Bu Hari Speech Qa
Bu Hari Speech Qa
Meeting Transcript
26 February 2015
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rescheduled dates; that they should be free and fair; that their outcomes should be respected by all
parties; and that any form of extension, under whichever guise, is unconstitutional and will not be
tolerated.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the collapse of communism
and the end of the Cold War, democracy became the dominant and most preferred system of government
across the globe. That global transition has been aptly captured as the triumph of democracy and the
most pre-eminent political idea of our time. On a personal note, the phased end of the USSR was a
turning point for me. It convinced me that change can be brought about without firing a single shot.
As you all know, I had been a military head of state in Nigeria for 20 months. We intervened because we
were unhappy with the state of affairs in our country. We wanted to arrest the drift. Driven by patriotism,
influenced by the prevalence and popularity of such drastic measures all over Africa and elsewhere, we
fought our way to power. But the global triumph of democracy has shown that another and a preferable
path to change is possible. It is an important lesson I have carried with me since, and a lesson that is not
lost on the African continent.
In the last two decades, democracy has grown strong roots in Africa. Elections, once so rare, are now so
commonplace. As at the time I was a military head of state, between 1983 and 1985, only four African
countries held regular multiparty elections. But the number of electoral democracies in Africa, according
to Freedom House, jumped to 10 in 1992/93 then to 18 in 1994/95 and to 24 in 2005/06. According to
the New York Times, 42 of the 48 countries in sub-Saharan Africa conducted multiparty elections
between 1990 and 2002.
The newspaper also reported that between 2000 and 2002, ruling parties in four African countries
(Senegal, Mauritius, Ghana and Mali) peacefully handed over power to victorious opposition parties. In
addition, the proportion of African countries categorized as not free by Freedom House declined from 59
per cent in 1983 to 35 per cent in 2003. Without doubt, Africa has been part of the current global wave of
democratization.
But the growth of democracy on the continent has been uneven. According to Freedom House, the
number of electoral democracies in Africa slipped from 24 in 2007/08 to 19 in 2011/12, while the
percentage of countries categorized as not free assuming for the sake of argument that we accept their
definition of free increased from 35 per cent in 2003 to 41 per cent in 2013. Also, there have been some
reversals at different times in Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Cte dIvoire, Guinea, GuineaBissau, Lesotho, Mali, Madagascar, Mauritania and Togo. We can choose to look at the glass of democracy
in Africa as either half full or half empty.
While you cant have representative democracy without elections, it is equally important to look at the
quality of the elections and to remember that mere elections do not democracy make. It is globally agreed
that democracy is not an event, but a journey. And that the destination of that journey is democratic
consolidation that state where democracy has become so rooted and so routine and widely accepted by
all actors.
With this important destination in mind, it is clear that though many African countries now hold regular
elections, very few of them have consolidated the practice of democracy. It is important to also state at
this point that just as with elections, a consolidated democracy cannot be an end by itself. I will argue that
it is not enough to hold a series of elections or even to peacefully alternate power among parties.
It is much more important that the promise of democracy goes beyond just allowing people to freely
choose their leaders. It is much more important that democracy should deliver on the promise of choice,
of freedoms, of security of lives and property, of transparency and accountability, of rule of law, of good
governance and of shared prosperity. It is very important that the promise embedded in the concept of
democracy, the promise of a better life for the generality of the people, is not delivered in the breach.
Now, let me quickly turn to Nigeria. As you all know, Nigerias fourth republic is in its 16th year and this
general election will be the fifth in a row. This is a major sign of progress for us, given that our first
republic lasted five years and three months, the second republic ended after four years and two months,
and the third republic was a stillbirth. However, longevity is not the only reason why everyone is so
interested in this election.
The major difference this time around is that for the very first time since transition to civil rule in 1999,
the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is facing its stiffest opposition so far from our party the All
Progressives Congress (APC). We once had about 50 political parties, but with no real competition. Now
Nigeria is transitioning from a dominant party system to a competitive electoral polity, which is a major
marker on the road to democratic consolidation. As you know, peaceful alternation of power through
competitive elections has happened in Ghana, Senegal, Malawi and Mauritius in recent times. The
prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa will be further brightened when that eventually happens
in Nigeria.
But there are other reasons why Nigerians and the whole world are intensely focused on this years
elections, chief of which is that the elections are holding in the shadow of huge security, economic and
social uncertainties in Africas most populous country and largest economy. On insecurity, there is a
genuine cause for worry, both within and outside Nigeria. Apart from the civil war era, at no other time in
our history has Nigeria been this insecure.
Boko Haram has sadly put Nigeria on the terrorism map, killing more than 13,000 of our nationals,
displacing millions internally and externally, and at a time holding on to portions of our territory the size
of Belgium. What has been consistently lacking is the required leadership in our battle against insurgency.
I, as a retired general and a former head of state, have always known about our soldiers: they are capable,
well trained, patriotic, brave and always ready to do their duty in the service of our country.
You all can bear witness to the gallant role of our military in Burma, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Darfur and in many other peacekeeping operations in several parts of the
world. But in the matter of this insurgency, our soldiers have neither received the necessary support nor
the required incentives to tackle this problem. The government has also failed in any effort towards a
multidimensional response to this problem, leading to a situation in which we have now become
dependent on our neighbours to come to our rescue.
Let me assure you that if I am elected president, the world will have no cause to worry about Nigeria as it
has had to recently; that Nigeria will return to its stabilizing role in West Africa; and that no inch of
Nigerian territory will ever be lost to the enemy because we will pay special attention to the welfare of our
soldiers in and out of service, we will give them adequate and modern arms and ammunitions to work
with, we will improve intelligence gathering and border controls to choke Boko Harams financial and
equipment channels, we will be tough on terrorism and tough on its root causes by initiating a
comprehensive economic development plan promoting infrastructural development, job creation,
agriculture and industry in the affected areas. We will always act on time and not allow problems to
irresponsibly fester, and I, Muhammadu Buhari, will always lead from the front and return Nigeria to its
leadership role in regional and international efforts to combat terrorism.
On the economy, the fall in prices of oil has brought our economic and social stress into full relief. After
the rebasing exercise in April 2014, Nigeria overtook South Africa as Africas largest economy. Our GDP is
now valued at $510 billion and our economy rated 26th in the world. Also on the bright side, inflation has
been kept at single digit for a while and our economy has grown at an average of 7 per cent for about a
decade.
But it is more of paper growth, a growth that, on account of mismanagement, profligacy and corruption,
has not translated to human development or shared prosperity. A development economist once said three
questions should be asked about a countrys development: One, what is happening to poverty? Two, what
is happening to unemployment? And three, what is happening to inequality?
The answers to these questions in Nigeria show that the current administration has created two
economies in one country, a sorry tale of two nations: one economy for a few who have so much in their
tiny island of prosperity; and the other economy for the many who have so little in their vast ocean of
misery.
Even by official figures, 33.1 per cent of Nigerians live in extreme poverty. Thats at almost 60 million,
almost the population of the United Kingdom. There is also the unemployment crisis simmering beneath
the surface, ready to explode at the slightest stress, with officially 23.9 per cent of our adult population
and almost 60 per cent of our youth unemployed. We also have one of the highest rates of inequalities in
the world.
With all these, it is not surprising that our performance on most governance and development indicators
(like Mo Ibrahim Index on African Governance and UNDPs Human Development Index) are unflattering.
With the fall in the prices of oil, which accounts for more than 70 per cent of government revenues, and
lack of savings from more than a decade of oil boom, the poor will be disproportionately impacted.
In the face of dwindling revenues, a good place to start the repositioning of Nigerias economy is to swiftly
tackle two ills that have ballooned under the present administration: waste and corruption. And in doing
this, I will, if elected, lead the way, with the force of personal example.
On corruption, there will be no confusion as to where I stand. Corruption will have no place and the
corrupt will not be appointed into my administration. First and foremost, we will plug the holes in the
budgetary process. Revenue producing entities such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation
(NNPC) and Customs and Excise will have one set of books only. Their revenues will be publicly disclosed
and regularly audited. The institutions of state dedicated to fighting corruption will be given
independence and prosecutorial authority without political interference.
But I must emphasize that any war waged on corruption should not be misconstrued as settling old scores
or a witch hunt. Im running for president to lead Nigeria to prosperity and not adversity.
In reforming the economy, we will use savings that arise from blocking these leakages and the proceeds
recovered from corruption to fund our partys social investments programmes in education, health, and
safety nets such as free school meals for children, emergency public works for unemployed youth and
pensions for the elderly.
As a progressive party, we must reform our political economy to unleash the pent-up ingenuity and
productivity of the Nigerian people, thus freeing them from the curse of poverty. We will run a private
sector-led economy but maintain an active role for government through strong regulatory oversight and
deliberate interventions and incentives to diversify the base of our economy, strengthen productive
sectors, improve the productive capacities of our people and create jobs for our teeming youths.
In short, we will run a functional economy driven by a world view that sees growth not as an end by itself,
but as a tool to create a society that works for all, rich and poor alike. On March 28, Nigeria has a decision
to make: to vote for the continuity of failure or to elect progressive change. I believe the people will choose
wisely.
In sum, I think that given its strategic importance, Nigeria can trigger a wave of democratic consolidation
in Africa. But as a starting point we need to get this critical election right by ensuring that they go ahead,
and depriving those who want to scuttle it of the benefit of derailing our fledgling democracy. That way,
we will all see democracy and democratic consolidation as tools for solving pressing problems in a
sustainable way, not as ends in themselves.
Permit me to close this discussion on a personal note. I have heard and read references to me as a former
dictator in many respected British newspapers including the well-regarded Economist. Let me say
without sounding defensive that dictatorship goes with military rule, though some might be less
dictatorial than others. I take responsibility for whatever happened under my watch.
I cannot change the past. But I can change the present and the future. So before you is a former military
ruler and a converted democrat who is ready to operate under democratic norms and is subjecting himself
to the rigours of democratic elections for the fourth time.
You may ask: why is he doing this? This is a question I ask myself all the time too. And here is my humble
answer: because the work of making Nigeria great is not yet done, because I still believe that change is
possible, this time through the ballot, and most importantly, because I still have the capacity and the
passion to dream and work for a Nigeria that will be respected again in the comity of nations and that all
Nigerians will be proud of.
I thank you for listening.
about their movements and so on. They are doing their best to fight Boko Haram because they are the
biggest casualties. Thank you very much.
way. They want to invest so that they recover their capitals and make some profit; this is what sustains the
world economy. So we have to think very quickly and put in place assurances and improve the system so
that the environment is made suitable for investment.
Corruption investigations. I have tried to win or earn the confidence of those who are scared of me
because of previous antecedents. I have managed to visit 35 out of 36 states, and I have held meetings
with industrialists and so on in Lagos, in Kano, and have seen church ministers, leadership in Abuja in
different groups. Whatever I do at the meetings I made sure; I said when I get there I will draw a line.
What is with the judiciary that will encourage the judiciary to quickly deal with it. But if we insist on
making records as you are suggesting that from 1960 upwards then we would have nothing to do and we
may fail to achieve anything. While we have a manifesto, whatever we do we have to try to see that the
promises we have made and put in writing, we meet them. So, we have said, from the day we are sworn in,
those who are responsible for public funds and properties should work according to the law because there
is no ministry [to which] you go in Nigeria, or parastatal, where there are no financial instructions and
administrative instructions. Its a question of just ignoring the regulations on the ground. I think
Nigerians, they have the capacity for making an about-turn, and I am hoping that Nigerians will become
accountable wherever they are.
Nigeria divided against itself. I havent appreciated the full import of that question. We have a problem as
a people. If you are following my statements, I warned at least six months ago that we have to be careful
about Somalia-ization of Nigeria. We are a group of nationalities, lets put it that way. There were some
people who wanted to put it [that way]. We are so many different people culturally, religiously, different
backgrounds. We happened to come together courtesy of the British in 1914. We find it very difficult to
separate now because there is so much intermarriage and we have become so interdependent. Our
constitution has been very deliberate in, I think, respecting our sensitivities as a people and the freedom
given in that constitution is a guarantee that we will certainly manage our differences among ourselves. So
Im afraid, I hope that person who asked that question is living here and not in Nigeria. We are making a
lot of effort to make sure that we continue to understand ourselves and accommodate ourselves in spite of
whatever impression is created about the differences among ourselves. So I, especially when people are
talking too much about religion, I said the military is the most cohesive of all the institutions in the
country and having been in the military from second lieutenant to a general; holding all the positions
almost without exception of command and staff up to a general, and becoming head of state: the Nigerian
military has always been at least 80 per cent Christian. If there is so much religious divide, I would never
have reached the position I reached. After today, there is nothing you can do; thats why I am so confident
about these differences. The most difficult one is the religious one, but if we can go over the religious one,
then others, I think, will be easier to deal with. So I think I am more confident and hopeful in Nigerians
than whoever asked this question.
Credibility of elections, 28 March; what [credibility] the opposition has. What we have firstly is our
manifesto. Let Nigerians see what we are promising them and I believe they will respect it. We are
screaming to high heavens and we are very impressed with our success so far; how the United States and
Europe is openly backing us as far as having free and fair elections is concerned. We are very grateful to
the Americans and to the Europeans; especially the British; that they are on the government on a daily
basis literally, telling them that they must not do anything against the Nigerian constitution. And thats
what we need. Thats the bottom line. So if we dont do if we are not worth anything back at home I
think they have to be reminded to be respectful of the British and Americans for a lot of reasons which I
would not like to mention here. So I think they will listen to them and allow us to have free and fair
elections.
How we can engage young people. Wherever I go I mentioned it. More than 60 per cent of the Nigerian
population are considered to be youth. Most of them are unemployed and that is the trouble we are in.
When I moved throughout the 35 states, how some of these young men and women from the airport to
the venue of addresses, to the house of community leaders. How they will be jogging along the buses we
are travelling in, sweating, but never getting tired. It makes me even more frightened. If you get those
people and you spend one, two years and they havent seen any difference, I think we will be in trouble. So
I am very, very conscious of that. It will be a great incentive for me to work hard to make sure they get
something to do! Just to be in peace myself. Yes, high salaries of the national assembly. There are some
national assembly members here! A lot of them are not going back because they havent won their partys
primaries. But even though they cannot go back, I think they will remain relevant in their constituencies.
So I wouldnt like to touch their salaries now. I dont know that I will be constrained to touch them when I
get there. Thank you very much.
agriculture or mining, something that will absorb them at least initially. You cant improve their schools,
especially the tertiary institutions. We are thinking of quickly putting in an experienced, competent team
as a sort of think tank to quickly advise us how we are going to ease this problem, because its real and its
coming. We cannot hurry it off.
Success to be a sort of template for Africa APCs role. Well I think I have covered it really in the address
I have read. Change is certainly coming, and democratically. Bringing the example of the Soviet Union,
why an empire in the 20th century collapsed without a shot being fired; everybody went home. Now there
are 18 republics [sic] also; can convince anyone that multiparty democracy is the best form of governance.
But the biggest caveat is elections must be free and fair. This again comes to the issue why am I
attempting for the fourth time? Im not trying to enforce myself. But, 2003 we spent 30 months in court
and ended up in the Nigerian Supreme Court. 2007 we lasted about 20 months in the courts and again
ended up in the Supreme Court; 2011 we were again in court for about eight, nine months and ended up
in Supreme Court. My personal insistence to keep on going until I get to the highest legal, constitutionally
legal, body is to document our belief that we believe in a multiparty democracy system. If we fail to learn
from other peoples mistakes that have developed their system for generations, our expectation of getting
there overnight is not realistic. But let us document it. That it is those times of attempt to stabilize the
system; that there are some of us in Nigeria that are serious about it. We are prepared to make the
physical and material sacrifices to be lasting to the [inaudible]. But I think for the fourth time, I think I
will encourage others to go if anything went wrong.
Now, age and relevance. I am very happy that I have been able to visit 35 states out of 36. I havent broken
down. Somebody announced me dead yesterday. I had a call from Maiduguri that somebody was listening
to a friend crying saying Buhari had died in hospital in London. So he called me and I laughed my head
off. So certainly I would be expecting too much if I dont expect people are wishing me dead. I am very
pleased I am fit. My doctors have declared me fit and I am going back for the final onslaught on PDP.
Thank you very much.
there trying to deal with Boko Haram. Thirdly, something Im sure will be quoted back to you if it is not
already, that corrupters will not be appointed.
Im going to ask you in a moment, audience, to show your appreciation again to General Buhari, after that
will you please stay in your places because the general has a number of press interviews he is going to give
and if everyone comes up and talks to him, he will never get to them. I know its not Nigerian custom, but
were in London, so instead of flooding to the front could you stay put until General Buhari has left the
room. Thank you very much indeed for an inspiring talk.