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Criminals in Uniform
Criminals in Uniform
Criminals in Uniform
JOHN GARDNER
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Criminals in Uniform
JOHN GARDNER*
1. Diceys doctrine
In England the idea of legal equality, or of the universal subjection of
all classes to one law administered by the ordinary courts, has been
pushed to its utmost limit. With us every official, from the Prime
Minister down to a constable or a collector of taxes, is under the same
responsibility for every act done without legal justification as any other
citizen. The Reports abound with cases in which officials have been
brought before the courts, and made, in their personal capacity, liable
to punishment, or to the payment of damages, for acts done in their
official character but in excess of their lawful authority.1
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For further elaboration of the family resemblance, which for Thorburn goes
beyond the particular feature I foreground here, see Thorburns Criminal
Law as Public Law, in Antony Duff and Stuart Green (eds), Philosophical
Foundations of Criminal Law (Oxford, forthcoming).
10 Thorburn emphasises powers but (I have argued) what the criminal law
cares about must be permissions. Either can exist without the other. See
Gardner, Justification under Authority, above note 8, at 85-9.
11 Thorburn, Justifications, Powers, and Authority, above note 8, 1076 (It is
only insofar as they are performing a public function that ordinary citizens
have the authority to make such judgments, and accordingly, they are bound
by similar normative constraints when deciding what conduct is justified as
public officials would be in the same situation.)
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does). The suggestion is only that this killer lulled his victims into
a false sense of security by creating the expectation that he would
protect them from killing (there being news of a killer on the
loose nearby). This expectation of protection is not a specifically
Norwegian one. In places (unlike Norway) where police officers
routinely fail to provide such protection, so that people come to
expect and even accommodate the failure, there remains a sense
in which the police are still failing to meet peoples expectations.
They are failing to meet peoples expectations of how police
officers should behave. These expectations are normative ones.
The police force exists to protect people from (inter alia) killing
and thus the moral duty to do so goes with the job, irrespective
of how often it is breached and irrespective of whether holders of
the job, or other people, ever recognise that fact.18
There may come a point, to be sure, at which failures to
protect, or other moral failures by police officers, become so
endemic that doubts start to arise about whether they should still
be regarded and treated as police officers. (What a pathetic
18
It is tempting to trace the moral duties under discussion here to the oath of
office, or the contract of service, of a police officer. Although such oaths and
contracts are indeed morally binding (so long as they do not purport to
abrogate moral duties that exist apart from them and are not extracted by
immoral means) it is implausible to think that they are the only or even the
primary basis for attaching moral duties to roles, or for holding people to be
bound by those duties. For the most part such oaths and contracts exist to
solemnize, and hence to reinforce morally and psychologically, and sometimes
to give legal effect to, moral duties that belong the role anyway, thanks to the
rationale for the roles existence. So the police duty to protect cannot be
avoided simply by refusing to undertake it. A police commissioner cannot
relieve her officers of the duty by avoiding any mention of it in their oaths or
contracts. Nor can a police officer avoid acquiring it by evading the taking of
his oath of office, or by deleting the relevant words from his contract of
service before accepting the job. For excellent discussion see Michael Davis,
Thinking Like an Engineer: the Place of a Code of Ethics in the Practice of a
Profession Philosophy & Public Affairs 20 (1991), 150 at 156ff, and John
Kleinig, The Ethics of Policing (Cambridge 1996), 238ff.
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This is all consistent with the claim, which I endorse, that someone who
doesnt understand the moral duties of a police officer doesnt understand
what it is to be a police officer (Call yourself a police officer? You dont
know the meaning of the word!), or that someone who doesnt understand
how legal systems ought to be, morally, doesnt understand what a legal
system is. It is one thing to claim that understanding what an X is necessitates
understanding how an X ought to be. It is quite another thing to claim that
nothing is an X unless it already is how an X ought to be. In his Natural Law
and Natural Rights (Oxford 1980), at 11, John Finnis rejects the second claim
about law, and yet he gives repeated succour to those who accept it by the
curious way in which he expresses himself thereafter (viz. by sometimes but
not always reserving the word law for cases of morally successful law).
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being killed as one can get. And the further away one gets from
doing ones moral duty, all else being equal, the morally worse
ones breach of duty is. In that dimension of moral evaluation,
killings by police officers are among the worst there can be.
I say among because police officers (even using that title as
broadly as we are using it here, to include a range of police-like
officials) are clearly not the only people with duties to protect
others from being killed. Such duties albeit owed to much
smaller constituencies of people than the duties of the police
are normal incidents of some personal relationships, such as those
between parents and their children, and between one spouse or
partner and another. Killings of children by their parents or vice
versa, and killings of spouses by spouses, share the morally
exacerbating feature that I have just associated with killings by
police officers. One is not only killed; one is not only not
properly protected from being killed; one is killed by the very
person, or one of the persons, who had the job of protecting one
from being killed. That person did the opposite of their duty. So
the class of worst killings, in the dimension of moral evaluation
that concerns us here, is not limited to killings by police officers.
Nevertheless, killings by police officers do belong to that class. In
this dimension, being killed by a police officer is morally akin to
being killed by ones mother or ones husband.
Surely this claim cannot be extended to the killing in, for
instance, the de Menezes case? True enough, the officers who
killed Mr de Menezes could hardly have done a worse job of
protecting Mr de Menezes. But they killed him didnt they?
in the course of performing their moral duty to protect the rest of
us. Doesnt that neutralize the special moral awfulness supposedly
attaching to their actions? Some people think that an action that
was ones only way to perform ones moral duty can never be at
the same time a breach of ones moral duty (or at any rate a
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as it would have given you and me) very great latitude in respect
of errors of perception and deduction in the lead-up to the
decision to kill. Indeed the reasonableness of the officers having
mistaken Mr de Menezes for a would-be bomber is neither here
nor there to English law, so long as they really did so mistake
him.26 That degree of excusatory latitude for any of us, but
especially for police officers, is in my view indefensible. The
effect is that the police officers who were party to the killing of
Mr de Menezes could not have been convicted of murder in
England. So the killing did not represent, under the heading of
police illegality, a breach of the police duty to uphold the rule of
law. But the fact that the law did not allow for their epistemic
competence to be tested to make sure that they were fit to be
police officers is a bad reflection on the state of the law.27
I say under the heading of police illegality because, to
repeat, the moral duty of police officers to uphold the rule of law
is not only a duty to avoid their own illegality. It also includes,
for example, a duty to apprehend law-breakers and to take them
through the first stages of accountability to the criminal law:
arrest, search, questioning, and charge. This duty to apprehend
offenders can make it tempting for police officers, often abetted
by politicians and journalists, to regard themselves as existing to
protect law-abiding citizens against the criminal classes. But
this self-understanding on the part of police officers is already
26 Settled by R v Williams (1984) 78 Cr App R 276 and Beckford v R [1988]
AC 130, and put on a statutory footing by the Criminal Justice and
Immigration Act 2008, s76.
27 To say that is not to advocate a departure from the citizens in uniform
doctrine because, as I explained, that doctrine only says that the police are
answerable like the rest of us before the ordinary criminal courts on ordinary
criminal charges, and cannot hide behind their uniforms as a way of defending
their actions. It does not say that the standards of reasonableness used by the
courts in assessing their guilt cannot be adjusted to reflect the higher
expectations we have of police officers (or of others occupying professional
roles, public or not). See Offences and Defences, above note 24, at 128-9.
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antithetical to the rule of law. Under the rule of law even the
most notorious and dangerous offenders are entitled to the laws
protection, just like anyone else. Police officers, as officers of the
law, are there to protect the bad guys as much as the good guys,
except to the extent that specific protections are withdrawn by
the legal mechanisms of accountability to the law itself (arrest,
search, detention, charge, remand, trial, sentence) or by the legal
recognition of extreme exigencies with which the ordinary legal
mechanisms (of arrest etc.) cannot be expected to cope. Subject
to these strict exceptions, the police are there to protect looters
against shopkeepers no less than shopkeepers against looters, anticapitalist protestors against corporate interests no less than
corporate interests against anti-capitalist protestors, burglars
against householders no less than householders against burglars,
paedophiles against neighbours no less than neighbours against
paedophiles, and illegal immigrants against security guards sent to
deport them no less than security guards against illegal
immigrants.28 Indeed, the rule of law is not consistent with the
police dividing the world up into good guys and bad guys, or
into law-abiding people and criminals, or into respectable
women and common prostitutes, or into any other classes of
people supposedly more and less entitled to the protection of the
law and hence of the police as officers of the law. So when
vigilantes say that they are merely law-abiding people out to
protect themselves against criminals, the police should reply that
one is only ever as law-abiding as the last law one abided by, so
that it is always an open question, in any situation of potential
conflict, who, if anyone, is (going to turn out to be) a criminal,
and hence subject to arrest and other legal consequences.29
28
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These are but further aspects of the principle that Dicey calls
legal equality. Unlike the more parochial citizens in uniform
doctrine, they are aspects that remain even where that principle is
not pushed to its utmost limit. The duty to uphold the rule of
law is breached when and hence the rule of law does not
prevail to the extent that police officers hold themselves not to
owe the same protection to some person or people (B or the Bs)
on the basis that the police exist mainly to protect some other
person or people (A or the As), against B or the Bs. So even
though the officers who killed Mr de Menezes did not break the
law, it is still possible that they breached their moral duty to
uphold the rule of law in another way, say by regarding terrorist
suspects in general, or Mr de Menezes in particular, as a target,
less entitled to the protection of the law than other people
because of the ongoing threat that they or he supposedly posed
to ordinary Londoners or decent people. In the fevered days
after the tube and bus bombings of 7 July 2005, and in the
morally corrosive climate of the so-called war on terror, it
would not be surprising (although it would not follow that it
would be morally excusable) if at least some police officers fell
into this trap, mistaking policing (which has nobody as its
enemy) for war (which is waged only against an enemy).30
These remarks bring us back to the question, postponed a
few pages back, of whether there are cases in which a police
officer no longer has her usual moral duty to protect a particular
person whom she has in her sights. Our discussion may seem to
suggest a negative conclusion. But in fact the answer is more
complex and invokes some distinctions which can be hard to
draw sharply. Under the rule of law, nobody is an outlaw and
nobody should be treated by the police as either above or below
30
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ordinary moral duties not to kill and injure people. Probably it,
or something like it, also applies also to police officers in
connection with their special moral duty to protect people from
killing or being injured. Thus police officers who kill or injure
for public protection are often, but not always, in Sophies Choice
situations. If Mr de Menezes really had been a suicide bomber
ready to detonate his explosives, then it seems to me that any
attending officers moral duty to protect Mr de Menezes from
being killed would have been abrogated to the extent urgently
necessary and proportionate to the cause of eliminating the threat
he posed to other people on the tube. Always bearing in mind, of
course, that each officer would still have the distinct moral duty
to uphold the rule of law in doing so.
3. The last line of protection
I said that being killed by a police officer is morally akin to being
killed by ones mother or ones husband. Each of these people is
duty-bound to protect one from being killed, and each strays as
far as it is possible to stray from performing that duty by
becoming ones killer himself or herself. In this dimension, I
claimed, killings by the police are among the morally worst there
can be. But can things get worse still? Yes. There is a further
aggravating feature in at least some domestic cases which also
extends to many if not all killings by police officers.
Sometimes people have nobody else to turn to for protection
beyond the supposed protector who turns on them. Think of
children who are sexually abused by their parents, where one
parent is the abuser as principal and the other is complicit, usually
by turning a blind eye to the abuse, but sometimes in even more
degenerate ways. Or think of teenagers hoodwinked into
thinking they are going on a family holiday but in fact being
kidnapped for forced marriage by their parents. Or think of
spouses facing systematic domestic violence from which,
gradually deprived by their spouse of any social infrastructure
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Possibly they had not been given the order to implement them, itself a very
serious breach which I am ignoring here. Stockwell One, above note 14, 121.
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Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York 1974), e.g. at 54.
28
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from that derailed train or hijacked aircraft are our people has
lost his way, and should not be working for the police.35 But that
is a distinct problem from the one we have been discussing. I did
not suggest here that there is a single basis or rationale for moral
duties, or that they all have a standard structure (e.g. secondpersonal, relational). I only suggested that they are all part of
morality, and that morality binds police officers on duty just as it
binds anyone else. Nobody can evade it by saying: I work for
the government now. For morality goes with one wherever life
takes one, and is never displaced by the supposed demands of
ones work, which always, on the contrary, answer to morality
and give one, in themselves, no excuse when one violates it.
This view about the unity of morality seems to be what
Thorburn has trouble accepting. For him it is not at all obvious
why ordinary citizens should ever have decision-making
authority over their fellow citizens.36 What he finds particularly
troubling about the exercise of such decision-making powers is
that they seem to be wielded by individuals with no special status
that could explain their authority to make such decisions.37 And
the main reason why he finds this troubling is that if literally
anyone can make decisions about others most basic interests in
life, liberty, security, and property, then the laws claim that each
person is sovereign over herself and her basic interests is hollow
indeed.38 In other words, he thinks, there is one morality for the
rest of us, and there is another for the authorities (even if we
sometimes cross the line and stand in for them pro tempore). The
two moralities have different subject matters. One is the morality
of authority and coercion. The other is the morality of, I
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