should study the Zen teaching of
"seeing your nature and becoming a buddha"; after one has awakened,
one will realize that '"seeing your nature' is nothing special (kitoku) and
'becoming a buddha' cannot be attained (fukatoku)" (ibid.).
The answer does emphasize the pivotal point of awakening, but it
does not tell us on which side of that point we should put the cultivation
of no-mind. I have no doubt that the author of the Zazen ron fully
expected this cultivation to yield spiritual insights into Buddhism and
therefore to serve as a means to an end; but this is not the prime justification he offers for it. On the contrary, we should remember that the
key characteristic of no-mind is precisely its freedom from all aspiration
for spiritual advancement: "Since [in the state of no-mind) we do not
produce any views of cultivation, we do not aspire to become buddhas"
(9; 414).
Where the text first takes up the notion of no-mind, it cites the Diamond Siitra's (Vajracchedika) famous teaching that buddhas are free from
"marks" (la/cyarza) and says, "The buddha-mind is without marks and
without attachments (muso mujaku) . ... Therefore, we should be without mind and without thought (mushin munen)" throughout all activities
(5; 413). 22 This, I think, is the prime justification: we should practice
no-mind because it puts into practice what is distinctive about our buddhahood. No-mind is not merely our practice but the very nature of our
"original mind" (22; 419); it is not merely our mind but "the original
teacher" (honshi) of all the buddhas of the three worlds. It is "the cardinal buddha" (daiichi no butsu), the realization of which is called the
supreme perfect enlightenment of the buddhas (24; 422). It is probably
this enlightened practice of no-mind that the author has in mind when
he claims that Zen is itself the buddha-mind ( 1; 411) and reiterates that
Zen cultivation represents "the ultimate of the buddha-mind" (4; 412).
In the latter section, the concrete implications of this way of understanding Zen practice are expressed in dramatic terms:
Even if you have not attained the way, when you sit in meditation for one
period, you are a one-period buddha (ichiji no buisu); when you sit in meditation for one day, you are a one-day buddha; when you sit in meditation
for one lifetime, you are a lifetime buddha. To have this kind of faith is to
be one of great faculties, a great vessel of the dharma. (ibid.)
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pie, between the initial "seeing" (darfana) of the truth, through which
one eliminated the intellectual afflictions (usually counted as doubt and
false views) and entered the transmundane path, and the final cessation
of all cognitive and affective afflictions in complete enlightenment at the
end of that path; or between the bodhisattva's preliminary knowledge of
the metaphysical nature of all dharmas (sarvajnatii), which establishes
him irreversibly on his religious course, and the full omniscience of
buddhahood (sarviikiirajnatii). 24
It was no doubt in recollection of such distinctions that the famous
T'ang scholar Tsung-mi (780-841) was able to divide the Zen spiritual
experience into a first, sudden "awakening of understanding" (chiehwu) of the buddha-nature, which launched one into authentic Zen practice, and a final "awakening of realization" (cheng-wu) of buddhahood,
which was the culmination of such practice. 25 Tsung-mi's doctrine was
directed against those within the Zen movement who wanted to draw
antinomian conclusions from the sudden teaching; it sought to rationalize the teaching in terms of the path, to play down the soteriological significance of the initial understanding, and to emphasize the need to proceed to the final realization through a continued "gradual practice"
(chien-hsiu) after the sudden awakening. In contrast, the message of the
Zazen ron, directed as it is to those outside of Zen who seek altematives
to the hierarchies of the bodhisattva course, has little use for the notion
of progressive stages in enlightenment but prefers to advertise the sufficiency of an initial awakening experience and to celebrate the freedom
from spiritual need beyond.
The salvific power of the initial encounter with the buddha-mind
teaching and the sense of liberation that follows from it are well
expressed in sections 3 and 4 of the text. In the former, the questioner
asks why we should abandon the spiritual merits of "the myriad practices and good works" of the traditional Buddhist path in favor of the
sole dharma of "the one [buddha-]mind." The answer given is twofold:
first, that this one practice fulfills all Buddhist practices; second, that,
whatever practices we may do, in the end the only significant issue is
"putting a stop to delusion and attaining the awakening" that is the
necessary condition for buddhahood (3; 412). In the next section, the
questioner pursues this second point. Surely Zen cannot guarantee such
an awakening, "and, if it is not certain [that we will attain awakening],
what good is there in cultivating (the buddha-mind teaching]?" The
answer is that this teaching is itself "the way of inconceivable liberation" (jushigi gedatsu no michi). Hence, "if one but hears it, it forms the
surpassing cause of bodhi (bodai no shOin); and, if one cultivates it, it is
the ultimate of the buddha-mind (busshin no shigoku). " Simply to hear
(and presumably to acknowledge) the good news of the buddha-mind is
to be assured of the inconceivable liberation; simply to act on it is to be
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liberated. To seek awakening beyond this is to miss the point, since "the
buddha-mind is basically without delusion and awakening" (4; 412).
Once we are assured of liberation, there is nothing to do but be
liberated; once we have put the issue of awakening behind us, there is
only the waking life before us. In other words, once we shift the turning
point of the Zazen ron's soteriology from the adept's achievement of mystical knowledge in meditation to the neophyte's experience of belief in
the teaching, we also shift the religious role of its practice of no-mind
from that of a concentration exercise designed to bring about the transcendental goal to that of a spiritual attitude or psychological habit that
frees the believer from the demands of the path so that he may go about
his business in the world. By allowing him to abandon all "considerations of good and evil," no-mind offers him an ongoing vehicle for liberation from nagging doubts about his spiritual state and the need to
perfect it; by permitting him to "see all things without seeing them in
the mind," it provides him with a moment-to-moment means for taking
the world as it comes to him, in all its ambiguity. For no-mind, then, the
karmic law of birth and death in sa.q1siira holds no fear.
In the final, most poignant (and in some ways most religiously telling) passage of the Zazen ron, the questioner asks how the unenlightened
man should use his mind (yiijin) to prepare himself for the end. The
answer is that there is no end:
Whep. there is no thought and no mind, there is no birth and no death .
. . . When we do not think that there is birth and death, when we are
without mind and without thought, this is the same as the great nirvfu).a .
. . . If we only cultivate no-mind and do not forget it, whether walking,
sitting, standing or reclining, there is no special way to use the mind at the
last. When we truly rest on the path of no-mind, [we go] like blossoms and
leaves that scatter before the wind, like frost and snow melting in the
morning sun.(24; 420-421)
If we have clearly come quite far from our initial model of Zen as a utilitarian approach to mystical experience, we have also come much closer
to the values of the implicit soteriology of Kamakura Buddhism. While
the orthodox ideal remains the ancient Zen call to the direct seeing of
the buddha-nature, the operative goal is now the hearing of that call
itself; while the official means to the ideal continues to invoke the traditional Zen practice of no-mind, the meaning of the means now lies not
in its end but in itself.
By this reading, the Zazen ron is not far from the Pure Land. As in the
contemporaneous Pure Land soteriology, the liberated state of buddhahood has come down to this world as the liberating fact of a buddhanot, to be sure, an external buddha who has vowed to free us from this
land to another, but a buddha nonetheless, whose presence within
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occlUr simultaneously. Theologically speaking, such a conflation is supposed to represent the culmination of the path, the crowning vision of
the buddha himself, who sees no distinction between himself and the
beings below him on the path. Because Zen claims to be the buddhamind school, based solely on this vision, it must keep itself above any
such distinction by collapsing the path and its goal and by asserting a
transcendental plane of religion beyond the causal laws governing
human spiritual works. Hence the key soteriological issue of the sudden
practice becomes how one ascends to this higher plane and gains acce~s
to such religion. By definition, this cannot be done by climbing to it on
the path but only by leaping to it from the path.
In existential terms, then, the path functions for the Zen Buddhist,
perhaps no less than for the Pure Land believer, not as a road to freedom but as a symbol of bondage-as the law that binds him to cause
and effect and thus chains him to the worldly plane. The power of the
symbol grows, and the chains of the law bind ever more tightly, precisely to the degree that the would-be Zen Buddhist is a believing Buddhist whose faith is rooted in traditional scripture and whose religious
life is grounded in the common assumptions and established practices of
the path. For him, the leap to the higher perspective of Zen means
abandoning his old faith, and the call to the sudden practice of Zen is a
summons to a second "going forth" (shukke)-not from family life, this
time, but from the familiar confines of Buddhist life.
The distance between the old law Qf the path and the new dispensation of Zen varies with the particular style of Zen teaching. In more
conservative, more catholic styles that seek accommodation with the
tradition, it may be merely the gap between alternative readings of what
is taken to be a common spiritual system; in more radical, more protestant versions, it can become a yawning chasm-in effect, the gulf
between saxpsara and nirvaQa itself, and hence the very stuff of Zen
soteriology. Most Zen teachings probably fall somewhere between these
extremes, but wherever they fall, Zen's distance from the path is most
strongly felt and most explicitly expressed in those contexts in which the
religion is addressing itself to the believing Buddhist and seeking to convert him to the faith. This was, of course, the context for many of the
early Kamakura Zen teachings, as it had been for the T'ang originators
of Zen.
By the late Heian and early Kamakura, when they first began to take
Zen seriously as a religious alternative, Japanese Buddhists were quite
familiar with the transcendental teaching of a supreme, sudden vehicle
-a teaching they had long heard espoused by Kegon, Tendai, and
Shingon scholars. What they lacked, and what seems to hav:e most
struck them about Zen (apart from the fact that it represented the preferred Buddhism of the Southern Sung elite), was (1) its claim to a reli-
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gion based solely on the ultimate truth and perfect enlightenment of the
buddha-mind itself, as transmitted outside scripture in the lineage of
the patriarchs, and (2) its offer of a single, simple spiritual practice,
beyond the techniques of the bodhisattva path, through which anyone
could directly realize the buddha-mind and immediately accede to this
lineage. Here was the ancient ideal of the final buddha-vehicle made
flesh; and the sudden advent of men (not yet, so far as we know,
women) claiming to be living buddhas and offering as much to everyman must have been a scandal to some learned doctors of the dharma.
Scandal or no, it certainly raised the question of just how these men
understood their buddhahood and why they thought their practice
immediately ensured it; dharma doctor or not, it raised both the eyebrows and the anxiety of those accustomed to looking at the final ideal
from the safe distance of three incalculable aeons. Faced with such
resistance, the early Zen apologists argued along two lines: one, as seen
conspicuously in Dagen's famous kana hifgo text, the Bendo wa (Talks on
Pursuing the Way), that linked the Zen claims to the authority of the
historical Buddha through the esoteric lineage of the patriarchs; the
other, pursued by our Zazen ron, that grounded those claims in the ultimate import of the transhistorical buddha-mind. Though they differ in
style, it is not surprising that both lines of argument end with a call for a
leap of faith in the new dispensation, an abandonment of the old models
of spiritual perfection, and a commitment to the life of buddhahood in
the immediate world of everyday experience.
In one sense, the emphasis on these three elements-faith, and the
abandonment and commitment that flow from it-can be seen as a
reflex of the particular purposes of the apologetic genre itself: just as the
goal of the genre was to turn the faith of its reader from the old religion
and establish him in the new, so the goal of the new religion was to be
found precisely in this turning. In this sense, the model of sudden awakening that I have proposed here might be styled a "soteriology of conversion," of a sort we could look for in Zen (and perhaps elsewhere)
especially in those contexts of religious reformation where the new is
pitted against the old. The original Mahayana soteriology itself arose in
such a context, and there is another sense (not without its ironies) in
which these same three elements in the new religion of Zen can be seen
as a recapitulation or revalidation of the old model of the bodhisattva
path, at least as it may have functioned at the implicit level.
In the religious structure of the Zazen ron's call to a higher faith that
abandons the old ideal in favor of renewed commitment to everyday
experience, there seems to be what we might call a "poor man's parallel" to the bodhisattva's vow to relinquish the old goal of early nirviil).a
for the sake of indefinite service in sarp.sara. If the explicit consequences
of this vow were supposed to demand three great incalculable aeons of
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heroic ascesis leading to buddhahood, the implicit result was the indefinite postponement of the demand for final transcendence and the rejustification of participation in the more proximate affairs of worldly life.
At this implicit level, the Zazen ron's critique of the bodhisattva path,
despite (or precisely because of) its assertion of the radical immediacy of
buddhahood, may amount to much the same result: whether the end of
the path is too far away to see or too close at hand to miss, the way is
open all the way to the horizon, and the wayfarer is free to linger along
it where he will.
Notes
The tighter definition, in other words, would recognize soteriology only in
the "ultimate" ends of those forms of religion that have some notion of" salvation" from the world; the looser definition would include as well the ultimate
ends offorms that do not seek such salvation.
2. This was the soteriological dark side of the famous doctrine of the "one
vehicle" taught in the popular Lotus Sii.tra (Saddharmapurtarika): if the doctrine
proclaimed that everyone was really destined for the ultimate goal of buddhahood, it also revealed that no one really entered nirviit)a except through buddhahood.
3 The former development, seen especially in the theology of the influential
Tendai school, is now often referred to as the hongaku, or "original enlightenment," movement; the latter is, of course, the famous mappo, or "final
dharma," doctrine that is widely (if perhaps somewhat too easily) used to
explain the religious sensibilities oflate Heian culture.
4 The text appears at Zenmon Mgo shii. 2 (Tokyo: Koyiikan, 1921), 411-422; I
have published an English translation in The Ten Directions 9:1 (Spring/Summer
1988): 7-10.
5 For an English account of Enni's biography, see Martin Collcutt, Five
Mountains: The Rinzai Monastic Institution in Medieval japan, Harvard East Asian
Monographs 85 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), 41-48.
6. On these grounds Enni's version has been dated between 1246, the year of
Tao-lung's arrival, and 1252, when Michiie died; see Etc Sokuo, Shiibii genzo
josetsu: Bendo wa gikai (Tokyo: lwanami shoten, 1959), 156. The text of Taolung's Zazen ron can be found at Kokuyaku zengaku taisei 23 (Tokyo: Nishodo
shoten, 1930), 1-8; it has been translated into English by Thomas Cleary
in The Original Face: An Anthology of Rinzai Zen (New York: Grove Press, 1978),
19-41.
7 A Muromachi manuscript discovered in the Hosa bunko; see Sanae Kensei, "Hosa bunko bon Shoichi kana hogo no kenkyii (1): Honbun hen," Zen
bunka kenkyii.jo kiyo6 (May 1974): 265-294.
8. For the Zenshii kiimoku, see Kamata Shigeo and Tanaka Hisao, eds., Kamakura kyii bukkyo, Nihon shiso taikei 15 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971 ), 390-400.
9 Numerals in parentheses following citations refer to the pagination of the
Japanese text in the Zenmon Mgo shii (see note 2 above); though the se.ctions of
the text are not numbered, for convenience of reference, I also supply the section number (always before the relevant page reference).
10. The quotation is from the Cheng-tao ko of the T'ang master Yung-chia;
Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu 30, T 51.460a.
1.
504
Bielefeldt
11. The words of the patriarch here are from the Hsin-hsin ming, attributed to
the Third Patriarch of Zen, Seng-ts'an; Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu 30, T 51.457b.
12. So, for example, the five "supernatural knowledges" (abhijiia;jinzii), held
to be accessible to advanced yogis, whether Buddhist or pagan.
I3. The conversation occurs at Ching-tech'uan-teng lu 3, T51.219a.
I4. That is, the klefa- and jiiryavara11a; in the text's subsequent definition of
the afflictions, only the former is mentioned.
IS. See Kagamishima Genryii eta!., Yakuchii Zen'en shingi (Tokyo: Sotoshii
shiimucho, 1972), 279-284; for my discussion of this text and the contemplative
practice of no-mind, see Carl Bielefeldt, "Ch'ang-lu Tsung-tse's Tso-ch'an i and
the 'Secret' of Zen Meditation," in Peter Gregory, ed., Traditions of Meditation in
Chinese Buddhism, Studies in East Asian Buddhism 4 (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1986), 129-161.
I6. Kagamishima eta!., Yakuchii Zen 'en shingi, p. 283.
I]. I have discussed these two styles of Zen in Carl Bielefeldt, Dagen's Manuals
of Zen Meditation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).
18. Shabo genzi5 shO, Si5ti5 shii zensho, Shiigen 1 (Tokyo: Komeisha, 1929), 348a.
19. !chien, Zotan shii, Yamada Shozen and Miki Sumito, eds., Chiisei no
bungaku 1:3 (Tokyo: Miyai shoten, 1973), 253, 255, 273.
20. Robert Morrell, Sand and Pebbles (Shasekishii): The Tales of Mujii !chien, A
Voice for Pluralism in Kamakura Buddhism (Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1985).
21. Bielefeldt, Dogen 's Manuals, p. 76n.
22. The Diamond Siitra passage cited here occurs in Kumiirajlva's translation
at T8.750b.
23. It can provide such a distinction, but of course I do not mean to imply
here that what I am calling the intuitive experience is necessarily supposed to be
the ultimate soteriological goal.
24. The analogy here is to the soteriological distinction between proximate
and ultimate stages of spiritual awakening, not to the epistemological characteristics of the awakening. The traditional schemas generally assumed that even
the more proximate experiences here were the product of, and occurred within,
yogic practice; to this extent, we might find a closer analogy in the common distinction between wisdom derived from hearing (or reading, friitamayl) and that
derived from meditation (bhavanamayi).
25. See, for example, Tsung-mi's Yiian-chii.eh ching ta-shu ch'ao, ZZ 1/14/3/
280b. Tsung-mi's model has been well studied by Peter Gregory, in "Sudden
Enlightenment Followed by Gradual Practice," in idem, ed., Sudden and Gradual
Approaches to Enlightenment in Chinese Thought, Studies in East Asian Buddhism 5
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 279-320.
Glossary
akuchi akuken shiryo funbetsu
.~~.~J'L~i:~$~
cheng-wu ~tJ
chieh-wu WI tJ
chien-hsiu *~~
Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu ."ttl~ ;lJHl
dai gedatsu no mon *-~ Jlt q)
daiichi no butsu .lf'; - q) 1111
daijo hannya :k.:i!tM.MDogen it7L
dojin it.:.;
r,
505
*''
nienpuch'i $;;f-~
nyorai zen ~" ~f-i!
pu ch'i nien ;;f- ~ $
rikon ~J :fUritsu -If:
rokujin moso ;:;';-,f. .:k;!
sandoku -=..:It
sangen jissho E.~+~
Seng-ts'an -it 1~
sheng-ti ti-i i ~it 1(,shikan taza J', f- tr ~
shiryo ~-t
Shobo genzo shO .iE ;:t; au.~ -tJr
Shoichi kokushi kana hOgo
~-lii~-IR~;:t;-tt
Shojo it~
shomyo :m.~
shukke :1: ~
so :f~
Ta-hui kit
tenma gedo :kjt ?f-it.
TOfukuji *'#!4togaku '*~
tokudo ftit.
tokushi ft.f~
ushotoku ::fr fok 1f
wakuchi no sho ~ t' ~ l'f
Wu-chun Shih-fan ~.!.j!.~
wu-tso ~1'F
wu-wei ~fl.;,
Yosai (Eisai) Jf/t<!l
Yiian-chiieh ching ta-shu ch'ao
*'
oo~~:k.1lt.i:J.
Index
Abe,~asao,25-26,27,28
507
508
tisrava (fluxes), 12, 66,67-68, 98n.47
(Perfection
of Wisdom in 8,000 Lines), 124, 158,
310
Asvabhava, 162
Atisa(982-1054), 21,231,232,233,234235,236, 266-267n.83
A.t.thakathli, 13 7
Atthakavagga: antid~t.thi (view) polemic of,
17,44-49, 361-362; antid~t.thi(view)
polemic of, addressed in commentaries,
49-57; "buddha" as "awakened" (adj.)
in, 42; condemnation of desire in, 43,
44, 47, 48, 49-50, 54-58; continuity of
path and goal in, 39-44; dhammas
(truths) in, 45, 46, 47, 52; history of,
39; ideal persons in, 39-44, 46-47, 49,
53-54, 55; knowledge in, 42,45-46,47,
52-53; knowledge versus purification
polarity in, 13; nibbana in, 39,40-41;
and path as cultivation of social virtues,
147; personal responsibility for following path in, 43; purity (suddhi) and
calmness (santi) in, 40, 46, 53-55;
seclusion or separation (viveka) in, 40,
41, 45; security(khema) in, 40,41
Autonomy School (rang rgyud pa, Svatantrika), 236
Avalokitesvara, 154
AvatatJZSakasiitra. See Hua-yen ching; Hua-yen
Siitra; Flower Garland Siitra
avylikata (indeterminables), 170
Awakening rif Faith in Mahayana, The (Tasheng ch 'i-hsin tun), 23
A~tasalzasrilciiprajiiaparamitiisiitra
Index
Bodhicittavivararza (Essay on the Mind of
Enlightenment) (Nagarjuna), 164
Bodhidharma, 14,341,352, 354,356,
358,361,388,412n.2,412-413n.5,490
Bodhipathaprad!pa (Atisa). See Lamp for the
Path to Enlightenment, r
Bodhisattvacaryiivatiira (Santideva). See
Engaging in the Bodhisattva Deeds
bodhisattva ground: first, 274, 277-285;
seventh and eighth, 286, 292-294;
sixth, 274, 285-292
bodhisattva path (in fifty-three stages), 9
Boethi us, 18
Bonaventure, 18
Brahmaviiefacin!pariprcchii, 315
Brief Expression rif the Presentation of the
Grounds and Paths rif the Three Vehicles
... (bLo-bzang-rta-dbyangs), 256n.5
bsTan-dar-lha-ram-pa, 242
Buddha: and ignorance, 136,137,138,
139, 489; liberating insight of, 201; as
omniscient, 10, 135, 137, 140-141, 142,
149, 270, 480; paranormal powers of,
488-489; as physician, 4, 31n.2; salvation through grace of, 198-199; synopsis of teaching by, 14; and teaching on
charity (diinakathli), 123; vision quest of,
197; words of, preserved jn Theravada
tradition, 38-39. See also Siikyamuni
Buddha
Buddhadasa, 61n.38
buddhadhamma (truth, teachings of the
Buddha), 37. See also names rif individual
traditions and schools
Buddhaghosa,39,49,50, 112,291
buddhahood with this very body (sokushin
jobutsu), 439-4 73 passim
buddha-mind, 486-488, 498-499, 502
Buddhism: antinomianism in, 17, 25;
history of, 309-338 passim, 371-437
passim; paradox of desire in, 48-49, 5558; rationalism in, 18; role of meditation in, 5-6, 19; scholasticism in, 1820, 147-158 passim, 225, 483;
soteriology as central to, 3-4, 477-478;
spiritual pragmatism of, 3, 4; universalist dogma ofliberation in, 107-108;
warnings against reification of practice
in, 24-25
Byang-chub-sems-dpa' Blo-gros 'byung-gnaskyis zhus-pa'imdo (Sutra of the Dialogue
with Bodhisattva Blo-gros 'byunggnas), 213-215
Index
caste system, 155, 186n.24
Catubfataka (Four Hundred) (Aryadeva),
179-180
Ch'an (Chinese) tradition: .as anti-margal
no-path tradition, 29, 253~255, 374375; antinomianism in, 11; 25, 363,
377, 412n.2; antiritualism of, 355;
encounter dialogue in, 335n.39, 339369 passim; history of, 310-312, 324,
325-329; and ideal person as path, 12;
marga of, 14; master-student genealogy
in, 11, 352-354, 359, 378; and personal
standpoint (tsung), 311, 325-329; popularity of, 359; and secular culture, 2930, 371-437 passim; as sudden teaching, 12, 15, 16, 17, 21, 374;sudden
versus gradual paths in, 14, 362
ChangLei(1054-1114), 385
Ch'ang-lu Tsung-tse. See Tsung-tse
Ch'ang-lu Ying-fu (d.u.), 393
Chang Shang-ying (1043-1122), 429430n.81
Chang Tsai, 381
Chang Tun-li (fl. 1068-1102), 426427n.68
Chan-jan (711-782), 452
Ch 'an-lin seng-pao chuan (Chronicles of the
Ch'an Order) (Hui-hung), 409
Ch 'an-yUan ch 'ing-kuei (Pure Regulations
forCh'an Precincts) (Tsung-tse), 393,
493
Ch 'an-yuan chu-ch 'uan-chi tu-hsii (Preface to
the Collected Writings on the Source of
Ch'an) (Tsung-mi), 329,330
Ch'aoChiung(951-1034), 419n.41
Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322), 384, 394
Ch'ao Pu-chih (1053-1110), 385
Ch'en Ching-yiian, 385
Ch'eng I, 367-368n.36, 381, 383
Cheng Ching-lao, 385
Ch'eng-kuan (738-839), 311,316,324,
329,330
Cheng-shou ( 1146-1208), 409
Cheng-tao ko (Yung-chia), 503n.10
cheng-wu (enlightenment offull realization), 19, 498
Che-tsung (emperor, r. 1085-1100), 385
Chi (632-682), 316, 323
Chiang-shan ssu (a.k.a. Chung-shan ssu),
390
Chiang-shan Tsan-yiian (a.k.a. Chiiehhai Ch'an-shih), 425n.63
Chiao-kuan kang-tsung (Outline of the
Teachings and Meditation) (Chih-hsii),
322
Chia-t'ai p'u-teng-/u (The Inclusive Lamp
Record Published in the Chia-t'ai Era)
(Cheng-shou), 409
Chieh-shen-mi ching su (Commentary on the
509
Sarpdhinirmocanasutra) (Wonch'U.k),
316
chieh-wu (initial enlightenment), 19,498
Chien-chen, 466n.14, 471n.81
Chien-chung Ching-kuo hsii-teng-lu (The
Continued Lamp Record Published in
the Cheng-chung Ching-kuo Era) (Weipo), 392, 409
chien-hsiu (gradual practice), 498
Chih-cheng chuan (A Record of the Verifications oflnsights) (Hui-hung), 409
Chih Ch'ien, 132n.68
Chih-hsii (1599-1655), 322
Chih-i (538-597), 17, 314, 316, 317-318,
319,321,324,332,342-351,352,353,
361,443-445,452,453,459
Chih Lou-chia-ch'an (Lokak~ema?), 313
Chih-p'an (1220-1275), 410
Chih-tsang(458-522), 317
Chih-yen (602-668), 309, 311, 323-324
Chih-yiieh lu (The Record of "Pointing at
the Moon") (Ch'iiJu-chi), 409
Ching-hsin chieh-kuanfa (The Procedures for
Purifying the Mind through Following
the Precepts and Meditation) (Taohsiian), 322
Ching-hsiu Wen-t' eng. See Wen-t'eng
Ching-hua ch 'uan-hsin-ti ch 'an-men shih-tzu
ch 'eng-hsi t 'u (Lineage Chart of the
Masters and Students ofCh'an in the
Transmission of the Mind Ground in
China), 336n.43
Ching-kuo, 388
Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu (Records of the
Transmission of the Lamp [Compiled
during the] Ching-te [Period]) (Taoyiian),328-329,342-343,409
Ching-tz'u Fa-yung, 428n.72
Ch'ing-yiian Hsing-ssu, 352
Ch 'in Kuan ( 1049-11 00), 385
Chinul (1158-1210), 15, 413-414n.10,
414n.11
Ch'i-sung(1007-1072), 390,420421n.49, 425n.62, 430-431n.89
Chi-tsang(549-623), 316,322, 334n.10
Chiu Ko (Nine Songs), 417-418n.29
Ch'iu Ying (1495-1552), 400
Chi.inen (938-1016), 429n.80
Chou Tun-i (1017-1073), 381, 416n.27
Christian (Western) tradition: condemnation of Buddhism by, 25-27; rationalism
versus faith in, 18; and revelation of
God to humans, 18; scholasticism in,
18; within typology of Tibetan Buddhism, 239
Ch'iian-chiao Ch'ang-lao, 426n.65
Ch 'uanja cheng-tsung lun (Treatise on the
Transmission of the Dharma and the
True Essence), 329
Index
510
Ch 'Uo.nja-pao chi (Annals of the Transmission of the Treasure of the Dharma),
328
Chuang-yen. See Seng-min
Ch'uan-hsinfa-yao (Essentials of the Transmission of the Dharma That Can Only
Be Passed from Mind to Mind), 328,
357
Ch 'Uo.n nien-Fo sung (Verses Promoting
Devotional Meditation on the Person of
the Buddha Amitabha) (Tsung-tse),
430n.83
ChUeh-an (b. 1286), 411, 421-424n.53
Chiieh-fan Hui-hung, 410,411, 428n.73
Chu Fo-nien (Dharmapriya), 132n.68
Chu Hsi (1130-1200), 27, 28, 367368n.36
Ch'iiju-chi, 409
Chu-na(1010-1071), 426n.66
Chung-kuan lun (alt. Cheng-lcuan lun; Treatise on the Middle [or Correct] View),
322
Chung lun (Treatise on the Middle), 322
Chung-yiian (d. 1063), 421-424n.53
Chung-yung (Doctrine of the Mean),
425n.60
Ch 'u san-tsangchi chi, 334n.10
Compendium of Abhidharma (Asanga).
See Abhidhannasamuccaya
Compendium ofAscertainments (rnam par gtan
la dbab pa bsdu ba, Nirrzayasa7Jigraha/Viniicayasa7Jigraha~i) (Asanga), 160, 232-233,
234
Compilations ofIndicative Verse (ched du brjod
pa'i tshom, Udii.navarga), 84, 259n.24
Confucianism, 25,26-27,311,315, 316,
321,325,329,330,331-332,363,379,
383, 409
Confucius, 315
Consequence School (thai 'gyur pa, Prasangika), 236, 256n.5, 259n.26
Dainichikyii gishaku siiketsusM (Ninkii), 467468n.32
Dalai Lama, Fifth. See Ngak-wang-losang-gya-tso
Dalai Lama, First. See Dge' dun grub
Dam-tshig bkod-pa 'i rgyud (Tantra of the
Array of Commitments), 216-217
Dante Alighieri, 189n. 74
darfana (insight), versus bhiivanii (cultivation), 13, 494, 498
Dar~tantikas, 78, 86
Dayal, Har, 147
dbYangs-can-dga' -ba'i-blo-gros (eighteenth century), 256n.5
death and dying: explanation in Highest
Yoga Tantra, 263n.53; and mind of
clear light, 244
Index
Enriin(794-864), 442,443,447,453,
454-455,458-459,460,462,463
Entrance to the Middle Way (Madhy(lf11(l/c(ivatiira, Dby ma Ia Jug pa) (Candrakirti),
161,175,274,281,285-288
Erh-ju ssu-hsing lun (Treatise' on the Two
Entrances and the Four Practices), 375,
413n.6
Esoteric Buddhism. See Shingon Esoteric
school
expedient means. See upiiya
Fa-chieh kuan-men (Contemplation of the
Dharmadhiitu) (Tu Shun), 323, 324
Fa-hsiang (Rosso; Tz'u-en) school, 318,
331,439,441,448,454
Fa-hsiang tradition. See Yogiiciira tradition
Fa-hsien (718-778), 324
Fa-hsiu (1027-1090), 355, 385-409 passim
511
four concentrations ( dhyiina, bsam gtan),
273,280
four cultivations of concentration
(samiidhibhiivanii), 83
four formless absorptions (samiipaui, snyoms
'jug), 273
fourfruits (catviiri phaliini), 8, 76, 94n.18,
95n.24
Four Heavenly Kings (Caturmahiiriijikadeva), 114
four noble truths, 49, 67,75-76,83,91,
135, 136, 140, 141, 151, 185n.21, 201,
213,216,236,309,365n.18
Four Scholars, 419n.43
four virtuous roots, 76
Fracture ofMeaning, The (Pollack), 361
Freud, Sigmund, 182, 264n.57
Ga~f/o.vyiihasiitra, 197
General Meaning of the Middle Way (Dbu ma 'i
spyi don) (Pan-chen Bsod-nams-gragspa), 286
Gho~aka, 70, 80
Gho~avarman, 84-85, 103n.100
Gilkey, Langdon, 25-26, 27, 28
Gishin (781-833), 442, 449-450, 451,
456
Giving, virtue or perfection of (diina), 14,
108, 123-126
gnosiology, 3, 22, 202, 433n.100
Gomez, Luis, 47
Good Explanation of the General Meaning,
Clarifying the Difficult Points of [ Tsong-khapa 's) "Illumination of the Thought" (Rjebtsun Chos-kyi-rgyal-mtshan), 286
Gozan (Five Mountains) Zen, 417n.28
gradual cultivation, and concentration,
27 4. See also sudden and gradual teachings
Great Exposition of the Middle Way (Dbu ma
chen mo) ('Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa), 286
Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path (Lam
rim chen mo) (Tsong-kha-pa), 231,234,
235, 261n.30, 262n.36,285
Guide to the Bodhisattva's Way of Life (Santicleva), 282
Gung-ru Chos-'byung, 232
Gyogi (670-749), 463
512
as fourth abode of the mind in Kiikai's
hierarchy, 20; history of, 310, 314, 315,
318,319-320,331, 345; knowledge of
paths of, 150; nirviiJ:la in, 162
Hinduism, 25, 155, 157, 240
Hojibo Shoshin ( 1136~ 1220 or 11311215),443,451-452,453,460-461
Hokke gengi Shiki (Personal Record on
[Chih-i's) "Profound Meaning of the
Lotus Siitra") (Hojib6 Shoshin), 452
Hokke shiiku (Elegant Words of the Lotus
Siitra) (Saich6), 454, 456
Homo Hierarchicus (Dumont), 155
HonchO shinsen ~(Biographies ofJapanese
Immortals) (Oe Masafusa), 463
Hoss6 (Ch. Fa-hsiang). See Fa-hsiang
(Hoss6; Tz'u-en) school
Ho-tse Shen-hui (684-758), 326
Ho-tse tradition, 326, 330
Hsiangja chiieh-i ching (Book of Resolving
Doubts during the Semblance Dharma
Age), 125
Hsiang-lin Ch' eng-yiian (908-987),
425n.62
Hsiao chih-kuan (Short Treatise on Calm
Abiding and Insight Meditation) (Chihi), 324, 332
Hsiao-ching (Classic of Filial Piety), 417418n.29
Hsiao-shan chi (Huang T'ing-chien),
428n.74
Hsiao-shun (Yiin-chu Hsiao-shun, a.k.a.
Shun Lao-fu; d. between 1064 and
1067),389-390,401-402,404-405,
431n.93
Hsiao-ying, 421-424n.53
Hsieh Liang-tso, 381
Hsi-hsien Temple, 389
Hsing-huang. See Fa-lang
Hsing-hua Ts'un-chiang (830-838), 421424n.53
Hsin-hsin ming (Seng-ts' an), 504n.11
Hsin-ti kuan ching (Siitra on the Discernment of the Mind-Ground), 457
Hsiu-hsin yao lun (Treatise on the Essentials
of Cultivating the Mind) (Hung-jen),
362
Hsiu Yiian-t'ung, 404
Hsi-yiianya-chi t'u (Elegant Gathering in
the Western Garden) (attrib. to Chao
Meng-fu), 384-386, 393-401, 405, 407,
409
Hsiian-tsang (d. 664), 97n.36, 100n.69,
108, 129n.30, 169,311,318-319,321,
323
Hsiieh-feng 1-ts'un (822-908), 352,
424n.57
Hsiieh-tou Ch'ung-hsien (980-1052), 386,
424-425n.58, 425n.62, 433n.101
Index
Hsiieh-tou po-Ise sung-ku (Hsiieh-tou
Ch'ung-hsien), 386
Hsii kao-seng chuan (Continued Lives of
Eminent Monks) (Tao-hsiian), 341
Huan (king, 146-167), 313
HuangT'ing-chien (1045-1105), 385,
391,401,403,406, 427n.70, 428n.74
Hua-yenching, 330,389, 417-418n.29,
457. See also Hua-yen Siitra
Hua-yen-ching k'an-ting chi (Record of
Corrections of [Interpretations of) the
Avatarpsaka) (Hui-yiian), 316
Hua-yen-ching su (Commentary on the
Avatarpsaka) (Ch'eng-kuan), 316
Hua-yen-ching t'an-hsiian chi (Record of
Investigations into the Mysteries of the
Avatarpsakasiitra) (Fa-tsang), 316
Hua-yen i-sheng shih-hsii4n men (Ten Profundities of the One-Vehicle of the Avatarpsaka) (Chih-yen), 323
Hua-yen sou-hsii4n chi (Record of Seeking
the Profound in Hua-yen) (Chih-yen),
323
Hua-yen (Flower Garland) Siitra, 215, 315,
319, 320, 324, 387, 392. See also Huayen ching
Hua-yen tradition: and conditioned versus unconditioned, 23; as contrast to
Ch'an tradition, 12; as gradual teaching, 15; history of, 310-312, 323-325,
407; and non-emptiness, 375; paradox
between chieh-wu and cheng-wu in, 19;
relationship to Ch'an, 392; scholasticism in, 18; stages in, 17-18, 20,3334n.28; teachings and personal standpoints conjoined (tsung-chiao) in, 311,
329-333; three-lifetime theory of,
128n.17. See also Kegon tradition
Hua-yen wuchiao chang (Essays on the Five
Teachings According to the Hua-yen
Tradition) (Fa-tsang), 316, 319-321,
334n.17
Hua-yen wu-chiao chih-kuan (Tu Shun),
335n.28
Hua-yen yu-hsinfa-chieh chi (Fa-tsang),
335n.28
Hu-ch'iu Shao-lung (1077-1136), 430431n.89
Hui-chi Shen-hsiu (n.d.), 324,327,328
Hui-hung(1071-1128), 387,409,
415n.17,420n.48,420-421n.49
Hui-k'o, 341, 354,356
Hui-kuan (n.d.), 314, 315, 317, 334n.10
Hui-lin Tsung-pen (1020-1099). See
Tsung-pen
Hui-neng (638-713), 263n. 56, 326, 327,
352,354,358,388
Hui-ssu (515-577), 342,343,346,347,
364n.9,443-445,466n.14
Index
Hui-tsung(emperor, r. 1100-1125), 392
Hui-wen (fl. first half of sixth century),
443
Hui-yiian (n.d.), 311, 316, 324
Hui-yiian (338-416), 313-3).4, 417n.29
Hui-yiian (523-592), 316, 322, 334n,10
Hu-kuo Monastery, 388
.
Hung-chih Cheng-chiieh (1091-1157),
413n.8
Hung-chou school, 341,343,356-358
Hung-jen (600-674), 354,362, 367n.32
Hurvitz, Leon, 347
Hwallm (Korean) tradition, 15
icchantika doctrine, 109, 112, 118-123
Ichien, 495
ignorance, ofarhats, 10, 135-145 passim
Ihon sokushinJiibutsugi (attrib. to Kiikai),
468n.46
I-hsia fun (Treatise on the Barbarians and
Chinese), 315
I-hsing (673-727), 455,456, 459
I-hsiian (Lin-chi I-hsiian), 352
I-huai (T'ien-i I-huai; 993-1064), 386,
389-390,401-402, 404-405,425n.62
Ikkyu (1394-1481), 431n.90
Illumination qf the Texts qf Tantra, Presentation
qf the Grounds and Paths qf the Four Great
Secret Tantra Sets (Ngag-dbang-dpalldan), 256n.5
Illumination qf the Thought, An Extensive
Explanation of [Candrakfrti 's] "Entrance to
the Middle Way" (Dbu rna la 'Jug pa 'i rgya
cher bshad pa dgongs pa rab gsal) (Tsongkha-pa), 274, 285
illusory city, simile of, 161
513
K'ai-shan. See Chih-tsang
Kamakura Zen Buddhism, 15, 16, 333,
475-505 passim
KamalaSTia, 167
Kana hiigo (Enni). See Zazen ron
kanna (story viewing) Zen, 494, 495
Kant, Immanuel, 270, 279, 283, 284, 298,
303n.31, 304n.44
Kan-t' an Tzu-kuo, 425n.59
Kiisyapa, 352
Kathiivatthu, 13 7
Kay-drup, 243
Kegon Oapanese) tradition, 20, 501
Kensur Ngawang Lekden, 233, 235,
258n.20
Kermode, Frank, 192n.120
Khyung-po Rnal-'byor(d. ca. 1135), 193,
194-197,198,199-200,201,202
kltfa (defilements): abandonment of, 63105 passim; character of, in
Abhidharma texts, 68-74; in Dge-lugspa (Tibetan) tradition, 12, 150-158;
distinguished from contaminants (anufaya), 70-74; and elimination of wholesome roots, 11 7; and ignorance, 135,
136, 138, 139; and meditation, 484; as
obstacles to miirga, 12-13, 182, 439440,446-448
kli,stasammoha (defiled delusion), 135, 136
Klong-chen Rab-'byams-pa, 194
knowledge: versus ignorance, 13; versus
purification, 13-1 7
Kohojitsuge, 421-424n.53
Kojo (779-858), 442, 444-447, 456
Kong-sprul Blo-gros mtha'-yas (18131899/1900), 194
Kofa, commentary to, 135
Kosambisutta, 103n.100
Kiizen gokoku ron (Promotion of Zen for
Protection of the Country) (Eisai),
482
K~emadatta, 80, 102n.85
K~itigarbha, 122
kuan ("view"), 321
Kuang-hsiu (770-844?), 467n.27
Kuang-tse. See Fa-yiin
Kuan P'u-hsien p 'u-sa hsing-Ja ching (Siitra
on the Meditation on the Bodhisattva
Universal Virtue), 449, 456
Kuan-ting, 342, 348, 349-350
Kuan Wu-liang-shoujo ching hsii (Preface to
the Amitiiyurdhyiina Siitra) (Tsungtse), 430n.83
Kuan Wu-liang-shoufo ching su (Commentary on the Sutra on the Contemplation
of the Buddha oflmmeasurable Life)
(Shan-tao), 323
Kuan-yin, 391
Kudzu Ch'an (k'o-teng Ch 'an), 404.-405
514
Kuei-ch 'ii-lai tzu (Homecoming) (T' ao
Yiian-ming), 385, 417-418n.29
Kuei-tsung Chih-ch'ang, 425n.61
Ku Huan (420-483), 315
Kiikai(774-835), 20,439,441,454,456,
458,459,463,471n.83
Ku K'ai-chih, 417-418n.29
Kumaradza(1266-1343),218n.3
Kumiirajlva (344-413 or 350-409),
132n.68,313-314,315,318,366n.19
kung-an, 376, 378, 386
K 'ung-mu chang (Essays on Articles within
the Hua-yen ching) (Chih-yen), 324
ku-wen (ancient texts), 359
Kyai rdo mkhan po. See Ngag-dbangmkhas-grub
Kyogo, 495
Kyoto school, 27
Kyounshii (Crazy Cloud Anthology)
(Ikkyii), 431n.90
Kyuny6 (923-973), 335n.30
Lacan,Jacques, 270, 279,298, 301n.17,
303n.31
Laing, Ell~nJohnston, 394, 420n.47
Lamotte, Etienne, 138, 148
Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment (byang chub
lam gyi sgron mil, Bodhipathapradtpa)
(Atlsa), 21,231,232,234, 236
lam rim (stages of the path), 227, 228,
285
Lancaster, Lewis, 124
Larilciivatiirasiitra (Descent to Sri Lanka),
121, 122, 159, 164, 189n.74, 413n.6,
432-433n.99
Lao Hua-yen (Yiian Hua-yen; Huaitung), 387-388,404, 421-424n.53,
432n.96
La Vallee Poussin, Louis de, 108
"leaping over" (ch'ao-yiieh), 15,453-454,
468n.45
Legs bshad gser phreng (A Garland of Gold
Eloquence)(Tsong-kha-pa), 150, 159,
171
Leng-chaiyeh-hua (Nocturnal Ruminations
in the Chill Studio) (Chiieh-fan Huihung), 410
Leng-yen eking ho lun (The Siiraitgama
Siitra Together with an Exposition
Thereof) (Chiieh-fan Hui-hung), 410
Li Chih-i, 385
Li Ch'un-fu (hao: P'ing-shan; 11751234), 432n.98
Lien-hua sheng-hui lu-wen (Charter for the
Exalted Sodality of the Lotus Blossom)
(Tsung-tse), 430n.83
Lien-teng hui-yao (The Collected Essentials
of the Consolidated Lamp [Records))
(Wu-ming), 410
Index
Li Kung-lin (1049-1106), 384, 385, 391,
392,394,401
Li Lang-chung, 416n.25
Li Lien, 426-427n.68
Lin-chien lu (Anecdotes from the "Groves"
ofCh'an) (Chiieh-fan Hui-hung), 410
Lin-chi 1-hsiian (d. 866), 404-405, 421424n.53.
Lin-chi (Chinese) tradition, 16, 21,
414n.ll, 481
Lin-chi lu (Record of Lin-chi), 404
Lin-chi tsung-chih (Lin-chi's Principal
Message) (Chiieh-fan Hui-hung), 410
Ling(emperor, 167-189), 313
LiPo(772-831),425n.61
LiTa-chao, 417-418n.29
Li T'ung-hsiian (635?-730?), 33n.28, 325
LiuChing(1047-1100), 385
Liu Ch'iu (438-495), 334n.10
Liu miaoja men, 365n.15
Liu miao-men (Six Wondrous Teachings)
(Chih-i), 346
Liu Sung-nien (ca. 1150-after 1225), 398
Lo Chih-hsien, 416n.23
Lokak~ema, 132n.68. See also Chih Louchia-ch'an
Lo-pang i-k'ao (Tsung-hsiao), 430n.85
Lo-pang wen-lei (Assorted Texts on the
Happy Land) (Tsung-hsiao),
430nn.82-83
Lotus Siitra (Saddharmapurv;larilcasiitra), 141 ,
159, 161-162, 164, 313,314, 315,319,
387,441,445,449,452-456,458-460,
462, 469n.53, 503n.2
Lu (Master Lu), 387
Lung-shu tseng-kuang ching-t'u wen (Wang
Jih-hsiu), 430n.85
Lu-shan lien-tsung pao-chien (P'u-tu),
430n.82
Lu Tien (1042-1102), 425-426n.64
Lii(Vinaya)school, 311,321,322,392
Lynn,Richard,402
Madhyamakakiirikii (Verses on the Middle
Way), 313,322
Madhyamakaiiistra, 175, 176
Madhyamakiivatiira (Candraklrti). See
Entrance to the Middle Way
Mlidhyamika tradition, 56, 154, 166-167,
168,174, 175,269,273,313.Sualso
Sanron tradition
Mahlikasyapa,334n.7,354,424n.54
Mahiiniddesa (commentary on A.t.thakavagga), 39, 49-54, 55, 57
Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitiiiiistra (Commentary on
the Greater Perfection ofWisdom
Siitra). See Ta-chih-tu lun
Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitiisiitra, 13 2n. 66
Mahlisanghikaschool, 72, 116, 333n.1
Index
Mahiisiirighikavinaya, 126
Mahiivastu, 203
Mahiivib~ii, 69, 70, 71, 78-86, 88, 89,
96n.26, 122, 139, 144n.H, 362
Mahiivyutpatti, 155
Mahiiyiinasiitriila171kiira (Ornament of the
MahayanaSiitras)(Asruiga), 120, 121,
162-163, 223-224n.40
Mahayana tradition: bipanite miirga in,
13; challenge to Theravada tradition
from, 55-56, 310; emptiness and nonemptiness in, 149, 153-154,375,484,
486; history of, 55-56,310, 314,315,
318,331,345, 502; and icchantikadoctrine, 109, 112, 118-123; in japan, 478,
482; and marga (path), 148-149, 159,
203-204,278, 343; nonabidingnirv~a
of, 22; opinion of arhats, 116; and
salvation through guru's grace, 198;
and universal compassion, 21
Maitreya, 149, 197,228, 259n.24,
334n~7, 471n.83
Maitreyanatha. See Maitreya
Makkhali Gosiila, 128n.19
Mafijusri, 166, 226, 334n. 7, 460
mappo(fmal dharma), 503n.3
miirga (path): and anti-marga traditions,
23-27; as central theme of Buddhism,
2, 6, 23-24,27,30-31, 147; and conditioned versus unconditioned, 21-23,
269-308 passim; defmitions of, 2-3,
247-249; as descriptive versus prescriptive, 11, 19-20;directtypesof, 15-17;
goals of, 10-11, 170-182; and the ideal
person, 10-12, 58-59n.6; as interminable, 15; of knowledge versus purification, 13-:-17; obstacles to, 12-13; organization of, 17-20; and ranking of rival
doctrines, 20-21; schemes for, 6-9; and
secular life (culture), 29-30, 371-437
passim; as sequence of stages, 11;
sudden versus gradual, 15-17; as terminable versus interminable, 14 7-192
passim; and transcendence, 27-29. See
also k/eia; no-path
Mar-pa Bka'-brgyud (Tibetan) school,
200
Mar-pa Chos-kyi-blo-gros, 200
matha' dpyod (decisive analyses), 227, 228229
Ma-tsu Tao-i (709-788), 333, 340, 341,
343,352,354,356-357,358
Maudgalyayana, 137
maya, 203
Miiyiidhvakrama (The Sequence ofthe Path
of Apparition) (Niguma), 194, 196,
202, 204-207; autocommentary on,
213-217; selections from, 207-213
meaning (i or i-Ii), 323-324
515
Meditations of a Tantrie Abbot (Kensur
Lekden), 233
Mei Yao-ch'en (1002-1060), 402
merit (purrya), 14, 108, 116, 123-126
Mi-an Tao-ch'ien (d.u.), 426n.67
Miaoja lien-hua thing ho lun (The Lotus
Siitra Together with an Exposition
Thereof) (Chiieh-fan Hui-hung), 410
Miaoja lien-hua thing hsiian-i (Profound
Meaning of the Lotus Siitra) (Chih-i),
316
Miao-li yiian-th 'eng kuan (Contemplation of
the Wondrous Principle and the Perfectly Accomplished) (Hui-chi Shenhsiu), 324, 335n.30
Michiie, Kujo, 481, 482
Mi Fu (1051-1107), 385, 394, 401
Mirniirpsikas, 178
Min-yu benwakusM (Essays Compassionately Explaining Delusions) (Anne), 449,
451,457,458
Mipham, 272, 282, 296, 298
Mkhas-grub-rje Dge-legs-dpal-bzang-po
(1385-1438), 184n.9, 192n.117
Mo-ho thih-kuan ([Treatise on J Great Calm
Abiding and Insight Meditation) (Chihi),321-322,342,343,345-346,348,
365n.15,453,455,461
mokushO(silent illumination) Zen, 494,
495
morality, and three trainings, 6-7
Mu'an Shan-ch'ing, 412n.2, 421n.50
Munimatiila'!lkiira (Ornament of the Mind
of the Sage)(Abhayiikaragupta), 170,
172
516
'byor, 193,194,195-196,198,199,
200,201,202
Nikayas, 114, 118, 203, 204
Ninkii (1309-1388), 451
Niraupamyastava (Hymn to the Peerless
[Buddha]) (Nii.ga.rjuna), 164
Nir(layasa,.graha/Viniicayasa'l'graharzi
(Asanga). See Compendium of Ascertain
ments
nirvii.J:~a: as nonabiding, 22; relationship
to mii.rga, 22; relationship to omni
science, 141-143
Nirviirza Sii.tra (Nieh-p'an eking), 107, 108,
121, 123, 259n.24, 314,315, 328
noble eightfold path (iirya-!Z1Jiirigamiirga), 7
no-mind (mushin), and sudden teaching,
17, 475-505 passim. See also sudden
awakening
non-practice, condemnation of, 25
no-path, 253-255
no-self(aniitman), 20, 310, 315
no-thought (munen), 492. See also no-mind
numerology, 20
Nyiiyiinusiira (Sangabhadra), ?2, 78,
100n.69
Oe Masafusa, 463
one vehicle versus three vehicles, 158-170
Opening the Eyes of the Fortunate (Kay-drup),
243
Ornament for Clear Realization (mngon rtogs
rgyan, Abhisamayiila,.kara) (Maitreya),
149, 150, 152, 158-159, 169, 175,228,
229, 231
Ornament for the Great Vehicle Sii.tras (Maitreya), 259n.24
Otto, Rudolph, 230, 240-244, 245
Ou-yang Hsiu, 367-368n.36, 402
Padmaprabha, 159
Pai-chang Huai-hai (720-841), 340
Pancavi,.Satisiihasrikaprajiiiipiiramitiisii.tra
(The Perfection of Wisdom in 25,000
Stanzas), 149, 158, 175
Pan-chen Bsod-nams-grags-pa (14781554), 150, 161, 165, 184n.9, 274, 277,
278,286,288-290,292,293
P'ang Yiin (d. 808), 31
Pao-lin chuan (Transmission from Pao-lin
[ssu]), 343, 352, 356, 357
Pao-t'ang school (ofCh'an tradition), 25
Pao-tz'u, 388, 389
Piitanjala Yogasii.tra, 141-142
Pataiijali, 142
Path ofApparition (Niguma). See Miiyiidhuakrama
Path of Purification (Buddhaghosa), 291
P'ei Hsiu shih-i wen (P'ei Hsiu's Questions)
(Tsung-mi), 330
Index
perception, direct, 275-276,279-281,
283,285;yo~c, 154,281
Perfection of Wisdom siitras, 149, 150,
160,272,309,310,313,315
personal standpoint (Ch. lsung, J. jibun no
tachiba), 311, 325-329
Pienching i-chi chih (Record of the Antiquities ofKaifeng) (Li Lien), 426-427n.68
Pieper,Joseph, 18
p'ing-tan (even and bland) style, 402-403
Pi-yen lu (The Record of the Blue Grotto)
(Yiian-wu K'o-ch'in), 386, 433n.l01
Platform Sii.tra, 327, 352
Po-ch'ao Chih-yiian, 389, 425n.59
Poetics (Aristotle), 181
Pollack, David, 361
prajnii (insight), 7, 356
Prajiiiipiiramitiisii.tra, 315
Prajnaptibhiisya (Shih-she lun), 115, 129n.30
Prakararzapiida, 77, 78, 96n.26
Pramiirzaviirttika (Dhannakirti), 155, 172,
256n.7
Prii.sangika, 167,273-275, 289-290. See
also Mii.dhyamika tradition
Prasenajit (king), 113
Prasphu.tapadii (Clear Words) (Dharmamitra), 169
Precious Garland (Ratniivali, Rin ch 'ei phreng
ba) (Niigiirjuna), 175, 292
"Preface to the Sagely Teaching of the
Tripi\aka," 318
Presentation of Death, Intermediate State, and
Rebirth (skye shi bar do 'i rnam bzhag)
(Ngag-dbang-mkhas-grub), 245
Presentation of the Grounds and Paths ofManIra. . (dbYangs-can-dga'-ba'iblo
gros), 256n.5
Presentation of the Grounds and the Paths
(dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po),
247, 260-261n.27,261n.28,261262n.33
Pseudo-Dionysis, 18
Pubbaseliyas, and ignorance of the arhats,
137-138
P'u-chi(1179-1253),411,420n.48
Puggalapannatti (Discourse on Human
Types), 112, 119
PiiraJ:~aKassapa, 128n.19
Pure Land Buddhism: achievement of
nirviiQa-like state in, 23; combined with
Ch'an, 393; history of, 310-312, 321,
323; "other power" doctrine of, 23, 24;
and paradox of desire, 57; and salvation
through guru's grace, 199; and selfreliance, 3; and spirituality offaith, 22,
480,499-500
purification: versus impurity, 13, 156157; versus knowledge, 13-17
Purity and Danger (Douglas), 156
Index
P'u-t 'i-hsin fun (Treatise on the Enlightened Mind) (Niigiirjuna), 458, 459,
460-461, 470n.70
P'u-tu (1199-1290), 430n.82
517
samiipatti (meditative techniques), 140
Sarru:ayagiithii (Condensed Verses of the
Perfection of Wisdom), 174
Sa,.dhinirmocanasiitra (Siitra Explaining the
Profundities [of Doctrine]), 160, 169,
319
saTflyojana (fetters), 12
Samyuktiibhidharmahrdayafiistra, 71, 78, 81,
97n.36, 102n.85
San-chieh-chiao (Three Stages Teaching)
sect, 125,311,321
Sanghabhadra, 72, 78,81,90,98nn.4647, 100nn.69-70, 102n.85, 102103n.86
Sangitiparyiiya, 76, 83-84
Sangii shiiki (Indications of the Goals of the
Three Teachings) (Kiikai), 463
San-fun hsilan-i (Profound Meaning of the
Three Treatises) (Chi-tsang), 316, 322,
334n.10
San-lun tradition, 311,317,322,331
San ron O apanese) tradition, 20
San-shengyiian-jung kuan-men (Contemplation of the Perfect Interfusion of the
Three Sages) (Ch'eng-kuan), 324
Siintideva, 170, 177, 202, 277, 282, 287
Saraha, 202
~iiriputra, 137, 141, 154, 159, 168
&iriputriibhidharmafiistra, 68, 109, 127n.5
Sarviistiviida tradition: bipartite miirga in,
75; knowledge and concentration in, 76,
83-86,90, 91; opinion ofarhats, 116;
and paths of vision and cultivation, 8283, 89, 91; and removal of defilements,
13, 63-105 passim, 153; studied by
, Kumiirajiva, 313
Satakafiistra (Treatise in One Hundred
Verses), 314
satori, 480
Satyakaparivartta (Chapter on the True
Ones), 165, 176
Sautriintikas, 72-73
secular life (culture): and miirga (path),
29-30, 371-437 passim; and religion,
265n. 74, 299
Seng-ch'ou (480-560), 351
Seng-ch'iian (n.d.), 317
Seng-min, 317
Seng-ts'an, 504n.ll
Seng-yu, 98-99n.50
shamanism, 197-198, 206, 220n.17
Shangs-pa Bka'-brgyud (Tibetan) school:
history of, 193-194, 199; and miirga
(path), 202, 204-207; origin of tale of,
194-197
Shan-tao (613-p81), 321,323
Shan-wu-wei (Subhakarasixpha), 462
Shen-hsiu. See Hui-chi Shen-hsiu
Shen-hui. See Ho-tse Shen-hui
518
Shen-tsung (emperor, r. 1067-1085), 384,
385,390,427-428n.71
She-shan. See Seng-ch'iian
Shih-erh yin-yUan /".an-men (Contemplation
of the Twelve Links of Dependent
Origination) (Ch'eng-kuan), 324-325
Shih-men Wen-tzu Ch 'an (Stone Gate's [i.e.,
Hui-hung's] Lettered Ch'an), 410-411
Shih-shih chi-leu lileh (An Outline of Historical Researches into the Siikya Family
Lineage) (Chiieh-an), 411
Shih-t'ou Hsi-ch'ien (700-790), 352
Shingon 0 apanese) Esoteric school, 20,
207,439,440,441,442-443,447-448,
454-461,501
Shinran(1173-1262), 23, 34n.31, 61n.39
ShObO genzo (Treasury of the Eye of the
True Law) (Dqgen), 495
Shiiichi, 481
ShOichi kokushi kana hOgo (Vernacular
Dharma Words of the National Teacher
Sacred Unity) (Enni). See Zazen ron
Shojo, 482
Shiitoku Taishi (prince, 574-622), 463,
466n.14
Shou-ch'engCh'~-shih (d.u.), 424n.56
Shou-leng-yen eking (Surailgama Sutra),
427n.69, 433n.100
iila (moral precepts), 6, 137
Six Doctrines of Niiropa, 200
Six Doctrines ofNiguma (ni-gu chos-drug),
200-201
Smart, Ninian, 22, 226-227
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, 253, 265n. 74
Sokushinjobutsugi (Kukai), 441,442, 458
Sokushin jobutsugi shiki (Private Record
Concerning the Realization of Buddhahood with This Very Body) (Annen),
454, 468n.46
Son (Korean) tradition, 15, 16
Soshitsujikyosho (Commentary on the Susiddhikara [Acts of Perfection] Siitra)
(Ennin), 460
soteriology (salvation): definitions of, 2-3,
225-226, 476-478; relationship to term
miirga, 2-3
Siitii Zen tradition, 23, 326, 494, 497
Sphu.tiirtha (Clear Meaning), 150
Sphu.tiirthiivyiikhyii (Commentary to the
Koia) (Yasomitra), 135
Sponberg,AJan,362
sriimai)a groups, 362
Sri Lanka, 310
Snmiiliidevi'sif!lhanada (Lion's Roar of
Snmaliidevi), 162, 165, 174, 179
Ssu-fen Iii (Vinaya) school. See Lii school
Ssu-ma Kuang(1019-1096), 391
Ssu-t'o, 466n.14, 471n.81
Stallybrass, Peter, 169
Index
Stevenson, Daniel, 16-17,349
Sthavira (Srilata), 98n.45, 104n.107
Sthiramati, 162, 163, 187n.55
Subhuti, 158-159, 171
Su Ch'e (1039-1112), 385
sudden and gradu'a! teachings: in Ch'an
tradition, 12, 332, 376, 382.:.383; of
Hui-kuan, 315
sudden awakening: and purity of mind,
263n.56; ofTao-sheng, 314; in Tibetan
Buddhism, 255, 266n.81; as unconditioned, 270, 273-274, 275-277; in Zen
Buddhism, 21, 393,475-505 passim
Sudhana, 197,388
Sukhasiddhi, 220n.16, 222n.26
Sukhiivatfvyiiha-siitra, 23
Sung kao-seng chuan (Lives of Eminent
Monks [Compiled during the) Sung)
(Tsan-ning), 341
Sung-shih chi-shih (Annals of Sung Poetry),
411
sunyatii, versus miirga, 25, 27-28, 176,
363
Sunyavadins, 176
Suryasoma, 313
Su Shih (1037-1101), 382-383, 385, 390,
391,394,402,406,415n.16,431432n.94
Siitra in Forty-two Sections, 366n.23
Siitra of Perfect Enlightenment. See Yiian-chileh
eking
Siitra on the Ten Grounds, 293
Sutta-nipiita, 39
Suzuki, D. T., 476
Suzuki Daisetsu, 327
Symbolism of Evil, 17ze (Ricoeur), 15 7
Ta-chih-tu lun (Mahiiprajniipiiramitaiiistra;
Commentary on the Greater Perfection
of Wisdom Sutra), 313-314, 342, 344,
364n.9, 459
Ta-chiieh Huai-lien (1009-1090), 431432n.94
Ta-chu Hui-hai (fl. ca. ninth century),
125-126
Ta-hsiang-kuo ssu, 427-428n. 71
Ta-hui P'u-chileh Ch 'an-shih tsung-men wu-k'u
(Ta-hui's Arsenal of the Ch'an School),
390,411, 426n.67
Ta-hui Tsung-kao (1089-1163), 16, 359,
360,377,383,390,401,402,404,409,
413n.8,415n.17,494
T'ai-tsung (emperor, r. 626-649), 318
Ta-jih eking (Mahiivairocanasiitra), 453-454,
455,456,457-458,459,462
TakasakiJikidii, 121
Tamil Buddhism, 218-219n.9
T'an-luan (476-542), 321
Tao-an (312-385), 313
Index
Tao-ch'ien (a.k.a. Ts'an-liao-tzu; 1043 to
ca. 1116), 431-432n.94
Tao-chien (d.u.), 411
Tao-ch'o (562-645), 321
Tao-hsin, 341
,
Tao-hsiian (596-667), 321, 322, 341
Tao-hsiieh (study of the Way), 381-384,
409, 414-415n.15. See also Nco-Confucianism
Taoism, 311,315,316,330,331-332,
363, 383, 463
Tao-lung, Lan-ch'i (Rankei Doruu; 12131278), 482, 495
Tao-ming, 416n.24
Tao-sheng (355-434), 314-315, 317, 459
Tao-yiian (d.u.), 409
T'ao Yiian-ming(a.k.a. T'ao Ch'ien),
385, 417n.29
Ta-pen ssu-chiao i (Doctrines of the Four
Teachings) (Chih-i), 317, 321
Ta-p'in ching (Great Perfection of Wisdom
Sutra), 344, 456
Tiira (Tibetan diety), 226
Tarkajviilii (Blaze of Reasoning)
(Bhavaviveka), 169
Ta-sheng ch 'i-hsin lun (Awakening of Faith
in the Mahayana), 328, 413n.6, 450
Ta-shengja-yuan i-lin chang (Essays on the
Mahayana Garden ofDharmas and
Grove of Doctrines) (Chi), 316, 323
Ta-sheng i-chang (Essays on Mahayana
Doctrines) (Hui-yiian), 123,316, 322,
334n.10
Ta-sheng ta-i chang (Essay on the Great
Meaning of Mahayana), 314
tathiigatagarbha (womb or embryo of
buddhahood), 22
Tathagatagarbha tradition: icchantikas in,
119, 122; innate and actualized
enlightenment in, 23; and non-emptiness, 375; teachings that reveal the true
mind in, 330
Ta-tsang-ching kang-mu chih-yao lu (Wei-po),
392
Tat tvam asi (You are that), 251-252
teachings(chiao), 311,313-325
teachings and personal standpoints conjoined (tsung-chiao), 311, 329-333
ten abodes of the mind ljiijii.shin), 20
ten bhiimis, 20, 153-154, 169-170,
185n.21
Tendai Hokkeshii gishii (Collection ofTendai
Lotus School Doctrines) (Gishin), 449,
450,456
Tendai Hokkeshii sokushinjobutsugi (Doctrine
of Realization ofBuddhahood with This
Very Body in the Tendai Lotus School)
(Rinsh6), 454
Tendai Oapanese) tradition: as eighth
519
abode of the mind in Kukai's hierarchy,
20; and hongaku (original enlightenment), 503n.3; shorter path to enlightenment in, 439-473 passim; sudden
teaching in, 15-16, 501
ten (or six) perfections (piiramita), 8-9
ten (or six) stages (bhiimi) of the bodhisattva's career, 8
ten special unions of method and wisdom,
307-308n.88
ten stages of realization, 20
ten virtues, 234
Te-shan Yuan-mi (d.u.), 425n.62
Thang-stong rgyal-po (fifteenth century),
193
theodicy, 2
Theravada tradition: and evil, 112; history of, 38-39, 310; miirga of, 14, 5558; omniscience of the Buddha/ignorance of the arhats, 137-138, 142;
teachings (words) of the Buddha preservedin,38-39,55,56,57-58;and
wholesome roots, 124. See also A!.thakavagga
thirty-seven factors of awakening (saptatrirrdad bodhipak{ikii dharmiih), 8
Thomas Aquinas, 18
three clear intuitions (vidyii), 67
three knowledges, 149-150
three marks of existence (trilalqarza), 7
Three Stages Teaching sect. See San-chiehchiao sect
three trainings (tti11i iilqii!'i), 6-7
three vehicles versus one vehicle, 158170
Tibetan Buddhism: history of, 225; and
ideal person as path, 11-12; and Lamaism, 199, 222-223n.28; and liberating
insight, 201-202; miirga (path) in, 15,
229, 230, 246-255; master-student
genealogy in, 11; and mind of clear
light, 229, 230, 244-246, 250, 251-252,
253-255; and salvation through guru's
grace, 198-199, 206; and self-reliance
for salvation, 226-227, 240; and shamanism, 197-198, 206; sources on,
227-229; typology of beings in, 13, 229,
231-240, 245-246, 253; and yogic
perfection, 199-201, 206
T'ieh-Fo Monastery, 389
T'ien-ch 'u chin-liian (Choice Morsels from
the Imperial Kitchen) (Chiieh-fan Huihung), 411
T'ien-i 1-huai. See I-huai
T'ien-t'ai tradition: history of, 310-312,
314,342, 349; meditation and wisdom
in, 321-322; and non-emptiness, 375;
relationship to Ch'an, 392, 393; role of
defilements in, 12; sudden and gradual
520
teachings in, 16-17. See also Tendai
tradition
T'ien-t'ungJu-ching (1163-1228), 432433n.99
Tilopii, 200-201
Ti-lun tradition, 317
Toketsu (Decisions from China [on Doctrinal Issues]) (Tokuen), 442, 444, 456457, 463, 469n.53
Tokuen (b. 787), 442, 456-457, 469n.53
Tokuitsu (fl. early ninth century), 464465n.5
Treasury if Knowledge (Vasubandhu ), 291,
292
Triiarar;tasaptati (Seventy Stanzas on the
Triple Refuge) (Candrakirti), 166
Ts'ai Chao, 385
Ts'an-liao-tzu. SeeTao-ch'ien
Ts'an-liao-tzushih, 431-432n.94
Tsan-ning(919-1001),341,420-421n.49
Ts'ao-tungCh'an, 21
Tseng Chi (1084-1166), 394
Tsh_angs-pa kun-dga 'i mdo (Siitra of Brahma
Ananda), 217
Tso-ch 'an i (Liturgy of Seated Meditation),
393
Tso-ch 'an san-mei ching (Scripture of Seated
Meditation and Samadhi) (Kumiirajiva), 366n.19
Tsong-kha-pa(1357-1419), 150, 159,
160,164-165,167,169,171-176,179181,183,227-228,231,232,234,235,
249, 261n.30, 262n.36, 274,277, 281,
283,285-288,290-291,293,298
Tsung-hsiao (1151-1214), 430nn.82-85
Tsung-mi (780-841), 16, 34n.30, 311,
326,327,329-333,387-388,404,
414n.11, 433n.100, 498
Tsung-pen (Hui-lin Tsung-pen; 10201099), 391, 427-428n.71, 428n.76
Tsung-tse (Ch'ang-lu Tsung-tse; d.u.),
393, 430n.83
Tsung-ying, 444-447,457
Tsu-t 'ang chi (Anthology of the Patriarchal
Hall), 342-343, 351-353, 355, 357358
Tsu-t'ing shih-yilan (Chrestomathy from the
Patriarchs' Halls) (Mu'an Shanch'ing), 412n.2, 421n.50
Tui-ken ch 'i-hsingfa (The Teaching on
Generating Practice That Accords with
Capacity), 125
Tung-shan Hsiao-ts'ung (d. 1030),
425n.62, 426n.66
Tu Shun (557-640), 311, 323, 324
"twofold frenzy," idea of (loi de double
frinisie), 15
Tz'u-chiieh Ch'an-shih, 430n.82
Tzu-fang i-wang chi (Contemplation on
Index
Guarding against Forgetfulness) (Wench'ao), 324
Tz 'u-ti ch 'an-men (Graduated Teaching of
Meditation) (Chih-i), 342, 343, 344,
345,346,348
Index
of the Exhaustion of Defilements and
the Return to Origin) (Fa-tsang), 324
Wangjih-hsiu (d. 1173), 430n.85
Wang Shen (prince, b. 1036, d. after
1089), 384, 385, 390, 394,.,405, 426427n.68
Wang Wei, 417-418n.29
Warren, Henry Clark, 170
Weber, Max, 2
Wei-chiian, 451
Wei-po (Fo-kuo Wei-po; fl. 1100s), 392,
407,420n.48,420-421n.49
Wen (emperor, r. 581-604), 318
Wen-ch'ao (n.d.), 324
Wen-hsiieh (cultural or literary learning),
382-384
Wen-shu chih-nan t'u-tsan (Illustrated Encomia [Recounting Sudhana'sjourney to]
the South as Directed by Maiijusn)
(Wei-po), 392
Wen-t'eng(Ching-hsiu Wen-t'eng), 351352,358
Wen-tzu Ch'an, 381-383, 409
White, Allon, 169
Whitehead, Alfred North, 25
wholesome roots (kufalamiila): definition
of, 109-112; eradication of (samucchinnakufalamiila), and icchantika doctrine, 109,
112, 118-123; eradication of (samucchinnakufalamiila), non-Vaibha~ika, 112114; eradication of (samucchinnakufalamiila), Vaibh~ika, 114-118; as
exclusionary doctrine, 262n.37; and
merit (pu~ya), 108, 116, 123-126
Wogiwara Unrai, 119
Wonch'iik (Yiian-ts'e; 613-696), 169, 316
Writings in Promotion of Filial Piety (Ch 'iianhsiao wen) (Tsung-tse), 430n.85
Wu (emperor, r. 560-578), 318,490
Wu (king), 14
WuChao(684-704), 125
Wu-chiao chang (Fa-tsang). See Hua-yen wuchiao chang
Wu-chiao chih-kuan (Calm Abidings and
Discernments of the Five Teachings)
(Tu Shun), 324
Wu-chun Shih-fan, 481
Wu-liang-i-ching hsii (Introduction to the
Siitra ofinnumerable Meanings) (Liu
Ch'iu), 334n.10
Wu-liang-i ching (Siitra ofinnumerable
Meanings), 445
Wu-ming(d.u.), 410
Wu-shih yao-wen-ta (Fifty Essential Questions and Answers) (Chih-yen), 324
Wu Tao-tzu, 417-418n.29
Wu-teng hui-yiian (The Collated Essentials
of the Five Lamps)(P'u-chi), 411,
420n.48
521
Wu-Yiieh, 358
Wu-yun kuan (Contemplation of the Five
Aggregates) (Ch'eng-kuan), 325
522
Play amongst the Dharma-Realms) (Fatsang), 324
Yukti~ae.tikii, 17 5
Yiin-chu Hsiao-shun. See Hsiao-shun
Yung-chia, 503n.10
Yiin-men lineage, 386, 420-421n.49, 424425n.58, 428n. 76
Yiin-men Wen-yen (864-949), 424425n.58, 425n.62
Yun-wo chi-t'an (Anecdotes from the Lodge
Reclining on Clouds) (Hsiao-ying),
421-'424n.53
Yu-p'o-sai chieh ching (Siitra on the Lay
Precepts), 126
Index
zazen (seated meditation), 475, 483, 484,
494,495
Zazen ron (Treatise on Seated Meditation)
(Enni), 14, 362, 481-503 passim
Zen and Western Thought (Abe), 25
Zen Buddhism: as anti-miirgalno-path
tradition, 29, 253-255; in China, 480;
and doctrine, 6; miirga of, 14; as sudden teaching, 21, 393, 475-505 passim
Zenrin kujitsu konmei shu (Compendium of
Confused Ch'an Names) (KohOJitsuge), 421-424n.53
Zenshii kiimoku (Outline of Zen Teaching)
(Shojo), 482
Contributors
523
524
Contributors
Robert M. Gimello is a professor in the Department of East Asian Studies at the University of Arizona. A specialist in the early Hua-yen tradition, Gimello is the coeditor of Studies in Ch 'an and Hua-yen. He has
also published several influential articles on Buddhist interpretations of
meditation and mystical experience. His most recent research focuses
on Ch'an Buddhism during the Sung dynasty.
Paul Groner is an associate professor in the Department of Religious
Studies at the University of Virginia. Groner is a specialist in the japanese Tendai school whose major work to date is Saichii: The Establishment
of the japanese Tendai School. He has recently published a translation of
Hirakawa Akira's History of Indian Buddhism: From Siikyamuni to Early
Mahiiyiina.
Matthew Kapstein is an assistant professor in the Department of Religion at Columbia University. A specialist in both Western philosophy
and Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, Kapstein has coedited Soundings in Tibetan
Civilization and cotranslated The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: Its
Fundamentals and History. His current research focuses on the constructions of self and the construction of history in Buddhist and Western
philosophical contexts.
Anne Klein is an associate professor in the Department of Religious
Studies at Rice University. She is the author of Knowledge and Liberation,
an epistemological study on the role of conceptual thought in Dge-lugspa theory and practice, and has recently published a sourcebook ofDge-
Contributors
525