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Sikh Coinage: Symbol of Sikh Sovereignty / Surinder Singh
Sikh Coinage: Symbol of Sikh Sovereignty / Surinder Singh
SIKH COINAGE
Symbol. of Sikh Sovereignty
SURINDER SINGH
MANOHAR
2010
Published by
Ajay Kumar Jain fOr
Manohar Publishers & Distributors
4753/23 Ansari Road. 'Daryaganj
New Delhi 110 002
Typeset by
AJ Software Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd.
New Delhi 110 005
Printed at
Salasar Imaging Systems
Delhi 110035
To
A wise man of learning in Israel once said that ther~ is no end to the
writing of books. Adding one more would therefore be pointless, unless it
broke fresh ground.
LEWIS BROWNE in Wisdom of-Israel
Contents
List of Illustrations
Preface
11
Introduction
15
I:
AD
1710-1712
27
AD
36
1765-1799
48
93
129
129
CONTENTS
140
158
Appendix A:
199
Appendix B:
209
Appendix Co
216
231
Appendix E:
264
Appendix F:
265
Appendix D:
Bibliography
267
Index
279
Illustrations
PLAlES
I: Initial Sikh Coinage
II: Early Coins, 1765 onwards, Lahore and Amritsar Coins
III: . Mughal Coins Countermarked with the
Sikh Kha?1da Ensign
IV: Moran's Coins, Amritsar and Lahore Mints
V:
VI:
VII:
VIII:
IX:
X:
41
64
83
101
114
118
136
139
141
143
148
203
FIGURES
33
65
III:
106
IV:
Guru Nanak
170.
Preface
Towards the close of my tenure lasting over three decades in the civil service
(Indian Defence Accounts Service), I was posted at ]ullandhar (Punjab) in 1979.
While at ]ullandhar, I became acquainted with a schoolteacher of Hoshiarpur
who was a keen collector of ancient and medieval coins, and he introduced me
to the fascinating world of old coins. In his collection, there were some coins
pertaining to the Sikh period. These coins, inscribed with legends in praise of
the Sikh Gurus in the Persian language, greatly fascinated me. I also started
collecting Sikh coins and in a period of about ten years I had collected about
eight hundred such coins.
With the dismemberment of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century,
besides the Mughal and Afghan coins then in circulation the larger states both
Hindu and Muslim also struck their own coins. Similarly, the European trading
companies started striking their own coins in those areas where they were well
entrenched. These various coins bore the name of the ruler, the year and the
place of striking, with some ornamentation and even the legends of God's grace.
Besides being used in trade and commerce, these coins were the symbol of the
sovereignty of the ruler over his territory and the people under his authority.
Sikh society emerged mainly from the lower strata of Hindu society and
developed under the guidance of the Sikh Gurus, from Guru Nanak to Guru
Gobind Singh (AD 1469 to 1708), a period of over two centuries. Under the
guidance of the Gurus, the Sikhs, hitherto oppressed by caste distinctions and
Brahminical rituals and tyrannized by foreign rulers, were transformed into a
self-reliant community, breathing the spirit of freedom, democracy, and sacrifice.
Shortly before his demise, Guru Gobind Singh abolished the institution of the
personal Guruship and placed his spiritual authority in the holy book of the Sikhs,
thereafter called the Guru Granth Sahib. He placed his temporal authority in the
hands of the Khalsa, thereafter called the Khalsa Panth. The Sikhs, in spite of the
Guru's instructions, treated their Gurus as the temporal sovereigns also and
carried out the administration as a sacred trust. Thus, the Sikhs were the de-facto
temporal sovereigns and their Gurus were the de-jure temporal sovereigns. This
aspect is very aptly depicted in their daily salutation, 'Wahe Guru Ii ka Khalsa,
Wahe Guru Ii ki Fateh', meaning that the Khalsa belongs to the Guru and so does
the victory belong to the Guru. Sikh coins are unique since they were struck
in the name ,of the Sikh Gurus from the very first day in 1710 to the very last
day, 29 March 1849, when the Sikh state was annexed by the British. Shiploads
of Nanak Shahi coins were sent to the Bombay and Calcutta mints in order to be
converted into British currency.
12
PREFACE
By the time I had collected a few hundred coins of silver and copper, I
started contacting local coin collectors in the region to help me decipher and
understand the legends inscribed on these coins and other features about which I
I
was ignorant. Not only were these coin collectors unwilling to share their
expertise, but even their knowledge was superficial and was based neither on any
proper study of historical accounts nor on any numismatic investigation. My
discussions with them were soon narrowed down to topics such as the rareness
of the coins and the consequenti<il increase in their sale/purchase value. The
depth of their understanding of Sikh coinage was primarily confined to bazaar
gossip and hearsay.
I finished my M.A. in history in 1952 and earned M.A. degree in political
science in 1954, and was engaged on a study of the Indian Constituent Assembly
when I was selected in the Allied Services in 1956. I thus drifted away from
academic study and became busy with my mundane life as a government official.
The study of Sikh coins and Sikh history once again rekindled in me the desire to
pursue gainful knowledge which had been lying dormant in some forgotten
chamber of my mind. I retired in 1987 and after sorting out my post-retirement
problems, I became fully engaged in the study of Sikh coins and Sikh history
related to this subject. By then I had collected about a thousand coins and
possessed a reasonably decent collection of books on Sikh history as well.
The study of Sikh coins encompasses three disciplines of the social sciences,
viz., numismatics, history, and political science; it also demands proficiency in the
Punjabi and Persian languages. I wished to pursue a Doctoral degree in the
subject but was unable to secure admission to a nearby university primarily due to
my failure to persuade a university teacher conversant with my subject to be my
guide. Since I was not willing to drop my passionate interest in this study, I
continued with my work on my own.
I soon discovered that the study of Sikh coinage has been a greatly neglected
subject, both by historians and numismatists. What little fragmentary work had
been done was primarily in the field of cataloguing and even less work existed in
the field of any serious analytical study. It was only after the mid-twentieth
century that some numismatic work was carried out by a few scholars. Historians
have made fanciful remarks regarding Sikh coins based on very meagre evidence
and at times even non-existent evidence in support of their claims.. They have
commented on Sikh coins without even physically examining those coins which
were otherwise readily available.
This negligence on the part of historians often resulted in baffling situations.
The accounts in the books gave out a particular story about certain coins, but the
imprints of the legends and other inscriptions on those very coins revealed a
different story. Hence, arriving at the correct assessments about these coins
became very difficult and time consuming. I recalled a carpentry lesson from my
school days which taught that when two pieces of wood are to be joined together
PREFACE
13
in a firm grip, these should be cut and joined in a manner popularly called
dovetailing. This lesson proved to be very handy to me in dovetailing the historical data with the numismatic investigation; where the two sides led to the
same conclusion my doubts were clarified and where the two sides did not agree
I detected some form of historical disinformation. I started writing research papers
on issues I was able to understand and presented my findings at conferences,
seminars, and talks at nearby universities and at other institutions. In a decade or
so, wrote over twenty-five research papers covering almost all important aspects
of Sikh coins. My work was appreciated by other scholars and I gained sufficient
confidence to pursue further study. I received a Ph.D. from the Rabindra Bharati
University, Calcutta on my dissertation, 'Studies in Sikh Coinage', and this book is
by and large based on my Doctoral thesis.
I seek the indulgence of my readers as a certain extent of unavoidable
repetition has occurred at certain places. In order to counter the disinformation
repeatedly recorded by several historians, every piece of available evidence has to
be marshalled to establish the correct position. Thus, certain pieces of vital evidence which form the framework of the Sikh ethos were repeated while
examining the issues under discussion in their correct perspective.
I had the opportunity to visit Himachal University a couple of times as a
resource person in the refresher course for university teachers. One day, after I
had delivered a lecture on Sikh coins, as we were dispersing, somebody remarked
that I was changing history. This remark did hurt me and set me thinking.
Suddenly I realized that I was in fact changing the recorded history so far as Sikh
coins are concerned. My analytical examination of Sikh coins 4as given a new
dimension to the study of Sikh history so far as events connected with the coins
and the concept of Sikh sovereignty are concerned. Disinformation regarding
these coins has been exposed and the pristine beauty of these coins has been
brought out. I hope that some scholars will further pursue the, study of this
subject so that whatever aspect I have not been able to take up or whatever I
have not been able to fully establish or clarify can be brought to light.
During this period of fifteen years while I carried out my work, my family
has all along been a source of great assistance and encouragement to me, especially
my younger son Chander Mohan Singh. I have sought guidance and assistance
during this period from a wide range of teachers, scholars, librarians, numismatists,
linguists, and others, some of whom went out of their way to help me.
I felt myself like a bird, collecting straws of knowledge from all around to
build a nest of wisdom. I have felt the warmth of knowledge, secure in my nest,
and I am now ready to take up my next project on the concept of Sikh sovereignty.
I express my deep gratitude to all those persons from whom I was able to secure
bits of knowledge to build my nest of wisdom.
November 2003
SURINDER SINGH
Introduction
The study of Sikh coinage has been a greatly neglected subject and very little
work, both historical and numismatic, in this field has been carried out. l The
earlier descriptions of the coinage of the Sikhs, who succeeded the Durranis in
the Punjab, are by C.]. Rodgers, Lepel Griffin, and RC. Temple. 2
v.A. Smith was the first historian who argued that in ancient India, coins,
especially the punch-marked coins, were the private issue of guilds and silversmiths
and were produced with the permission of the ruling authorities. 3 Coins became
a state issue with the rise of mercantilism and the formation of strong monarchies
during the Buddhist period, nay, even earlier, towards the close of the Vedb
period. With social stability, increasing urbanization, the growth of trade and
commerce and an expansion in the activities of the state, the rulers required
sufficient amounts of cash. Hence, the growth of imperialist practices is related
to the development of the coinage system. 4 Kautilya's Arthashastra reveals that
the state exercised complete control over the coinage system. The coins most
often mentioned in the Arthashastra are the pana. Coins in circulation were
silver coins of one, half, quarter, and one-eighth pana, copper coins of one
mashaka, half mashaka, one kakani, and half kakani. 5 There was an elaborate
system of minting and penalties were imposed for making or using counterfeit
coins. 6
The Mughal Emperors were not content with issuing coins from their capital
cities and important provincial towns. They also possessed mobile mints which
moved with the imperial armies and struck coins as and when a major city or
territory was conquered. 7 The earliest Muslim mint in India was at Lahore, which
was named Mohammadpur by Mohammad Ghaznavi. In the time of Farrukh
Siyar, the system of farming was introduced for the mints, i.e. the right of
minting coins was given to persons who guaranteed a certain amount of annual
revenue to the royal exchequer. s The native states, particularly during the days
of the declining Mughal Empire, had their own mints and did not issue coins in
their own names but in the names of the Mughal emperors; they were content to
place some distinct mark of their own on these coins. 9 Near about one hundred
native states claimed the right to strike coins after they came under British rule,
but this right was given only to thirty-four states by the British. After the country
gained independence in 1947, all state mints were abolished by the Government
of India. lO
Numismatics was recognized as a primary source for the study of history
16
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
17
sources which suffer from quite a few deficiencies, has not been considered to
be useful for research purposes.
The available sources of information on Sikh coins are largely fragmentary
accounts in various books on Sikh history and occasional articles in a few
journals. These accounts are by and large of an elementary nature, in which the
Sikh coins have not been examined and, even if examined, no proper analysis
of their significance has been carried out. There are also some accounts of an
elementary nature in books on Indian coins and also some articles on Sikh coins,
more so in recent times. There have also been some attempts to catalogue Sikh
coins in some museums, and recently a detailed catalogue of Sikh coins compiled
by the German scholar, Hans Herrli,20 has proved to be quite useful in numismatic
examinations of Sikh coins. The catalogue has generated a lot of interest in the
Collection of Sikh coins, and consequently the prices of these coins have shot up
two to three times their value in northern India. Besides my own personal collection, Sikh coins are also available with other private collectors and in certain
rnuseums in India and Pakistan.
Some of the important sources for the study of Sikh coins in the initial
stages are the writings of William Irvine, Karam Singh, and Ganda Singh. Gulshan
Lall Chopra, D.C. Sharma, R.K. Parmu, Bhagat Singh, Madanjit Kaur, Ranjit Singh
Kharag, and Hari Ram Gupta have written about Sikh coins of the later period.
Short notes on numismatics have been written by c.]. Brown, W.H. Valentine,
and Parmeshwari Lal Gupta in their books. C.]. Rodgers, c.K. Panish, ].5. Dyell,
Ken Wiggins and S. Goron have published articles in various journals, of which
C.]. Rodgers's account is relatively more comprehensive than that of the others.
Some accounts are available in various catalogues, such as the following:
18
INTRODUCTION
The interplay between the history of ancient India and the contemporaneous
coins has been of a very restricted nature; for instance, the location of coins in a
given area in large numbers frequently leads to certain conclusions about the
ruler of that area if indications about his name or his period are available on the
coins. 21 The discovery of coins issued by a particular ruler in a distant land
corroborates the existence of trade and commerce between these two areas. 22 In
the case of Sikh history and Sikh coins, well-documented books, rnanuscripts,
and coins in almost their entire range are also readily available for scholarly
examination. Hence, the study of the interplay of history and the coins of both
the ancient and the post-medieval periods require different parameters. This
interplay of history writing and numismatics has a rather limited role to play in
the study of ancient history, but it can have a more significant impact on the
study of medieval and even modern history.
.
A major lacuna in the historical records and in numismatic investigations of
Sikh coins has been that historians have by and large written about the coins
without actually examining the evidence, and numismatists have similarly examined
the coins without locating the proper historical context where available and
without understanding and appreciating the traditions and ethos of the people
involved.
The sudden rise of the Sikhs from relative obscurity to political and military
power, their pushing back the Afghan invaders beyond the Khyber Pass, and
establishing their rule over north-western India were the subjects addressed by
British and European travellers moving through the Punjab and the neighbouring
Muslim countries. Their travelogues describing Sikh coins and related incidents
are based on bazaar gossip and hearsay, emphasizing their unique and romantic
elements. Unfortunately, later historians have taken such accounts as authentic
historical records, without carrying out independent investigations of their own. 23
The unreliability of these accounts as historical sources could not have been
revealed had the Sikh coins been no longer available, and their investigation,
both historical and numismatic, not been taken Up.24
Proper evidence is a prerequisite for the study of history. This observation
is equally valid for the study of coins. The interpretation of history may be
subjective, and even incorrect, but the recordings on the COins cannot be doubted
and may be taken as essentially authentic. The study of Sikh coinage both by
historians and numismatists has suffered due to the lack of proper historical evidence and its proper use in numismatic investigation; in this process a number of
discrepancies, even distortions, have taken place. A few of the important ones
are the following:
(1) John Dyell based his account of the initial Sikh coins on Hadi Kamwar
INTRODUCTION
19
(2) Hans Herrli identified the initial Sikh coinage struck during Banda Bahadur's
time as having been struck in the time of Kapur Singh or even ]assa Singh
Ahluwalia, but he did so without basing this claim on any evidence whatsoever.
(3) The claim regarding ]assa Singh Ahluwalia having struck a coin in his own
name, but this claim is also made without establishing the existence of any
such coin as corroborating. evidence.
. (4) The claim that Ranjit Singh struck coins in the name of a courtesan called
Moran has been stated by many historians and even numismatists but
without any proper evidence.
.
(5) Hari Singh Nalwa is stated to have struck coins in his own name from
Kashmir and Peshawar but this claim is made without any proper supporting
evidence.
(6) Ranjit Singh's attempt to strike coins depicting himself sitting with Guru
Nanak has been incorrectly identified as Guru Nanak sitting with Mardana.
(7) Incorrect nomenclature of Sikh coinage and its illogical differentiation into.
Nanak Shahi and Gobind Shahi coins.
(8) Various theories have been put forward regarding the leaf motif on Sikh
coins but without any convincing evidence.
(9) I had the occasion to meet learned Sikh historians, viz., Ganda Singh, Hari
Ram Gupta, Bikramjit Hasrat, Gopal Singh, Avtar Singh Sandhu, and R.K.
Parmu who have written about Sikh coins in their books. I asked them to
what extent had they been able to examine actual Sikh coins as the source
of evidence in support of the facts stated by them. It was a great surprise
for me to learn that none of them had actually examined Sikh coins. Bhagat
'Singh, who wrote his Ph. D. thesis on the Sikh polity and who devoted a
chapter to Sikh coins, had also not examined any actual coins. The inaccurate
details recorded by many Sikh historians did create certain problems in
establishing their inaccuracy and bringing out their correct position.
(10) A fairly accurate and detailed catalogue of Sikh coins was published by
Hans Herrli in 1993 from Nagpur. The coin collectors rely on this catalogue,
and in fact with the issue of this catalogue the prices of Sikh coins have
risen two to three fold. But in recent publications, the historians mentioned
hereunder do not seem to have taken note of this catalogue and are still
repeating the mistakes committed by earlier writers.
(11) Patwant Singh's book The Sikhs states that Banda engraved an official seal
and coins to celebrate Sikh rule. These were dedicated to the Gurus and the
Persian inscription on his seal read:
Degh 0 Tegh 0 Fateh 0 Nasrat-i-bedirang
Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh.
20
INTRODUCTION
feed the poor), the sword (the symbol of power), victory and unqualified
patronage as attributes bequeathed by Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh'.
Patwant Singh further states, 'A silver coin was issued to announce their
assumption of political power and declaring Amritsar as the mint city.' But
this is an incorrect statement as Sikh coins were first struck from the Mughal
mint at the capital city of Lahore dated 1822 Sambat, i.e. AD 176S. The first
Sikh coin minted from Amritsar was dated Sambat 1832, i.e. AD 177S.He
further states that the coins minted on the occasion of Ranjit Singh's coronation
bore a verse in Persian that had appeared on Banda Bahadur's seal and
offers the follOWing translation:
My largesse, my victories, my unalloyed fame
lowe to Guru Nanak and Guru'Gobind Singh. 25
It is very strange that Patwant Singh gives two different translations of the
same legend discussed by him in his Chapter II and Chapter III, with a
wide range of variation, whereas in the earlier translation, the recipient of
Guru Nanak's benediction was Guru Gobind Singh, but in the later translation,
the recipient of these benedictions is Ranjit Singh. In order to understand
and appreciate the spirit behind these legends, the translations have to be
literal and not wayward.
ThIs is a fairly incorrect rendering of the legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh Nusrat
Baidrang, Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh', which means that the economic power, the strength of arms and the resultant. victory with unrestrained
help was received from Nanak Guru Gobind Singh and the recipient of this
benediction was the entire Khalsa Panth and not only Ranjit Singh.
(12) ].S. Grewal, the eminent Sikh historian, has laid down a standard for the
collection of evidence and its interpretation:
The modern student of history aims at interpreting the past modes of life and processes
of change in rational and human terms ... he demands evidence in support of every
statement made about the past and insists on the application of valid techniques and
methods in interpreting evidence. He accepts nothing on faith. 26
In an international seminar on Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Grewal read out the
keynote address, stating at the outset 'that this seminar was meant to be a
serious academic event and that my words could set the tone'. 27 The
address brought out certain claims or interpretations which do not reach the
standard laid down by ].S. Grewal himself, nor do these stand the scrutiny
of the touchstone of numismatic investigation and evidence connected with
it.
On page 4 of the keynote address, Grewal states that Banda Bahadur struck
a coin with the following inscription:
INTRODUCTION
21
He further states that this inscription was used on the coins struck at Lahore
in 1765 when the city was occupied by a few Sikh leaders. This coin was
known as Gobind Shahi. The above statement is incorrect as the coin struck
. from Lahore was inscribed with a .different legend. The legend on the
above-mentioned coin minted in Lahore in 1765 was: Degh Tegh Fateh. (For
details, see Chapter II.) Grewal has confused the two legends which
appeared on coins struck from Lahore and Amritsar and thus a number of
discrepancies have crept into his account. The legend mentioned by ].S.
Grewal pertaining to the coin of 1710 has an inaccuracy. The coins struck
by Banda Bahadur for the second year (the first year's coin has not been
located so far) had the word 'Gobind' and not 'Gobind Singh'. The phrase
'Gobind Singh' has been used on the third year's coin only (see Plate I). The
legend used on the obverse and the reverse of the Lahore coins of 1765
was:
Obverse
Reverse
22
INTRODUCTION
Sikhs, vol. I, 1963, New Delhi, pp. 200-1. Khushwant Singh's account of
Sikh coinage is sketchy and partially incorrect, and the same mistake has
occurred in ].S. Grewal's account.
The translation of the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend is not correct and is at
variance from what ].S. Grewal has stated in his earlier studies. He has
stated that festivity (abundance), sword, victory without delay, Guru Gobind
Singh received from Nanak. 30 In his keynote address, Grewal translates the
same passage as follows: 'The victory, the sword, and the deg are stated to
be the gifts received from Guru Nanak',3l The name of Guru Gobind Singh
has been left out, for which no reason has. been given nor have the
recipients of the Guru's benediction been identified.
(3) Jean-Marie Lafont in his recent book on Ranjit Singh devotes a page to the
coins of the Sikh kingdom, assisted by a local coin collector, Jyoti RaL32 The
statement that Sikh coins were struck from Lahore in 1765 and 1772 is
incorrect as Sikh coins were first struck from Lahore in 1765 and continued
without any break and the coins of most of the years after 1765 are
available. It is further stated that the Persian inscription on the Amritsar coin
was in the name of Guru Nanak and hence it was called Nanak Shahi
coinage. The legend quoted on the same page has the names of both Guru
Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh and the statement made is incorrect. In the
legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh', the meaning of 'Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind
Singh' has been given as 'Guru Gobind Singh received from Guru Nanak,
whereas the correct meaning is 'the Khalsa received' from Nanak Guru
Gobind Singh' thus encompassing the entire period of the Gurudom (see
Chapter II). The interpretation or claim that 'at times people became linked
with a particular symbol on a coin or a certain legend connected with it' ls
not correct. The Sikh coins from Kashmir from the Hari Singh period, Le.
1820 to 1821, and during the rest of the period of Sikh rule upto 1846 were
not called the Hari Singhji but the Harisinghee rupia in a derogatory sense,
as the Kashmiris are notorious for their habit of distorting names. As regards
the Moran Shahi coins said to be struck in the name of the courtesan Moran,
this is a misnomer (see Chapter III). 'Similarly, the name of the Peshawar
coins as 'Peshawari Naunihal Singhji' is also an incorrect construction as
most historians consider that these coins. had been struck by Hari Singh
Nalwa.
Such statements, especially those regarding coins and the notion of Sikh
sovereignty, are based on incorrect evidence and thus create historiCal distortions. When these errors are made by learned historians, they are easily
accepted by the general readership, and hence awkward and difficult to set
the record straight. All these issues are fully discussed, with references to
the available evidence, in various chapters of this book.
Guru Nanak, having witnessed the social discrimination practiced by the upper-
INTRODUCTION
23
caste Hindus against the rest of the society and the Lodhi rulers' inability to
defend themselves against the Mughal onslaught, envisioned a self-reliant society
devoid of any fear and based on righteous conduct. Guru Nanak preached an
equal and just social order amongst his followers, and his successors made
further contributions to his original teachings. Guru Arjan realized the inherent
dangers of the hostility of the Mughal rulers and thought of arming the nascent
Sikh community for self-defense. The cruel persecution of Guru Arjan and Guru
Tegh Bahadur deepened Sikh apprehensions and accelerated the pace of their
resistance. 33 The hostility of and persecution by the Mughals and the selfdefence undertaken by the Sikhs established a cycle of action and reaction
which continued until Mughal rule was finally rooted out from the Punjab and the
surrounding areas by the Sikhs in the mid-eighteenth century.
Guru Gobind Singh who bore the major brunt of Mughal wrath in the Punjab
created the Khalsa (in 1699), a body of self-sacrificing saint-soldiers. While
serving the Khanda Pahul to the five beloved ones (Panj Piaras), he himself
took the same pahul from them, thereby making them his equals and the cosharers of his sovereignty.34 Shortly before his demise in Nander, he abolished
the institution of the personal Guruship and placed his spiritual sovereignty in
the Guru Granth Sahib and vested his temporal sovereignty in the entire Khalsa
community. The temporal sovereignty so bequea~hed by Guru Gobind Singh has
all along been held by the Khalsa as a sacred trust. The most remarkable feature
of the Sikh coinage struck after the demise ofG-uru Gobind Singh and the formation of the Sikh state has been that it was struck in the name of the Gurus as
a symbol of their sovereignty in an age in which coins were struck in the name
of the actual temporal rulers.
This book is an attempt to correct the distorted interpretation of the Sikh
coins and seeks to bring out their uniqueness as a testimony to the Sikh concept
. of sovereignty in the feudal age.
The objectives of this study are:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
This study has been divided into four periods. The first period is that of the
initial Sikh coinage issued under Banda Bahadur's command and his control of
Subah Sirhind and the surrounding territories from 1710 to 1713. With the
capture of Banda Bahadur and his followers in 1715 in Gurdas Nangal and the
extreme persecution of the Sikh community by the Mughal rulers, an attempt
24
INTRODUCTION
was made to literally annihilate the entire Sikh community and the Sikh state was
eclipsed from 1715 till 1765. The second period was the period of the confederacy
of the Sikh misls which occupied Lahore and issued Sikh coins from the city in
1765 and continued to do so not only from Lahore but also from the other mints
of Amritsar and Multan till 1800. The third period began with the emergence of
a single leader in the person of Ranjit Singh in 1800 and the striking of Sikh
coins till 1837. The fourth period deals with the coinage struck by his successors
from 1837 till the annexation of the Sikh state by the British in 1849.
The study is confined to gold and silver coins which were state issues.
Although copper coins were also used in great abundance, these were farmed
out to individual bankers and traders due to the non-availability of sufficient
quantities of copper from the ]agadhari traders who were not very cooperative
with the Lahore Darbar. However, the general pattern of issuing a large number
of small legends on copper coins in the name of the Sikh Gurus is also seen in
the case of these coins. These coins too did not bear the name of any sardar or
ruler. Hence, these have not been taken up for examination here. A large
number of religious tokens, somewhat similar to the coins, have long been in
circulation. Although these are neither coins nor state issues, yet these tokens
create a certain amount of confusion among the unknowing public.
Appendix A deals with Sikh religious tokens.
Appendix B deals with certain discrepancies in the recently published
Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, 1995-8. While attending the thirty-first Punjab History
Conference at Punjabi University, Patiala in March 1999, I came across the
recently published Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, vol. IV, in which an entry on Sikh
coins appears on pp. 136-8. The entry suffers from a number of discrepancies
and inaccuracies that have, by and large, been dealt with in various parts of this
study and the correct positions been established. Subsequently, I also examined
the earlier volumes and found discrepancies in the information given there
regarding coins and seals. Since a great deal of importance is given to the facts
as recorded in encyclopaedias, I consider it desirable to give a consolidated
critique of these entries found in the vols. I to IV of the Encyclopaedia on
Sikhism. 35
Appendix C deals with the first, rather lengthy article on Sikh coins written
by .c.]. Rodgers in 1881, in which his bias against the Sikhs, their Gurus, and
their doctrines has been brought out. I have also discussed other inadequacies
and distortions in his account.
Appendix D deals' with the chronological dates with special reference to
the Sikh coins.
INTRODUCTION
25
NOTES
1. P.L. Gupta, 'A survey of Indian numismatography (coinage from the decline of the Mughal
empire to 1947)', Golden jubilee Volume, 1910-1960, Varanasi: Numismatic Society of
India, 1961, p. 84.
2. CD c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Calcutta, 1881, pp. 71-93.
(ii) c.]. Rodgers, 'Some Coins of Ranjit Dev, King of Jammu', journal of Asiatic Society
of Bengal, Calcutta, 1885, pp. 60-7.
(iii) Lepel Griffin, 'Rajas of Punjab', vol. II, Punjab: Languages Department, 1970,
W~~
.
(iv) R.c. Temple, 'The Coins of the Modern Chiefs of the Punjab', Indian Antiquary,
vol. XVIII, Bombay, 1893, pp. 21-41.
3. Lallanji Gopal, 'The right of minting coins in Ancient India', journal of the Numismatic
Society of India, vol. XXII, 1960, p. 98.
4. Ibid., p. 38.
5. Kautilya, The Arthashastra, tr. L.N. Rangarajan, New Delhi: Penguin Books India Ltd., 1992,
pp.. 75, 228, 328.
6. Ibid., p. 75.
7. Upendra Thakur, 'Mints and Minting in India', Goldenjubilee Volume, 1910-1960, Varanasi:
Numismatic Society of India, 1961, p. 193.
8. Ibid., p. 195.
9. Ibid., p. 197.
10. Ibid., p. 197.
11. ].N. Tiwari, 'A Survey of Indian Numismatography', Golden jubilee Volume 1910-1960,
Varanasi: Numismatic Society of India, 1961, p. 21.
12. A.K. Narain, 'Fifty Years of the Numismatic Society of India', Golden jubilee Volume,
1910-1960, Varanasi: Numismatic Society of India, 1961, p. 1.
13. Ibid., p. 1.
14. Ibid., p. 1.
15. Ibid., p. 19.
16. A.N. Lahiri, 'Numismatography of Indian Princely States', Platinum Jubilee Session, journal
of Numismatic Society of India, vol. XLIX, 1987, p. 192.
17. Foreign Department, General Report, Administration of Punjab Territories, 1949-51,
Calcutta, 1856, p. 34.
18. Madanjit Kaur, 'A Study of Sikh Numismatics with Special Reference to the Coins of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his Successors'. A summarized version of this study is published
in Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Politics, Society and Economy, in Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora,
eds, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, pp. 327-50.
19. Surinder Singh, 'A Critique on "the Coins of the Sikhs" by C.]. Rodgers', Panjab Past &
Present, vol. XXV, pt. II, October 1991, Patiala: Punjabi University, pp. 40-55.
20. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993.
21. J.N. Tiwari, 'A Survey of Indian Numismatography', op. cit., p. 21.
22. AX Narain, 'Fifty Years of the Numismatic Society of India', op. cit., p. 1.
23. (i) Baron Hugel, Travels in Kashmir and Punjab, Languages Department, Punjab (rpt),
1970, pp. 123, 254, 384.
(ii) V. Jacquemont, journey through India, Tibet, Lahore and Kashmir (translated from
the French), Edward Charten, 26 Molless Street, 1834, p. 55.
26
INTRODUCTION
(iii) Ali Shahamat, Sikhs and Afghans, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 53.
(iv) W. Moorcraft, Travels in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and Bokhara from
1819-1825, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, pp. 53, 546.
(v) Major Leech, Survey 1943, Revenue of Kashmir, Foreign Section, New Delhi: National
Archives of India, nos. 13-17 S.c.
(vi) G.T. Vigne, Travels in Kashmir, Ladakh and Skardu, Punjab: Languages Department,
rpt., 1970, p. 57.
(vii) Ganeshi Dass, Siyahat-i-Kashmir, Chandigarh: Punjab Itihas Prakashan, 1976, p. 39.
(viii) Mohan Lal, Travels in Punjab, Afghanistan and Turkestan, Punjab: Languages
Department, 1970, p. 49.
. 24. Patwant Singh, The Sikhs, New Delhi: Harper Collins India, 1999, pp. 75, 91.
25. Ibid., p. 105.
26. ].S. Grewal, From Guru Nanak to Ranjit Singh, Arnritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University,
1982, p. 82.
27. ].S. Grewal, 'Keynote Address at the International Seminar on Maharaja Ranjit Singh',
10-11 April 2002, Centre for Defence and National Security Studies, Panjab University,
Chandigarh, p. 2.
28. See note 80 in Chapter II, where various references to the striking of the Degh Tegh Fateh
Legend coins from Lahore in 1765 are given.
29. A detailed account is 'given in Chapter II, pp. 66-7.
30. ].S. Grewal and S.S. Bal, Guru Gobind Singh, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1967, p. 239.
31. ].S. Grewal, 'Keynote Address', op. cit., p. 5.
32. Jean-Marie Lafont, Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Lord of the Five Rivers, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2002, pp. 92-3.
33. A.c. Banerjee, Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983, pp. 273
and 280-1.
34. Ibid., p. 310.
35. Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, edited by Harbans Singh, Patiala: Punjabi University (4 vols.),
1995-8:
(i) Entry on Akal Purakh, vol. I, p. 58.
(ii) Entry on Hari Singh Nalwa, vol. II, p. 252.
(iii) Entry on Moran, vol. III, p. 123.
(iv) Entry on Coins or Numismatics, vol. IV, pp. 136-8.
CHAPTER I
Guru Gobind Singh wrote to the Sikhs of Dhaul on 2 October 1707 that his
negotiations with the Mughal emperor were in progress and that he would soon
return to the Punjab. J But for reasons not fully known, he accompanied Bahadur
Shah, the Mughal emperor, towards the Deccan ahg, in the words of Khafi Khan,
'Gobind, leader of the infamous community, with two to three hundred armed
horsemen and infantry moved alongwith the emperor'.2 The Tarikh-i-Bahadur
Shahi also states that the Guru was in the habit of constantly addressing worldly
persons, religious families, and all sorts of people. 3 Although the emperor was
quite friendly towards the Guru, the entire Mughal camp and the courtiers were
)1ostile towards him. They wholeheartedly sided with Wazir Khan, the faujdar of
Sirhind, who was- responsible. for most of the travails of the Guru. 4 Guru Gobind
Singh,realizing the gravity of the situation and the unlikelihood of Bahadur Shah
siding with him over Wazir Khan's crimes, moved from the Mughal camp and
shilled his establishment to a nearby area, which he named Abchalnagar. 5
Establishment of the Sikh State
Guru Gobind Singh came in contact with a bairagi (an ascetic) named Madhodas
in early September 1708, and in an extremely short period he became the
Guru's ardent disciple. 6 He was named Banda Bahadur or Banda Singh Bahadur
and was made commander of the Sikh forces and was sent to the Punjab to lead
and guide the Sikhs in their struggle against the Mughal authorities. Banda
Bahadur was given an advisory council of five devoted Sikhs and a contingent of
twenty-five soldiers. He was given hukamnamas for the Sikhs of Majha, Malwa,
and Doaba to join him in this struggle and also some temporal symbols, including
the Guru's own sword, green bow, and arrows, and the party moved towards the
Punjab by the close of September 1708.7
Not much is known about the early period of Banda Bahadur's life. He. is
said to belong to' a Rajput family from the Shivalik Hills. He was a good hunter
and about four years younger to Guru Gobind Singh. When he was around
20 years of age, he renounced the worldly life and became an ascetic. He
28
SIKH COINAGE
settled at Nander at the time Guru Gobind Singh went there. 8 There are quite a
few controversial accounts dealing with the question of whether he was baptized
a Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh or whether he was deliberately not baptized lest
he may put a claim to the Guruship,9 and whether he was asked by the Guru to
live a chaste life and whether he subsequently violated the Guru's orders by
marrying. lO These controversies are not based on any reliable corroborative
evidence and may be attributed to the partisan attitudes of many writers. We
have no confirmed account duly corroborated by contemporary evidence. It is
presumed that Banda Bahadur's selection and move may have been kept secret
from the Mughal court, and no detailed account in this regard is readily forthcoming.
What is true is that Guru Gobind Singh selected Banda Bahadur as the commander
of his Sikhs, thus recognizing Banda's abilities and placing his confidence in him.
It is also a fact that Banda's devotion to Guru Gobind Singh till his last day is unmatched in the annals of Sikh history. These controversies have no relevance to
the subject of our study. It seems plausible that Guru Gobind Singh and Banda
might have known each other during their younger days in the Shivalik Hills as
otherwise such a great decision was not likely to have been taken so casually
and in so short an association. Contemporary historians are silent on this aspect.
Banda Bahadur left for the Punjab with his associates in September 1708. 11
The distance between Nander and Hissar, about 1,600 kms, was normally covered
in about three months, but Banda and his associates took almost a year to travel
between the two towns. They seem to have travelled in disguise and by circuitous routes across Maharashtra and Rajasthan, avoiding contact with the Mughal
forces and other government agencies. 12 The Mughal espionage system was
most elaborate in the time of Aurangzeb and that might have contributed to the
circumspect manner of his selection and his move to the Punjab. No detailed
account of such a momentous decision is forthcoming and it is presumed that it
may have been deliberate in order to avoid detection by the Mughal camp.
Shortly after his departure, Banda Bahadur received the news of the demise of
Guru Gobind Singh on 18 October 1708 and hence became more careful in his
movements. Banda Bahadur emerged in Narnaul and helped the local people in
suppressing dacoits and robbers in their area; he won the confidence of the
common people of the local area and became their leader. 13
When Banda Bahadur had passed on the Guru's orders to his Sikhs, they
started assembling under his banner, and thus commenced his real mission, with
a following of about 500 men. 14 He looted the government treasury at Sonepat
and distributed the booty amongst his followers; likewise he raided other treasuries
at Kaithal and Bhiwani. He subdued Samana and the nearby towns. 15 The next
big town subdued was Sadhura, where he raised a mud fort for his forces and
also occupied Lohgarh, a small fortress in the Shivalik foothills, and the surrounding
areas. By now Banda's army had become fairly large, swollen by a larger
number of camp followers who were more interested in loot rather than in mere
29
victory. In May 1710, the famous Battle of Chappar Chiri was fought bet'Y:een
Banda Bahadur and Wazir Khan, the faujdar of Sirhind, in which the Mughal
forces were totally routed and the entire territory of the Subah of Sirhind and
large parts of the surrounding areas came under the control of the Sikhs. 16 A Sikh
state was established in the true sense, with its thanas and chowkis, and the large
landholdings were distributed amongst the tillers. The Sikhs assumed sovereignty
over the conquered territories and struck their own coinageY
The Sikhs considered Sirhind, the largest town, to be accursed and hence
they treated it only as a base depot for their supplies. 18 The Sadhura fort was
strengthened with an extra mud wall and a moat, and the Lohgarh fortress, about
10 miles distant (the entire area covered with streams and forests), was also
strengthened. I have visited the site a number of times and on my report, the
Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee, Amritsar is planning to raise a
suitable memorial to Banda Bahadur at Lohgarh. Lohgarh was originally called
Mukhlispur, named after a hunting lodge raised by Mukhlis Khan, governor of
Sirhind. Lohgarh, located on a perpendicular mountain cliff about 700 ft. high,
lies on the border of a thickly forested area (which even after three centuries is
still a reserved forest with virtually no human habitation). Banda Bahadur used
Lohgarh as a base for tactical retreat or rearguard action with much success.
When he could not repulse the onslaught of the combined Mughal forces along
with the Rajputs and the Jats which heavily outnumbered his forces at Sadhura,
and further fighting appeared suicidal, he would suddenly withdraw his forces
overnight to Lohgarh and after undertaking a day's rearguard action to stall the
enemy forces, he would escape into the forests beyond Lohgarh along with his
forces. He employed this strategy successfully in both the battles of Lohgarh in
AD 1710 and 1713. 19
The claim by many historians that !3anda Bahadur established his capital at
Lohgarh does not seem to be based on any concrete evidence but rather on
historical hearsay, as the small fortress covering hardly an acre could not have
accommodated a state capital, howsoever small the state may have been. The
basic characteristics of a capital, such as its central location, its easy accessibility,
and sufficient area for habitation, are totally lacking at the Lohgarh site, and an
examination of the area clearly establishes that the capital of the Sikh state could
not have been Lohgarh. Banda Bahadur gives the likely salient features of the
capital of the Sikh state on the reverse of the initial-Sikh coin but no name of
any city, whether Sirhind or Lohgarh, has been recorded after the word 'zarb'.
He calls the capital of the Sikh state 'ba aman al dahar or 'ba aman al din', Le.
'coined at the refuge of the world' or 'the most protected place', which in the
next coin appears as 'the protection of the faith', 'masawar-at shahr zinaf, the
picture of a beautiful city, 'Altakht Khalsa Mubarak Bakhf, where the fortunate
throne of the Khalsa state is located (see Plate 0. This legend does indicate that
the Khalsa state had only established base camps, fortresses, and thanas. In fact,
30
SIKH COINAGE
one is inclined to believe that the Sikhs never had sufficient time to set up a
state capital, and that all their time was spent in an attempt to retain their
acquired territories and hence there is no name of the capital city on the coins.
Historians have described Banda Bahadur as the successor of Guru Gobind
Singh, Sacha Padshah, and so on. More informed scholars have called him a false
Guru and a rebel Guru, but most experts state that he took on regal authority.
.
/
Khushwant Singh calls him an emperor. Ganda Singh calls him a king except in
name, a characterization based on the prevailing medieval concept of kingship
and the absolute hold of the ruler over his subjects. This has not been true of the
Sikh social organization. The spirit of democracy had deep roots in the very
foundations of the Sikh society established by their Gurus and the spirit of collective leadership bequeathed to the Khalsa by the tenth master was so deeply
ingrained amongst the Sikhs that no one person could think of abrogating it to
himself, much les~ of assuming it, 20 This was equally true even' after half a
century when the Sikhs occupied Lahore in 1765 under the leadership of Jassa
Singh Ahluwalia, who had successfully led the Sikh forces for over a quarter
century. Banda Bahadur was the first among equals but he was certainly not the
absolute ruler nor was he the leader in the contemporary sense. He had not only
given due consideration to the opinion of the senior Sikhs who came with him
from Nander, but he also gave them all the senior commands and governorships
of territories. This is further attested to by the fact that all the symbols of
sovereignty were in the name of the state and the Sikh Gurus and that Banda
Bahadur did not adopt any epithet, howsoever minor, for himself. c.H. Payne
has correctly stated that Guru Gobind Singh had nominated Banda Bahadur as his
successor, not as the Guru, but as a commander of the forces of the Khalsa. 21
31
issued by Guru Gobind Singh but none of them bears the imprint of any seal, nor
is there any imprint of any seal on the Zajarnama written by Guru Gobind Singh
to Emperor Aurangzeb. These facts make it highly likely that both the accounts
of Khushwaqt Rai and Muhammad Latif are imaginary and hence unreliable.
Contemporary historians and newswriters mention the striking of Sikh coins with
the establishment of the first Sikh state after the fall of Sirhind in AD 1710 to
the Sikh forces under the leadership of Banda Bahadur, the commander of the
Khalsa army. For a long time, these historical accounts either remained unnoticed
or were not given credibility by numismatists, presumably on account of the
nonavailability of such coins. But since 1967 a couple of such coins' have been
located and it, appears reasonable and logical, to assume that the initial Sikh
coinage was struck during 1710-12 with the formation of the Sikh state over the
province of Sirpind and the surrounding territories under Sikh occupation. 24
Before we take up the numismatic investigation that commenced from
1967, we will examine the historical backdrop against which these coins were
struck. The first account of Sikh coins occurs in the account of newswriters of
January 1710 in the Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla.
The Khalsa Sikhs have strange practices amongst themselves. They call one person as an
army. In their dispatches, they write that an army of Sikhs has arrived. Some ,say they have
struck coins and in their 'hukamnamas', the year 'Ahad is written. In the villages the produce
is divided between them and the tillers of the land, two parts to the tiller and one part to
them. The land has been given to the 'tiller. They want all this to be made known to the
emperor. Elephants, cash and grain of Wazir Khan of Sirhind have fallen into their hands in
large quantities. They have made their own 'mohar' seal.
Azmat-i-Nanak Guru ham zahir 0 Ham Ghaib ast,
Badshah din 0 duniya aap sachcha sahib ast.
(The greatness of Guru Nanak is both patent and latent and the true lord himself is the
king of both the spiritual and the temporal worlds.)
(There is a great cry amongst the people. They are astonished at the decree of God.)25
The word 'ghaib' is a distortion of the correct word 'batin', meaning inner, and
the same word is given in the newsletter dated 6 July 1710. 26 This is corroborated
by the recording of the same couplet by another. contemporary historian in the
Hadiqat-i-Aqalim. 27 The use of this legend on the state seal is not authenticated
by the availability of its imprint on any state document. These reports clearly
bring out the abolition of the existing feudal society and its replacement by landholding peasants free from feudal domination as preached by the Sikh Gurus;
The seal impressions that have been located are:
Deg Tegh Fateh 0 Nusrat Baidarang,
Yaft uz Ncmak Guru Gobind Singh.
meaning that the kettle to feed, the sword to defend, and the resultant victory
32
SIKH COINAGE
have been achieved with the spontaneous help received from Guru Nanak to
Guru Gobind Singh. The Arabic word 'nusrat' means 'help'; it is also translated as
'victory' in some Persian dictionaries. This legend appears as a seal imprint on
the hukamnamas issued by Banda Bahadur, for instance, on 12 December 1710
to the Sangat at ]aunpur and another (undated) to Bhai Dharam Singh. 28 Half a
century later, this legend was being widely used by the Sikhs on their coins
struck regularly from Lahore, Amritsar, Multan, Kashmir, Peshawar, and some
other towns as well. 29
William Irvine in Later Mughals writes: 'At Lohgarh Banda Bahadur tried to
assume something of a regal state. He was Sacha Padshah, the veritable sovereign;
the coin was struck in the new sovereign'S name.' It bore the following legends:
Obverse
Reverse
meaning 'Fateh Gobind, King of Kings, struck coin in the two worlds, the sword .
of Nanak is the granter of desires, by grace of god he is the veritable lord. Coin
at refuge of the world, the walled city, ornament of the fortunate throne.'30 Irvine
is incorrect in stating that Banda Bahadur was the new sovereign and was called
'Sacha Padshah' and that the coin was struck in his name. Apparently the coins
were struck in the name of the Gurus as sovereignty with all its symbols
belonged to the Sikh Gurus. Irvine is known for giving copiOUS references from
original manuscripts, of which he had a very large collection, to establish the
authenticity of the factual portion of his accounts. There are, however, no
footnotes giving the primary or contemporary accounts from which Irvine took
the above legends and drew his impressions quoted above. Irvine could not
complete Later Mughals due to his ill-health, and the manuscript was entrusted
to ]adu Nath Sarkar for editing and completion by Irvine's daughter. ]adu Nath
Sarkar is stated to have carried out a severe compression of the copiOUS footnotes
and the references made by IrvineY A doubt arose as to whether footnotes/
refere'nces, if any, about the legends may have been struck down under the
editor's pen, and the opportunity to compare the recorded legends with the
imprinted legends on the coins was lost for ever. This is especially not correct
since there are certain discrepancies between the two versions.
Fortunately, some earlier portions of Later Mughals had been published in
various journals. The portion pertaining to the striking of the Sikh coin was
reproduced in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1894,32 but even
here no footnotes or references have been given regarding these coins. Irvine,
however, appears to have taken the material on the coins from an 'anonymous
fragment' of a manuscript, folio no. 141 (from his own collection). This seemed
to be a part of Mir Muhamad Ahsan Ijad's manuscript of which another fragment
w
ce
::J
<!'
u::
34
SIKH COINAGE
is in the British Museum Library, MS OR 25; Ijad's manuscript not being available
in the important research centres in India, I requested, a friend in London to
locate it with the British Museum. The curator of the Persian Section at the
British Museum reported that a careful checking of folios nos. 14 to 16 of Ijad's
manuscript did not reveal any mention of Sikh coins. 33 A long search is needed
to identify the library which holds Irvine's manuscript.
Almost the entire portion on the Sikhs given in Later Mughals was published
by Irvine in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, no. 3 (1884), pp. 112-43
under the heading 'Guru Gobind Singh and Banda', and the two accounts are
identical in every way, without any editing haVing been done by ]adu Nath
Sarkar. Hence, ]adu Nath Sarkar's remark that if he had 'not used his discretion in
omitting much of what Irvine had written against the Sikh community he would
have by that time become a martyr' is an apparent distortion of the facts and is
totally unwarranted. 34 Similar misinterpretations of the history of nations and
events detract from the stature of ]adu Nath Sarkar as an unbiased historian.
Around this period, Karam Singh, a scholar in the employ of the Patiala
State, wrote a couple of books on Banda Bahadur. He was fully conversant with
the Persian language. His first book on Banda Bahadur, written in 1907, makes
no reference to the coins having been struck by the Sikhs,35 nor is there any
reference to Farrukhsiyar Nama by Ahsan Ijad in the bibliographical notes. His
second book Banda Kaun See (1929) has details about Farrukhsiyar Nama by
Ahsan Ijad and the special features of his work in the bibliographical notes. 36
Based on Ijad's authority, Karam Singh had recorded the striking of coins by
Banda Bahadur and the obverse legend on these coins (no specific page is cited
for this claim). Ijad was a court chronicler who wrote Farrukhsiyar Nama under
the orders of Farrukh Siyar in Hijri 1131, Le. AD 1715. Some of his accounts of
the period of Banda Bahadur are not available in any other Persian manuscript. 37
Karam Singh also gives a second reference, Hadiqat-i-Aqalim, for these Sikh
coins, but this statement is incorrect as the legend mentioned therein is a
different one. 38 Both writers were contemporaries but apparently never met or
exchanged views. The complete manuscript of Ahsan Ijad, located at the Aligarh
Muslim University, unfortunately also does not mention these coins, and the .
volume ends much before the reign of Farrukh Siyar. The legend mentioned by
Karam Singh is exactly the same as that mentioned by Irvine, giving the impression
that both these scholars might have taken the above legends from some other
account of Ahsan Ijad.
In his book on Banda Bahadur (1935), Ganda Singh states that Banda
Bahadur struck a coin in the name of his saviours, Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind
Singh. The legends mentioned by Ganda Singh are the same as those noted by
Irvine except that he has inserted the word 'Singh' after 'Gobind'.39 Ganda Singh's
rendering of the Persian legends into English is slightly different. In fact, he
changed his rendering in his next piece of writing on Banda Bahadur. However,
35
the Roman English rendering of the legends is exactly the same as that done by
Irvine and some minor mistakes committed by Irvine are also repeated by Ganda
Singh, viz., the word 'at' between 'aman' and 'dahar and before 'takhf has been
written as 'ud'. Ganda Singh quotes Persian extracts and references at great
length but does not give any source reference on the coin and its legends.
Ganda Singh wrote another booklet on Banda Bahadur in 1976 in which he also
mentions the coin and its legends as in the earlier footnotes, viz., Ijad's Farrukhsiyar Nama and Hadiqat-i-Aqalim. He does not give the page number of Ijad's
work nor its location. 40
Hadiqat-i-Aqalim is available at the Aligarh Muslim University, besides
other places, and it is recorded that the successors of the sect of Nanak Shah
have struck a coin in their own name with the legend exactly as mentioned in
Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla,41 but not the one recorded by Ganda Singh and thus
this is an incorrect inference. A similar mistake has been made by Karam -Singh
and it is quite likely that Ganda Singh reproduced the error from Karam Singh's
account. I contacted Ganda Singh twice at his Patiala residence in 1982-3 to
enquire about the source reference for these said legends but he could not cite
any specific reference for them. In another long article, 'Banda Singh Bahadur,
his achievements and the place of his execution', Ganda Singh gives the same
legends and the same incomplete and incorrect references as in the case of his
earlier booklet. 42
Hari Ram Gupta merely states that Banda Bahadur struck coins and issued
orders under his own seal,43 without giving any source reference for this claim,
although he has otherwise been as meticulous as Irvine in giving references and
footnotes. Khushwant Singh notes in this context:
Thus Banda the bairagi-hermit who as a military commander had become Banda Bahadur-the
brave-assumed his third incarnation as Banda Padshah, the emperor. He introduced a new
calendar year dating from his capture of Sirhind. He had also got new coins struck to mark his
reign bearing the names of Guru Nanak and Gobind. 44
The legends mentioned by Hari Ram Gupta in the footnotes are those mentioned by Ganda Singh, without giving his source reference or acknowledging
Ganda Singh's accounts. Gupta's comments are apparently incorrect.
G.S. Deol, a fairly recent biographer of Banda Bahadur, acknowledges that
the coins and their legends have been taken from Ganda Singh's account. 45 Giani
Gian Singh in his book Shamsher Khalsa Alham! Guru Khalsa gives a fairly
detailed account of Banda Bahadur but here again there is no mention of the
coin or its legends. 46
].S. Grewal states that Banda Bahadur adopted Mukhlispur, an imperial fort
now called Lohgarh, as his capital and struck a new coin in the names of Guru
Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. Adopting a similar inscription he started using a
seal on his orders (hukamnamas).47 Although Grewal cites Ganda Singh on the
36
SIKH COINAGE
matter of the seal on the hukamnamas, he does not give any reference/footnote
about the coin or the legends inscribed on it.
From the above accounts, it emerges that the legends on the coins said to
have been struck by Banda Bahadur were apparently recorded by Ahsan Ijad in
a manuscript of his which appears to have been scrutinized by Irvine and Karam
Singh. Karam Singh carried out most of his research in Lahore libraries and hence
Ijad's manuscript is likely to be available in some library in this city. I have not
been able to secure any access to these archives so far in spite of repeated
requests to various authorities in Lahore. The manuscript examined by Irvine was
his own copy; I have not been able to determine the library in Britain to which
this manuscript was donated. Ganda Singh seems to have taken the account of
the legends from the works of Irvine and Karam Singh without acknowledging
them; nor does he appear to have examined any original source reference. The
historians who wrote on the initial Sikh coinage apparently did so without examining the coins; hence their analyses are based on inadequate evidence, especially
when the most important and reliable source of evidence, Le. the actual coins
which being available for scrutiny were not located and taken into account.
Repeated reading of Ijad's Farrukhsiyar Nama seems to indicate that the
author included the description of the coins in some other of his works or in that
of some other chronicler, as the volume available in the British Museum and the
photocopy with the Aligarh Muslim University virtually close before the Sikh
period and hence this document is not pertinent to our study. About half a
century after the fall of the first Sikh state, it arose again in AD 1765 and the
legend adopted on the coins was the same one which appeared on the seal, and
a few years later the same one on the coin. Hence, based on circumstantial
evidence also one may believe with a reasonable amount of certainty that the
Sikh coins were struck during 1710-13.
37
Colonel Charles Panish came across a silver rupee coin which closely
resembled the coin legends mentioned by Irvine. Although there were certain
minor. variations, Panish was inclined to consider it as the legendary issue of
Banda Bahadur. He brought the coin to the notice of the numismatic world in an
article published in 1967. 51 Over a decade later, John Dyell, a numismatist of
international repute, came across a somewhat similar coin and wrote an elaborate
article in 1980 on various aspects of both his and Panish's coins. 52
Dyell's detailed and careful numismatic investigation is a pioneering work
on the initial Sikh coinage. He notes that the recitation of the legends on the
obverse and the reverse of the coin, fairly accurately by various historians,
intrigued him and led him to trace a long chain of secondary references back to
what appeared to be the source of the testimony of Banda's coinage, which is
the manuscript Tazkirat-i-Salatin-i-Chughtaiya by Mohammed Hadi Kamwar Khan.53
Dyell contends that Kamwar Khan was personally present at the first siege of
Lohgarh in 1710 and that it was at that time that the coin was first witnessed,
presumably by Kamwar Khan himself. While comparing his coin with Panish's
coin, Dyell states that the literature soon revealed that his coin was the very
issue recorded by Kamwar Khan and that his coin fully corroborates the testimony
of Kamwar Khan. 54 Dyell's assertions-that he traced a long chain of secondary
references back to what appeared to be the source of the testimony of this
coinage and that his delving into the literature soon made it apparent that his
coin was the very issue recorded by Kamwar Khan-are incorrect and did not
actually come from any source reference. Dyell has not given any account of the
alleged. long chain of secondary references which led him to Kamwar Khan's
account. It seems that Kamwar Khan's account has been pressed into Dyell's
narrative to lend the weight of authenticity to his arguments which are otherwise
lacking in evidence. In fact, the entire basis of his argument rests on Kamwar
Khan's account which he seems to have located but does not appear to have
examined. Numismatic investigations are partly scientific in nature and hence an
examination of correct and detailed primary references is essential; any dependence
on presumptions can lead to grievous errors and misinterpretations, as has
happened in Dyell's case study under examination here. In fact, the history of
the study of the initial Sikh coinage is a long list of various historians and even
numismatists who depended on secondary sources without going to the primary
sources. This negligence is particularly unfortunate since some of these primary
sources are readily available. This has led to the repeated spread of disinformation
rather than any enlightening information.
Puzzled by the non-availability of Ijad's account, I made efforts to examine
Kamwar Khan's account. Kamwar Khan was a Hindu convert named Chandidas
who was neither commissioned by the emperor nor sponsored by any nobleman
and who wrote of his own volition. Although he had been an eyewitness to
some of the events that took place during the period of his record, his work is
38
SIKH COINAGE
almost entirely based on information received from daily court records and
abstracts. The Tazkirat-i-Salatin-i-Chughtaiya is one of the three books he wrote
during his stay in Delhp5 There are more than fifteen manuscripts present in
different libraries, nine of which have been consulted by Muzaffar Alam who has
prepared an edited version of these with an introduction. 56 I have examined
Muzaffar Alam's work, the manuscript with the Aligarh Muslim University and
the Khalsa College, Amritsar and observed that there is no mention of any Sikh
coin and its legends in these manuscripts. Hence, the numismatic investigations,
the delVing into the literature and the long list of secondary sources carried out
by Dyell prove to have been a purposeless pursuit and this has produced
incorrect assertion. Unfortunately, the study of Sikh coins by historians has been
marred by the scholars' tendency to comment on Sikh coins without personally
having examined these coins; hence, they frequently arrived at incorrect conclusions
and repeatedly spread misinformation. Numismatists have also succumbed to the
temptation of accepting such misinformation or reaching certain conclusions
without first examining the available primary references and hence they have
also arrived at incorrect inferences.
It appears rather strange that Dyell, a numismatist of international repute,
chose to base his entire thesis on a reference which he did not consult, although
it was readily available, and which has no relevance to the subject at hand.
Dyell, by his detailed analysis based on incorrect evidence, has done more harm
than good to the study of the initial Sikh coinage. By uncritically citing Dyell's
incorrect inferences and assertions, the later historians/numismatists, some of
them even without acknowledging him, became equally responsible for spreading
misinformation.
Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, Director, Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic
Studies, has prepared a catalogue of Sikh coins with the Sheesh Mahal Museum
at Patiala. He describes the coins:
For long, coins issued by Banda Bahadur had not come to light. Mohammed Hadi Kamwar
Khan, the author of Tazkirat-i-Salatin-i-Chughtaiya as the only source of information. He had
seen the coins and had mentioned them in his work and had quoted. their inscriptions from
them. The information about the coins was borrowed by all the subsequent writers of Sikh
history. Only recently, two coin collectors-Charles K. Panish and John S. Dyell--discovered
this coinage and substantiated the authenticity of Kamwar Khan's words. 57
Since I have also not been able to locate any specific contemporary reference
from Tazkirat-i-Salatin-i-Chughtaiya, I requested Parmeshwari Lal Gupta to specify
the exact part of Kamwar Khan's work. dealing with the Sikh coin and its location. I was greatly surprised at the reply I received from Parmeshwari Lal Gupta,
who wrote that 'as regards the Persian sources, I must frankly admit that I do not
know Persian; and having full faith in those scholars who mentioned them, I
have used their material'.58
Hans Herrli prepared an extensive catalogue of Sikh coins with drawings in
39
1993, a revised version of his earlier work of 1986. He was kind enough to
share with me copies of his various manuscripts. The catalogue covers almost
the entire spectrum of Sikh coinage, with over four hundred drawings and an
elaboration of the legends; Herrli's book is a definite contribution to the study
and collection of Sikh coins, and has contributed to the surge in the prices of
Sikh coins among the coin collectors in northern India. But his descriptions are at
places quite incorrect and his understanding of the Sikh ethos, history and culture
inadequate. With reference to Dyell's and Panish's coins he writes:
The manuscript of Kamwar Khan's account has not been seen by scholars in recent years and
not much is known about its reliability or even about the exact contents of its report on the
subject of Banda's coinage. I think the rupees were not struck by Banda but around 1734 AD
by Nawab Kapur Singh or even still later in 1765-66 AD as a reaction of the Sarbat Khalsa to
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia's rupee. In this case, the era used to date the Khalsa rupees could well
be connected with Sirhind, but with the occupation of Sirhind and the destruction of the town
in December 1763 and not with the sack of 1710 AD. 59
Hans Herrli's comments on Kamwar Khan's account and the coins struck under
Banda Bahadur are more fanciful than objective and are not based on any
historical analysis nor on any proper numismatic investigation.
Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron have written a number of articles on Sikh
coins in the Newsletter of Oriental Numismatic SOCiety, Surrey, United Kingdom
from 1981 to 1985. Their examination is based on the foundations laid in c.].
Rodgers's work and hence their account, although of an elementary nature,
offers a correct assessment of Sikh coinage to some extent, although their record
is incomplete and unauthenticated at many places. 60 The first step in the location
of the initial Sikh coinage was made by Charles Panish in 1967 when he
published his findings on the Sikh coin struck by Banda Bahadur.. But unfortunately
no Indian scholar has pursued this topic for further investigation. Sadly, none of
the three initial coins located so far remain in the country of their origin.
From the above historical and numismatic accounts we now turn to the
numismatic analyses of these coins. The available coins are:
1. John Dyell's Coin: The details are given by Dyell in his article quoted above.
The drawings and photograph of this coin also appear in Hans Herrli's
Catalogue of Sikh Coins and in the Standard GUide to South Asian Coins.
However, I have not been able to secure a photograph of this coin from
Dyell, or from Saran Singh who purchased Dyell's collection some years
back.
2. Charles Panish's Coin: In addition to the information given by Panish, the
drawings are given by Hans Herrli and the Standard Guide to South Asian
Coins. I have also received a tinfoil of the coin with its details from Panish
(see Plate I).
3. Mrs Norma]. Pudderster's Coin: Mrs Pudderster works for the Canadian High
40
SIKH COINAGE
Commission in Hong Kong and is a keen colleqor of Sikh coins. Her coin is
the same die struck as that of Panish except that the size of the disc is a little
larger. A photograph of the coin with its details, since long awaited from
Mrs Pudderster, has not been received. Since her coin and that of Panish
are similar and of the same year, the numismatic investigation is confined to
the first two coins only.
Although Dyell has incorrectly based his historical investigations on Kamwar
Khan, the other aspects of his investigation have been carried out quite logically
and correctly. Dyell is correct in his assessment that his coin is an earlier issue
than that of Panish's as it carries the numeral 2 and the other coins carry the
numeral 3 as the years of their striking. He is, however; ittcorrect in saying that
his coin is the first issue of Banda Bahadur. 61 The prevailing practice on contemporary coinage was to use the word 'ahad' on first. issues instead of the
numeral 1 and there is evidence that the Sikhs were using the word 'ahad' on
their state correspondence in the first year of their new era. 62 The first coin has
yet to be located along with the account of Ahsan Ijad or any other contemporary
historical account for a complete examination of the initial Sikh coinage.
Dyell states that Ganda Singh's addition of the word 'Singh' to 'Gobind' on
the ubverse legend has hopelessly muddled the rhyme. 63 In his writings Ganda
Singh' has added 'Singh' to the names of historic Sikh personalities who lived
after the creation of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh, since 'Singh' is deemed
an integral part of the name and is not regarded as a surname or a sub-caste.
One is inclined to agree that Ganda Singh may have added the word 'Singh' to
'Gobind' without its having been based on any historic eVidence, but the third
year's coin has the word 'Singh' added to 'Gobind', thus establishing that the
Sikhs themselves made this change in AD 1712, assuming that the simple word
'Gobind' as such was not in full reverence to their Guru who had made 'Singh' an
essential part of his and the Sikh names. The question as to why and how Ganda
Singh added the word 'Singh' becomes irrelevant since the word 'Singh' actually
appeared on the third year's coin. How Dyell missed noticing thiS on Panish's
coin is rather inexplicable.
I
According to our understanding, the meaning of the legends, based on the
Sikh ethos, should be as follows:
Obverse
Reverse
The coin has been struck in both the worlds herein and hereafter. With the guarantee
of Guru Nanak's double-edged sword or guaranteed by Guru Nanak under the strength
of his sword. The victory of Guru Gobind Singh, King of Kings, has been achieved
with the grace of Sachcha Sahib, the God Almighty. Sikhs have a firm belief in the
absolute supremacy of God and their ten Gurus as having one identity and all these
saviours, God and Nanak to Gobind Singh, stand encompassed in this couplet on the
obverse of the coin as the sovereign of the Sikh state.
Differing literal meanings have been given by various historians. To our understanding,
42
SIKH COINAGE
Dyell was the first to assert, based on logical arguments, that Sikh coins need not
have been minted at Lohgarh, but at the place where it was convenient or where
the main strength of the Khalsa army was located. He further states that from
the elegance of his coin pertaining to the second year, it can be assumed that it
was minted in more secure and' peaceful circumstances than the second coin
pertaining to the third year which is rather crude and dumpy. There is a change
on the reverse legend of the second coin and the words 'aman-al-dahar have
been changed to 'aman-al-din', i.e. from 'the security of the place', it has been
changed to 'under protection of the faith', which also in a way indicates the disturbed conditions at the time of minting, This view is further supported by the
fact that when the Sikhs had established their firm hold on the Punjab territories
by 1765, they started including the names of various mint towns on the reverse
of the coins. We share the views of Dyell that the Sikh coins may not have been
minted from Lohgarh as the facilities required for the establishment of a capital
city could hardly exist in and around this small fortress. The changes on the
coins indicate the changes in the political situation faced by the newly risen
nation. Although there no longer exist any doubts regarding the existence of the
initial Sikh coinage of 1710-12, still the study of the initial Sikh coinage will
remain somewhat incomplete and partially inconclusive till the first year's coin
and until the account of Ijad or of any other contemporary writers which mentions these coins or any other contemporary historical reference are traced and
examined by scholars and numismatists.
It is now firmly established on the basis of the historical accounts and
numismatic investigation of the coins located so far that the initial Sikh coinage
was started by Banda Bahadur in AD 1710. This also throws light on a very
important feature of the Sikh concept of sovereignty shortly after the demise of
Guru Gobind Singh and the institution of the first Sikh state. The two legends,
both on the coin and on the seal, give a true depiction of the concept of temporal sovereignty as bequeathed by the tenth Master to' the Khalsa Panth. It is
noteworthy that Banda Bahadur, although belonging to a different religion,
became a staunch disciple of Guru Gobind Singh and withih a short span of only
a month or so was selected as the commander of the Khalsa army and was sent
to the Punjab where he spent all his energies and time in creating and defending
the infant Sikh state. Yet in this short time he understood and expressed the Sikh
concept of sovereignty in such simple, lucid, and meaningful words that no Sikh
43
Note: It was noticed in the book Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
by Harbans Kaur Sagoo; a Reader in History, University of Delhi, published by
Deep & Deep Publications (P) Ltd., New Delhi, that page after page covering
over 3,000 words from an article on 'Initial Sikh Coinage', published in Oriental
Numismatic Studies, 1996 have been copied. The matter was taken up with H.K.
Sagoo and the Publisher for serious violation of the Copyright Act, 1957 vide
letter No. SS/Plagiarism/1 dated 1 August 2002, the substance of which is reproduced as under:
It has come to my notice that you have carried out extensive copying of complete paragraphs
and even complete pages including drawings from the article 'Intital Sikh Coinage' published
in Oriental Numismatic Studies, vol. i, 1996, in the Chapter 'Establishment of Sikh State' in
your book Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty.
The above mentioned plagiarism by you and your publisher, by merely changing the order
of the paragraphs or some minor changes etc., has come to me .as a great shock. This largescale copying cannot be deemed as a brief quotation in a critical article or review. It is
downright a literary crime to steal and purolin the thoughts or words of another person in a
literary composition.... I am amazed at your and your publisher's audacity to Virtually copy
out the entire portion of my research on Intial Sikh Coinage and on top of it claim copyright
to the work which is not your and infact is a stolen property of somebody else.
I hereby request you and your publisher to intimate to me as to why you have carried out
the above large-scale theft unbecoming of a research scholar and a teacher as well as by a
pUblisher of merit. Your reply should reach me within ten days of the receipt of this letter
failing which I shall take administrative as well as legal action against you and your publisher
over the same.
After some discussion and correspondence, both the authors and the publisher
submitted an unconditional apology vide their letter dated 23 August 2002. The
relevant substance thereof is reproduced as under:
44
SIKH COINAGE--
In our recently published book, Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignity, we have quoted
very liberally from your article "Initial Sikh Coinage", published in the journal of the Oriental
Munismatic Studies, vol. I, New Delhi, 1996. It being a subject not having researched earlier,
'we took a very large extent of the subject matter from your article. On receipt of your letter
accusing us of large-scale copy of several pages, which is violation of the Copyright Act, 1957,
we have realised the gravity of the same and are greatly regretful thereof.
We, Dr. Harbans Kaur Sagoo (the author) and G.S. Bhatia (Publisher, Deep & Deep
Publications (P) Ltd,), offer to you, Sir, our unqualified apology for the above-said violation of
the Copyright Act 1957,
New Delhi
This has been brought to the notice of the readers to avoid any confusion as
the Sagoo's book has been published about 2 years earlier than the publication
of this book.
NOTES
1. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, New Delhi: u.c. Kapaor & Sans, 1973, p. 228.
2. Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Elliat and Dawsan, New Delhi: Law Priced Publications,
rpt., 1990, vol. 7, p, 413,
3, Tarikh-i-Bahadur Shahi, History of India, Elliat and Dawson, New Delhi: Law Priced
Publications, 1990, val. 7, p. 566.
4. Max Arthur Micauliffe, The Sikh Religion, New Delhi: S, Chand & Ca., 1985, val. v,
pp. 235-6.
5. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, ap, cit., p. 232.
6. Macauliffe, p. 238; Hari Ram Gupta, ap. cit., p. 233; J.S. Grewal and 5.S. Bal, Guru Gobind
Singh, Chandigarh: History Department,Panjab University, 1967, p. 154; Ganda Singh,
Banda Singh Bahadur, Amritsar: Khalsa College, 1935, pp. 13 ta 19, wherein Ganda Singh
,cites from over forty saurces.
,
7, Ganda Singh, ap. cit., p. 4; Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur (PunjabO, Amritsar: Chief Khalsa
Diwan, 1807, p, 2i.
8. Hari Ram Gupta, ap, cit., p. 232.
9. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 25; Macauliffe, op, cit., p. 238.
10. Ganda Singh, op, cit., p. 25; Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978 edn" p. 5.
11. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., pp, 6 and 7.
12, Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 7; Ganda Singh, op. cit., p, 27,
13, Bhai Parmanand, Bir Bairagi, Delhi: Rajpal & Sons, 1984 edn., p. 56.
14, Hari Ram Gupta, op, cit., p, 9.
15. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p, 9,
16, William Irvine, Later Mughals, Delhi: Taj Publications, 1989, p, 103; Hari Ram Gupta, op.
cit., p; 13; Ganda Singh, op. cit., p, 66; J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, New Delhi: S.
Chand & Co., 1972, p. 72.
45
17. William Irvine, op. cit., p. 110; Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 82; Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit.,
p. 10.
18. Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Singh Bahadur, op. cit., p. 72.
19. Ibid., pp. 138-45 and 187-90.
The author has visited the site of Lohgarh and the ground conditions clearly establish the
above position. The last few kilometers of the distance do not have even a cart road to
the fortress :and the surrounding area is totally unsuited for habitation. There are remains
of rearguard action, fortifications all around the fortress to stall enemy advance by suicidal
squads and these are stated to be fifty two in number.
The Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee has decided to raise a suitable memorial
to Banda Bahadur at Lohgarh. The author has been appointed the convenor of the abovementioned committee.
20. (0 N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, Calcutta: A. Mukherji & Co., 1973, footnote 3,
pp. 54-6.
(ii) Ganda Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1990, p. 110.
(iii) Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Singh Bahadur, op. cit., pp. 69-70.
21. C.H. Payne, A History of Sikhs, Punjab: Language Department, 1970, p. 43.
22. Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, MS SHR, 1274, Arnritsar: Khalsa College, p. 46.
23. Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, Ludhiana: Kalyani Publishers, rpt., 1989, p. 270.
24. Charles K. Panish, 'First Sikh Trans-Sutlej Coinage', Journal of the Numismatic Society,
Banaras, vol. XXIX, pt. II, 1967, pp. 88-90. The first coin pertaining to Banda Bahadur's
period was located by Charles Panish in 1967.
25. Akbhar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla. Old historical records, Jaipur. Newsletter dated 9 January 1711
(photocopy received from Ganda Singh). Translated and edited version available in
Panjab Past & Present, vol. XVIII, no. II, October 1984, Patiala: Punjabi University, p. 51.
26. Ibid., p. 39 and p. 30 of the above quoted Panjab Past & Present.
Hidayat Kesh, the chief new writer, presented the Emperor the following verse of the
rebel 'Guru. 'Azmat-i-Nanak Guru ham Zahir 0 ham batin ast. Padshah-i-din-o-duniya
aap Sacha Sahib ast.'
27. Hadiqat-al-Aqalim (MS), Murtaza Hussain, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, p. 148.
28. Hukamnama, dated 12 December 1710 and another addressed to Bhai Dharam Singh
(undated), reproduced in Hukamnama by Ganda Singh, 'Patiala: Punjabi University, 1985,
pp. 925.
I visited the dera of Banda Bahadur on the bank of the River Chenab near Riasi and close
to the Pakistan border. While Banda Bahadur's family (wife and son) were taken as
prisoners to the Mughal court at Delhi, his second wife escaped since she had gone to her
parents' house in Jammu for her confinement. Her son was the first gaddinashin of the
dera and the present Baba, Jatinder Pal Singh, is the tenth descendent of Banda Bahadur.
I was shown a seal at the dera, which belonged to Banda Bahadur's period, and the
impression of this seal matches the seal impression on the hukamnamas of Banda
Bahadur (see Plate 1).
29. Hans Herrli, Tbe Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993, pp. 31-3.
30. William Irvine, Later Mughals, Delhi: Taj Publications, 1989, p. 110.
31. Ibid., p. xxviii.
The editor Q.N. Sarkar) has considered it advisable to subject Mr Irvine's copious footnotes
to a severe compression. These notes were written by him more for his own satisfaction,
i.e. as a means of verifying his statements and giving an outlet to his overflowing
miscellaneous but extremely accurate information, the garnered harvest of a long and
46
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
SO.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
SIKH COINAGE
studious life, than as a means of instructing the reader. His notes as he left them would
have buried his narrative under their ponderous load.
William Irvine, 'Guru Gobind Singh and Banda', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
pt. I, no. 3 (1894), p. 134. The name of the journal is incorrectly given as Calcutta Review
on p. xxx of Later Mughals.
Letter dated 25 October 1990, from M.l. Walay, Persian and Turkish Section, British Library,
London to Dr B.S. Bagga:
'Your inquiry regarding a reference in Ijad's Farukhsiyar Nama to Banda Bahadur's coins
of 1710 to 1712. I have to report that in checking carefully through folios 14 to 16 of our
MS OR 25 I found no word at all on that subject-possibly a MS in some other library was
intended.'
H.R. Gupta, Life and Letters of j.N. Sarkar, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1958, p. 62.
Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur (Punjabi), Amritsar: Chief Khalsa Diwan, 1907.
Karam Sirigh, Banda Bahadur Kaun See (Punjabi), Amritsar, undated, p. 34.
Ibid., p. 35.
Ibid., p. 36. See note 21.
Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Bahadur Singh, Amritsar: Khalsa College, 1935, pp. 82-3.
Ganda Singh, Baba Banda Bahadur, Sirhind: Sirhind Historical Research Society, 1997,
p.9.
Hadiqat-ul-Aqalim (MS), Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, p. 148.
Ganda Singh, 'Banda Singh Bahadur' Panjab Past & Present, Patiala: Punjabi University,
vol. XXII, pt. II, October 1988, p. 123.
Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 10.
Khushwant Singh, History of Sikhs, vol. I, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 107.
G.S. Deol, Banda Bahadur, Jullandhar: New Academic Publishing House, 1972, pp. 57, 58.
Gian Singh Giani, Shamsher Khalsa Alharo! Twarikh Guru Khalsa (Urdu), published from
Sialkot, 1892, Sec. 2, pages 1 to 23 deal with Banda Bahadur but there is no mention of
Sikh coins.
J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs ofPunjab, The Cambridge History of India, vol II, no. 3, New Delhi:
Orient Longman, .1990, p. 83.
C.].' Rodgers, 'The Coins of the Sikhs', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. L,
1881, pp. 71-93.
Surinder Singh, 'A Corrigendum, "On the Coins of the Sikhs" by C]. Rodgers', Panjab Past
& Present, Patiala, vol. xxv, pt. II, October 1991, p. 40
(i) J.D. Cunningham, History of the Sikhs, New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., rpt., 1972,
pp. 935.
(ii) N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, op. cit., p. 55.
(iii) Gulshan Lall Chopra, Hoshiarpur: v.v. Research Institute, 1960, pp. 152-4.
Charles K. Panish, 'The First Sikh Trans-Sutlej Coinage', op: cit., pp. 88-90.
John S. 'Dyell, 'Banda Bahadur and the First Sikh Coinage', Numismatic Digest, vol. IV,
pt. I, June 1980, Bombay, pp. 59-67.
Ibid., p, 61.
.
Ibid., p. 65.
Muzaffar Alam, edited version with an introduction to Tazkirat-i-Salatin-i-Chughtaiya by
Mohammed Hadi Kamwar Khan, Delhi, Asia Publishing House, 1980, p. 247.
Ibid., p. 2.
Parmeshwari Lal Gupta and Sanjay Garg, Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar in
Sheesh Mahal Museum, Patiala, Chandigarh: Government of Punjab, 1989, pp. 12-13.
47
58. Extract from P.L. Gupta's letter dated 12 December 1989 in reply to my communication.
59. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 46.
60. Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron, 'Gold and Silver Coinage of Sikhs', International Colloquium,
Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, 1984, pp. 125-6.
61. John Dyell, 'Banda Bahadur and the F.irst Sikh Coinage', op. cit., p. 65
62. Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, Newsletter dated 9 january 1711, op. cit.
63. John Dyell, 'Banda Bahadur and the First Sikh Coinage', op. cit., p. 62.
"
CHAPTER II
1765-1799
The phenomenal rise of Sikh power greatly alarmed Bahadur Shah, the
. Mughal emperor, and he hurriedly settled terms with the rebellious Jats and
Rajputs and moved towards the Punjab in mid-1710. He was so greatly worried
that he did not enter the capital Delhi, and all governors in northern India were
asked to join him with their forces. s The Sikh forces could not stand against the
might of the imperial army which was assisted by several governors and Rajput
chiefs. They fought for a few days at Sadhaura and then shifted to Lohgarh,
where again they fought a day's rearguard action to stem the tide of the imperial
forces and retreated into the jungles of the Shivalik Hills in December 1710. 6
Banda Bahadur reorganized his forces and returned to the plains in September
1711 and occupied Pathankot and Gurdaspur. He built a fortress in Gurdaspur
where he collected stores and munitions. Bahadur Shah, who was ailing, died at
Lahore in February 1712, and a war of succession broke out amongst his SOllS.7
Banda Bahadur once again recovered Sirhind and Lohgarh in March 1712.
AD
1765-1799
49
Farrukh Siyar, who' succeeded to the throne, sent a large army under Abdus
Samad Khan and Zakariya Khan to chastise the Sikhs. The Mughal armies
camped at Sadhaura and fighting continued for' a few months. According to Khafi
Khan, 'Sikhs showed greatest boldness and daring and made nocturnal attacks on
the imperial forces and exhibited great courage and daring.'s When the stocks of .
supplies and munitions were exhausted, Banda Bahadur and his troops once
again took refuge in the Shivalik Hills in October 1713 as they had done in
1711.
Banda Bahadur once again reorganized his forces and became active in the
areas north of Amritsar, close to Gurdaspur, from where he could also retreat to
the nearby jungles. The Mughal forces in a surprise move converged on the Sikh
forces from three sides; on the fourth side was the Ravi in spate it was not
possible to ford the river. Banda Bahadur took shelter in Gurdas Nangal where
he was surrounded by Mughal forces in April 1715. 9 The siege lasted for eight
months. The Sikhs could not break the siege although they fought very bravely.
Banda Bahadur with 740 followers was captured and sent in chains to Delhi
where the captives were executed in batches in June 1716. 10 Thus the shortlived Sikh struggle to carve out an independent state once again ended in a
fiasco.
The Sikh resurgence had been completely crushed and the. Mughal emperor
issued orders for the complete annihilation of the Sikh community. A prize
money of Rs. 25 was placed on the head of every Sikh and Rs. 100 for every
Sikh captured alive. Pretty girls were to be made concubines and elderly women
were to be used as maid servants. The Sikhs were in a critical pOSition; they
faced extreme persecution and they had no leader to guide them,u The Sikhs
simply disappeared from the Mughal dominions. Those who had escaped capture
fled to the Shivalik Hills, the Malwa desert, and the Lakhi jungles. 12 Once the
shock of their defeat wore off and they had adjusted to the changed circumstances,
the Sikhs once again began organizing themselves and dreaming of regaining
the independence which they had tasted for a short while. The zeal and courage
which Guru Gobind Singh had engendered among the Sikhs made itself manifest.
The Sikhs continued their struggle until they were finally able to regain the Sikh
state in 1765. The half century from 1715 to 1765 had been a long-drawn out
struggle against the might of the Mughal Empire and the Alghan invaders,
marked by ebbs and flows, defeats and successes, in which about 2,00,000
brave Sikhs lost their lives, but their spirit remained unbroken. Each defeat
served to inspire them to greater effort and resolve until they finally achieved
their goal. This half century has been the golden period of Sikh struggle.
The Sikhs emerged from their hideouts and attacked government officials
and hostile villages located close to the foothills and jungles. Samad Khan could
not suppress the Sikhs and he was shifted to Multan and a very tough and able
governor, Zakariya Khan, was posted in his place in 1727. 13 Zakariya Khan
50
SIKH COINAGE
recruited 20,000 troops, half to be located at the capital and the rest in columns
of 1,000 each, provided with very effective guns called zambukahs, as well as
camels and horses for speed and mobility.14 They were to track down the Sikhs
in their hideouts and exterminate them. These troops worked quite effectively
for some time but soon the Sikhs adapted themselves to the changed situation
and resorted to guerrilla tactics which permitted them to make successful intrusions
into Mughal territories. The situation has been very aptly described as 'the
government ruled during the day and the Khalsa at night' .15
Zakariya Khan, a great commander, was also an able politician. Having
failed to exterminate the Sikhs and crush their insurgency, he took to placating
the Sikhs by offering them jagirs, nawabships, and peaceful residence at Amritsar
among other incentives. The Sikhs were not willing to accept any favours. However, the offer of a nawabship was jokingly thrust on the young Sikh, Kapur
Singh, who at that time, in 1731, looked after the animals and kitchen. 16 By dint
of faith and hard work Kapur Singh became the leader of the Sikh forces in a
short time; he was the only nawab who never attended the Mughal court or ever
waited on the emperor. 17 The Sikhs were not amenable to living a life of
servility and continued to create problems for the government. Zakariya Khan in
1753 made an offer to recruit Sikhs into his forces, which was declined by the
Sikhs and the jagir was confiscated; the Sikhs left Amritsar for their hideouts
once again. 18 Nadir Shah's invasion in January-May 1739 placed the government
in north India in very difficult circumstances and made it totally)neffective. This
was a great opportunity for the Sikhs who now emerged from their hideouts and
spread all over the Punjab under their leaders Kapur Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia,
and others. They erected mudforts as places of retreat and to store their booty.
The Sikhs had become so bold that they attacked the rear of Nadir Shah's army
and relieved the invaders of a part of their booty plundered from the imperial
capital Delhi. 19 Nadir Shah in a conversation with Zakariya Khan made certain
prophetic remarks about the Sikhs.
NADIR:
ZAKARIYA:
NADIR:
2AKARIYA:
NADIR:
After the return of Nadir Shah, Zakaria Khan again resorted to the use of mobile
columns to' persecute the Sikhs and the Sikhs once again retreated to their
hideouts.Zakariya Khan desecrated the Sikh temple at Amritsar and killed any
Sikh found visiting the holy place. Zakariya Khan died in July 1745 and no
capable governor came in his place due to court rivalries. The Sikhs once. again
got the opportunity to come out and organize themselves. They had already
AD
1765-1799
51
arranged themselves into the Budha Dal and the Taruna Dal. They assembled at
Amritsar on Diwali in October 1745 and arranged themselves into 25 groups of
about 100 persons each. The organization of the Sikhs into regular bands to
engage in guerrila warfare was most suited to meet their needs given their
existing circumstances. These groups later on led to the establishment of a
regular army called the Dal Khalsa. 21 These groups raided hostile villages and
killed those Muslims and Hindus who were responsible for the killing of innocent
Sikhs. One such daring party raided a part of Lahore, the state capital, in the
dead of a cold January night, looted the shops and houses, and killed those
responsible for killing Sikh captives. 22 The Sikhs received a severe beating from
Lakhpat Rai and Yahiya Khan in June 1746. But the civil war between Zakariya
Khan's sons took away the heat from them and once again they started visiting
Amritsar. 23 Mter celebrating Baisakhi in April 1747 at this city, they decided to
build a fort at Amritsar which was named Ram Rauni (God's Shelter); this new
settlement could accommodate about 500 persons. 24
Nadir Shah was killed in June 1747 and his place was taken by Ahmad Shah
Abdali. The Sikhs who were now better organized found a leader in Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia who combined all these bands into a wellorganized army called the
Dal Khalsa. The smaller groups were leagued together into a dozen divisions,
which later on came to be known as misls, each placed under a particular sardar.
The Dal Khalsa was organized on the principle that the military system of the
Sikhs was not established by a king or a chief. The Sikh sardars did not create
and endow their followings, but were instead created and endowed by them. In
fact, they were elected by their soldiers. 25 The foundation of the Dal Khalsa was
a step of great significance in Sikh history because it united them once again into
a compact body for 'the third time. The first time was when the army was
created by Guru Gobind Singh in 1704, the second time was by Banda Bahadur
in 1710, and this third creation of the Dal Khalsa endured for almost half a
~entury.
The Mughal government, realiZing the serious danger posed by the Mghan
attacks and the Sikh insurgency, posted their most capable commander, Muin-ulMulk, popularly called Mir Mannu, as the governor of the Punjab in April 1748.
The Sikhs who had been lying low got an opportunity to retaliate against the
imperial forces in 1749, during the second invasion of Ahmad Shah Abdali. They
raided Lahore and looted part of the city.26 Muin-ul-Mulk reacted by beginning
the persecution of the Sikhs. Ahmad Shah Abdilli again invaded India in December
1751 and the pressure on the Sikhs was somewhat eased. Muin-ul-Mulk had to
fight alone against Ahmad Shah Abdali without help from the emperor. After a
siege of four months, Muin-ul-Mulk surrendered to Ahmad Shah. Ahmad Shah
annexed the Punjab and appointed Muin-ul-Mulk as his governor. 27 During this
hiatus of about six months, the Sikhs laid waste to most of the Bari Doab and the
Jullandhar Doab.
52
SIKH COINAGE
Having become free from danger from both Delhi and Kabul, Muin-ul-Mulk
again started putting pressure on the Sikhs. Mir Mannu, a notorious bigot, killed
every Sikh captured by his troops; he also committed unspeakable atrocities
against Sikh women and children. 28 Out of the ashes of tl\1eir martyrs, the Sikhs
arose phoenix-like with greater glory and splendour. The harsher Mir Mannu
grew, the bolder they became. The Sikhs would sing:
Mir Mannu sadi datri
Asin Mir Mannu de soe.
]iyuon ]iyuon sanun wadhde,
Asin sau sau dune hoe. 29
(Mir Mannu is our sickle and we are his grass blades.
As he cuts us we grow hundredfold.)
Between March 1752 and November 1753 about 30,000 Sikhs lost their lives but
the Dal Khalsa became increasingly stronger. Muin-ul-Mulk died of poisoning in
November 1753.
After the death of Muin-ul-Mulk, virtual anarchy reigned for the next three
years and the Sikhs and their institutions prospered. The Sikhs rebuilt the Ram
Rauni fort and renamed it Ram Garh. They ravaged the suburbs of Lahore,
Ambala district, and Sirhind. They introduced the rakhi system. The villagers
who gave the Sikhs one-fifth of their income twice a year were given protection
against revenue farmers, government troops, and other raiders, and most of the
Punjab soon came under the indigenous revenue system of the Sikhs. The
farmers by and large preferred Sikh protection to that of the government revenue
officials. 30
Ahmad Shah Abdali's fourth invasion in November 1756-April 1757 did not
do much damage to the Sikhs due to an outbreak of a cholera epidemic in his
camp and he had to rush back. He reached Delhi and carried out a systematic
plunder of the city, and on his return journey annexed Sirhind. Ala Singh, the
Malwa sardar of Patiala, accepted Ahmad Shah's suzerainty, a step which was
greatly disliked by the Dal Khalsa, but the matter was patched up with the
intervention of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia. The Sikhs, however, barred the passage of
the Afghans with their booty from Delhi at Sunam and looted half their treasure.
They again attacked Ahmad Shah's troops at Malerkotla and several times between
Delhi and the Chenab river. Ahmad Shah attacked Amritsar, pulled down the
temple, and filled the tank with refuse and dirt. 31 The contest with Ahmad Shah
resulted in great adversity to the Sikhs. Time and again the holy temple was
pulled down and polluted and the Sikhs faced terrible persecution all over the
Punjab. But with every defeat, the Sikhs rose with unabated vigour, heroically
seiZing every opportunity, and ultimately emerged triumphant in their struggle
against one of the mightiest rulers of the age.
AD
1765-1799
53
From late 1757 to early 1761, i.e. the next invasion of Ahmad Shah, the
Silills increased their hold over the. Punjab and further stabilized their rakhi
system. The Sikh mists became well established and mudforts were raised all
over the Punjab for their defense. The dispute between Jahan Khan, governor of
Lahore, and. Adina Beg, governor of Jullandhar, in addition to the Maratha
invasion of the Punjab, gave the Sikhs the opportunity to raid and loot Lahore
again and again. Taimur Khan and Jahan Khan left without a fight and their
baggage and property were looted by the Sikhs and the Marathas. The Afghan
soldiers were taken prisoners in chains by the Sikhs and employed to clean the
desecrated temple at Amritsar. Ahmad Shah Abdali defeated the Marathas at
Panipat in January 1761, which led to the breaking up of the Maratha confederacy.
The Sikhs /greatly harassed Ahmad Shah as he was returning with the loot from
Delhi and the Doab. They released a number of captive women and children at
. the ferry of Goindwal and sent them to their homes. After following Ahmad
Shah upto the Indus, the Sikhs returned to the Punjab, defeated Mirza Khan
of Char Mahal,defeated Nur-ud-din sent by Ahmad Shah at Sialkot, defeated
Khawaja Abed Khan at GUjranwala, and attacked and occupied Lahore for a short
while.
Ahmad Shah's sixth invasion was in January 1762, primarily against the
Sikhs. He made a surprise move and had a straight fight with the Sikhs at Kupp
(Malerkotla), in which about 20,000 Sikhs lost their lives. This is called 'Wadda
Ghatu Ghara', the bloody carnage. Ahmad Shah destroyed the Sikh temple at
Amritsar and razed it to the ground with ammunition. When the Silills recovered
from the great shock, they treated the defeat as if the alloy had been removed
and only the pure Khalsa remained to carry on the work of their GuruS. 32 In May
1762, when Ahmad Shah was camped at Kalanaur, the Sikhs attacked Zain Khan,
jaujdar of Sirhind, and defeated him. The Dal Khalsa under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia
invaded the towns and villages of Jullandhar which were hostile to the Sikhs,
and all this greatly troubled Ahmad Shah. The Sikhs marched towards Amritsar in
October 1762 and engaged Ahmad Shah in another battle. Ahmad Shah who was
camping at Lahore marched to Amritsar to face the Sikhs. A fierce battle took
place on 17 October between the two armies and Ahmad Shah escaped back to
Lahore under cover of darkness. 33 He left for Afghanistan in December 1762 and
was harassed by the Sikhs on his way back home.
After the departure of Ahmad Shah, the Sikhs emerged from their hideouts,
refuges, and places of safety and virtually occupied the entire Punjab. They
sacked Kasur, a stronghold of the Afghans, in May 1763. Jahan Khan, the Afghan
commander of the Durrani forces, was defeated and killed in November 1763.
Malerkotla was laid waste in December 1763. The Sikhs attacked Sirhind in
January 1764, defeated and killed Zain Khan, and looted and destroyed the city.
They invaded Lahore and forced Kabuli Mal to pay tribute. In March 1764, they
captured Rohtas and made Sarbuland Khan, governor of Kashmir, a prisoner. The
54
SIKH COINAGE
Sikhs crossed the Yamuna and plundered Saharanpur and the surrounding towns
of present-day western Uttar Pradesh. Najib-ud-daula paid eleven lakh rupees as
hush money to the Sikhs. Hari Singh Bhangi plundered Multan and other towns
in Derajat.
Ahmad Shah made his seventh invasion in December 1764, and advanced
on Amritsar from Lahore in January 1765. He destroyed the holy temple and the
Sikhs continued to attack his flanks. There were seven pitched battles, with
. heavy casualities on both sides; Ahmad Shah at last returned to Afghanistan in
.May 1765. Ahmad Shah's eighth and ninth invasions in 1767 and 1768 ended in
his defeat and the entire Punjab came under the control of the Sikhs. Ahmad
Shah died on 14 April 1772, the day on which the Sikhs crossed the Indus and
plundered Peshawar.
The first sixty years of the eighteenth century had thus been for the selfreliant Sikh community, nursed by their ten Gurus, a period of great struggle
against unprecedented persecution.
The Sikhs were so drunk with courage and devotion to the word of their
Gurus that even this relentless persecution only served to fuel their resistance
and to strengthen their resolve. They were determined to rule their own destiny
in their own land, to obtain and retain the sacred trust of temporal sovereignty
bequeathed to them by Guru Gobind Singh shortly before his demise. They did
achieve temporal sovereignty in 1765 at a sacrifice of over 2,00,000 Sikh lives
in a period of about half a century, fulfiling the oft-repeated shloka 'Raj Karega
Khalsa' as a part of their daily prayers.
AD
1765-1799
55
Sikhs in the eighteenth century, the period during which this coin is alleged to
have been struck.
Ahmad Shah, after defeating the Marathas in the Third Battle of Panipat in
January 1761, departed for Afghanistan in May 1761, leaving behind Khawaja
Obed Khan as the governor of Lahore and Zain Khan as the governor of Sirhind.
Immediately after Ahmad Shah's departur~, the Sikhs started occupying the areas
which were under the Afghan governors. Mirza Khan, in-charge of Char Mahal,
came out to fight the Sikh forces but was defeated and killed. 35 Bikram Khan of
Malerkotla was defeated and the town sacked. On receiving this disturbing
news, Ahmad Shah sent a trusted general, Nur-ud-din, with a well-trained force
to chastise the Sikhs, but he was defeated at Sialkot by Charat Singh; Nur-ud-din
fled, leaving his army at the mercy of the Sikh forces. 36 Khawaja Obed Khan
invaded Gujranwala in September 1761 and laid siege to the fort. In the meantime,
other sardars came to the help of Charat Singh and they in turn besieged Obed
Khan. Obed Khan beat a hasty retreat, leaving behind huge quantities of arms
and ammunition, camels, horses, and other camp eqUipment. which the Silills
claimed. 37 Thus, in a short span of about four months, the Sikhs had subdued all
the Afghan chiefs set up by Ahmad Shah and practically the entire Punjab came
under their control.
In October 1761 the Sikhs assembled at Amritsar to celebrate Diwali. They
held a meeting of the Sarbat Khalsa and passed a gurmata to punish Aqil Das of
Jandiala, who belonged to the Niranjani sect, and who was a persistent enemy of
the Sikhs and a steadfast friend of the Durranis; the assembly also voted to
occupy Lahore and establish Sikh supremacy all over the Punjab. 38 The Sikhs
marched to Lahore under the leadership of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and laid siege
to the city. Obed Khan, the governor, shut himself in the fort and would not face
the Sikh forces. He was later killed in a skirmish with the Sikhs. The leading
citizens, appreciating the delicate situation created by the weakness of the
governor, negotiated with the Sikh commander; they then opened the city gates
to the Sikh forces, thus saving Lahore from sack and plunder. The jubilant Sikh
forces entered Lahore and are said to have occupied the royal mint and are
alleged to have struck a coin in the name of their leader:
Sikka zad dar jehan bajazal-e-Akal
Mulk-e-Ahmad garijt]assa Kalal. 39
meaning that the coin is struck in the world by the grace of Akal, the God, the
country of Ahmad held by Jassa Kalal. Of all those who claim that the coin was
struck, none actually provides any details regarding the legend on the reverse,
the name of the mint, and the year of its origin, which are essential features
establishing the authenticity of any coin. Besides the question of the actual
striking of this coin, the date of its striking is also disputed. James Browne
believes that the Sikhs expelled Timur Shah and Jahan Khan from Lahore,
56
SIKH COINAGE
occupied the city, and struck a coin in the name of their leader ]assa Singh
Ahluwalia in 1758. 40 Browne bases his account on the Risala-i-Nanak which he
received from Budh Singh Arora and Ajaib Singh of Malerkotla,41 whom he met
in Delhi in 1783 during his stay at the Mughal court from 1782-5.42 A number of
later historians, including Lt. Col. Malcolm, Elphinstone, Cunningham, Latif, and
Narang,43 base their accounts on the observations made by]ames Browne but
these scholars do not put forth any new or contemporary evidence nor have
, they made any attempt to locate and examine this coin. Hari Ram Gupta, the
foremost historian of the perIod of th~ Sikh misls, states that in 1758 the Punjab
was leased out to Adena Beg by the Marathas for an annual tribute of seventyfive lakh rupees 44 and that the Sikhs could not have assumed control of the state
capital, Lahore. Hari Ram Gupta assigns the date for this event as November
1761. 45 In November 1760, about 10,000 Sikhs invaded Lahore but left after receiving a nazarana of 30,000 rupees from the governor of Lahore for karah
parshad. 46 He primarily bases his inference on Ghulam Ali Khan Azad's account
Khazana-i-Amira, written in 1762, deeming it to be the most reliable record.
The Khazana-i-Amira states that the Sikhs killed the Durrani, governor of
Lahore, captured the capital, and issued this coin and that it was due to these
doings of the Sikhs that Ahmad Shah invaded India in early 1762 and inflicted a
severe defeat on the Sikhs, massacring about 20,000 of them. 47 N.K. Sinha does
not accept the above evidence as satisfactory. Taking into account all the facts of
the past few years, we are inclined to agree with Hari Ram Gupta that the date
of striking the coin, if at all it had been' struck, in all probability should be taken
as 1761, and not 1758 as recorded by Browne and others. However, this aspect
concerning the date of the striking of the coin is a minor part of the controversy.
The real issue is the alleged striking of the coin by]assa Singh Ahluwalia.
Browne states that in 1757 ]assa Singh Ahluwalia expelled the amils of Ahmad
Shah from the city and the Subah of Lahore, and he became so popular that he
ventured to strike rupees at the mint of Lahore in his own name. 48 But after
these had been in circulation for fifteen years, the Grand Diet of the Sikh chiefs
called the gurmata determined to recall all those rupees and have them struck in
the names of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. 49 Browne further states that
he had several of these coins in his possession. 50
First, Browne's presumption that the coin was struck in 1758 does not seem
to be correct. Second, his statement that the Grand Diet withdrew it after it had
been in circulation for fifteen years is not supported by any other evidence. The
Sikh commonwealth decided in 1765 to occupy Lahore and strike a coin in the
name of their Gurus as a symbol of their sovereignty. Had this coin been in
circulation for seven years, as stated by Browne, it would certainly have drawn
adverse comments and criticism, which are not forthcoming in the historical
record; this lack of evidence regarding the coin raises serious doubts about its
ever having actually been struck. It has been universally admitted by all historians
AD
1765-1799
57
that in the prevailing circumstances only a small number of coins would have
been struck. The occupation of Lahore by the Sikhs in 1758 was for a very short
spell and that too was done along with the Marathas, Browne's statement that
several of these coins were in his possession evokes our skepticism. Even if we
believe that he did secure several of these coins in 1783-5 from Delhi, at a time
when the hobby of coin collecting as such had not become prevalent in India,
he was immediately thereafter recalled and returned to England, It is likely that
he would not have given away these coins and it is possible that some of them
might have been acquired as part of the collections of some museums; but no
such coin has been located anywhere in the world. Browne's account is at best
only speculative, without any authentic evidence in its support. Banda Bahadur
struck Sikh coins in small numbers during 1710-12 while he was at war andthe
state administration was still in its infancy, yet a few coins have' been located. In
the case of the coins struck in 1758 by Jassa Singh, if these were in circulation
for fifteen years, some of these should certainly have been traced,
Hari Ram Gupta emphatically asserts that coins were struck by Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia in 1761:
,I. , in a fit of enthusiasm and delight the Sikhs fulfilled the wishes of their revered leader the
late Nawab Kapur Singh by declaring Jassa Singh AWuwalia as Padshah, then seizing the royal
mint they struck the second Sikh rupee, In the heat of passion of haVing attained this glory,
after the hardest struggle for more than half a century, bubbling over with their success and
flushed with the pride of victory, they let them pass beyond the bounds of reasons and thus
they glorified the victor who had led 'them from one conquest to another for about a dozen
years past. That the mistake, made in the highest excitement of the hour, was realized in
saner, cooler and calmer: moments is evident beyond all doubts,sl
58
SIKH COINAGE
discussion of Hari Ram Gupta's doubts is necessary since it does not contribute to
the solution of the controversy. Since no such coin has as yet been located,
evidence from the Khazana-i-Amira, which does not mention the incident,
cannot be taken as authentic and final, as instances do exist where such evidence
from contemporaneous sources has proved to be incorrect. A contemporary
chronicler, .Ahmad Yadgar, states that before the Second Battle of Panipat, Hemu
threw off his allegiance to his master Adil Shah and struck coins in his own
name. No such coin has survived and in the light of modern research Ahmad
Yadgar's statement stands disproved. 57 A newswriter of the ]aipur court wrote in
1710 that the Sikhs under Banda Bahadur had minted a coin with the follOWing
legend: 58 .
Azmt-e-Gunt Nanak, ham zahir 0 ham batin ast,
Badshah-i-Din-o-Duniya ap Sacha Sahib ast.
(The greatness of Guru Nanak is both patent and latent and the true Lord himself is
the king of both the spiritual and the temporal worlds.)
AD
1765-1799
59
another coin in the name of their Gurus. There is also no evidence that the coin
was restruck in the succeeding years after its initial issue. Ahmad Yadgar has not
cited any contemporary evidence in support of his allegation. The accounts of
Khushwaqt Rai and Ahmad Yadgar suffer from the same weakness as that of
Browne's narrative regarding the withdrawal of the coin by the Sikh authorities.
Ganda Singh, another noted historian of the Sikhs, has written a detailed
biography of ]assa Singh Ahluwalia,65 but has not paid any attention tq the
controversy regarding this coin. He dismisses the debate as not deserving any
further discussion in view of the disinclination of the Sikhs regarding the use of
the half name of any sardar. Lepel Griffin states that these coins must have been
struck in very small numbers. 66 He further states that the raja of Kapurthala did
not possess any such coin, nor could he contact anyone who had seen this coin.
The matter was taken up with the present head of the house of Kapurthala,
Brigadier Sukhjit Singh, who stated in 1980 that 'with regard to the coins
purported to have been struck by Baba ]assa Singh there was, to the best of my
knowledge, one such coin in the former Kapurthala treasury'.67 Since this coin is
no longer traceable, this raises doubts about Griffin's assertion and hence does
not lead us any nearer to a solution.
However, there is one other possible explanation which no historian has
considered so far. In late 1761, the Sikhs had besieged Lahore city and the
governor had locked himself in the fort; since there were no opposing forces,
the fall of the city to the Sikhs was imminent. Keeping in view the impending
sack of the city and the threat of plunder by the conquerors, the leading citizens
began negotiations with the Sikh commander and opened the city gates to the
Sikh forces, thus saving the city from ruination.
In November 1760 also, about 10,000 Sikhs besieged Lahore city and Mir
Mohammad, the governor, shut himself in the fort. The Sikhs had cut off all
means of communication and were going to break the city walls. Facing the
imminent fall of the city and its sack by the Sikhs, the leading citizens persuaded
the governor to pay 30,000 rupees from the state revenues to the Sikhs for
karah parshad and thus persuaded the Sikh forces to withdraw. 68 It is probable
that cash nazranas were paid to the victorious Sikh army in accordance with the
prevailing practice. It is our presumption that the leading citizens might have
struck a small number of coins, may be 21 coins as a token of their gratitude and
in acceptance of the suzerainty of the great Sikh commander over Lahore. The
number 21 does not seem to have any special significance. The legend is in fair
conformity to the existing Mughal and Afghan legends on their respective coins,
wherein the use of half names was a common practice. The alleged couplet
under discussion seems to be the work of some Mughal mint master and was
quite appropriate to the occasion, and its being in violation of Sikh traditions may
not have been known to the mint officials. ]assa Singh may have accepted the
coins and got them broken down later on. In a similar case, Sultan Muhammad
60
SIKH COINAGE
Khan bin Musa Khan states in his Tarikh-i-Sultani that Shah Shujah got a
presentation coin made in honour of Alexander Burnes and the English East India
Company with the following couplet inscribed on it: 69
Sika zad bar simmotilla Shah Shujah Armini,
Nur-i-Chashm Lord Burnes Khak-i-pa Kampani
meaning that coins of silver and gold were struck by Shah Shujah, the Armenian,
the light of the eyes of Lord Burnes and the dust under the feet of the Company.
Shah Shujah was the protege of the British and was being set up as the ruler of
Afghanistan under the protection of the British forces sent under Alexander
Burnes (who was later assassinated by the rebel Afghans in 1841 at Kabul). The
coin was obviously aimed at pleasing and humouring Alexander Burnes and the
British in a manner most derogatory and humiliating to the sovereign Afghan
king.
In a somewhat similar situation, Allard presented fifty silver coins to Ranjit
Singh on the festival of Dussehra in 1836 which he had got made while on leave
in France; these coins bore Ranjit Singh's name and the title 'Wali of Punjab'.70
What happened to these coins is not known, nor have any of these coins
surfaced so far. Hence, it is quite likely that the leading citizens of Lahore may
have got these coins prepared from the royal mint as a nazrana to the Sikh
commander, and with the passage of time the incident assumed different hues
and colours. This interpretation of events seems to be more appropriate than the
other probable versions of the incident, but it cannot be deemed as proper
historical evidence till the coin is located and analysed.
The most analytical and articulate assessment has been made by N.K. Sinha,
although he is unable to dispute with certainty the striking of the COin. He is
quite convinced that ]assa Singh Ahluwalia would never have struck the coin in
his own name in violation of Sikh traditions and the concept of Sikh sovereignty.
.The suggestion that ]assa Singh imprinted on the coins of the Khalsa the legend
'Mulk-e-Ahmad garift ]assa Kalal' is highly absurd and unlikely.71 N.K. Sinha
further states:
The theocratic zeal and democratic spirit were far too deep rooted to allow any individual to
do such a higWy objeCtionable thing. Sikh democracy was such a liVing force in those days of
the Sikh struggle against the Durranis, that no Sikh, howsoever higWy placed, would dare flout
the Khalsa in such a way. ]assa Singh Ahluwalia, the ideal democratic leader, conspicuous for
his spirit of self sacrifice, was too faithful a follower of the commonwealth and too wholesale
a patriot to attempt to distinguish himself in a way so revolting to a Sikh. 72
Khushwant Singh has not given any cognizance to the striking of the coin
and makes only a passing reference to it. He speaks of the 1765 coins in the
name of the Gurus as having been issued on the occasion of the victorious entry
of ]assa Singh Ahluwalia at the head of the Khalsa forces into Lahore city.73
The chances of tracing the coin are becoming increasingly remote with the
passage of time; the controversy over whether it was struck or not amounts to
AD
1765-1799
61
the flogging of a dead horse. The true position can be ascertained only with the
finding of an actual coin. And here the matter must rest at present.
Were these coins the authorized issue of the Khalsa commonwealth? This
very important question remains unanswered in all the historical accounts. From
the above analysis of the controversy it becomes abundantly clear that there
existed an unmistakable and persistent trend in the Sikh polity during the period
of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and thereafter which rested on the fundamental principle
that Sikh sovereignty belonged to the entire Khalsa Panth and its principal
symbol, the coin, could not be struck in the name' of just anybody, howsoever
mighty he .may be. This privilege was vested exclusively in the names of the
Sikh gurus.
62
SIKH COINAGE
were forgotten and they rendered extreme devotion and service to their religion
and the commonwealth. 77
The Sikh sardars assembled at the Akal Takht in April 1765 passed the
gurmata of their complete independence and the assumption of sovereignty and
resolved to regain their old territories and acquire new ones wherever possible.
They also decided to issue a coin in the name of the Gurus as a mark of their
sovereignty,78 The presence of a Muslim governor of Lahore, hardly. 30 miles
from Amritsar, appeared offensive to their newly formed sense of independence.
The Bhangi chiefs, Lehna Singh and Gulab Singh, joined by Sobha Singh marched
on Lahore and occupied the city without any serious resistance and parcelled the
town amongst themselves in May 1765. 79 The triumphant Sikhs struck the first
coin of good, pure silver with the inscription 'Degh Tegh Fateh' from the Lahore
mint in May 1765, Le. 1822 Sambat. Thus was publicly proclaimed the establishment of Sikh sovereignty.8o These coins are readily available with collectors
and various museums in India and abroad. Although Sikh coins were struck by
Banda Bahadur in AD 1710-1281 and a widely debated coin is alleged to have
been that of ]assa .Singh Ahluwalia, yet the Sikh coins for regular use really
commenced with the coin of AD 1765.
The legend selected for the coin was the same one selected by Banda
Bahadur for the state seal in AD 1710 and is found embossed on some of his
hukamnamas. 82 A seal of Banda Bahadur's time is preserved at the dera of Baba
Banda Bahadur at RiasL The legend on the seal is the same as on the
hukamnamas. Since the seal had no reverse side, the Sikhs took the existing
legend found on the reverse of the Mughal coins issued from the Lahore mint.
The legends are:
Obverse
Reverse
'Degh' (the cooking pot) represents food, prosperity, and economic power in the
wider sense; 'Tegh' (the sword) represents strength of arms and military power;
and 'Fateh' means the resultant victory. Nusrat; is an ArabiC word meaning 'help'
'Baidarang'means 'without restraint' or 'spontaneous'; and 'Yajt uz' means 'received
from'. The couplet thus means: the food and the arms with the resultant victory
have been achieved with the spontaneous help received from Guru Nanak to
Guru Gobind Singh. The reverse means: minted at the capital City Lahore,
auspicious and prosperous Sambat 1822.
The Sikhs also issued a coin from Amritsar later on but the exact year is not
known. Numismatists have located the earliest such coin for the year 1832
Sambat. Hence, the earliest coin available from Amritsar pertains to the year
AD 1775, Le. 1832 Sambat. 83 The legend on the coin is that used by Banda
Bahadur on his coins during AD 1710 to 1712 and it runs as follows:
Obverse
Reverse
AD
1765-1799
63
OBVERSE: OEG TEG FATEH NUSRAT 0 BAIOARANG YAFT UZ NANAK GURU GOBINO SINGH
REVERSE: ZARB OAR-UL-SALTANAT LAHORE MAIMINAT MANUS JALUS.
66
SIKH COINAGE
various measures in the short span available to him to strengthen his Degh and
Tegh, i.e. the economic and financial resources and the strength of his armies
and weapons. He abolished the debased and corrupt institution of the masands. 88
The devotees were ordered to come fully armed. Guru Gobind Singh created the
Khalsa in AD 169989 and engendered such a spirit of devotion and sacrifice in his
Khalsa that they could take up resistance even against vastly superior forces. 9o
'Degh Tegh Fateh' appears on the top of the hukamnamas issued by Mata
Sahib Devi, wife of Guru Gobind Singh, to the Sikhs after she settled down in
Delhi, 91 'Degh Tegh Fateh' was framed into a Persian couplet in Banda Bahadur's
time and was used on the state seal in AD 1710. This couplet was used by the
Lahore Darbar on its coins and continued till the annexation of the Punjab by the
British and the declaration of Sikh coinage as a dead currency in 1850. 92 'Degh
Tegh Fateh' is also part of the daily ardas, the prayer read out after every Sikh
religious ceremony. This couplet has also been used by the Nabha State on its
coinage and the Patiala State on its nazrana coins struck for puja purposes,
which continued till the accession of these states to the Union of India in 1948. 93
AD
1765-1799
67
from Amritsar AD 1775 (1832 Sambat) and onwards. 95 By 1800 Ranjit Singh came
to power and within a decade he had consolidated the Sikh territories into a
strong Sikh state. With the establishment of political stability and under the
leadership of a capable ruler, trade and commerce prospered apd increased. This
led to the increased minting of Sikh coins. Thanks to the steadfast maintenance
of the purity of the metal during Sikh rule, Sikh coinage became the premier
currency in north-western India. The Sikh state was annexed to the British Indian
territories in 1849 AD and the issue of Sikh currency came to a close.
The annexation of the Sikh state was deemed an act of naked aggrandizement
by the. British. 96 Its administration was controlled and guided by the British
Resident from 1846 to 1849 and the child ruler Dalip Singh was their ward. To
justify the annexation, a spate of historical accounts on the Sikhs was brought out
by European writers, many by British administrators in India and their Indian
munshis who were commissioned for this task. These historical accounts contain
occasional references to Sikh coin.s, primarily based on bazaar gossip and
hearsay rather than being based on any historical analysis. However, recent
numismatic investigations of Sikh coinage have revealed a number of fallacies,
which have often been repeated as a matter of fact by later historians. One such
fallacy concerns the nomenclature of the Sikh coins, as Gobind Shahi and Nanak
Shahi, without any critical examination of the historical accounts or any proper
numismatic investigation.
Rulers the world over have struck coins as a symbol of their sovereign
power over the territories under their control and the people over whom they
rule. These coins generally bear the name of the ruler, the place and year of
minting, and some legend proclaiming the greatness of the ruler or perhaps a
religious invocation. This was also the existing practice in the Indian subcontinent.
The Sikh coinage which came into existence in the eighteenth century had a
distinctive feature. The Sikh religious traditions exercise a tremendous influence
over the entire life of a Sikh, viz., the religiOUS, social, and political aspects of an
individual's life are to be based on certain moral values enunciated in the holy
scriptures. Guru Gobind Singh, shortly before his demise, abolished the institution
of the personal Guruship and vested the spiritual aspect of his sovereignty in the
Granth, thereafter called the Guru Granth Sahib, and the temporal sovereignty
of his Gurudom in the entire Sikh community.97 These two fundamental aspects
of the Sikh way of life or the Sikh ethos are enshrined in the prayer, which all
Sikhs recite every day, and in fact on every occasion before they take an
important decision in their life. Political sovereignty thus stood vested in the
entire Sikh community and not in anyone Sikh. This was an extreme' form of a
democratic institution in the feudal world of the early eighteenth century. This
aspect of the Sikh tradition has been aptly described by Murray as 'Lahore and
Sirhind being ruled by seventy thousand sovereigns when the provinces came
under Sikh dominion. '98
68
SIKH COINAGE
The Sikhs selected two couplets for their coins and their seal in 1710:
(0
meaning that 'a coin has been struck in both the worlds, herein and hereafter under the
guarantee of Guru Nanak's sword. The. victory of Gobind Singh, King of Kings, has been
with the grace of the true Lord, the Akal Purakh.'
(ii)
meaning '(Degh) the economic prosperity, (Tegh) the strength of the sword arm, fateh
the resultant victory, nusrat (an Arabic word meaning 'help') and baidrang meaning
'without restraint' or 'spontaneously' received from Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh. 99
Both these legends, recorded on the obverse of the coins, denote the basic
concept of Sikh sovereignty bequeathed to them by their Gurus. Guru. Gobind
Singh had developed the concept of 'Degh Tegh Fateh' as an elaboration of the
concept of Min Pin enunciated by Guru Hargobind, the sixth master, wherein
the - spiritual and the temporal powers of the Guru were exercised from two
different places, viz., the Harimandir and the Akal Takht respectively. Ranjit
Singh called himself the servant of the Gurus and deemed them to be the true
sovereigns. loo In the period after 1765 both the above mentioned legends were
used on the' obverse of the Sikh coins. The reverse legends are similar to those
given on the MughallAfghan coins but with slight modifications. Most European
historians and even some Indian historians have incorrectly interpreted the later
part of the second legend, Le. 'Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh' as 'Guru
Gobind Singh received from Guru Nanak' .101 In accordance with Sikh traditions
and ethos, all the ten Gurus were the reincarnations of Guru Nanak, representing
one ideology, and the phrase 'Nanak Guru Gobind Singh' covers the entire
period of gurudom. Both legends speak of the first and the tenth Masters by
name, thus giving the benediction of all the ten Gurus to the Sikh Panth. Some
later Indian historians have brought out the correct translation.
J.D. Cunningham in his book History of the Sikhs states that the Sikhs after
their occupation of Lahore struck a rupee coin with the legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh'
and this coin was called the Gobind Shahi rupee. 102 He has not, however, given
any reason or evidence explaining why it was called the 'Gobind Shahi'. His
translation of the second line of the couplet is incorrect as he states that the
benediction was received by Guru Gobind Singh from Guru Nanak, whereas the
benediction was received by the Sikhs from their Gurus.
Lepel Griffin in his book Rajas of Punjab states that after the occupation of
Lahore, the capital, in 1765 the Sikhs struck the first national coin with the 'Degh
AD
1765-1799
69
Tegh' legend and it was called the Nanak Shahi coinage. 103 He explains in a
footnote that it was sometimes called Nanaki or Nanak Shahi and was current
at the time of his writing his book. He disagrees with Colonel Sleeman and
Cunningham over the translation of Degh but makes the same mistake in translating
the second line as was made by Cunningham.
C.]. Rodgers in his article on Sikh coins states that at this time (AD 1765/1822
Sambat) they struck, in Lahore, the political capital of the Punjab, the first Sikh
rupee. They were called Gobind Shahi ,and not Nanak Shahi as stated by
Griffin. 104 He has not given any reason or evidence explaining the grounds for
his disagreement with Griffin.. He calls the Amritsar rupees struck at Amritsar
from 1835 Sambat and onward as Nanak Shahi because these contain the words
'Shah Nanak'. The Persian rendering of the legend on the coins is, however,
incorrect, as is the translation of the second line of the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend.
Rodgers seems to have based his historical analysis on the stories and gossip he
collected from the shopkeepers, money changers, and petty bankers in the
bazaars of Amritsar and some other towns of the Punjab and not from any actual
.
historical records. 105
C.]. Brown in his book Coins of India states that the Sikhs struck the Gobind
Shahi rupees from Lahore in 1765 onward and the Nanak Shahi rupees from
Amritsar in 1777 with a different legend. 106 Brown does not explain the legends
but states that they were called Gobind Shahi because the name of Guru Gobind
Singh was included in the Persian couplet which formed the inscription. His
explanation, although the only explanation given by a historian/numismatist, is
incorrect as the names of both Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh occur on
every Sikh silver coin bearing either of the two legends.
Gulshan Lall Chopra in his book The Punjab as a Sovereign State gives an
account of Sikh coins stated to be based on historical data and his personal
examination of the coins with the British Museum, London and the Government
Museum, Lahore. He writes:
Coins were struck for the second time in Sambat 1822 (AD 1765) after the Sikh conquest of
Lahore in that year. These were called 'Gobind Shahi' and not 'Nanak Sham' as stated by
Griffin. The coins struck from Amritsar in Sambat 1835 and onwards are stated to be called
Nanak Shahi. His translation of the couplet is also incorrect as in the case of the others.'
Chopra appears to have simply taken Rodgers's statement without acknowledging it nor giving any evidence in support of his contention. 107 His claim is
certainly not based on any historical analysis or numismatic investigation. Hari
Ram Gupta in his book History of the Sikhs writes: 'They struck in Lahore a Sikh'
rupee, whiCh came to be called "Gobind Shahi" and not "Nanak Shahi" as stated
by Griffin.'l08 This assertion too has apparently been taken from Rodgers without
any acknowledgement, and nor has Hari Ram Gupta given any reason or
argument in support of his belief. Hari Ram Gupta has, however, correctly
70
SIKH COINAGE
translated the second line of the legend as 'having been received from Guru
Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh'.lo9 Parmeshwari Lal Gupta in his book Coins
mentions only the 1835 coins struck in Amritsar as the 'Nanak Shahi' coins ar{d
is somewhat confused over the AD 1765 coins struck in LahoreYo He states that
the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend was first used by Ranjit Singh, an assertion which is
obviously incorrect. However, in his book Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore
Darbar he states that the first couplet is generally known as Gobind Shahi and
the second as Nanak Shahi, but no where does he explain the reasons for the
choice of these names. III
Bikramjit Hasrat in his book Life and Times of Ranjit Singh states that on the
proclamation of the investure of sovereignty in the Sarkar-i-Khalsa by Ranjit
Singh, a coin called the 'Nanak Shahi' with the legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh' was
struck. ll2 Bhagat Singh in his book Sikh Polity, written in 1978, states that the
Sikh sardars after assuming power struck a coin with the 'Degh Tegh Fateh'
legend which was called the 'Gobind Shahi' coinage. ll3 G.S. Chhabra in his book
Advanced History of the Punjab calls the coins struck in 1765 with the legend
'Degh Tegh Fateh' as the Gobind Shahi. 1l4 None of these historians has given any
historical evidence in support of their contentions and they seem to merely
repeat the conclusions from the works of earlier writers. In his book Coins of the
Sikhs, Hans Herrli offers a fairly elaborate study of the entire period of Sikh
coinage; he makes the same distinction between the Gobind Shahi coins having
the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend and the Nanak Shahi coins with the 'Sikka zad bar
har do alam' legend, but he also does not give any reason or evidence in
support of his interpretation. ll5
Many historians have contradicted each other in characterizing certain coins
as Nanak Shahi while others describe the same coins as Gobind Shahi. None of
them has given any evidence in support of their contentions. The dies carry the
entire legend, whereas the coins, when minted, being smaller in size, do not
carry the entire legend. It appears that some coins bear the word 'Nanak' very
prominently and other bear the word 'Gobind' very prominently, which might
have prompted the merchants to call them Nanak Shahi and Gobind Shahi coins
respectively. Had the numismatists examined the entire legend, this mistake
could certainly have been detected and avoided.
The picture that emerges from the above discussion is that historians and
numismatists have characterized the coins with the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend as
the 'Gobind Shahi' and the coins with the 'Sikka zad bar har do alam' legend as
the Nanak Shahi coins. Lepel Griffin and Bikramjit Hasrat classify the coins with
the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend as 'Nanak Shahi'. No explanation whatsoever has
been given for classifying coins as Gobind Shahi. Even when Rodgers, G.L.
Chopra, and Hari Ram Gupta differ from Griffin, they do not give any explanation
or justification for their contentions. Such statements, lacking any basis or
justification, only add to the existing confusion. The only justification is given by
AD
1765-1799
71
C.]. .Brown, who writes that these coins are called Gobind Shahi because Guru
Gobind Singh's name appears on these coins. Brown does not seem to have
carried out a proper examination of the Sikh coins, as both the names of Guru
Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh appear in both the legends on the Sikh coins, as
explained earlier, and are fairy visible on almost all Sikh coins. Hence, on this
basis alone, no distinction can be made between Gobind Shahi coins and Nanak
Shahi coins.
The givers of the benediction are Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh, Le.
the entire lineage of the Sikh Gurus, and the recipients of their blessings are the
entire Khalsa Panth and the Sikh community. In the Holy Granth, the Gurus after
Guru Nanak appear as the nine incarnations of Guru Nanak and call themselves
Nanak. Hence, the benediction given is from all of the Nanaks, and the Sikh
coins can only be called 'Nanak Shahi' and cannot be characterized by the name
of any other Guru, including Guru Gobind Singh, unless the legend on the coin
exclusively bears the name of Guru Gobind Singh. No such coin has come to
light so far. The gold and silver coins were struck by the state authorities, while
the copper coins were struck by various traders and merchants who paid annual
fees to the state government. The legends on the copper coins were in the
name of the Gurus but these seem to have been simplified for easy die making
and for striking coins of smaller size. Most of these legends on the copper coins
are the 'Akal Sahai', 'Guru Na.nak Jee', and even 'Nanak Shahi'. Thus, the use of
Guru Nanak's name primarily on copper coins, which appeared much later in
time after the gold and silver coins, supports our contention that Sikh coins were
Nanak Shahi coins. The accounts of the British government after the annexation
of the Sikh state describe the Sikh coinage as 'Nanak Shahi' coinage, which
further supports the above-mentioned view. Hence to classify Sikh coins bearing
the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend as Gobind Shahi coins is an entirely incorrect statement and deserves outright rejection as it is also in contravention of the Sikh
traditions and the Sikh ethos. The Sikh coinage struck in the name of the Sikh
Gurus can thus only be called Nanak Shahi and should not be characterized by
any other name. One may assume that the second distortion in the nomenclature
of Sikh coins occurred due to the first distortion in interpreting the meaning of
the legend, which has not been contradicted by later hiStorians who brought out
the correct meaning.
72
SIKH COINAGE
widowed mother and the child ]assa Singh were placed under the protection of
Mata Sundari, the acting head of the Khalsa. Kapur Singh came from Amritsar to
meet Mata Sundari and took a liking to this ten-year-old lad and offered to adopt
nim. ]assa Singh was administered pahul by Kapur Singh and was placed under
the charge of his uncle Bhag Singh,us Bhag Singh died and his place was taken
by ]assa Singh when he was only 13 years old. ]assa Singh took part in
numerous battles and became a seasoned military commander. The Dal Khalsa
was formed in 1748 and Kapur Singh appointed ]assa Singh as the leader of that
grand assembly. 119
]assa Singh fought in almost every Sikh battle and kept the' other independent
Sikh leaders under his sway due to his leadership abilities. He was a great
warrior, a mighty general, and an excellent organizer. He bore twenty scars from
the sword and bullet marks on his body.120 He was physically gaunt, with his
arms coming down almost to his knees. He had held the fiercely independent
mists together and was the main architect of the establishment of the Sikh state in
1765. 121 ]assa Singh died in 1783 after a brief illness..
The death of ]assa Singh was a serious setback to the cause of Sikh unity
and the Sikh misls were in danger of breaking up. Each misldar, though technically
independent, now became actually independent; as their mutual jealousies became
uncontrollable, internecine warfare amongst them became a common feature.
Ganesh Das Badhera, who wrote Char Bagh-i-Punjab in the mid-nineteenth
century, considered the Khalsa community a mere aggregate of individual sardars
who were politically active. He writes that it was ]assa Singh and the Bhangi
sardars who declared the sovereignty of the Khalsa and issued a Sikh coin from
Lahore. 122 'This minting of the coin, however, was not confined to Lahore, for
every Sardar established his own mint in the area under his control. '123 The
manifesto of the sovereignty of the Khalsa marked at the same time many an
individual sardar's sovereign status. Each new ruler established his own administration, using his personal discretion. 124
V. ]acquemont who visited the Punjab in 1831 describes Amritsar and its
numerous bazaars, its rich merchants, and prosperous bankers with their large
multistoried houses, and the many Sikh sardars who had houses in the city which
they used when they visited. At intervals along the streets were gates which
were shut at night and which cut off communication between the different parts
of the town. 125 Traces of the wall can be seen around each of these quarters.
Each one had its own ruler, taxes, jurisdiction, and government, but their ancient
divisions are no longer under separate authorities. It confirms that each sardar
exercised his control over a certain portion of the city where he had established
his residence and the people in his area were under his protection for which he
levied charges and also collected taxes from the businessmen in his area. The
city of Amritsar was an amalgamation of a number of independent portions
(katras) each under an independent sardar. But this state of affairs emerged only
AD
1765-1799
73
during the eighteenth century, and with the coming of Ranjit Singh to power the
independent portions were taken over and Arnritsar became one city by about
AD 1810.
Numismatic investigations show that the minting of Sikh coins began from
the Lahore mint in AD 1765/1822 Sambat and was regularly continued till AD 1849/
1906 Sambat. The coins from this period are availabley6 The minting of Sikh
coins from Amritsar is considered to have begun in AD 1775/1832 Sambat as the
Arnritsar coin of 1832 has been located and its minting continued thereafter. 127
Earlier catalogues show that the first coin from Amritsar was dated AD 1778/1835
Sambat as by then the earliest coin located was dated 1835 Sambat and this
series goes on till 1839 Sambat. Some new series started from Amritsar, with the
coins for AD 1784/1841 Sambat being distinguishable due to their ornamental and
symbolic variations but without any change in the legends on these coins, for
instance the series with a dagger on the reverse began in 1841 Sambat and
continued till AD 1808/1865 Sambat. 128
Another series with slight changes commenced from AD 1784/1841 Sambat
and continued till AD 1788/1844 Sambat. Another series with larger disks commenced
from AD 1794 and continued till AD 1827/1884 Sambat. These series seems to
have been adopted by Ranjit Singh as he took over Amritsar in gradual stages in
order to avoid a direct confrontation with the sardars whose properties were
being taken over in the holy city. The process of the consolidation of Arnritsar
continued till AD 1811, Le. some more series with distinctive marks commenced
in AD 1802/1859 Sambat and continued till AD 1806/1863 Sambat. Sikh coins were
also minted from Anandgarh, the name of the main fort in Anandpur, from
AD 1784/1841 Sambat to AD 1788/1846 Sambat by the sardars who held sway
over the Anandpur area. 129 The Bhangi sardar, :Jhancia Singh, occupied Multan in
AD 1779 and issued a Sikh coin dated AD 1772/1829 Sambat and this series
continued till AD 1778/1836 Sambat when Multan was taken back from the Sikhs
and was occupied by Timur Shah in February 1780. 130
It is also possible that some series were minted by independent sardars and
that these have not been located because they were minted in very small
numbers or because the dies were identical. A custom common in northern India
is to distribute new coins on ceremonial occasions such as weddings and religious
rites and festivals. The Patiala state rulers had special coins minted for the puja
on Dussehra; even unused new coins from the previous years were reminted to
ensure their purity as offerings placed before the deities.
From the above accounts it is amply clear that the proliferation of Sikh coins
commenced after the death of ]assa Singh Ahluwalia, the long-standing leader of
the Dal Khalsa, and thereby slackened the hold of the Dal Khalsa over the
individual sardars. This proliferation of the minting of Sikh coins seemed to have
continued for about a decade or so and with the rise of Ranjit Singh and the
consolidation of the Sikh state all these separate types of minting came te an end
74
SIKH COINAGE
and the Sikh coins were centrally minted at Amritsar and Lahore. These were
also minted at some newly acquired territories of the Lahore Darbar such as
Jhang, Multan, Kashmir, Peshawar, and Dehrajat. The conch.Jsions drawn about
the proliferation of Sikh coins from 1783 to about 1810 become clearly evident
in the examination of the various series of coins struck during this period and
which are shown in the following catalogues:
AD
1765-1799
75
Madanjit Kaur notes that the leaf motif is the peepal leaf, a traditional Indian
symbol signifying the eternal tree of life. J35 Saran Singh states that the peepal
tree is considered holy by the Hindus and the Buddhists but not by the Sikhs. He
identifies it with the lotus flower, drawing support from the scriptures which
state that a true believer of the Sikh religion is always steadfast as the lotus is in
water.136 R. T. Somaiya, an expert on Indian trees, calls it the ber or beri leaf. 137
W.H. Valentine is very casual in his description of the peepal leaf as a
favourite symbol or motif of the Sikhs, since he offers no justification for this
claim. C.]. Brown's argument that the leaf motif appeared for the first time in
1853 Sambat also seems to be incorrect as coins bearing much earlier dates with
the leaf motif are available. Ram Chandra Kak's explanation that it is a betel leaf
cannot be accepted without proper evidence. Likewise Madanjit Kaur's assessment
is incorrect on two counts: first, it was not introduced by Ranjit Singh, and
second, there is no evidence in support of its being a betel leaf. Saran Singh's
reasoning is also not acceptable as there does not seem to be any link between
the basis and the placement of the leaf on the coin at a particular point of time.
R.T. Somiya's contention that the Sikh Gurus liked trees and hence it is the ber
leaf cannot be accepted without any evidence from contemporary records.
The introduction of the leaf motif on Sikh coins in 1783 and its continuance
and uniform appearance on every Sikh coin and from every Sikh mint thereafter
seems to indicate that these developments must have been taken on the basis of
some important and collective decision of the Khalsa. Had this been the whim of
some odd sardar, it would soon have ended and would not have been uniformly
and universally adopted.
The leaf motif on Sikh coins is widely inscribed on the Amritsar coin of
1845 Sambat, Le. AD 1788. 138 It is quite likely that the leaf motif first appeared in
the early 1740s but these coins have not been traced so far. Thereafter, it
appeared universally on all Sikh coins from all the Sikh mints until the annexation
of the Sikh state in 1849. Since no documented evidence in support of this is
readily forthcoming it seems logical that some important event was responsible
for the adoption of the leaf symbol. Further, the leaf symbol appears on longrunning series. It can be said with reasonable certainty that the leaf motif first
appeared on the series which was produced by the main Sikh mint as it
continued to be minted from 1841 Sambat without any change.
R.T. Somaiya states emphatically that the leaf motif on Sikh coins is the her
leaf which was based on the actual ber tree in the parikrama of the Darbar
Sahib in Amritsar popularly called the Dukh Bhanjani, i.e. remover of sorrows;
Somaiya rejects the claim that the motif represents the peepal leaf, which quite a
few scholars argue is the most logical explanation since the peepal tree is widely
worshipped as a holy tree by the Hindus. 139 Somaiya further argues that the ber
tree is part of the folklore of northern India. The ber tree grove was selected by
Nar and Nariaria (Hindu gods) for their stay in the Himalayas. He contends that
the so-called symbol of the branch on the Moran Shahi coins is, in fact, a ber
76
SIKH COINAGE
branch bearing the ber fruit. Somaiya's arguments cannot be accepted as proper
numismatic investigation or even as historical analysis since they are not based
on any contemporary evidence.
Around 1841 Sambat/AD 1784 there was no serious political upheaval and
the Sikh misls were in possession of their lands and had even made incursions
into the Gangetic plain for plunder or for levying the rakhi as the situation
demanded. 140
A major event of this period was the prolonged famine of 1783 popularly
called the 'chalisa' famine. In 1781, 1782, and 1783 the monsoons completely
failed in north India. The drought was most acute in 1783 and resulted in one of
the severest famines, known as chalisa kal as it occurred in the Bikrami year
1840. 141 The famine affected the whole of northern India but it was particularly
severe in the Punjab. Ponds, tanks, and wells went dry. Cattle perished by the
thousands and many people died. According to a contemporary observer,
Harcharan Dass of Delhi, thousands died in Delhi alone in five to six days. In
south-eastern Punjab, the whole countryside was devastated. 142 There - w-a-s:: no
rain in 1783 and the populace was decimated, peasants abandoned their villages,
and thousands died from hunger and disease. The abandoned villages of Patiala
were taken over by the neighbouring sardars. The faminestricken territory
stretched fr.om Multan to Bengal and brought untold misery to all living souls.
In Hissar district, the heipless people died in their villages or perished from
hunger and exhaustion in attempting to move south and east. People escaping
from Bikaner died in Haryana in a vain endeavour to reach Delhi. Tales are told
of parents who devoured their children but it is likely that the children were
sold for some measure of grain. 143 The Hazara district was nearly depopulated
during the famine, and grain was sold 3 to 4 seers per rupee. l44 In the Punjab
and Delhi the high prices were beyond the reach of the common people, who
also suffered from lack of employment.
During the famine of 1783, most of the Sikh chiefs continued their langars
or free dining halls to feed the poor and the needy. Some of them spent all their
money for this purpose. Describing a Sikh chief of Montgomery district, a report
notes: The famine of AD 1783 occurred in Budh Singh's time. He is said to have
sold all his property, and to have fed the people with grain from the proceeds. 145
Mohan Singh Sakarchakia gave 100 grams of dried grain to each person daily.J46
Regarding the Rawalpindi area, Shahamat Ali states that before the country was
conquered by the Sikhs there was a great famine, from which it rapidly recovered
under the good administration of Milkha Singh. 147
The Sikhs, who had risen from ryots to become rulers in only a couple of
decades, had deep roots in the land and hence looked after their people.
Further, the Sikh tradition of langar and sharing established by the Sikh Gurus
was very strong and hence the Sikhs were greatly affected by this chalisa
famine. Since the saviours of the Sikhs are their Gurus, it is presumed that they
AD
I765- I 799
77
might have sought their Gurus' blessings for the end of the drought. The rains
began in March 1784 and slowly the drought conditions improved. Since the
Sikhs minted their coins in the names of their Gurus and since they had great
reverence for their coins, it is quite likely that they sought their Gurus' blessings
by placing the 'leaf on their coins as a symbol of fertility and prosperity. Even
otherwise in northern India, green leaves are tied at the door of a house where
the birth of a baby is expected; it is a symbol of fertility and prosperity.
Although this presumption is based on circumstantial evidence drawn from the
chalisa famine, it is plausible that this horrific event and its memory led the
grateful Sikhs to place the leaf motif on the Sikh coins on a permanent basis as a
token of their thanksgiving. However, the subject remains open for further
speculation. Still, this conjecture has drawn the support of Hans Herrli who
writes:
The following selection of leaves occurring on the coins of Amritsar, the mint where the leaf
symbol originated, shows clearly that in many or even in most of the cases the Sikh die-cutters
did not at all try to show the leaf of a particular botanically classifiable plant, but simply the
generai idea of a leaf. The extremely varying forms of the leaf may support an interpretation
of the mark proposed by Surinder Singh. He sees in the leaf a general fertility symbol adopted
after one of the great famines that regularly afflicted North India. 148
Guru Arjan had anticipated the coming of difficult times in the near future. He
had started living, advocating the spiritual life. and worldly living as two aspects
of a single reality. He erected lofty buildings, wore fine clothes, kept fine
horses, and maintained retainers in attendance. The Sikhs venerated the Guru to
such an extent that he was called Sacha Padshah. 150 In April 1606 Guru Arjan
78
SIKH COINAGE
AD
1765-1799
79
fierce battles (1633 to 1638) with the Mughal officials. Finding no end thereto
insight, and these battles being a great strain on his resources of both men and
material, he moved to a place near present-day Bilaspur, named it Kiratpur, and
spent the rest of his days there till his demise in 1649. 160 Nihar Ranjan Ray very
correctly summed-up that Guru Nanak laid down the main planks of the platform
on which the edifice of Sikh society was to be built. The later Gurus walked on
these planks and few of them-Guru Arjan, Guru Hargobind, and Guru Gobind
Singh-strengtliened them by buttressing and adding new dimensions to them. 161
By the time of Guru Gobind Singh, the Sikh community had been all but
transformed from a purely religious group to a highly organized body of men
and women within the .Punjab, militant in spirit, and determined to meet any
challenge to their faith and their society, a challenge that came not only from the
Mughals but also from the Hindu rajas, perhaps more from the latter. 162 The
integration of the temporal and spiritual aspects seems to have been the most
significant contribution of the Sikh Gurus to the Sikh way of life.
From 1644 onwards, Guru Hargobind's successor Gurus did not stay in
Amritsar and spent their time mostly in the Shivalik Hills, Le. from 1644 till
1704, when Guru Gobind Singh had to leave Anandpur Sahib, after a long siege
by the combined forces of the Mughal governors and Hindu hill rajas in 1704.
The Akal Takht, popularly called Akal Bunga, remained unused and dormant for
almost a century till the Sikhs were able to assert themselves again against the
might of the Mughals and the Afghans. The period from the death of Guru
Gobind Singh till the permanent occupation of Lahore in 1765 is marked by
instances of the extreme torture of Sikh men, women, and children. All sorts of
inhuman' and tortuous methods were adopted by the Mughal rulers with the
intent to literally annihilate them by either conversion to Islam or by execution.
But the spirit breathed in his Sikhs by Guru Gobind Singh gave them exemplary
and death-defying courage, tempered with compassion for the weak. This period
from 1708 to 1765 is the golden period of the struggle and development of Sikh
society into a Sikh nation under extremely trying circumstances. Certain institutions
were developed in the midst of persistent enemy attacks. For instance, Sikhs
facing extreme pressure and persecution by Samad Khan, Zakariya Khan, Muinul-Mulk, and other Mughal officers, moved out from their villages and towns and
sought refuge in the Lukhi jungles and the Malwa desert. 163 Since their women
and children were not spared, they took them to their hideouts. With the passage
of time, they were able to hold their own with their defence-oriented guerrilla
tactics and successfully planned intrusions into the Mughal territories. A popular
saying sums up the situation: the government rules by the day and the Khalsa
rules by the night. 164
The Sikhs were firmly established in their areas after the close of the first
quarter of the eighteenth century. They were regular visitors to Amritsar during
Baisakhi and DiwalL They used to meet each other, discuss their common
80
SIKH COINAGE
problems and even mutual animosities, which could be sorted out in a soothing
atmosphere or by the intervention of other sardars. They would then assemble at
the Akal Takht, where after some religious ceremony they would choose the
senior and the most respected sardar as the leader and pass certain resolutions,
called gurmatas. This assembly has been variously called the general assembly,
national council and so on. These gurmatas were invariably passed unanimously
and .without any vote of dissent. Some noteworthy features of the assemblies at
the Akal Takht were: CO All those who attended the assembly were equal to
each other and each had an equal right to participate in the deliberations; (iO All
private animosities ceased among those assembled at the Akal Takht and those
who willingly sacrificed their personal feelings at the altar of the general good
after the gurmata was passed; (iii) Every one, irrespective of whether he had
spoken for or against the issue when it was debated, considered it his religious
duty to abide by it. There is not a single case known where this was not done
and some sardars did not participate in the fight against the Mughals or the
Afghans. 165 European travellers such as John Malcom. and George Forster .have
given detailed accounts of the independence of expression among the participants
and noted that after the passing of the gurmata, they forgot their private feuds .
and rendered service to the commonwealth with extreme devotion. 166
A few important gurmatas are noted below:
(a) In 1733, conferring the title of nawab rn Kapur Singh.
(b) In 1745, to recognize 25 organized groups of Sikhs to resist persecution and
AD
1765-1799
81
hostility of the entire Mughal court towards him and the helplessness of the
emperor to take any action against Wazir Khan, the faujdar of Sirhind. 169 He also
realized t.h,at it might not be possible for him to leave for the Punjab. Banda
Bahadur, a Bairagi, became his ardent disciple and the Guru sent him to the
Punjab with his directions; Banda Bahadur was assisted by five senior Sikhs as
advisers and about two dOzen soldiers to reorganize the depressed Sikh community
and to strive to wrest back the lost territories. 170 He defeated Wazir Khan and
occupied the entire faujdari of Sirhind and the surrounding territories where he
established his own thanas and set up the initial Sikh state. l7l The Sikhs made a
seal for the state and also issued silver rupee coins as a symbol of their
sovereignty. The legend on the seal was: 'Deg Teg Fateh 0 Nusrat Baidrang, Yaft
Uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh', meaning that Degh the economic resources, Tegh
the strength of sword arm, with unrestrained help, Yaft Uz, received from Guru
Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh. 172 This seems to be based on the couplet of Guru
Gobind Singh's writings: 'Degh Tegh Jug Me Dohon Chalen, Rakh Lo Moi Aaap
Awar Na Dalen.' This means that both my free kitchen and my sword should
prevail in the world, preserve me my Lord, and let none trample me. 173 The coin
bore the legend:
Obverse
Reverse
Meaning a coin has been struck in both the worlds herein and hereafter under
the guarantee of Guru Nanak's double-edged sword, the victory of Guru Gobind
Singh, King of Kings, has been achieved with the grace of Sacha Sahib. Minted at
a place of perfect peace, picture of a beautiful city where the illustrious throne
of the Khalsa is to be located.
After the occupation of Lahore, the Sikhs issued a coin dated AD 1785/1822
Sambat. The legend for the obverse was taken from the Khalsa seal made in the
time of Banda' Bahadur.
Obverse'
Since there was no reverse on the Khalsa seal, they took the existing legend as
on the reverse of the Mughal coins, Le. Zarb Dar-ul-Salatnat Lahore Jalus
Maiminat Manoos, meaning Capital City of Lahore Auspicious and Prosperous
Reign. After about 10 years, the Sikhs were able to locate a rupee coin of Banda
Bahadur from somewhere in Amritsar. They brought out a Sikh coin from
Amritsar with the legend:
82
Obverse
Reverse
SIKH COINAGE
Meaning coined at Sri Amritsar ]ioe, Reign of Illustrious Akal Takht Auspicious
and Prosperous. The Sikhs found that the legend on the reverse of the coins of
Banda Bahadur could not be used as such, as they had a proper city from where
it was being minted, the city of Amritsar being the most sacred city for the Sikhs.
In place of the Takht Khalsa, they gave this honour and authority to the Akal
Takht, which was a place revered next to the Harimandir Sahib. This legend was
continued by Ranjit Singh and his successors on the Sikh coins issued from
Amritsar till the annexation of the Sikh state in 1849 by the British (see Plate II).
It is to be noted that the Sikhs gave the place for the Khalsa Takht to the Akal
Takht, a place higher in constitutional hierarchy to the temporal rulers. It was
'this authority of the Akal Takht, inscribed on the reverse of the Sikh coins, under
which Maharaja Ranjit Singh was called upon to appear before the Akal Takht
over some social misdemeanor and was awarded a punishment which he accepted
in complete humility. 175
'
REVERSE
OBVERSE
REVERSE
ENLARGED VERSIONS
AURANGZEB COIN
AD
1698
84
SIKH COINAGE
AD
1765-1799
85
86
SIKH COINAGE
37, Ibid" p, 173. Hari Ram Gupta bases this on the authority of Miskin, Khushwaqt Rai, and
Ali-ud-din,
38. Ibid., pp, 40 and 306,
Aqil Das of Jandiala was the guru of the dissenting sect of the Niranjanis, whose ancestors
were Sikhs, but he was vehemently opposed to the Sikhs and had always aided the
enemies of the Sikhs. He invited Ahmad Shah and gave away the location of the Sikh
camp to the Afghans,
39, Sohan Lal Suri, Daftar, I, pp, 46-7, as quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 174,
40. James Browne, History of the Origin and Progress of the Sikhs (India Tracts), London: East
India Company, 1788, p. vii. Reprint Indian Studies Past & Present, vol. II, Calcutta
1960-1, p. 555.
41, Both Hari Ram Gupta and Ganda Singh state that Budh Singh and Ajaib Singh were
natives of Lahore and the authors of Risala-i-Nanak Shah written in Devanagari. Browne
met them in Delhi in 1783 and persuaded them to let him have a translation of this
manuscript in the Persian language, abridging it as much as possible without injuring its
essential purpose. Browne considered it extremely defective in the regular continuation of
dates and thus not deserving the name of a historical account.
42. James Browne was sent by Warren Hastings, in 1782, to Lucknow to meet Nawab Wazir
Asaf-ud-Daula and thereafter proceed to the Mughal court at Delhi, with his recommendations
to watch the interests of the British East India Company. Warren Hastings left India in
February 1785 and immediately thereafter Browne was recalled by the acting GovernorGeneral. It was during his stay of about three years in India that Browne came in contact
with Budh Singh and Ajaib Singh and wrote his account The Sikhs upto March 1785 and
this was published in 1787.
43. Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs, their Origin, Customs and Manners, Chandigarh: Vinay
Publishers, 1981, p. 75; Mountstuart Elphinstone, An Account of the Kingdom of Kabul,
vol. II, London, 1815, p. 289; J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, New Delhi: S. Chand &
Co., 1972, p. 89; Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, Ludhiana: Kalyani Publishers, 1989,
p. 230; G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, Lahore: New Book Society, 1945, p. 236.
44. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., pp. 144, 145 and 175. He cites a number of Persian sources in
support of this claim.
45. Hari Ram Gupta, 'The First Sikh Coin of Lahore', Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, Modern. Section, 1938, p. 430.
46, Ibid., pp. 1678, based on the accounts of Ali-ud-din, Sohan Lal Suri, Shamsher Khalsa, and
others.
47. Ghulam Ali Khan Azad, Khazana-e-Amira, Kanpur: Newal Kishore Press, 1871, p. 114.
The Sikh nation residing in the Punjab, who from the earliest times have been a source of
mischief and trouble, are bigoted enemies of the Musalmans. It is observed that in spite of
the fact that Shah had so many times overrun India, these people lacking in foresight
have raised the standard of rebellion and disturbance and have killed his viceroy at Lahore.
They raised a person named Jassa Singh from amongst themselves to the status of a King,
and like a demon, they made him sit on the throne ofJamshid, and blackened the face of
the coin with his name, Having taken possession of the city of Lahore and its vicinity,
they molested God's creatures in general and Muslims in particular. Hearing this news,
Shah Durrani, according to his established practice, again moved towards India.
48. Ganda Singh, 'History of Origin and Progress of the Sikhs by James Browne', Indian
Studies, Past and Present, vol. II, 1960-1, p. 555.
49. Ibid., p. 555.
AD
1765-1799
87
50. Ibid., 581; N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, Calcutta: A. Mukherjee & Co., 1973, p. 55.
51. Hari Ram Gupta, 'The First Sikh Coin of Lahore', op. cit., pp. 428, 432.
52. Ibid., p. 431, footnote: 'Dr. Sinha, without consulting any of the works quoted above in
this connection, jumps to the conclusion that these coins were not struck at all, and refers
to no authorities on whom he bases his statement at page 94 of The Rise of the Sikh
Power.'
53. N.K. Sinha, Rise of the Sikh Power, op. cit., p. 55:
It must be admitted that it is difficult to deny the fact of coinage, and I have nowhere
done it. But even if these coins were struck, would it be proper to assert that they were
authorised official issues of the Sikh commonwealth?
54. Had Ram Gupta, 'The First Sikh Coin of Lahore', op. cit., p. 431.
55. Ibid.
56. S.S. Bal, 'The Sikh Struggle for Independence and the Place of Sovereignty in Sikh Polity,
The Mediaeval Indian State, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1968, p. 128; G.S. Chhabra,
Advanced History of Punjab, vol. I, Jullandhar: New Academic Publishing Co., 1968, p. 39.
57. N.K. Sinha, op. cit., p. 55.
58. Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, Old Historical Records, Jaipur Account, dated 6 July 1710,
p. 39.
59. Hadiqat-al-Aqalim by Murtaza Hussain, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, p. 148.
60. The seal imprint bears the legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh' adopted on Sikh coins in 1765 and
onwards. The legend on the few rupees traced so far is that of 'Sikka Zad bar har do
alam', adopted on the Amritsar 'rupee of 1775 and onwards.
61. Khazana-e-Amira, see note 47 above.
62. Ganesh Das Badhera, Char Bagh-i-Punjab (ed. Kirpal Singh), Arnrltsar: Khalsa College,
1965, pp. 130-1.
63. Khushwaqt Rai, Kitab-i-Tarikh-i-Punjab, folio 104, quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit.,
p. 177.
64. Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana, p. 173, as quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit.,
p. 177.
65. Ganda Singh, Sardar jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1990, p. 110.
66. Lepel Griffin, Rajas of the Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department, 1970, p. 461.
67. Brigadier Sukhjit Singh in his letter dated 20 May 1980 (in reply to my letter dated
21 March 1980 regarding the presence of Jassa Singh's coin with the Kapurthala royal
family).
68. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 167.
69. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993, p. 168. Hans Herrli
has stated that the complete sikka zad bar simno-tilla Shah Shujah Armini, Nur-iChashan Lord Burnes Khak-i-pa-i-kampani by Sultan Muhammad Khan bin Musa Khan
Durrani has been taken by him from an article in jRASB, vol. LVII, no. 1 (1888) by C.].
Rodgers.
70. Jatti Ram Gupta, 'Dussehra Festival in the Punjab during Sikh Rule 1800-1849', Sikh
Review, 1970, pp. 41-3.
71. N.K. Sinha, op. cit., p. 54.
72. Ibid., p. 55.
73. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, vol. I, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987,
pp. 152-3.
74. N.K. Sinha, Rise of the Sikh Power, op. cit., p. 54.
75. Ibid., p. 227.
88
SIKH COINAGE
76. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, vol. I, op. cit., pp. 160-1.
77. K.S. Thapar, 'Gurmata, Democracy in Practice', Panjab Past & Present, vol. IX, pt. II,
October 1975, Patiala, pp. 284-9.
78. (i) Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 227.
(ii) K.S. Thapar, 'Gurmata', Patiala: P.P.P., vol. IX, October 1975, p. 289.
(iii) Harjinder Singh Dilgeer, Hukmnamas of the Akal Takht, Punjab History Congress,
March 1982, Punjab University, Patiala, p. 175.
(iv) C.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta, vol. L, 1881, p. 79.
(v) G.c. Narang, op. cit., p. 251.
(vi) Muhammad Latif, op. cit., p. 287.
(vii) ].D. Cunningham, op. cit., p. 93.
79. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, op. cit., pp. 228-9.
80. (i) Ibid., p. 230.
(ii) ].D.Cunningham, History of Sikhs, p. 94.
(iii) G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 251.
(iv) Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, op. cit., p. 287.
(iv) N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, op. cit., p. 45.
(v) G.L. Chopra, Punjab as a Sovereign State, Hoshiarpur: V.v. Research Institute (VVRl),
op. cit., p. 153.
(vi) C.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', op. cir., p. 79.
81. William Irwine, Later Mughals, op. cit., p. 110.
82. Hari Ram Gupta, 'The First Sikh Coin of Lahore', Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, Modern Section 1938, p. 428.
83. (0 C.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', op. cit., p. 80.
(ii) Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron, 'Gold and Silver Coinage of Sikhs', Inaugural Address,
International Colloquium, I.].R.N.S., Anjaneri, Nasik, 1984, p. 128.
84. (0 . ].D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 94.
(ii) Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, op. cit., p. 287.
(iii) G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 251.
(iv) G.L. Chopra, Punjab as a Sovereign State, op. cit., p. 153.
85. ].D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., Appendix IX, p. 312, Appendix XII, p. 315.
86. H.R. Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., 1973 p. 182.
87. (i) Max Arthur Macauliffe, tbe Sikh Religion, vol. V, op. cit., p. 311.
(ii) Dharam Pal Ashta, 'Poetry of Dasam Granth', Ph.D. thesis, Chandigarh: Panjab University
Library, p. 26.
88. H.R. Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 190.
89. Ibid., p. 180.
90. DharamPal Ashta, 'Poetry of Dasam Granth', op. cit., p. 26..
91. Ganda Singh, Hukmnamas, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1985, p. 149.
92. Foreign Department, General Report, Administration of Punjab Territories, 1849-51,
Calcutta, 1856, p. 34.
93. Surinder Singh, 'Nabha State Coinage and Patiala State Nazrana Coins', Panjab University
Research Bulletin, April 1990 and October 1990.
94. William Irvine, Later Mughals, op. cit., p. 110.
95. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, op. cit., p. 230.
96. Bikramjit Hasrat, tbe Punjab Papers, Hoshiarpur: VVRl, 1970, p. 147.
97. H.R. Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., pp. 237-8.
AD
1765-1799
89
98. History of the Punjab and the Rise, Progress, and Present Conditions of the Sect and
Nation of the Sikhs, London: Allen & Co., 1846 (based on the memoirs of Captain
Murray), p. 236.
99. William Irvine, Later Mughals, op. cit., p. 110.
100. Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity, New Delhi: Oriental Publishers & Distributors, 1978, p. 200.
As the tradition goes, once his Prime Minister Dhian Singh told the Maharaja that as he
was their ruler he should not tie a cloth round his waist like the humble servants. The
Maharaja inquired, 'In whose name is the coin struck?' Dhian Singh told it was in the
name of Guru Nanak. The Maharaja smilingly told him that the ruler was the one in
whose name the coins were struck and Ranjit Singh was only the humble servant of the
Guru. . . . He considered himself to be the 'Kakur' (dog) at the door of the Gurus and
the Panth. He is also said to have called himself a 'rapita' (reporter cum watchman).
101. (0 M.A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. V, op. cit., p. 245.
(iO Gulshan Lall Chopra, The Punjab as a Sovereign State, op. cit., p. 153.
(iii) S.S. Grewal and S.S. Bal, Guru Gobind Singh, Punjab University, 1967, p. 239.
(iv) Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, Coins of India, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1969,
p. 147.
(v) N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, op. cit., p. 56.
(vO Patwa~t Singh, The Sikhs, New Delhi: Harper Collins India, pp. 75, 91, 105.
102. ].D. Cunningham, A History of the Sikhs,op. cit., p. 94.
103. Lepel Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, vol. II, p. 466.
104. c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', op. cit.,p. 79.
105. c.]. Rodgers, Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum Lahore, Calcutta, 1891,
p. 1.
106. C.]. Brown, Coins of India, Heritage of India Series, London: Oxford University Press,
1922, pp. 106-7.
107. Gulshan Lall Chopra, The Punjab as a Sovereign State, op. cit., p. 153.
108. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, op. cit., p. 2302.
109. I had the privilege of meeting the late Hari Ram Gupta many times at his residence in
Ferozepur and at my residence in ]ullandhar from 1980 to 1984. During this period I
received from him valuable guidance in my understanding of Sikh history. But Hari Ram
Gupta had not seen and studied Sikh coins and hence expressed his ignorance of them'
from a numismatic angle.
110. Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, CoMs of India, The Land and the People Series, New Delhi:
National Book Trust, 1969, p. 147.
111. Parmeshwari Lal Gupta and Sanjay Garg, The Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar,
Chandigarh: Punjab Government, 1989, p. 17.
112. Bikramjit Hasrat, Life and Times of Ranjit Singh, Hoshiarpur: VVRI, 1977, p. 42.
113. Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity, New Delhi: Oriental Publishers & Distributors, 1978, p. 83. In
my meeting with him he stated that his study of Sikh coins was restricted to written
accounts and did not extend to actual coins.
114. G.S. Chhabra, Advanced History of the Punjab, ]ullandhar: New Academic Publishing Co.,
1968, vol. II, p. 453.
115. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993, pp. 31-2.
116. Ganda Singh, ]assa Singh Ahluwalia, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1990, p. 203.
As ]assa Singh travelled to Amritsar from Fatehabad for the Diwali celebrations, he made
a halt at the village of Bundela. Here he ate a piece of watermelon and while riding
his horse developed a stomach ache and became unconscious. On his way to Amritsar
90
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
J44.
145.
SIKH COINAGE
he passed away. It was 7 Kartik, 20 October 1783, Diwali being five days ahead on
25 October.
Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Delhi: Low Priced Publications, 1993, p. 325.
Ganda Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, op. cit., p. 8.
Ibid" p. 36.
Ibid., p. 204.
Ibid., p. 160.
Ganesh Das, Char Bagh-i-Punjab (ed. Kirpal Singh), Arnritsar: Khalsa College, 1965,
p. 130.
Ibid., p. 132.
Ibid., p. 133.
Victor Jacquemont, The Punjab Hundred Years Ago, Punjab: Languages Department,
rpt., 1971, p. 50.
Hans Herrli, Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 130.
Ibid., p. 16.
Standard Guide to South Asian Coins and Paper Currency, Wisconsin: Krause Publications,
1st edn., p. 113.
Hans Herrli, Coins of India, op. cit., p. 65.
Ibid., pp. 210-11.
c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', op. cit., p. 91.
W.H. Valentine, Copper Coins of India, New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, vol. II,
p. 135.
C.]. Browne, Coins of India, op. cit., p. 107.
Ramchandra Kak, Archaeological and Numismatic Section, Sri Pratap Museum, Srinagar,
Calcutta: Spink & Co.; 1923, p. 152.
Madanjit Kaur, 'A Study of Sikh Numismatics with special reference to the Coins of Ranjit
Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh, edited by Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora, Punjabi University,
Patiala, 1984, p. 337.
Saran Singh, 'The Formation of Sikhism and the Coins of the Sikhs', Journal ofMalaysian
Numismatic Society, Newsletter, vol. XI, nos. 3-4, 1980, p. 24.
R.T. Somaiya, 'Sikh Coins', Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, Newsletter no. 25, March 1994.
Hans Herrli, Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 62.
R.T. Somaiya, 'Sikh Coins', op. cit., Newsletter no. 25, March 1994.
Hari Ram Gupta, Sikh fIistory, vol. II, op. cit., p. 127.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, vol. III, op. cit., pp. 174-5.
The famine of 1783: 'In April 1783, as ever famine broke out in the Punjab. In 1781 and
1782 there had been little rain and so the harvest was poor: and the winter rain of 178283 completely failed. Hence there was no rabi crop of April 1783. The drought which
had been raging for the past two years, and had become most acute in that year became
known as the Chalisa because it occurred in the year 1840' of Bikrami Sambat. So terrible .
was the visitation that thousands of persons died due to absolute starvation. The
contemporary Harcharandas says that in April 1784 (it should be 1783), thousands of
persons were lost.'
Punjab Gazetteer, Lahore, 'The san chalesa famine', 1884, p. 14.
Hissar Gazetteer, 1883-4, Lahore, 1884, p. 13.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. IV, op. cit., p. 241.
Ibid., p. 355.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
AD
1765-1799
91
Ibid., p. 527.
Ibid., p. 124.
Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 41.
Mansukhani, Gobind Singh, The Quintessence of Sikhism, Amritsar: SGPC, 1965, p. 248.
Dabistan-i-Mazhab, Mohsin Fani, tr. David Shea and Anthony Troyar, Paris, 1843,
pp. 233, 234.
151. Tuzak-i-jahangiri (tr. by Rodgers and Beveridge), 1996 edn., New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, p. 72.
152. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. III, New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 3rd rpt.,
1985, p. 99.
153. Macauliffe, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 2.
154. A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Religion, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1983, pp. 327-8.
155. Dabistan-i-Mazhab, op. cit., pp. 235-6.
156. Tarlochan Singh, Guru Tegh Bahadur, Delhi: Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee, 1965,
p. 12, fn. 16.
157. Ibid., p. 12.
158. H.R. Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, New Delhi: u.c. Kapoor & Sons, 1973,p. 110.
159. Ibid., p. 110.
160. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 214.
161. Nihar Ranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Society, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1975, p. 57.
162. Ibid., p. 25.
163. ].B. Cunningham; A History of Sikhs, New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972, p. 80.
164. H.R. Gupta, op. cit. p. 45:
165. K.S. Thapar, 'Gurmata', op. cit., p. 287.
166. Ibid., p. 287.
167. K.S. Thapar, 'Gurmata: Democracy in Practice', Punjab Past & Present, Patiala: Punjabi
University, October 1975, p. 289.
168. (0 Ibid., p. 289.
(ii) H.R. Gupta, History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 227.
169. H.R. Gupta, Sikh Gurus, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1994, p. 320.
170. Ibid., p. 321.
171. H.R. Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, op. cit., pp. 12-14.
172. Hukmnama dated 12th December 1710 and another addressed to Bhai Dharam Singh,
undated, reproduced in Hukmnama, edited and compiled by Ganda Singh, Patiala:
Punjabi University, 1985, pp. 92-5.
.
173. Dharam Pal Ashta, 'Poetry of Dasam Granth', Ph.D. thesis, Chandigarh: Panjab University,
p. 26.
174. Surinder Singh, 'Study in Sikh Coinage', Ph.D. thesis, Calcutta: Rabindra Bharati University,
p. 106-7.
175. Ibid., p. 191 (Gulshan Lall Chopra, K.K. Khullar, C.]. Rodgers, Fauja Singh, Waheed-ud-din
have given different accounts.)
176. C.H. Biddulph, Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, vol. .XXV, pt. II, 1963, p. 39.
177. Ibid., p. 39.
178. Ibid., p. 40.
92
SIKH COINAGE
179. RC. Temple, 'The Coins of the Modern Chiefs of the Punjab', Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII"
Bombay, 1889, pp. 22-41.
180. Rajatarangini ofKalhana, tr. Ranjit Sitaram Pandit, New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, Tranga III,
1990, 103.
181. C.H. Biddulph, op. cit., p. 43.
182. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993, pp. 114, 158.
CHAPTER III
In the defence and recovery of their country the Sikhs displayed a courage of the most
obstinate kind, and manifested a perseverance, under the pressure of calamities, which bear
an ample testimony of native resource, when the common danger had roused them to action
and gave but one impulse to their spirit. Should any future cause call forth the combined
efforts of the Sikhs to maintain the existence of empire and religion we may see some
ambitious chief led on by his genius and success, and absorbing the power of his associates,
display from the ruins of their commonwealth the standard of monarchy.... Under such a
form of government, I have little hesitation in saying that the Sikhs would be soon advanced
to the first rank amongst the native princes of Hindustan, and would become a terror to the
surrounding states.
GEORGE FORSTER
AD
1800
94
SIKH COINAGE
love for his religion. Before taking important decisions, he would seek guidance
from the Guru Granth. Ranjit Singh waived his right to issue coins in his own
name in favour of Guru Nanak. 'It is supreme proof of his love for his religion
that the maharaja issued the "Nanak Shahi" rupees and the "Nanak Shahi" mohar.
On one side of these coins was Guru Nanak's figure and on the other the year of
striking the coins.' Prem Singh states in a footnote, 'Specimens of these coins can
be seen in the Lahore Museum.,4
However, this statement about the coins allegedly struck by Ranjit Singh and
their being :;lvailable in the Lahore Museum is not correct. My visit to tneGovernment Museum, Lahore in 1988 revealed nosudi coin in the collection of
Sikh coins, nor any reference in the various catalogues in the Lahore Museum to
any such coins bearing the figure of Guru Nanak, as stated by Prem Singh. There
is no evidence to support such ac1aim in the various historical and numismatic
accounts of the coins struck by Ranjit Singh nor is there any such coin in the
government collections nor with private collectors.
Some historians describe the ceremony of his coronation as a darbar but this
characterization is incorrect. Ranjit Singh never took the. title of Maharaja, although
he was at times addressed as such. He was generally called Singh Sahib, Sarkar
Khalsa, Noble Sarkar, and so on. He did not sit on a throne. He did not put his
name on anything. The fort he constructed in Amritsar was called Gobind Garh and
the palace he erected in Amritsar was called Ram Bagh. He did not adopt any of
the formal symbols of sovereignty which the contemporary Indian rulers were
then using, and this view is confirmed by most of his historians who have
commented on this aspect of his governance. The theocratic zeal and demqcratic
spirit among the Sikh masses was far too deeply rooted to allow any individual to
adopt such a highly objectionable measure in those times.
Ranjit Singh consolidated his position by taking over the territories of the
various misldars. He closed the mints run by them, and continued the minting of
Sikh coins from the Lahore and Amritsar mints under his direct control. In the
first decade of his rule, he brought the Sikh sardars under his control by
persuasion, fraud, and even by force where necessary; and in the next decade
he subdued the Hindu and Muslim chieftains of the hill states of Jammu, Kangra,
Derajat, Qasur, Jhang, Multan, Kashmir, Peshawar, and Hazara. New mints were
opened in Multan, Kashmir, Derajat, and Peshawar, but the main Sikh mints
remained those located at Amritsar and Lahore. Ranjit Singh spent the next two
decades consolidating his state and brought about unprecedented prosperity by
encouraging commerce, trade, and agriculture.
Among the' many trading centres in the Punjab were Lahore, Amritsar,
Multan, and Peshawar. Amritsar was known as the commerdal emporium of
.' northern India. The Punjab exported grains, pulses, sugar, rice, ghee, oil, salt,
silk, woollen fabrics, shawls, paper, and gold and silver articles. From Afghanistan,
Central Asia, and the hill areas, the Punjab imported dry fruits, carpets, and
95
ornamental woodworks. 5 Town duties, customs, and transit duties fetched annually
a sum of 24 lakh rupees.
The big merchants did not carry money bl)t instead issued hundis. Almost
all the Sikh sardars kept their money with bankers in large towns such as
Lahore, Amritsar, and Muhan, and issued hundis whenever they needed money.6
Before Ranjit Singh set up his treasury, he kept his money with the banker Rama
Nand Sahu of Amritsar. The daily production of coins was about 8,000 rupees. 7 A
hundred rupees was equal to 98 11z rupees of metal and one and a half rupees
was kept for expenses and profit. The annual profit of the Lahore mint was
about 30,000 rupees. There were also other currencies such as the Shah Shujah
rupee in Dera Ghazi Khan, the Mehrabi in Leia, the Chilki rupee in Muhan, and
the Zaman Shahi. These currencies were of the value of 12 to 14 annas of the
Nanak Shahi rupee of 16 annas, which was of pure silver. 8
96
SIKH COINAGE
the use of alcohol and opium were closely modelled on the customs of the
Mughal court. The main entertainment then revolved around wine, and women.
All the Mughal rulers and their aristocrats maintained harems; the women were
grouped into various categories, such as singing and dancing girls.u The consumption of opium was widely prevalent. 12 The practice of unnatural love with
unbearded boys called gunchas and londas was common among the Muslims. 13
Concubinage was very common among the royalty and the nobility. Courtesans,
concubines, and dancing girls had a well-defined place in society and their
patrons spoke very highly of them and did so without any inhibitions. 14
Ranjit Singh was not a much-married man according to Oriental standards. 15
He had two primary wives, Mehtab Kaur and Raj Kaur. He had married about
a dozen girls who had caught his fancy and who were the daughters of petty
sardars and zamindars. He married a few widows of sardars in accordance with
the karewa ceremony out of political necessity and social custom. He had about
a couple of hundred singing and dancing girls who entertained his courtiers,
sardars, and guests. 16 These women were also attached with European officers
to keep a watch on their activities.
Moran caught Ranjit Singh's fancy sometime around 1802, and he is said to
have taken a great liking to her. Historians called her by various names such as
Bibi Moran, Moran Sarkar, and Maharani Moran. Syed Waheed-ud-din describes
Ranjit Singh's wedding to Moran as haVing been conducted in accordance with
the customs of courtesans, with the procession of the bridegroom's party stretching
from the Lahore Fort to the Shalimar Garden, a distance of several miles. 17 The
account is apparently a fanciful tale instead of historical account. Muhammad
Latif states that Moran was married to Ranjit Singh according to Muslim rites and
the nuptials were celebrated with great pomp and show in a haveli, especially
purchased for her, and located between the Shahabin and the Lahori Gates. 18
This account too appears to be pure fiction. Ranjit Singh, a shrewd politician as
yet not fully established and still in the first decade of his reign, was hardly
likely to marry an unknown dancing girl according to Muslim rites in Amritsar, a
city where the Sikh religious leaders of the Akal Takht were fairly independent
of the ruler; indeed they were said to have questioned the Maharaja on some
. social or religious misdemeanour and were said to have even awarded a suitable
punishment to him. K.K. Khullar states that during a victory feast to celebrate the
conquest of Multan, Moran, a fabulous dancer of that area, performed an erotic
dance to charm the victor. Ranjit Singh fell for her and she was asked to leave
the vicious brothel of Multan to decorate the Maharaja's palace, and within'a few
months he married her. 19 However, there is no corroborating evidence to support
this claim; Multan was conquered in 1818 while Moran was discarded by Ranjit
Singh in 1811. 20 In all probability, the so-called marriage, if at all it took place,
would have been performed in a private ceremony for sheer fun and gaiety as
was done in the case of Gul Begum; here official orders were issued to Dhian
97
Singh, the prime minister, that none of the sardars and court attendants were to
be present at the bungalow where singing, dancing, and drinking were the main
attractions. 21 Such marriages did not give any rights to these women except the
right to maintenance..
The Maharaja was very fond of celebrating Holi, and he moved about in the
streets of Lahore with Moran and other such women who sat with him on his
elephants while he played Holi with his subjects.zz The people appreciated the
Maharaja's way of life, but the Akal Takht authorities were said to have taken
strong exception to such conduct, and summoned him before the Akal Takht and
asked him to explain his behaviour. Ranjit Singh pleaded guilty to the charge and
was awarded some fine as punishment. We have different accounts of this
episode; some historians say that he was fined a heavy sum, which was later
reduced on his protestation. 23 The actual date of this incident has not been
mentioned anywhere. Whether it is true or not is debatable, but one fact
emerges that the Akal Takht authorities had the right to question any violation of
the religious norms, even by so exalted a personage as the Maharaja. Moran
seems to have suddenly vanished from the scene within a few years and there is
no mention of her anywhere thereafter. In 1836 Baron Charles Hugel, a European
visitor to the Lahore Darbar, stated that Moran had been carried off to Pathankot
in 1811, never to be heard of again. 24
Most contemporary Indian chroniclers and scribes are silent about the Moran
affair. Sohan Lal Suri, the court chronicler, states that in 1831, when Ranjit Singh
saw William Bentinck helping Lady Bentinck out of a boat at Ropar, the Maharaja
is said to have been reminded of his somewhat similar affection for Bibi Moran.
Suri does not mention the Maharaja marrying Moran or striking coins in her
name. 25 An account by Diwan Amarnath written in 1836-7 notes the Maharaja's
great love for Moran and his having struck coins in her name at places which he
had conquered. 26 There is no account of Moran by any other contemporary
Indian chronicler or newswriter such as Khushwaqt Rai, Bute Shah, Mufti Ali-uddin, Ganesh Das Badhera, and the various news writers of the Lahore Darbar.
Among the contemporary European visitors to the Punjab, Baron Charles
Hugel and Henry T. Princep state that Ranjit Singh had struck coins in Moran's
name, an act of great importance in India. Hugel, however, belittles the significance
of the act by stating that it was done in jest against the Company Sarkar, which
was generally represented as the common wife, the widow, or the mistress of
the King of EnglandP In the translated work of Jacquemont, H.L.O. Garret states
that Ranjit Singh married Moran and even struck coins in her name. 28 J.D.
Cunningham mentions the Moran affair and states that Ranjit Singh caused coins
or medals to be struck bearing her name. 29 He further states that Moran once laid
a wager, as Empress Nur Jahan had done, that she would get her name engraved
on the rupees. Lepel Griffin states that Ranjit Singh struck coins with her name
and made an effigy in caricature of the East India Company, which in popular
98
SIKH COINAGE
Indian belief was a woman. 30 Gulshan Lall Chopra, in his note on Sikh coins,
states that Ranjit Singh struck coins in Moran's name from Amritsar for the years
Sambat 1861, 1862, 1863, and 1866 (Le. AD 1804, 1805, 1806, and 1809) and her
mark or symbol in the shape of a peacock tail was allow~d to be inscribed on
the coins.
Another feature peculiar to the alleged Moran Shahi rupees is that the first
letter alif of the word 'Akal' is left OUt. 31 Bikramjit Hasrat states that in 1803
Moran persuaded the Maharaja to commemorate their love by striking a new
coin. These coins, minted at Lahore during Sambat 1860-6, Le. AD 1803-9, bear
on the reverse the effigy of a dancing girl, and the word 'Moran' in the shape of
a peacock tail is imprinted on them. These were called the Moran Shahi rupees
as distinguished from the Nanak Shahi rupees, and remained current till Sambat
1884, Le. AD 1827,32 Hasrat also states that Ranjit Singh got tired of Moran in
1809 and two years later sent her to Pathankot. 33 Muhammad Latif states that
Moran obtained great ascendancy over Ranjit Singh, and under his sanction
money was coined at Lahore bearing the inscription of Moran as the favourite
queen of Ranjit Singh. 34 Khushwant Singh states that Ranjit Singh met Moran, a
Muslim courtesan, in 1803 at a nautch party and fell passionately in love with
her. He took her into his harem and had a coin minted in her honour, with the
figure of peacock. 35 Waheed-ud-din states that Ranjit Singh struck a coin in her
name which bore the figure of a peacock in keeping with the queen's name,
which is the plural of the Punjabi word for that bird and which she acquired
because of her style of dancing. 36 K.K. Khullar states, 'Maharaja Ranjit Singh
married Moran and commemorated the occasion by striking a gold coin in her
honour and the said coin bore the figure of a she peacock on its back. '37 Gopal
Singh states that in Sambat 1861, 1862, 1863, and 1866 coins were struck which
were popularly called the Moran Shahi coins, named after, it is said, Moran, the
Muslim singing girl who had captivated the heart of Ranjit Singh during the early
days of his reign. 38
Besides the above-mentioned historians, a few numismatists have also stated
that coins were struck in the name of Moran by Ranjit Singh. c.]. Rodgers, who
was the Principal of the Normal Teachers Training College at Amritsar for over a
decade after the annexation of the Lahore Darbar, carried out a study of Sikh
coins. He states that the Maharaja struck coins in the name of Moran by inscribing
the peacock tail as her mark. Further, the letter alif in the Moran Shahi rupees
had been left out in the word 'AkaI' which is apparently a mint masters' error
and not due to its association with Moran. These coins pertain to the years
Sambat 1861, 1862, 1863, and 1866 of the Amritsar mint. 39 Rodgers also mentions
Moran's coins in the Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum Lahore
which he prepared in 1891. 40
C.]. Brown states that during Sambat 1861-3, first a peacock's tail and then "a
thumb mirror (arsi) appeared on the Amritsar rupees, which bear reference to
99
Ranjit Singh's favourite dancing girl, Moran. 41 Parmeshwari Lal Gupta similarly
states that the peacock tail and the thumb mirror are symbols which represent
the coins struck in Moran's name during Sambat 1861-3. 42 However, while
preparing the catalogue of Sikh coins with the Sheesh Mahal Museum, Patiala,
P.L. Gupta revised his opinion and considers that the so-called Moran Shahi coins
were issued by some mis/dar at Amritsar and not by Ranjit Singh. He relies on
Cunningham's date for the Moran affair as AD 1810, but this claim is incorrect as
well; the earliest coins with the double branches pertain to Sambat 1861 and not
to Sambat 1858, as stated by him. However, he states that the coins said to be
Moran's coins allegedly issued by Ranjit Singh are the issues of some Sikh
mis/dar of Amritsar. 43 The Standard Guide to South Asian Coins and Paper Money
Since 1556 AD shows the 1862 rupees with the double branch as Moran's
coins. 44
Madanjit Kaur, while mentioning Moran's coins as described by c.]. Rodgers,
suggests the possibility that the peacock symbol could be the symbol of Durga,
the Hindu goddess representing Shakti, and hence it is possible that the legend
of Moran is not correct. However, she does not satisfactorily explain the reasons
behind such a onclusion nor has she established that the peacock symbol was
introduced by kanjit Singh. 45 More recently, Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron have
carried out a detailed examination of Sikh coins. They also share the views of
Cunningham and Rodgers regarding the alleged Moran Shahi coins. 46 From the
above account, it becomes apparent that those historians who accept the claim
that the Moran Shahi coins were struck by Ranjit Singh differ among themselves
over the question of whether these coins were struck at Amritsar, Lahore, or
Multan. Coins were said to have been struck in her name in places conquered by
Ranjit Singh, either on account of his love for Moran or as a jest against the
English East India Company.
.
The mint towns are variously mentioned as Amritsar and Lahore and the
coins are said to have carried Moran's name and effigy or a mere symbol by way
of the peacock tail or the arsi. The gold coin is stated to bear the figure of a
shepeacock (peahen) on its reverse. As the above accounts indicate, over a
score of historians have written about Moran's coins without either analysing the
information available or even without examining the coins when these coins
were readily available all along.
The origin of the Sikh coins as initially struck in AD 1710-12 and thereafter
regularly from AD 1765 onwards has already been examined in detail in earlier
chapters. All these coins were in the names of the Sikh Gurus, bearing the
legends that had existed on Banda Bahadur's seal and coin. The names of the
rulers, in accordance with the general practice th~n prevalent, could not be
placed on the Sikh coins; due to their sacrosanctity, being in the names of the
Sikh Gurus. The rajas of Patiala had minted gold and silver coins for puja
purposes in the names of the Gurus, but these coins were not state issue for
100
SIKH COINAGE
public purposes. 47 The rajas of Nabha had minted gold and silver coins in the
names of the Gurus both for public issue as well as issue to the gurdwaras. 48
With the passage of time, British currency became the currency for public
purposes, and these nazrana coins popularly called the Guru Sahib coins remained
in religious use as late as 1948 till Patiala and Nabha were merged with the
Union of India. The coins issued by the trans-Sutlej states of the Lahore Darbar
were in the names of the Gurus and not in the names of any rajas. 49
Ranjit Singh was a great general and a greater statesman. His main ambition
was to raise a great Sikh Empire and he worked untiringly towards his goal. He
was very fond of exchanging repartee with dancing and singing girls. According
to a popular story, Moran, his favourite courtesan, once asked him where he was
when God was distributing good looks. He is said to have replied that he was
busy securing his kingdom. 50 This story may be apocryphal but it does reveal the
primary aim of Ranjit Singh. Once his prime minister, Dhian Singh, asked him
why he wore a cloth around his waist like a humble servant when he was the
maharaja. Ranjit Singh told him that the coins of the state were struck in the
names of the Gurus and hence the Gurus were the rulers and he was their mere
humble servant,5! A person of this self-effacing and modest temperament was
not likely to carry out such a sacrilege as to mint coins in the name of a
concubine whom he eventually discarded after a few years. The attachments of
nobles with such women invariably lasted for short durations, whereas their
attachment to their faith and their kingdoms was of an abiding nature. In these
circumstances, whatever may have been the failings of Ranjit Singh, it does not
seem logical for him to have struck coins, otherwise considered sacrosanct, in
the name of a concubine. Had the news that Ranjit Singh had struck coins in
Moran's name been generally known to the traders of Amritsar, this information
could not have remained hidden from the Akal Takht authorities, and it is certain
that they would have taken due notice of such a blatant transgression of Sikh
religious teachings.
Even the pictorial coins allegedly struck by Ranjit Singh in 1836, when he
was at the height of his power, depicting him seeking the blessings of Guru
Nanak were only sample coins, which evidently were not finally minted for
general issue, lest these coins may be deemed to violate Sikh traditions. 52 Hence,
the alleged existence of Moran's coins is a figment of some fertile imagination,
which caught the fancy of certain people who mattered, and the rumour continued
to circulate more so after the death of Ranjit Singh; it has been repeated by
historian$ who have not 'cared to confirm the veracity of this claim.
The! Moran Shahi coins are said to have. been minted at Amritsar and Lahore
during the years Sambat 1861, 1862, and 1863. 53 These coins were selected by
c.]. Rodgers in 1881. Thus, the coins under dispute are at sr. nos. 1 to 8 pertaining to the years Sambat 1861, 1862, and 1863, Le. AD 1804, 1805, and 1806
(see Plate IV). Eight representative coins from these years produced by the
NO.1 1861 S
NO.2 1861 S
NO.3 1862 S
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NO.4 1862 S
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NO.5 1862 S
NO.7 1863 S
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...;
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NO.6 1863 S
NO.'8 1863 S
i . ..
~!!'
.~
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..
... ..,Aoi"j'..
~:qw ,:
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NO.1 1860 S.
NO.3 1862 S.
NO.2 1861 S.
NO.4 1863 S.
..
..
102
SIKH COINAGE
Amritsar mint and four coins from the Lahore mint are shown in Plate IV. It may
be clearly seen that these coins from both the Amritsar and Lahore mints do not
bear the name Moran or her effigy as contended by various historians. It is likely
that the twin branches or the twin leaves depicted on these coins are a variation
of the leaf motif rather than a depiction of the peacock tail. The peacock tail is
a fanlike obj~ct and the craftsman would certainly have made it fairly representative
of the actual tail had this indeed been the intention of Ranjit Singh. The figure in
sr. no. 6 is more like the top of a jewelled ring rather than an arsi, which is a
small mirror worn on the thumb ring which permitted its female wearer to
discreetly examine her face whenever she wished. The craftsman who made the
die for the coin could have made an arsi as well if that had indeed been the
intention.
The Sikh sardars were supposed to mint coins in the name of the Gurus for
which a selected legend was already prescribed. They were morally restrained
from placing their names on the coins but there were no restrictions on the
depiction of ornamentation and figurative symbols. Hence, it is possible that the
symbols depicted on these coins are neither a peacock's tail nor an arsi but
instead are certain ornamental figures as well as the extension of the leaf motif
into branches. The change in the style of ornamentation occurred due to the
proliferation of Sikh coins after the death of ]assa Singh Ahluwalia, as already
explained in an earlier chapter.
Since so many historians and numismatists have characterized them as
Moran's coins and since there are no mint records available to us, it is necessary
to examine the various facts concerning these coins, Le. the dates and mint
names on the coins, the year in which Ranjit Singh became infatuated with
Moran, and the year when Ranjit Singh occupied these towns. The coins pertain
to the Amritsar and Lahore mints for the years Sambat 1861, 1862 and 1863, Le.
AD 1804, 1805, and 1806. The affair of the Maharaja with Moran was recorded by
Diwan Amarnath on the occasion celebrating the first invasion of Multan by
Ranjit Singh in 1802. 54 Khushwant Singh states that coins were issued in the
name of Moran. 55 Waheed-ud-din in dates the affair as occurring in the twentysecond year of Ranjit Singh's life, Le. 1802. 56 Muhammad Latif dates it to 1802,
on Ranjit Singh's return to Lahore. 57 Bikramjit Hasrat dates the affair to 1802, on
Ranjit Singh's return to Lahore. 58 Griffin dates it to 1806. 59 Cunningham dates it to
1811, which is obviously incorrect as by that time the affair was over and Moran
was said to have been sent away to Pathankot. 60 Historians generally agree that
the affair occurred in 1802-3.
There is, however, some disagreement regarding the date of the occupation
of Amritsar by Ranjit Singh. Diwan Amarnath dates it as 1802,61 after which Ranjit
Singh went to Haridwar to bathe in the Ganga during the Kumbh Mela. Kanehiya
Lal states that Amritsar was occupied after Ranjit Singh's bath in the Ganga at the
Kumbh Mela, which occurred in 1806. 62 Ahmad Shah Batalvi states that Ranjit
103
104
SIKH COINAGE
the old legends on his coins. But he kept up only the mints of Lahore and
Arnritsar and closed down all the other mints. 75 This conclusion is drawn from
the fact that no further distinctive coins were minted after the occupation of
Arnritsar by Ranjit Singh.
From the accounts described in the preceding pages which examine this
matter from various angles, namely, political, social, religious, and numismatic, it
is reasonably certain that there was no likelihood of Ranjit Singh, issuing any
coins in the name of a concubine, when these coins issued in the names of the
Sikh Gurus were considered sacrosanct, and Ranjit Singh did not make any
changes to this well-established tradition during his long reign. The so-called
Moran coins were issued from one of the mints in Amritsar when Ranjit Singh
had not yet completely occupied the city. The so-called peacock tail is probably
linked to the extension of the leaf motif in the form of branches and leaves, and
the so-called arsi is a form of ornamentation which also appears on later coins,
and hence it cannot be treated as being exclusive to Moran's coins. The claim
that Moran's coins were struck by Ranjit Singh is pure and simple fiction, totally
divorced from any reality. It is very strange that many learned historians readily
accepted this story for granted without analysing its veracity or accuracy in the
'" light of the existing historical and numismatic evidence.
105
coins in his own name from Kashmir and Peshawar. An examination of a few
hundred Sikh coins struck in Kashmir during the period of Sikh rule, now with
private collectors and with the Sri Pratap Museum, Srinagar, does not reveal any
coin that was struck in the name of Hari Singh. It is a great irony that historian
after historian has written a 'Gult-ul-am Darus!', meaning 'a wrong fact repeatedly
called correct', without ever caring to actually examine the coins which were
and are readily available. The perpetuation of this fallacy is examined here with
reference to the relevant historical accounts, the tenets of the Sikh polity, and
the study of the actual coins struck during this period.
In a detailed biography of Hari Singh Nalwa written in 1937, Prem Singh
Hoti states that Ranjit Singh greatly appreciated the administration of Kashmir by
Hari Singh, and bestowed on him the singular privilege of striking coins in his
own name from Kashmir. While expressing his gratitude for the honour, Hari
Singh also expressed his disinclination for exercising this privilege. Ranjit Singh
appreciated Hari Singh's humility, yet he desired his wishes to be carried out.
Hari Singh struck coins in Sambat 1878, i.e. AD 1821, with 10 mashas pure silver,
and the value of the coin according to the currencies then in circulation was
8 annas. On its obverse was the legend 'Akal Sahai' in the Persian script, and on
the reverse the legends 'Hari Singh' and 'Yak Rupaiya'. He is also stated to have
struck bronze coins called the Hari Singh paise. 78 Prem Singh Hoti further states
that Griffin called these rupees Harisinghee rupees, which were legal tender all
over the Punjab. Maulana Mohammad Din is also stated to have recorded the
above facts in his book Mukammal Twarikh-i-Kashmir, i.e. the Complete History
of Kashmir. Prem Singh Hoti states that Ranjit Singh also authorized Hari Singh
Nalwa to strike coins from Peshawar. These coins weighed ~lIz mashas.79
A.S. Sandhu states that Hari Singh struck a coin after his own name at
Srinagar, and that this coin remained current in Kashmir and the Punjab till AD
1849. It was a base coin, of two-thirds the value of the common sicca rupee.
Hari Singh also struck a coin after his own name at Peshawar in 1834. 80 S.S.
Johar who wrote a biography of Hari Singh Nalwa in'1982 is very restrained
with footnotes and references. Johar states that Hari Singh sought the Maharaja's
permission to strike coins in his own name as this was necessary to uphold
the authority of the state. Ranjit Singh readily agreed to the proposal, and a coin
was struck which contained 10 mashas silver and 6 mashas bronze. The coin
was known as Hari Singh's rupee. It was equal to 50 paise. Besides the rupees,
paisa coins were also minted. The legend thereon was 'Sri Akal Sahai', Sambat
1878 on the obverse, and the likeness of Hari Singh and the legend' Yak rupayia'
on the reverse. 8 ! These accounts give incorrect amounts for the weight and
value of the coin as all rupee coins were of 11 g. only and not 16 g., and 10 g.
silver itself was worth 12 annas and not 8 annas, as stated by]ohar and others.
Gulcharan Singh states that Hari Singh Nalwa had the distinction of being
the governor of two provinces, and at both the places he had the honour of
107
striking coins in his own name. The rupee thus coined was known as the
Harisinghee after the general's name. On one side of the coin were' the words
'Sri Aka! jio' and on the other side 'Hari Singh' in the Gurmukhi script. This coin
was in use in Kashmir till 1890. 82 Kanehiya Lal states that after occupying large
areas of Kashmir, Hari Singh Nalwa struck a coin in his own name, which was
called the Hari Singhia rupia in the Valley. This rupee was worth 8 annas and
was prevalent in Kashmir and the Punjab. 83 G.M.D. Sufi states that there is
another kind of rupee associated with Hari Singh Nalwa which is called the Hari
Singhee; on obverse side of the coin is 'Sri Aka! Sahai' and on the reverse side
'Hari Singh'. It was worth 12 annas and all taxes, rents, and custom duties were
paid in this coin. 84 Ghulam Hassan also shares the views expressed by G.M.D.
Sufi regarding the coins struck by Hari Singh Nalwa in his own name. 85
D.C. Sharma, while explaining the various currencies prevalent in Kashmir,
states that in 1821 Hari Singh Nalwa, the Sikh governor of Kashmir, struck a new
coin at the mint in Srinagar known after him as the 'Hari Singh rupaiya'. It was
coined from an alloy of silver and copper in equal proportion of 6 mashas each.
Its value in proportion to the Nanak Shahi rupee was 10 to 11 annas. The coin
bears the legends 'Sri Aka! jio' on the obverse and 'Hari Singh Yak Rupayia' on
the reverse. 86 D.C. Sharma refers to Major Leach's description of the Hari Singh
rupaiya. RK. Parmu states that Hari Singh reformed the currency evidently with
the aim of demonetizing the Afghan currency on the grounds that it was foreign,
and instead he circulated new coins inscribed with the Sikh legend to commemorate
Sikh sovereignty. The new coin weighing 12 mashas was made of an alloy of
silver and copper in equal proportions. It was named the 'Hari Singh Rupaiya'
and was valued at 8 annas ill the open market. 87 This coin remained in
circulation as late as AD 1885. RK. Parmu based his account on Major Leach's
description of Hari Singh's rupaiya. Major Leach in his report Revenue of Kashmir
for the year 1836-37 describes the Sikh rupee as follows:
Obverse
Reverse
N.K. Sinha states that there was another kind of rupee associated with the
name of Hari Singh and as such it was called the Harisinghee. On one side of
this coin was written 'Sri Aka! jio', and on the other 'Hari Singh'. It was worth
12 annas and rents, taxes, and custom duties were paid in this coin. 89 Bikramjit
Hasrat states that Hari Singh replaced the old currency in Kashmir by a newly
minted currency which bore the inscription of his own name. 90 Bhagat Singh
states that there were various currencies then prevalent in Kashmir in the early
nineteenth century, viz., Mughal, Bahawalpur, Shikarpur, Khairpur, Zaman Shahi,
Murshidabadi, and Nanak Shahi. Another currency called the Harisinghee was
minted in Kashmir by Hari Singh Nalwa. On one side was written 'Sri Aka! jio'
108
SIKH COINAGE
and on the other side 'Hari Singh'. It was worth 12 annas and was called the
small rupee. 91 G.T. Vigue states that he does not know how long Hari Singh was
governor of Kashmir, but he coined the rupee that bore his name; it was twothirds the value of the common sicca rupee. 92 He further states that the Harisinghee
rupee, which is about the same value as the Kabul rupee, was coined by Hari
Singh, and subsequ~nt governors had attempted to impress their names thereon
but the coins always retained their original name. 93
Madhavi Yasin states that Hari Singh Nalwa demonetized the Afghan currency
as being foreign, and issued a new coin, the Hari Singh rupaiya, to commemorate
the inauguration of the new regime. 94 Shahamat Ali, who did not visit Kashmir
himself, states that Hari Singh Nalwa was appointed governor of Kashmir and
that he established a new rupee of base value which still bears his name. 95 G.S.
Chhabra states that Ranjit Singh, pleased with Hari Singh's work in Kashmir,
granted him the unique honour of striking coins in his own name. These coins
had the words 'Sri Akaljio' and 'Sambat 1878' on one side and 'Hari Singh Yak
Rupaiya' on the other. 96 Gopal Singh also states that Hari Singh Nalwa issued his
own coins in Kashmir with 'Shri Akal jeo' on one side and 'Hari Singh' on the
other. 97 Ganeshi Lal, who visited Kashmir in 1846 alongwith a British mission,
persistently refers to the Kashmir rupee as the Harisinghee rupee; he claims that
almost all transactions in grains, saffron, and various cottage industries, as well as
. the payment of all duties were carried out in this rupee. He states that the total
duty, including land revenue in 1846, came to 2,400,000 Harisinghee rupees. 98
He further states that the government charged 5 rupees per 100 rupees coined
in the mint. Half the quantity of the alloy is mixed with pure silver to coin the
Harisinghee rupee, and the total income from these was 60,000 rupees per
annum. 99
.
Walter Lawrence, the settlement commissioner in Jammu and Kashmir in
AD 1846, treats the figure of Rs. 2,600,000 as revenue given by Gholam Muhyiud-din (1841-5) as being equivalent to 1,300,000 imperial rupees, meaning
thereby that in the 1840s the Kashmir currency called the Harisinghee rupee was
worth 8 annas of the British rupee. He refers to Moorecraft's statement made in
1823 that 3,800,000 Kashmir rupees were equal to 2,900,000 sicca rupees,
meaning thereby that the Kashmir rupee was then worth 11 annas of the sicca
rupee. lOO Sita Ram Kohli states that the Kashmir or Harisinghee rupee, first struck
in Kashmir during the nizamat of Hari Singh Nalwa in the early 1820s, was
equal to 10 annas of the standard Nanak Shahi coin. IOI Hans Herrli also gives
Major Leach's description of the 'Harisinghee Rupaiya'. Herrli, who carried out an
extensive cataloguing of Sikh coins, states that a description matching this rupee
has never been published, and as the striking of such a coin by one of Ranjit
Singh's governors would have been tantamount to an act of rebellion, its very
existence seems highly improbable. 102 Although there exist about forty historical
accounts stating that Hari Singh Nalwa struck coins in his own name, there does
109
not exist even a single historical account which disputes this claim or which
even entertains any doubts regarding its veracity. In his thesis on the Sikh polity,
Bhagat Singh has established that sovereignty belonged to the Gurus and that
coins, being an important symbol of this sovereignty, were struck only in the
names of the Gurus, yet Bhagat Singh also states that Hari Singh Nalwa struck
coins from Kashmir bearing his name, evidently without noticing the contradiction
in these two assertions nor offering any authenticated reference in support of
this claim.
Hari Singh was in Kashmir for about one year, Le. from the close of 1820 to
the close of 1821. During the first half of this period, the Valley had little or no
contact with the outside world since the passes became snow bound in the
. winter months. Ranjit Singh would obviously need some time, say about a year
or so, to appreciate the work of Hari Singh in his capacity as governor of
Kashmir before deciding to award him this special privilege-that of striking
coins in his own name-which had not been awarded to any other governor or
even to a minister. Hence, the claim that Hari Singh Nalwa struck coins in his
own name in Kashmir is highly improbable, more so when there is no recorded
evidence in support of it.
Prem Singh Hoti has not given any authenticated reference explaining
why Ranjit Singh insisted that Hari Singh Nalwa should strike coins in his own
name, when the Maharaja himself had not struck any coins in his own name.
Ten mashas silver was worth about 14 annas as the rupee weight had all along
been about 11 mashas, and pure silver rupees were worth 16 annas, Hence, coins
with 10 mashas silver could not be worth 8 annas. Likewise, neither A.S. Sandhu
nor S.S. Johar have given any authentic reference regarding Hari Singh's attempt
to seek the concurrence of the Maharaja to strike coins in his own name. The
contention that these coins were 10 mashas silver and 6 mashas copper is also
incorrect, as is the claim that the likeness of Hari Singh was inscribed on the
reverse of these coins. The impression given by most of these historians that
Hari Singh Nalwa was the first to strike Sikh coins in Kashmir is not correct as'
the coins were duly struck by two of his predecessors (see Plates V and VI).
Kanehiya Lal is-incorrect in saying that Hari Singh, after occupying large
areas of Kashmir, struck a coin in his own name. During his year-long stay in
Kashmir, Hari Singh did improve the administration, but he did not conquer any
new area of Kashmir; he administered the territory that had already been under
the occupation during the tenure of his predecessors. Kanehiya Lal has made a
similar mistake in the case of Ranjit Singh. He states that in AD 1800 Ranjit Singh,
after his raj tilak ceremony, got coins issued from the Lahore mint, inscribed with
the existing Sikh legend on the obverse and his name on the reverse; however,
this claim is neither borne out by the evidence of these coins nor was any
darbar held in AD 1800. ,The chapter on banking and currency in D.C. Sharma's
book Kashmir under the Sikhs devotes a few pages to the legends inscribed on
110
SIKH COINAGE
Sikh coins. This chapter is reproduced without any changes in D.C. Sharma's
annotated edition of Kashmir under Maharaja Ranjit Singh by Charles Baron von
Hugel. The above accounts give the impression that D.C. Sharma had carried out
a numismatic examination of these coins but in fact he does not seem to have
actually examined any Sikh coins struck in Kashmir. The English rendering of the
legend is also incorrect. He is mistaken in stating that Ghulam Hassan and
Ganeshi Lal had confused the Hari Singh rupee with the Nanak Shahi rupee.
Moorecraft, who visited Kashmir in 1823 after Hari Singh had left, estimates the
value of the Hari Singh rupee as worth 11 annas. It was during the governorship
of Mihan Singh that silver and copper were mixed in equal quantities and the
value of the Sikh rupee fell to only 8 annas. Madhavi Yasin is also incorrect in
stating that Hari Singh demonetized the Afghan currency on the grounds that it
was foreign and that he issued a new coin as the Hari Singh rupayia to
commemorate the inauguration of the new regime. There was no system of
demonetization in that period, and neither was Hari Singh the first Sikh governor
of Kashmir and nor was he the first person to issue Sikh coins from Kashmir.
Ganeshi Lal and Walter Lawrence have discussed the relative value of the
Sikh currency vis-a-vis the British rupee and the Nanak Shahi rupee, but they
have not discussed the legends inscribed on these coins, and they are thus not
party to the propagation of the claim regarding the fictitious 'Hari Singh' legend
on the reverse of the coins. 103 In the late 1840s, the Sikh currency issued from
Kashmir was popularly called the Hari Singhee rupee although Hari Singh was in
Kashmir for only one year during 1820-1. The above assessment clearly reveals
the existence of contradictions in the various historical accounts and the complete
absence of any authentic references from contemporary records regarding the
legend as well as the lack of an actual examination of the coins in question;
hence, these historical accounts cannot be taken at their face value. Of all the
many historians who have described the legend in the name of Hari Singh not
even one mentions the existence and the actual physical examination of such a
coin.
One conclusion that clearly emerges from this discussion is that the Sikh
currency was popularly called the Harisinghee currency although Hari Singh was
the governor of Kashmir for only one year, I.e. during 1820-1. So great was the
impact of Hari Singh's firm and constructive administrative measures on Kashmir
that it eclipsed the contributions of his predecessors as well as sidelining the
efforts of his successors.
The confusion over its value resulted from the fact that the coins minted
. between 1819 and the early 1830s had about a two-thirds silver content and
were valued at 11 to 12 annas, and that the coins minted at a later date during
the Mihan Singh's governership had a 50 per cent silver content and were
valued at 8 annas. The decision to have a lower silver content for the Kashmir
coin was based on the need to maintain its parity with the prevalent Kabul
111
rupee, which in 1819 was worth about 9 annas of the Company sicca or the
Nanak Shahi rupee. The Lahore Darbar was well aware of the reduced value of
their Kashmir currency as Ranjit Singh, while fixing the revenue due from Gulab
Singh of Jammu, specifically recorded that the sum was to be paid in the Nanak
Shahi rupees from the Amritsar mint. 104
The place of Sikh coinage in the Sikh polity has already been explained in
detail in a preceding chapter. In his inaugural address to the special seminar on
Maharaja Ranjit Singh held at the Punjabi University, Patiala in 1984, Bhagat
Singh stated most emphatically that Ranjit Singh used his immense power not' in
his own name, nor in the name of his family, but on behalf of and in the name
of the Khalsa or the Sikh commonwealth which was a potent force in those
days.105 At the same seminar, in his paper on 'Trade and Commerce under Ranjit
Singh', Bhagat Singh stated that the Harisingheerupee current in Kashmir had on
one side the words 'Sri Akal jio' and on the other side 'Hari Singh',106 without
taking into account the position which he had already stated. Even Ranjit Singh,
the mighty ruler, would not dare to assume any symbol of sovereignty in his
own name. The power and prestige of the Sikh commonwealth was a very
strong deterrent to the pretensions of any over-ambitious ruler. 'It is inconceivable
that one of Ranjit Singh's generals would dare to strike coins in his own name,
i.e. take on the most striking symbol of Sikh sovereignty on his own volition or
even with the Maharaja's concurrence without provoking strong protests from the
Sikh religious authorities at Akal Takht, etc.
Hari Ram Gupta shares the views on Sikh sovereignty and states that coins,
one of the most visible and widely recognized symbols of sovereignty, were
struck in the names of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh and not in the name
of any sardar or ruler. 107 Elsewhere Hari Ram Gupta states that Hari Singh Nalwa
had introduced a new silver coin in his own name called the Harisinghee
Rupaiya. 108 Although many writers state that Ranjit Singh allowed Hari Singh to
strike coins in his own name as a gesture of appreciation, Hari Ram Gupta states
that William Moorecraft in an unpublished document accused Hari Singh of
extracting twenty-five lakh rupees from the silk traders of Srinagar, an action for
which he was transferred to Hazara as a punishment. Hari' Ram Gupta has not
given any evidence in support of his account. He further 'states that Ranjit Singh
himself struck coins in the names of the Sikh Gurus, and by the end of his reign
he had dosed the mirits in Kashmir and Multan. This contention is incorrect, and
these mints continued to operate till the annexation of the Lahore Darbar in
1849. 109 This incident dearly reveals that historians have not given proper
attention to the study of Sikh coinage in their accounts and have based their
descriptions on incorrect information, and have thus contributed to the distortion
of Sikh history.
Hari Singh Nalwa himself was a devout Sikh, devoid of the general vices of
the day. no He was one of the most upright sardars of the Khalsa Panth, who laid
11'2
SIKH COINAGE
down his life in serving the cause of the Sikh commonwealth. He was opposed
to the appointment of Kharak Singh as heir apparent by Rimjit Singh.1l1 Presumably
on that account Ranjit Singh kept him occupied on the frontiers and never
brought him to his court, even though he was amply qualified for a position at
the darbar. He was not awarded any title and was made a general only in 1836;
and even then he was the twenty-eighth and the last among 28 such generals. ll2
The question then arises: under the circumstances described above regarding the
nature of the Sikh polity and the individual standing of Ranjit Singh and Hari
Singh Nalwa and the differences between them, could Ranjit Singh have awarded
as an honour or conceded to the request for the right to strike coins in his own
name by Hari Singh Nalwa from Kashmir in 1822 and from Peshawar in 1834?
Could Hari Singh on his own have indulged in the provocative act of striking
coins in his own name? Could he have taken over the symbol of sovereignty
invested with the Khalsa and the Sikh Gurus? Could he have dared to commit
such an act of extreme sacrilege? Why did the Khalsa, who were very jealous
about safeguarding the sovereignty of the Sikh commonwealth, not object to
these coins which were in circulation in Kashmir and the Punjab? As the above
discussion reveals, the claim regarding the existence of Sikh coins issued in the
name of a Sikh governor, that too Hari Singh Nalwa, is unacceptable and is
totally outside the realm of possibility. But since a negative deduction from the
available historical evidence does not constitute a positive proof, the direct
physical examination of the coins in question becomes essential. Fortunately,
enough coins struck during _the period of Sikh rule in Kashmir are readily
available.
The victorious Sikh army was led into Srinagar by Misr Diwan Chand in July
1819 and he was made the governor of Kashmir. Within a few months, in late
1819, he was replaced by Diwan MotiRam. Diwan Moti Ram's eldest son Ram
Dayal was killed in Hazara in 1820, and the heartbroken father sought to retire
and spend the rest of his life in penance at Banaras. ll3 Hari Singh Nalwa was
sent in his place in late 1820, and he remained governor of Kashmir till late
1821, when he was recalled to undertake a more difficult task in Hazara.
Historians have given different dates for his departure, ranging from 1822 and
even 1823, but it is well established in the historical record that he left Kashmir
in November or December 1821 as he fought the Afghan tribals in December
1821 on his way back from Kashmir. About 20,000 to 30,000 Afghan tribals
blocked his way at the Mangali Pass near Mansehra and he routed them with a
small force of only 7,000 troops. Hence, Hari Singh Nalwa was governor of
Kashmir only from late 1820 to late 1821.
c.]. Rodgers, who carried out a study of Sikh coins in the late nineteenth
century, wrote an article on Sikh coins in 1881. 114 In this article he refers briefly
to Sikh coins struck from Kashmir. However, he mentions about a dozen silver
coins from Kashmir, including those struck in AD 1819, Le. Sambat 1876, and
113
some copper coins in the Catalogue of Coins, now with the Government Museum,
Lahore. us He does not comment on Hari Singh's role in connection with these
coins. A proper study of Sikh coins from Kashmir appeared only in the 1990s.
Ken Wiggins and Stan Garon studied these coins in 1983.116 Hans Herrli has also
studied these coins in recent years. 1l7 For a proper examination of the Hari Singh
coins, the drawings of 15 representative coins pertaining to the years 1819 to
1822 from Kashmir and two coins for the years 1835 and 1836 from Peshawar
are given in Plate V.
The legend on the obverse of Sikh coins is the same as the one which
appears on the Sikh coins from Lahore in 1765 and 1801, i.e. 'Degh Tegh Fateh,
o Nusrat Baidarang, Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh'. The legend on the
reverse is also some what similar is contents, except with minor alterations.
Silver coins have always been of rupee value only, and very few half-rupee or
quarter-rupee coins are forthcoming. u8 Copper coins had also been struck, but
these seem to have been minted under licence by private traders as had been
the practice in the rest of the Sikh state. These coins are rather crude in form
and varied in size.
The striking of Sikh coinage in Kashmir was in continuation of the existing
policy of striking coins in Kashmir due to its peculiar geographical location and
the Sikh policy of striking coins from conquered territories on assuming the responsibility of their administration, as had been the case in Lahore, Amritsar, and
Multan. The issuing of Sikh currency appears to have been started immediately
following the Sikh occupation of Kashmir for the payment of taxes, rents, and
custom duties.11 9 During less than half the year of AD 1819, i.e. Sambat 1876,
three different coins and for the year AD 1820, i..e. Sambat 1877, four different
coins were issued.
Wiggins and Garon consider the mark 'Ha' on the coin at sr. nos. 5 and 7
(right side of the central double twig) to be the mark of Hari Singh Nalwa. 120
Herrli considers these marks to be merely the distortions of a flowery pattern. 121
The interpretation offered by Garon and Wiggins cannot be treated as correct; it
is contrary to the views held by other historians as well, that is, Hari Singh
Nalwa was allowed to mint coins in his own name as a gesture of appreciation
by the Maharaja for his commendable work in Kashmir. Such an assessment by
the ruler could not have been carried out at so early a stage in Hari Singh's term
as governor. No such mark exists on the coins at sr. nos. 9 and 10 which pertain
to the next year, i.e. AD 1821 or -Sambat 1878, which pertains to Hari Singh's
tenure as governor of Kashmir.
The coins at sr. nos. 11 and 12 for the year 1821 have the word 'Har in the
Gurmukhi script imprinted boldly on the centre of the obverse, above the names
of the Gurus. Wiggins and Garon as well as Herrli treat this word as the
representation of Hari Singh Nalwa's coins and consider that the coins were
struck by him in his own name. 122 They have committed a serious error in their
NO.1 1876 S
.. :.
...
.
;.'
'
'
NO.2 1876 S
'
e
'r.!,
.:
'J..
','
.'
NO.8 1878 S
NO.9 1878 S
NO.4 1877 S
, .,
..
.'
-." ---.'
....
,.
NO.7 1877 S
NO.3 1877 S
.'.
,.'
+!:.'
'
...
.
O
NO. 10 1878 S
NO.5 1877 S
. ... "., ~
",~'
<.
,,"' "
....'
....
,... .
'.
":;.
..
..
;;I~.
::..,
~ . "
"
.:-
-::,~
:.,..
:,..
~',,,
;.:
(contd.)
PLATE V (contd.)
:8' ":.'
NO. 14 1879 S
NO. 11 1878 S
. ...
::
.
.
. e'
NO. 12 1878 S
0.
..
.ct~
... . .
"
:.lI'
NO. 15 1879 S
..:
..'II.
;;...
, ::t
~~
..
".
NO. 13 1879 S
...J . . .....
,.
. .
'.
..:
"" ...
.,' .J
. ,
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PESHAWAR COINS
1892 AND 1893 SAM BAT
NO. 161879 S
,~,~.l'
...-:,_
"'.
'I..
0":'
...
NO. 171879 S
116
SIKH COINAGE
assessment for want of a proper understanding of Sikh ideology. The word 'Hal"
does not represent Hari Singh but rather it represents the name of God, as may
be seen from the words and phrases Harimandir, the Golden Temple at AmrItsar,
and Har ki Pauri, the steps at the back of the Golden Temple from where every
devotee takes a sip of the holy water from the tank. 'Harjee Harimandir
awenge', i.e. 'God will come to his temple', is often sung at Sikh congregations.
Likewise, Haridwar in Uttaranchal and Hari Parbat in Srinagar also denote the
name of God. Out of the about 56,000 couplets in the Holy Granth, about 2,200
start with the word 'Har. 123 Furthermore, it should be noted that no Sikh will
place his name above the names of his Gurus no matter how great might be the
temptation to place his name on a coin. This would constitute such a serious act
of sacrilege that it would neither be tolerated by the Khalsa nor be accepted
by the individual's own conscience: Moreover, Sikhs do not resort to abbreviating
their names as they are very proud of their surname 'Singh' given to them by
Guru Gobind Singh. Hence, it is totally incorrect to presume that the word 'Hal"
stands for Hari Singh Nalwa's name.
Hari Singh Nalwa left Kashmir in November or December 1821, but the
coins for the year 1822 at sr. nos. 13 and 14 also bear the words 'Hal" and
'Harjee' in the Devanagari script. Moti Ram, who was a general senior to Hari
Singh, became governor of Kashmir for a second term immediately after Hari
Singh. He was thus in the most reliable position to know and understand the
reason for the placement of 'Hal" on the state coins by Hari Singh. Indeed, if
Moti Ram had even the slightest inkling that these words were meant to denote
Hari Singh's name, it is certain that he would never have allowed these words
to continue to appear on the coins struck during his tenure. He seems to have
simply followed the practice of Hari Singh and put 'Hal", 'Harji' , 'Om Shri', and
'Sri Ram', in the Devanagari script, on the state coins during his second term.
This clearly establishes that the word 'Har appearing on the Sikh coins issued
during Hari Singh's period was not meant to represent his name by his immediate
successor Moti Ram, who was in the best position to correctly understand the
situation. So pervasive has been the influence of these historical accounts on the
numismatists studying Sikh coins that it led Wiggins and Goron to suggest that
Hari Singh's stay in Kashmir might have been extended to early 1822 in order to
cover the coins at sr. nos. 13 and 14. 125 Herrli argues that although Hari Singh
left Kashmir in 1821, it was possible that some mixup of the dies of 1821 and
1822 might have taken place. 126 Such speculation cannot be accepted as an
analytical study or as a proper numismatic investigation of Sikh coinage. The
coins at sr. nos. 16 and 17 struck from the Peshawar mint do not give any
indication whatsoever that these had been struck in the name of Hari Singh
Nalwa. The command of the Peshawar expedition was with Prince Nau Nihal
Singh, although Hari Singh Nalwa was his principal general.
Taking into consideration the various contradictions in the historical accounts
117
of the coins in question, the clear position regarding the place of Sikh coins in
the Sikh polity and in the concept of Sikh sovereignty, along with the incontrovertible evidence of the legends on these coins, it stands fully established
that Hari Singh Nalwa never struck any coins in his own name, neither on his
own volition nor with Ranjit Singh's appreciation concurrence or sanction. Historians
have made a serious error in repeatedly stating this contention without offering
any authentic contemporary evidence or any numismatic findings in support of
. their claim.
Sikh Pictorial Coins
c.]. Rodgers has shown a Sikh pictorial coin which bears on the obverse the
Sikh legend, 'Degh Tegh Fateh, Nusrat Baidarang, Yalt uz Nhnak Guru Gobind
Singh', with the date Sambat 1993 Le. AD 1836. On the reverse it beats the
effigies of two persons, with the mint name Lahore and the frozen date Sambat
1885. Rodgers identifies these figures as those of Guru Nanak and his Muslim
disciple Mardana. 126
In 1892, C.]. Brown mentioned the coin as a curious rupee of Lahore,
Sambat 1885, displaying the figures of Guru Nanak and his Muslim follower
Mardana. 127 Gulshan Lall Chopra in his 1928 thesis, 'The Punjab as a sovereign
state', examined' the Sikh coins in the Government Museum, Lahore and the
British Museum, London. He mentions a Sikh coin in the British Museum, London
which has the Llsual inscription on the obverse and the figu~es of Guru Nanak
and his Muslim fellow-wanderer Mardana on the reverse. l28
Madanjit Kaur referred to the same coin in 1984, citing c.]. Rodgers's
collection. She also considers the figures depicted on the coin as representing
Guru Nanak in a meditative pose and Mardana fanning him with a chaur
Cflywhisk).129 The drawings, however, show this object to be a lotus flower and
not a fly whisk. ]ai Parkash Singh in his Observations on Sikh Temple Tokens,
mentions the same coin, and offers a similar explanation that the two figures
represent Guru Nanak and Mardana. 130
Stan Goron and Ken Wiggins made a fairly detailed presentation on Sikh
coins in 1984 at the Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, AnjanerL By
that time a second similar coin had been located in the British Museum, London,
and the drawings of the two pictorial coins are given in Plate VI. These drawings
are taken from the manuscript received from Goron. Goron and Wiggins argue
that both these coins depict the sikh legend on the obverse, and show Guru
Nanak, with a pennant in the background, receiving an offering of flowers from
Mardana, on the reverse. 131 They have attempted to link the striking of these
pictorial coins with the wedding of Prince Nau Nihal Singh, when to celebrate
the occasion a rupee each was distributed to all the inhabitants of Attari town.
The explanation that these coins were struck for public distribution on the
prince's wedding does not seem to be plausible as these coins were struck in
REVERSE
(Enlarged)
(Enlarged)
119
early 1836 and the wedding took place in March 1837. 132 Further, in case a large
number of these coins had indeed been struck, we would have had many of
them available even today, as coins such as these, bearing the effigies of the
revered Guru and Mardana, would most certainly have been preserved and
passed on from generation to generation as family heirlooms of good omen and
would never have been destroyed (see Plate VI).
A closer examination of the drawings of these coins and the interpretation
given by various historians reveals that their observations appear to be somewhat
out of context with the timehonoured Sikh traditions. Guru Nanak has invariably
been shown as sitting under a tree, flanked by his disciples Bala and Mardana.
Further, Mardana, the musician, has invariably been shown holding his rabab.,
His being shown as offering flowers to Guru Nanak strikes a discordant note.
Guru Nanak has never been depicted with a flag (pennant) as shown on the
coin, nor is there any mention of a flag used by Guru Nanak in the ]anam
Sakhis, and this depiction raises further doubts. Since the explanation given by
the historians and numismatists has only been speculative, without any authentic
evidence in support of the claim. A serious doubt arose in my mind. I felt that
there is something more than what has been recorded. I launched a search to
locate some reliable evidence regarding this puzzle or to find the correct
interpretation if there was any.
Sohan Lal SUfi, a descendent of a family of scribes working for the Sikh
misls, was one of the most respected court historians of the Lahore Darbar; he
had extremely intimate relations with the sardars of the Lahore Darbar and also
enjoyed good relations with the British agents. He also had personal contacts
with the Maharaja. His Persian treatise Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, about 7,000 pages
long, covering the period AD 1812 to 1850, has been treated as a fairly authentic
record of the activities of the Lahore Darbar. 133 While examining this long treatise
in order to understand and appreciate the account of the Maharaja and his court,
I incidentally noticed a passage giving an altogether different interpretation
about the above-mentioned coin. Sohan Lal SUfi refers to a conversation between
Ranjit Singh and Baron Charles von Hugel on AD 13 February 1836 in which the
matter regarding the closing of a mint and, the preparation of a new diestamp
was discussed. Hugel suggested the minting of a new coin with the existing
legend as such inscribed on the obverse, and on the reverse the representation
of the effigies of the Maharaja and Guru Nanak to be placed in such a way that
the Maharaja is depicted with folded hands before Guru Nanak, seeking his
blessings. Ranjit Singh was quite pleased with the suggestion, and thus the
issuing of the coin under discussion was sanctioned. The translation of the
Persian text is given by V. Suri as follows:
Right in the presence of Doctor Sahib mention was made about the closing up of the mint and
[the] preparation of a new diestamp. Dr. Sahib said, 'The legend should be on one side and on
the other side there should be the effigies of the Maharaja and Baba Nanak in such a way that
the Sarkar be presented with folded hands before the Guru Sahib.'
120
SIKH COINAGE
121
supporting the claim that the coins depict Guru Nanak and Ranjit Singh.
Ranjit. Singh considered the British to be greatly advanced in various scientific
fields, including medicine, but he was very suspicious of their conduct. Like
rulers everywhere, Ranjit Singh also took every precaution against any attempt to
poison him by his enemies. While Ranjit Singh sought the opinions of European
medicinemen, he would rarely take their medicines unless these were expressly
approved by his own physicians and were even tested on someone with a
similar ailment. While Ranjit Singh may be accused of being a hypochondriac, it
is debatable whether there existed any effective medicine or cure at the time to
prevent brain strokes and the resultant paralysis of limbs. Hugel was perhaps
aware of this lack of medical knowledge in the Punjab at the time and was also
aware of the Maharaja's belief that he had received an extra lease of life by the
grace of God, to which end he gave thanks by resorting to prayers, giving grants
to various religious endowments, and performing other acts of piety. Perhaps
these factors prompted Hugel to suggest the striking of a coin in which Ranjit
Singh would be shown seeking the blessings of Guru Nanak. The suggestion
prima facie appeared very pleasing and was immediately approved by Ranjit
Singh. For a person battling for his life, who cherished a firm belief that divine
grace could extend his years, this was a godsent suggestion. The paintings on
the walls of the Hall of justice also show Ranjit Singh's definite approval of the
suggestion put forward by Hugel. The suggestion, however, had a flaw since
Hugel was ignorant of the principles of the Sikh polity based on teachings of
Sikh Gurus.
The appearance of only two solitary coins and that too immediately after
the annexation of the Punjab gives the impression that these coins were not
minted and were only sample coins which did not secure final approval. There
are instances where we have only an odd coin from a particular period, but
even on the basis of this scanty evidence we cannot construe that certain coins
were not struck. However, in the case of the coins minted during the reign of
Ranjit Singh, there is no shortage, and coins are available from almost all the
years of his reign. Hence, the .nonexistence of these coins does give the distinct
impression that they were not ultimately minted. This view is further strengthened
by the fact that had these coins been minted, the people of the Punjab would
certainly have preserved them as family heirlooms and these would have been
available to us today.
A very vital aspect of the Sikh polity based on the Sikh ideology is that
sovereignty belongs to the Gurus and not to any individual, and that coins are
one of the essential symbols of this sovereignty.140 While all contemporary coins
bore the names of the rulers, only the Sikh coins were struck in the names of
the Sikh Gurus. The Sikhs, especially the Akalis, were very particular about the
observation of this tradition. Ranjit Singh was a very wise and astute ruler who
could foresee the future with reasonable accuracy. It may be safely assumed that
122
SIKH COINAGE
he realized that the Sikh community would not approve of the striking of such
coins which showed a ruler seated along with Guru Nanak, no matter whether
he is depicted seeking the blessings of the Guru. Perhaps this realization made
him change his mind. He may also have been aware of the views of his
community as shown in similar paintings depicted on the walls of the Hall of
Justice, and therefore he may have changed his mind. The belief that Sikh
sovereignty belongs to the Gurus and that coins are an essential symbol of that
sovereignty seems to have been the guiding principle in the nonissue of these
pictorial coins. It is therefore possible that these pictorial coins, although informally
approved at an early stage when their striking was first suggested by Hugel,
were not eventually issued, lest their appearance may hurt the feelings of the
Sikhs, who deeply cherished the concept of the sovereignty of the Gurus and
the Khalsa Panth.
NOTES
1. George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, vol. I, Punjab: Languages Department,
1970, p. 339.
2. Kanehiya Lal, Tarikh-i-Punjab, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1987, p. 38.
3. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, vol. V, New Delhi: .Munshiram Manoharlal, p. 32.
4. Prem Singh Hoti, 'Character of Maharaja Ranjit Singh as an individual and as a ruler'. The
original article being in Punjabi, its English translation is done by Gurbachan Singh, Khalsa
College, Arnritsar, in Chapter XI of Maharaja Ranjit Singh First Death Centenary Memorial,
Punjab: Languages Department, 1970, p. 216.
5. Bhagat Singh, 'Trade and Commerce under Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh, ed.
. Fauja Singh and A.c. Arora, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, p. 173.
6. ]ati Ram Gupta, 'Trade and Commerce under Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh,
. edited by Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, pp. 190-2.
7. Bhagat Singh, op. cit., p. 183.
8. Foreign Department, Secret consultations dated 18th November, 1843, nos. 18-19, New
Delhi: National Archives of India.
9. William Murray, History of the Punjab-The Sikhs, vol. II, London: HAllen & Co., 1846;
Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 174.
10. K.S. Lal, The Mughal Harem, New Delhi: Aditi Prakashan, 1985, p. 202,
11. Ibid., p. 27.
12. Ibid.,pp. 162-5.
13. Ibid., p. 172.
14. J. Ovington, Voyage to Surat in the Year 1689, London, p. 46.
15. Bikramjit Hasrat, Life and Times of Ranjit Singh, Hoshiarpur: v.v. Research Institute, 1977,
p. 214.
\
16. Waheed-ud-din, The Real Ranjit Singh, Karachi: Art Press, 1965, p. 169 and pp. 175-8.
17. Ibid., p. 172.
Ranjit Singh's favourite queen, however, was Moran, a dancing girl of Amritsar, with whom
he fell violently in love at first sight, when he was twenty-two. Before he could win her
father's consent to her marrying him, he had to agree to a rather awkward condition. It
was customary amongst the families of courtesans in Amritsar for the bridegroom to build,
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
123
light and blow ablaze with own breath a fire in his fatherinlaw's house. Moran's father,
boggling at the idea of marrying his daughter outside his class, made the observation of
this ctlstom a condition, hoping that it would frighten the royal suitor away. Ranjit Singh
unhesitatingly accepted the condition. It was, however, actually fulfilled in the house of
Moran's godfather, Mian Samdu, a wealthy citizen of Amritsar, instead of in her father's
house. The wedding was celebrated with great eclat. The bridegroom's party, which
formed a procession of elephants, horses, palkis and people on foot stretching from
Lahore Fort to Shalimar Garden, a distance of several miles, went all the way to Amritsar.
The bride was given away by Mian Samdu with a dowry of several lakhs of rupees worth
of jewellery, clothes and household effects; as if she was a princess.
Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, Ludhiana: Kalyani Publishers, rpt., 1989, p. 358.
KK Khullar, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, New Delhi: Hem Publishers, 1980, p. 107.
(0 Baron Charles Hugel, op. cit., p. 384.
(i0 Gulshan Lall Chopra, Punjab as Sovereign State, Hoshiarpur: v.v. Research Institute,
1960, p. 154, fn. 2.
(0 Bikramjit Hasrat, op. cit., p. 212.
(i0 Sohan Lal Suri, Imdat-ut-Twarikh, Dafter, III, tr. V.S. Suri, Chandigarh: Punjab Itihas
Prakashan, 1974, Dafter, III, p. 150. (The Raja Kalan was given a royal order that none
of the glorious chieftains or the khidmatgars should be present in the bungalow.)
Baron Charles Hugel, op. Cit., pp. 310-11.
(0 Gulshan Lall Chopra, op. cit., p. 154.
Moran was afterwards discarded owing to unpopularity of Ranjit Singh with the priests
of the Golden Temple. These priests showed their resentment first by refusing his
offerings to the temple, and then by summoning him before their assembly at
Amritsar; and the conqueror of Punjab, with folded hands and bare feet, acknowledged
his sin and asked for forgiveness. A propitiatory fine of Rs. 125,000 was levied, but
the wily culprit pleaded poverty, and got off by paying Rs. 5,000.
(i0 KK Khullar, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 71.
He (Phula Singh) denounced the Maharaja in open assembly. He even ordered that
Ranjit Singh be punished. The Maharaja, who was guilty only of taking Moran, his
Muslim wife, on a horse ride on the pillion, did not object. It is said he was tied with
a rope to a tamarind tree and ordered 100 lashes. But before the punishment could
begin, it was waived off.
(iii) c,]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. L,
Calcutta, 1881, p. 85.
Civ) Fauja Singh, Some Aspects of State and Society under Ranjit Singh, New Delhi:
Master Publishers, 1982, p. 61.
(v) Waheed-ud-din, The Real Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 20.
Baron Charles Hugel, op. cit., p. 384.
Sohan Lal Suri, Umdat-ut-Twarikh, Dafter, III, op. cit., p.99.
Amarnath, Zafarnama-e-Ranjit Singh, tr. and ed. Kirpal Singh, Patiala: Punjabi University,
1983, p. 20.
(i)Baron Charles Hugel, op. cit., pp. 283-4.
(ii) Henry T. Princep, Origin of Sikh Power in Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department,
rpt., 1970, p. 67.
V. ]acquemonJ:, The Punjab Hundred Years Ago, tr. H.L.O. Garret, Punjab: Languages
Department, rpt., 1971, p. 55.
(0 J.D. Cunningham, Hist01Y of the Sikhs, New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972, p. 159.
124
SIKH COINAGE
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
Lepel Griffin, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 109.
Gulshan Lall Chopra, op. cit., pp. 154-5.
Bikramjit Hasrat, op. cit., p. 46.
Ibid., p. 46.
Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, op. cit., p. 358.
Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh, Bombay: George Allen & Unwin, 1982, p. 53.
Waheed-ud-din, \The Real Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 173.
KK Khullar, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 107.
Gopal Singh, History of Sikh Peoples, New Delhi: World Sikh University Press, 1979,
p. 450.
c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', op. cit., pp. 85, 91.
CJ. Rodgers, Catalogue of Coins in the, Government Museum Lahore, Calcutta, 1891,
pp. 92-5.
C.]. Brown, Coins of India, Heritage of India Series, Calcutta: Association Press, 1922,
p. 107.
Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, Coins of India, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1969, p. 147.
Parmeshwari Lal Gupta and Sanjay Garg, The Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar,
Chandigarh: Government of Punjab, pp. 46-7.
'The coins are of the same type as type G and are said to have been issued from Sambat
1858 to 1861 only for three or four years. Here the peepal leaf on the reverse is replaced
by a two-pronged twig or spray. Due to the resemblance of this symbol with the tail of a
peacock, a legend has sprung out of it. It is said that it is the illusion to the Kashmiri
Muslim girl, named Mora or Moran, who had gained favour with Ranjit Singh. She got these
coins struck for herself. As such these coins are called Mora-Kanchan-Shahi or simply MomShahi'.
'Those who believe this story never cared to know that Ranjit Singh's love affair with this
girl is dated by Cunningham in AD 1810 (Sambat 1867). If by any reason this date is not
relied, even then there is no denial that Amritsar was not occupied by Ranjit Singh at any
date earlier than Sambat 1862-3. Whereas the earliest date on the coins of this type is
Sambat 1858. Ranjit Singh was not in a position, at this date,' to issue any coins from
Amritsar by his own authority. It is quite apparent that the coins were issued only in the
period of the Dal Khalsa. They might have been issued by some misl, stationed at
Amritsar, other than that which had introduced the symbol of peepal leaf earlier. This is
equally true to the types of ] & K that are mentioned next'.
Standard Guide to South Asian Coins and Paper Money Since 1556 AD, Wisconsin:
Krause Publications, 1st edn, p. 113.
Madanjit Kaur, 'A Study of Sikh Numismatics with Special Reference to the Coins of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Politics, Society and Economy, ed. Fauja
Singh and A.C. Arora, Patiala:Punjabi University, 1984, pp. 329-30.
Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron, 'Gold and Silver Coinage of the Sikhs', Inaugural Address,
International Colloquium, Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, 1984,
p. 132.
Surinder Singh, 'Patiala State Coinage', Research Bulletin, Chandigarh: Panjab University,
vol. XXI, no. 2, 1990, p. 207.
Surinder Singh, 'Nabha State Coinage', Research Bulletin, Chandigarh: Panjab University,
vol. XXI, no. 1, 1990 April 1990, p. 169.
(i) Muhammad Latif; History of Punjab, op. cit., p. 353.
(ij)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
50. (j)
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
. 67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
125
126
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
.. 91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
SIKH COINAGE
high privilege of minting a coin in his name. On receiving the extremely joyful order of
the Maharaja, Sardar Hari Singh held a darbar for thanksgiving. He submitted very respectfully,
that in the rightness of things, a coin can be struck only in the name of the exalted
Maharaja and for persons like him, the Maharaja's appreciation was worth millions. The
Maharaja was still more pleased at the truthfulness, sacrifice and humility of Hari Singh and
wrote back that he (the Maharaja) was heartily pleased to issue that order and would feel
happy to see that order carried out. Sardar Hari Singh, therefore, struck a coin in his name
in Kashmir. Its silver content was 10 mashas. Compared with the current (1912) coins it
was worth 8 annas. On one side of the coin was inscribed "Sri Akal Sahai" in Persian script
and Sambat 1878. On the other side was written "Hari Singh" with the words "Yak rupai"
under it. Sir Lepel Griffin writes that the Hari Singh rupee is wellknown in Kashmir up to
now (Sambat 1890). He adds that this coin called the Hari Singhia rupee is legal tender all
over Punjab. Maulana Muhammad Din writes in his Mukmal Twarikh-i-Kashmir (Complete
History of Kashmir) that Hari Singh struck a coin in his name. It was known as the Hari
Singhia rupaiya. Its value was equal to the present-day 8 annas piece. Those who have
seen the Hari Singhiapaisa and the Hari Singhiya rupaiya, are living upto this day (Sambat
1952). Besides silver coins, a bronze coin was also struck. It was called the Harisinghee
paisa.'
Ibid., pp. 240-1.
A.S. Sandhu, op. cit., pp. 17, 73, 113.
S.S. Johar, Hari Singh Nalwa, New Delhi: Sagar Publication, 1982, p. 171
Gulcharan Singh, Ranjit Singh and his Generals, Jullandhar: Sujlana Publishers, 1976,
pp. 108-9.
Kanehiya Lal, Tarikh-i-Punjab, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1987, p. 268.
C.M.D. Sufi, History of Kashmir, vol. II, New Delhi: Light and Life Publications, 1974,
p. 730.
D.C. Sharma, kashmir under the Sikhs, Delhi: Seema Publishers, 1983, p. 230.
(0 D.C. Sharma, op. cit., p. 231.
(ii) D.C. Sharma, Chapter on Banking and Currency included in the annotated translation
by him of Kashmir under Maharaja Ranjit Singh by Charles Baron von Hugel, New
Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, 1984, pp. 70-1.
R.K. Parmu, History of Sikh Rule in Kashmir, Srinagar: J&K Govt. Publication, 1977,
p. 122.
Major Leach, Suroey 1837, Foreign Department, Secret Consultations, no. 22, 1843, New
Delhi: National Archives of India.
N.K. Sinha, Ranjit Singh, Calcutta: A. Mukherjee & Co., rpt., 1984, p. 152.
Bikramjit Hasrat, op. cit., pp. 134, 296.
Bhagat Singh, 'Trade and Commerce under Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh:
PolitiCS, $ociety and Economy, ed. Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora, Patiala: Punjabi University,
1984. p. 182.
G.T. Vigne, Travel in Kashmir, Ladakh and Iskardu, London: Henry Colburn Publishers,
1842, p. 57.
Ibid., p. 123.
Madhavi Yasin, Kashmir under Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 2, n. 58.
Shahamat Ali, Sikhs and Afghans, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 53.
G.S. Chhabra, Advanced History of Punjab, vol. II, Jullandhar: Parkash Brothers, 1976,
p. 75.
Gopal Singh, History of Sikh People, New Delhi: World Sikh University Press, 1979,
p. 476.
127
98. Ganeshi Lal, Siyahat-i-Kashmir, March 1846, translated and annotated by V.S. Suri, Simla,
1955, pp. 23, 28, 32, 34 and 39.
99. Ibid., p. 38.
100. Walter Lawrence, The Valley of Kashmir, HenlY Frowde, London: Oxford University Press,
1895, p. 235.
101. Sita Ram Kohli, 'Land Revenue Administration under Maharaja Ranjit Singh', Journal of
Punjab Historical SOCiety, vol. VII, no. 2, 1919, p. 90.
102. Hans Herrli, The Coins of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 225.
. 103. Abstract of intelligence report from Kashmir, dated 13 August 1836, nos. 57-9, National
Archives of India, New Delhi. 'The old coin has been discontinued and a new one
circulated ... the old rupee was valued 11 annas but it has been reduced to 9 annas
old'.
104. Sita Ram Kohli, op. cit., p. 82.
105. Bhagat Singh, Inaugural address, in Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora (eds.), Maharaja Ranjit
Singh: Polity, Society and Economy, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, p. 2.
106. Ibid., p. 182.
107. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978,
p. 229.
108 Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. V, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1991,
p. 131.
109 Ibid., p. 506.
110. A.S. Sandhu, General Hari Singh Nalwa, op. cit., p. 102.
111. ].D. Cunningham, History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 173.
112. Bikramjit Hasrat, op. cit., p. 268.
113. Lepel Griffin, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, op. cit., p. 185.
114. c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coin of the Sikhs', op. cit., p. 91.
115. c.]. Rodgers, Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum Lahore, Calcutta, 1891,
pp. 99 and 125.
116. Wiggins and Goron, 'The Sikh Coinage of Kashmir', Journal of Oriental Numismatic
Society, Surrey, u.K., Information Sheet no. 25, March 1983.
117. Herrli, The Catalogue of Sikh Coins, op. cit., pp. 124-6.
118. Wiggins and Goron, op. cit., pp. 2, 3.
119. Herrli, The Coins 'of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 123.
120. Wiggins and Goron, op. cit., p. 3.
121. Herrli, op. cit., p. 108.
122. (0 Wiggins and Goron, op. cit., p. 5.
Cii) Herrli, op. cit., p. 108.
123. Akali Kaur Singh, 'Gur Shabad Rattan Parkash', Patiala: Languages Department, Punjab,
p. 111.
124. Wiggins and Goron, op. cit., p. 6.
125. Herrli, op. cit., p. 108.
126. Dual dating has been resorted to in Oriental coinage for various reasons to show different
eras or the years of the reign of' a ruler along with the particular year. Ranjit Singh has
used frozen dates of 1884 and 1885 Sambat, the years in which he had had serious
paralytic attacks. The exact reasons for this have not been ascertained so far.
127. C.]. Brown, Coins of India, Heritage of India Series, Calcutta: Association Press, 1922,
p. 107.
128. Gulshan Lall Chopra, op. cit., p. 155.
128
SIKH COINAGE
129. Madanjit Kaur, 'A Study of Sikh Numismatics with Special Reference to the Coins of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his Successors', in Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Politics, Society and
Economy, ed. Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, p. 331;
Madanjit Kaur, an unpublished Manuscript on Sikh Coins,-p. 25.
130. Jai Parkash Singh, 'Observations on Sikh Tokens', Numismatic International Bulletin,
Dallas, Texas, USA, vol. XVI, no. 12, Dec. 1982, pp. 363-4.
131. Goron and Wiggins, 'Gold and Silver Coinage of the Sikhs', paper presented at the
Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, Anjaneri, Nasik, 1984, p. 15.
132. Sohan Lal Suri, Imdat-ut-Twarikh, tr. V. Suri, Dajtar, III, op. cit., p. 337.
133. Ibid., pp. xxiii-xxv.
134. Ibid., p. 298.
135. Ibid., p. 267.
136. Charles Baron von Hugel, op. cit., pp. 283-5.
137. The photographs of these coins have been received through the good offices of Ken
Wiggins -and Joe Cribb of the British Museum, London, vide their letter dated 22 January
1990.
138: William Barr, Journal of a March from Delhi to Kabul, Punjab: Languages Department,
1970, p. 57.
139. Bikramjit Hasrat, op. cit., p. 436.
140. Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity, op. cit., p. 201.
CHAPTER IV
It is said that once Maharaja Ranjit Singh was shown the map of India by one of the Christian
officers. Ranjit Singh was an illiterate sovereign. He did not know why the map was coloured
red, green, blue and yellow, etc. He requested the Christian officer to explain the meaning of
the different colourings in the map. The officer explained that the red colour represented the
territories of India which had passed into the hands of Christian merchants of England constituting
-the East India Company. Ranjit Singh immediately exclaimed, 'Sab lal ho jaega', Le. the whole
map of India will become red coloured. There was a ring of prophecy in his explanation.
Hardly had twenty years passed after his death, when his words came to be verified to the
very letter for the Christian merchants became masters of almost the whole subcontinent of
India and the map of the country became coloured red all over. J
The Sikh state had indeed reached its apogee. Its past achievements might have
impressed the casual observer but those who were well informed were quite
aware of its impending fate. The three factors which had already become manifestnamely, the evertightening circle of British power and influence around this
kingdom, the contending parties in the Lahore Darbar, and, worst of all, the well
known incapacities of the heirs of Ranjit Singh-unmistakably indicated the
hastening of the end of Sikh independence. Ranjit Singh had been a 'state in
person', and his government was personal and not based on any definite norms
or established institutions. His death inevitably proved disastrous for the state. 2
Ranjit Singh expired on 27 June 1839, and a few days later his son Kharak
Singh, aged 38 years, succeeded to the throne without any opposition. Prince Sher
Singh made some half-hearted attempt to claim the throne but finding no support
for his claim, he gave up his intrigues and remained neutral. Kharak Singh had
many vices which had impaired both his health and mental reflexes. As his
confidant he chose Chet Singh, who was greatly hostile to Dhian Singh, the
minister. Nau Nihal Singh, who had returned from Peshawar and who was keen
130
SIKH COINAGE
to assume the supreme authority, was won over by Dhian Singh, and various
intrigues began to surface; British diplomacy also became very active in the
arena of Sikh politics. Disturbances arose in various areas, such as Una,
Muzaffarabad, Darband, and Punchh and the kardars and provincial governors
started defalcating. state funds. 3 Kharak Singh became ill in July 1840; it was
suspected that he had been administered a slow-acting poison and the likelihood
of his early death was anticipated. Kharak Singh died on 5 November 1840. 4
After the funeral of Kharak Singh, when Nau Nihal Singh, along with Dhian
Singh and his son Udham Singh, was entering Hazuri Bagh, the parapet of the
gate of the fort wall crashed down. Udham Singh died on the spot, Nau Nihal
Singh was greviously wounded and expired within a few hours, and Dhian Singh
was slightly hurt. Nau Nihal Singh's death is a controversial subject since the fall
of the parapet seems to have been an accident rather than the outcome of a
conspiracy. This tragedy struck at the very roots of the Sikh kingdom. The whole
Sikh nation was shocked; people in the provinces would not believe it at first, and
when the news was confirmed, it caused extreme consternation. The country
faced an awkward dilemma: with Nau Nihal Singh's death ended the legitimate
line of Ranjit Singh. 5
There were major differences amongst the parties, especially between Chand
Kaur, widow of Kharak Singh, and Sher Singh, but ultimately Sher Singh ascended
the throne on 20 January 1841 in the presence of rajas and sardars in an open
darbar. The Sindanwalia sardars did not accept Sher Singh's rule and continued
hatching their schemes to disrupt and undermine his regime. In the meantime,
disorders occurred in the once-disciplined Sikh army and the troops engaged in
loot and plunder. Mutiny in the army broke out in Mandi CKullu), Multan, Derajat,
Peshawar, and Kashmir where the rebellious Sikh army killed the governor, Mihan
Singh. The foreign officers also started leaving their posts. The Sikh troops who
were loyal to Dhian Singh turned against him due to the atrocities committed
against the Sikh troops in Kashmir by his uncle Gulab Singh. The widow of Nau
Nihal Singh gave birth to a stillborn child which further queered the pitch between
Sher Singh and the Sindanwalia sardars. 6 On 9 June 1842 Chand Kaur was made
to drink poison and was later stoned to death by her maids. When the maids were
punished by the cutting off of their hands, they accused Dhian Singh and Sher
Singh for the death of Chand Kaur.
On 15 September 1842, while carrying out an inspection of the troops, Sher
Singh was shot dead by Ajit Singh Sindanwalia. Sher Singh's son Kanwar Pratap
Singh was slaughtered by Lehna Singh when the young boy was conducting
Ganesh puja. Dhian Singh, while entering the fort, was cornered by Ajit Singh and
his men and was killed and cut into pieces. Thus, in the course of a few hours,
the Maharaja, his son, and the minister were slaughtered by the Sindanwalias. 7
These crimes sent a wave of horror through Lahore. The Sikh army panchayats
decided to punish the malefactors, surrounded the fort, and killed Ajit Singh
along with about 600 of his troops.
131
132
SIKH COINAGE
133
subduing the neighbouring chiefs and annexing Sanawar and other adjoining
areas. He founded Patiala and built a mudfort there in 1753. 23 By 1757 he was
able to defeat the neighbouring Bhatti chiefs and was looked upon as one of the
rising Sikh chiefs. Ala Singh fought against both the Muslims as well as the Sikhs.
He joined the Sikhs against the Muslims when it suited his purpose and accepted
the suzerainty of the Mughals and the Afghans when it was in his interest to do
.so. In fact, his religious fervour was greatly tempered by his political ambitions
and his desire to avoid an unequal fight with the Afghans.
Ala Singh had three confrontations with the Afghans during Ahmad Shah
Abdali's invasions of India, the first in March 1761,24 When Ahmad Shah reached
Sirhind, Ala Singh presented himself bearing costly gifts and promised to pay an
annual tribute. Ahmad Shah received him warmly and awarded him a robe of
honour (khilat). He also directed the governor of Sirhind to consider Ala Singh's
possessions as being separate from his territories. The Sikhs, who hated the
Mughals, had no love for the Afghans. In fact, they had their own ambitions and
could not resist the temptation of looting the immense baggage train of Ahmad
Shah and harrassing his troops on their return. As soon as Ahmad Shah turned his
back, the Sikhs started ravaging the Punjab and defeated his army sent under Nurud-din, and occupied Lahore. Ahmad Shah made his sixth invasion in February
1762 and in a pitched battle near Barnala killed about 20,000 Sikhs. Ala Singh,
who had in fact vacillated in fighting for the Sikhs, was arrested by Ahmad Shah
and was eventually released on the payment of a ransom and a promise to pay
annual tribute. 25 But as soon as Ahmad Shah turned his back, the Sikhs again
started harassing his governors and looting their territories. In early 1774 the Sikhs
reached Sirhind, killed Zen Khan, pulled down the fort, and named the place
Fatehgarh Sahib. 26 During his seventh invasion in December 1764-March 1765
Ahmad Shah saw Sirhind in total ruin. Ala Singh presented himself, bearing costly
presents and sought the governorship of Sirhind. Ahmad Shah realizing the inability
of the Muslim governors to resist Sikh attacks, conferred on Ala Singh a khilat,
kettle drums, and banners, and installed him as an independent chief of Sirhind
for an annual subsidy of three and a half lakh rupees. Ala Singh died soon
thereafter on 22 August 1765. 27 He was succeeded by his grandson Amar Singh.
In March 1767 Ahmad Shah again reached Sirhind and called for Amar Singh
and after receiving tribute granted him a robe of honour, the subedari of Sirhind,
and the superlative title of Raja-e-Rajagan. 28 The rulers of Patiala were authorized
to mint Durrani coins as a privilege in recognition of their being independent
chiefs. 29 However, historians differ as to whether the coins were initially struck by
Ala Singh in 1765 or by Amar Singh in 1767. The study of the coinage of the cisSutlej st<l:tes was initially carried out by General RC. Taylor, agent to the Lt.
Governor of the cis-Sutlej states, in 1869 and his study has been relied upon by
Lepel GriffiD,)o and the Patiala state authorities. 31 These authorities believe that
the Patiala state mint was established under the orders of Ahmad Shah Abdali and
134
SIKH COINAGE
that the initial coins were struck by Maharaja Amar Singh and are current in the
family of Amar Singh at Patiala. The succeeding rulers to th~ throne issued the
same coins and considered themselves the subjects of the Durrani emperor. 32
The Hussain Shahi account, written in 1778 within thirty years of the initial
issues, makes no reference to the striking of the coins by Ala Singh, and lends
support to the view that the coins were initially struck by Amar Singh.
R.c. Temple carried out a detailed study of the coinage of the cis-Sutlej
states in 1889. 33 The cis-Sutlej states, which were ruled by Sikh sardars except
for the Malerkotla state which was under a Muslim ruler, were actually under the
suzerainty of the Afghan ruler Ahmad Shah Abdali and his successors. Hence, they
all minted Durrani coinage and therefore the study of their coinage has not been
taken up in this investigation. The rulers of Patiala, the largest state, while
reporting to their Durrani overlords, dismissed the trans-Sutlej Sikhs as 'contemptible
wretched troops and infidel armies destined for utter destruction' .34 The Patiala
rulers maintained their rule from 1729 to 1948, when the state was merged into
the Indian Union. The Durrani state coinage, popularly called the Raja Shahi
coinage, deteriorated due to the mismanagement of successive rulers and its value
gradually fell to only 8 annas; it was discontinued around 1893 and was replaced
by the British Indian currency. 35
Maharaja Bhupinder Singh ruled Patiala from 1900 to 1938. He was a very
capable and clever ruler but his lifestyle was very lavish and extravagant and the
state fell into perpetual financial difficulties. 36 He kept the British authorities in
good humour by expressions of his loyalty, extravagant entertainments, and
assistance in the war effort. The British ignored his drawbacks, but had to place a
financial expert, Sir Fredrich Gauntlet, former accountant general, as his finance
minister to rescue the rapidly decaying economy of the state. 37 Bhupinder Singh
was very fond of celebrating Dussehra and other festivals in regal style and used
to offer gold and silver coins especially minted on the occasion for puja and for
distribution among his household staff and the state officials. 38 The exact date of
the issue of these coins could not be ascertained since the complete record is not
available with the Punjab State Archives. Being the most important Sikh ruler after
the fall of the Lahore Darbar, the Sikh legend was adopted on the puja coins,
which were called the Guru Sahib coins. The tradition of the distribution of
nazrana coins continued even after the death of Bhupinder Singh by his son and
successor Maharaja Yadvindra Singh. Regular correspondence exists regarding
the assessment of the financial tequirements with Sardar Sahib Deodhi Mualla.
Tenders were solicited from the various sarajs, and by and large the work of
minting these coins was awarded to Bajramal Bhagirath Mal and Chowdhury
Abdul Hakim, who were perhaps the leading sarajs in Patiala. The coins which
remained undistributed were melted and were recast the following year when
the prices of gold and silver had increased to an unusually high rate. 39 The last
such correspondence is a letter no. 957 dated AD 22 August 1943 from Sardar
135
Sahib Deodhi Mualla addressed to the finance minister in which it was stressed
that coins once used in puja by the august master could not be reused, since this
practice was violative of the shastras. It was also stressed that the reduction in
the number of coins for use in the various ceremonies would also amount to the
reduction in the prestige and honour of the shastras. Thus, it is evident that
the ceremonies continued to be performed by Maharaja Yadvindra Singh till the
accession of the state to the Union of India. 40
There are with the Sheesh Mahal Museum, Patiala about a dozen gold coins
and about 1,s00 silver coins with the 'Degh Tegh Fateh' legend. Recently an
examination of the large number of Sikh coins in the Sheesh Mahal Museum was
carried out by Parmeshwari Lal Gupta and Sanjay Garg under the aegis of the
Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, Anjaneri, Nasik. They have
drawn up a catalogue of The Coins of the Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar on
behalf of the Government of Punjab. They describe some coins as problematic
coins. 41 The rulers of Patiala, although Sikh, had also conducted certain traditional
Hindu pUjas during Dussehra. They had used both gold and silver coins especially
minted for these occasions, as is abundantly clear from the state records. The
mark of an arrow appears to be that of Maharaja Bhupinder Singh in the early
years of his reign and that of a rifle during his later years, presumably after World
War 1. The readily available coins pertain to 1958, 1993, 1994 Sambat, Le. AD 1901,
1936, 1937, all from the period of his rule. These coins bear the Sikh legends
(see Plate VII)42;
Obverse
Reverse
The theory that dual coinage was used by Ala Singh to appease the Durranis as
well as the Dal Khalsa, as proposed by Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, is apparently a
fanciful assertion as is shown by the definite evidence available in the Punjab
State Archives. Walter Hamilton's suggestion that these coins were connected with
religious ceremonies stands established and is endorsed by the government records
and the coins in the Government Museum. 43 No such coins are forthcoming from
the local sarajs, which further establishes that these coins were not legal tender
and were used for puja purposes only. It is understood that most of these coins
were exchanged with the prevailing currency from the state treasury. These coins
were melted and reminted afresh for puja year after year so that the religious
ceremonies continued to be carried out with fresh coins every year. The coins
available with the Sheesh Mahal Museum are in mint condition. These facts clearly
establish that these coins are no longer problematic coins, but were instead the
nazrana coins used by the Patiala rulers for puja as distinct from the. regular
currency and were not regular issues for public use. There is no mention of Guru
VS (19)58
VS (19)94
137
Sahib coins in the Note on the Patiala State Currency, which also establishes that
these coins were only for the personal use of the ruler during the Dussehra puja
ceremonies and were not state issues for general use (see note 31).
The second state that came under the influence of the Sikh ethos and the
system of Sikh coinage was Nabha, the second largest Sikh state, and that too to
a much larger extent as compared with the Patiala state. Griffin states categorically
that Hamir Singh was the first Nabha chief who established a mint, basing his
contention on General Taylor's report, Cis-Sutlej State Mints. R.c. Temple, who
produced a fairly detailed study of the coins of the modern native states of the
Punjab, states that in the year AH 1164 or AD 1751, being the fourth year of his
reign, Ahmad Shah Durrani raided the Punjab and over-ran the greater part of it,
and in that year, he granted to the chiefs of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, and Malerkotla
the right to mint Durrani coins in their respective states. 44 Temple further states
that Hamir Singh established a mint, but the details were not known to him, nor
could he secure a coin of Hamir Singh. 45 None of these historians, however, has
given any contemporary historical evidence in support of his contention that
Hamir Singh had established a mint. Temple has also not given any historical
evidence to prove that Ahmad Shah had given the right to strike coins in 1751 to
all these states.
It is recorded in Husain Shahi, written in AD 1798, that the coin of Ahmad
Shah is current in the family of Amar Singh, the raja of Patiala, and there is no
mention in this manuscript about the minting of such coins by the Nabha and Jind
states. 46 General Taylor, the agent of the Lt. Governor of the cis-Sutlej states, in
his study of the coinage of the cis-Sutlej states in 1869, states that the Patiala
mint was established by the order of Ahmad Shah Durrani when Patiala was
ruled by Raja Amar Singh. Griffin relies on General Taylor's reportY The same
view is held in a Note on the Patiala State Currency prepared by the state
government. 48 Temple, however, holds the view that the right to coin was given
by Ahmad Shah to Raja Ala Singh in 1765. 49
Historical evidence testifies to the existence of contacts between Ahmad Shah
and the Patiala chiefs, but no evidence has come to notice indicating that Ahmad
Shah had also made contacts with the rulers of Jind and Nabha and that he had
treated them at par with the house of Patiala. As Muslims, the Malerkotla rulers
were on a different footing; nor had they embarked on a confrontational course
with the Durranis. In his study Temple has shown 46 represent~tive coins of
Patiala, Jind, Nabha, Kaithal and Malerkotla. Dates are not given on the coins of
all these states except for Nabha; the Nabha coins are almost all dated. 50 Hence,
the practke of giving dates on the coins existed only in the Nabha state, and the
earliest known date of the Nabha coins is 1877 Sambat, i.e. AD 1820,51 We are,
therefore, of the opinion that Ahmad Shah did not give the right to strike coins to
all the cis-Sutlej states in 1751, as stated by Temple; the Nabha state mint was
not established by Hamir Singh, as stated by Griffin and Temple, but it appears
138
SIKH COINAGE
to have been established sometime during the long reign of Raja ]aswant Singh
from AD 1783 to 1840 as a symbol of royalty and with the aim of equating Nabha
with the house of Patiala. A certain degree of rivalry always existed between the
states ofPatiala and Nabha .
. Almost all the rulers of the cis-Sutlej states, being apprehensive of the
designs of Ranjit Singh, sought the protection of the British, except the house of
Nabha which had shown an iI!s:lination time and again to side with the mainstream
of the Sikhs and against the British. Raja ]aswant Singh was not initially inclined
to seek British protection and wanted to side with the Lahore Darbar, but on
comprehending the ambitions of Ranjit Singh, he also came under British
protection. 52 His successor, Raja Devinder Singh, being an orthodox Sikh, was
inclined to transfer his friendship from the British to the Lahore Darbar. 53 In the
First Anglo-Sikh War, Devinder Singh did not effectively support the British cause.
He was deposed and about one-fourth of the Nabha state territories were
confiscated. 54 His son, Bharpur Singh, aged seven, was made the chief under the
guardianship of Rani Chand Kaur and four administrators chosen by the British.
Bharpur Singh helped the British with great zeal and sincerity in the 1857 upheaval
and was duly rewarded. 55 Raja Ripudaman Singh was also deposed in the 1923
upheaval for his leanings towards the Singh Sabha movement and his minor son
Pratap Singh was made the chief. 56 When Raja Pratap Singh attained majority, his
powers were greatly curtailed as compared to the other rulers of the cis-Sutlej
states. 57 The Nabha state stands on a somewhat different footing in its relations
with the British paramount power vis-a-vis the other cis-Sutlej states, and its
rulers expressed their sympathies with the mainstream of the Sikhs from time to
time. It was the only cis-Sutlej state which discarded the Durrani legend arid
adopted the Sikh legend for its coinage. 58
Temple was able to collect the earliest coin with the Sikh legend pertaining
to the year AD 1850 or Sambat 1907. Hence, he argued that the change in the
system of coinage took place during the reign of Bharpur Singh. 59 However,
Temple is wrong in this assessment, as the Nabha coins with the Sikh legend
pertaining to the earlier period are also available. The coin for the year Sambat
1892 or AD 1835 is available with the Government Museum, Lahore. 60 Another such
coin, pertaining to the year-Sambat 1893 or AD 1836, is available with the Sheesh
Mahal Museum, Patiala. 61 He~ce, the discarding of the Durrani coinage in favour
of the Sikh cQinage was carried out by Raja ]aswant Singh in the later part of his
reign when the Durranis had completely disappeared from the Indian scene. The
Nabha Sikh legend runs as follows (see plate VIII):
Obverse
Reverse
OBVERSE
REVERSE
VS 1836 AD
VS 1860 AD
VS 1869 AD
VS 1859 AD
VS 1871 AD
140
SIKH COINAGE
This legend first appeared on Banda Bahadur's seal and then on the coins of the
mists and the Lahore Darbar, which had become synonymous with the Sikhs and
with the concept of Sikh sovereignty. It was adopted by the Nabha rulers and it
continued till the end of the state coinage system. The coins pertaining to the
period of Bharpur Singh for the years AD 1850, 1851, and 1853 and those of Hira
Singh for the years AD 1871 and 1872 have been shown by Temple in his study.
With the annexation of the Lahore Darbar territories and increasing British influence,
the British currency became the prevalent currency even in the cis-Sutlej states
in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The state coins were minted only on
special occasions for ~he needs of the state government or, to be more precise, for
the needs of the ruling houses rather than for the general public. 62 The state
currency was also devalued due to the mixing of more and more alloy vis-a.-vis
the British currency which maintained its standard purity.63 Mter the annexation of
Punjab, the prevalent currencies were sent in bulk to the British mints at Calcutta
and Bombay and within a few years the NanakShahi and other currencies were
rendered obsolete. 64 Although the cis-Sutlej states continued to hold the right to
mint coinage, this privilege was in name only and not in actual practice.
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142
SIKH COINAGE
would put two chits, one for and the other against, in the pages of the Guru
Granth and ask someone to pull out one chit and would act accordingly. He
sought the counsels' assistance and the grace of the Sikh Gurus through the Guru
Granth and not through any Brahminical ritual or consultation.
Ranjit Singh's entire family as well as the family of his wazir, Dhian Singh,
were eliminated in just a little over five years in the internecine warfare that
followed the Maharaja's death. Similarly eliminated were the few Sikh sardars
who had held some viable positions in the Khalsa Darbar. During this time,
selfish and unscrupulous ministers such as Dina Nath who had no loyalty to the
state and purbias such as Lal Singh and Tej Singh prospered. The Brahminical
influence in rituals did creep in, especially under Pandit lalla's time. This
Brahminical influence affected the system of Sikh coinage as is seen in the
inscription of Hindu motifs on the obverse of the coins along with the legends of
the Sikh Gurus.
Hindu symbols and names such as the Trishul, Om, Chattar, Sat, Shiv, and
even Ramji were inscribed on the Sikh coins which were struck in the name of
the Sikh Gurus. This process seems to have started around 1840 and continued till
1849. Some of these coins are shown in Plate IX.
The inclusion of Brahminical symbols on the obverse of the Sikh coins was a
blemish on and an aberration of the concept of Sikh sovereignty. But then at a
time when Sikh sovereignty itself was under attack and the Sikh brotherhood was
being put to the sword, this symbolic violation becomes somewhat meaningless.
144
SIKH COINAGE
The views expressed by ]yoti Rai regarding questions (a) and (b) are by
and large shared. as these are based on the existence of recorded facts and
historical evidence. But we disagree with her assertion that Pind Dadan Khan
was also called Nimak during the regime of the Lahore Darbar as per the entry
in the ]helam Gazetteer (1904).
The history of Pind Dadan Khan goes back to ancient times. The battle
between Alexander and Porus in the summer of 326 BC was fought at Bakhuphala,
close to Pind Dadan Khan, which is located on the right bank of the ]he1am
8 km. from the Khewa salt mines. It consisted of three townships located close
to each other, 'namely Kot Sultan, Kot Sahib Khan, and Pind Dadan Khan. 72 The
tribes in and around Pind Dadan Khan gave a lot of trouble to Muhammad Ghauri
and his generals in 1097. They, however, accepted Islam under great pressure by
the close of the twelfth century. Muhammad Ghauri was slain by a Gakkhar of
Pind Dadan Khan. 73 The whole district was the scene of perpetual warfare. Tribe
fought against tribe, chief warred against chief, and village clashed against
village. Daily life was marked by treacherous murders and thievish forays; in .
some villages, watch towers still exist where watch men beat the alarm drum on
the approach of an enemy. Hari Singh Bhangi subdued the local chief of Pind
Dadan Khan in 1764 and took tribute from him. Afterwards this tract was
occupied by Charat Singh Sukharchakia. The Sikhs were able to introduce a rude
and imperfect order over these unruly tribes?4 Ranjit Singh invaded Pind Dadan
Khan and took over the fort, the city, and the salt mines. The annual yield of the
Khewa salt mine was 3,20,000 quintals with an annual income of 16 lakh' rupees
and 2112 lakh rupees from duties. Later in the 1830s Ranjit Singh farmed out the
salt mines, including Pind Dadan Khan, to Raja Gulab Singh. Pind Dadan Khan
was returned to the Lahore Darbar in 1847.
Mohan Lal, as a companion of Alexander Burnes, visited Pind Dadan Khan
on 24 February 1832. In his memoirs, he records that he was received by a Rajput
sardar sent by Gulab Singh with sweets and gifts. This account confirms that in
1832 the salt mines were with Gulab Singh and that the town was called Pind
Dadan Khan,75 Mohan Lal's account gives the details of the town, its architecture,
the" working of the salt mines, the nearby Katas Hindu temple, and the fort where
he stayed.
There is no evidence regarding the establishment of a Sikh mint at Pind
Dadan Khan prior to 1847, although there are numerous accounts about Pind
Dadan Khan giving details about its people, places, and salt mines by independent
sources. There is no mention of a Sikh mint prior to 1847. With the signing of the
treaty of December 1846, all powers were taken away from Prince Dalip Singh,
then a child, and were exercised by the British Resident and the Regency Council.
The .Nanak Shahi coins along with the other earlier currencies were in use all
over the Punjab. But with the large-scale minting of the Nanak Shahi coinage
during a long period of peace and prosperity, this had become the dominant
145
coinage in circulation and the other earlier currencies fell out of circulation in the
main towns and cities and prevailed only in the distant tribal belts and villages.
The tribal areas of Ha?ara, Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Bannu, the Salt Range, Leia,
and Derajat used the earlier coinages, namely Goondah, Mughal, Durrani, Zaman
Shahi, Mohamudi, Bahawalpuri, Shujahwala, Furrukhabadi, and Shikarpuri along
with the Nanak Shahi coinage. The British officials posted at Lahore with the
Resident and at various places in the tribal areas conceived of a scheme to
withdraw all old currencies which were both short weight and short value and
melt these to mint a uniform Nanak Shahi coinage to facilitate the public and the
government and to eliminate the role of greedy money changers.
Jyoti Rai has analysed the correspondence on the issue of establishing
different mints at Pind Dadan Khan, Abbotabad, Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Dera
Ismail Khan, and other towns. The correspondence between various officials of
the British Residency and the Lahore Darbar went on till late 1847. In the
meantime, old coins were also sent to Amritsar in great quantities for them to be
recoined into new Nanak Shahi coins. 76 It appears that at this stage the British
scheme for the annexation of the Punjab came in for serious consideration and
the scheme of opening new mints was perhaps shelved. The order for the
formal closing of the mint at Peshawar was issued on 21 May 1849. 77 This is
corroborated by the fact that but for the Sikh coins (Nimak Shahi) from the Pind
Dadan Khan mint, the coins from the other proposd mints are not available and
do not seem to have been minted at all.
The mint at Pind Dadan Khan appears to have had an early start and on
21 October 1847 orders were issued for sending Muhamad Shahi, Zaman Shahi,
Goondah, and Mehrabi rupees to the Pind Dadan Khan mint for conversion into
Nanak Shahi rupees. 78 A detailed account of the functioning of the mint at Pind
Dadan Khan has been given by Andrew Fleming ?f the Punjab Geological
Survey.79
The position regarding the questions raised by and replied toby Jyoti Rai is
as follows:
(a) The existence of the mint at Pind Dadan Khan stands established but it was
set up in late 1847 and closed in late AD 1848. There is no account of a Mughal
or Afghan mint having been operated from Pind Dadan Khan during the
periods of their rule nor of any Sikh mint having been operated at Pind Dadan
Khan from AD 1765 to 1846.
(b) The reason for the establishment of mints at Pind Dadan Khan and other
towns in the tribal belt was to introduce a uniform system of coinage in the
form of the Nanak Shahi coins, and a regular correspondence exists on this
subject.
(c) The assertion that Pind Dadan Khan was also known as Nimak does not
appear to be correct. Jyoti Rai relies on the location of an entry in the
146
SIKH COINAGE
Punjab Gazetteer which states: 'Pind Dadan Khan in the period preceding its
annexation was under the name of Nimak or salt, a Sikh mint town.'80
However, this entry does not indicate when and why the name of the
settlement was changed and by whom. In fact, there is overwhelming
historical evidence that before the Sikh period, during the Sikh period, and
even after the Sikh period the town was called Pind Dadan Khan. There is
no suggestion in the Sikh records to open a mint at Pind Dadan ~han.
Pind Dadan Khan appears to have been named after a tribal chief called
Dadan Khan. In the tribal genealogy available, the first Muslim name is the
71st and the present generation is the 84th. Taking 20 years for each generation
would bring the total number of years to about 300, and this would be the
time of the hold of the Gakkhar tribe over the Pind Dadan Khan area. There
is no evidence that the Lahore Darbar changed the town's name to Nimak.
The local tribes would most likely have protested the. change of the town's
name since it had been based on the name of their ancestor for several
centuries.
The name Pind Dadan Khan has all along been used as such in the records of
foreigners passing through that area during the Sikh period, viz.:
en
147
In view of the facts stated above, the name of Pind Dadan Khan does not appear
to have been changed to Nimak during the Sikh period, and the entry in the
Gazetteer, on which Jyoti Rai relies for her conclusion, appears to be incorrect. It
is not clear how,why, and by whom Nimak or Nimak Shahi came to be written
on the Sikh coins. This question requires further investigation, and .the conclusions
drawn by Jyoti Rai are not based on any authentic evidence.
1876)
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(contd.)
PLATE XI (contd.)
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NO. 27 1902 S
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.' 1.
JARAB KASA
MIRA SRI A
KAL PURUKHJI
Note: Hans Herrli has incorrectly rElad the legend (Persian) on the reverse of Mihan
Singh period coins. The same is not very clear on some coins but the same legend
in Gurmukhi script is very clear on the 1892 coin. This establishes that Mihan
Singh did not place his name on the Sikh coins struck during his governorship as
has been done by some other governors.
151
for taxes by the rulers of India and Afghanistan. The Mughals, the Afghans, and
the Sikhs all treated the region as an occupied territory for the maximum
extraction of revenue. The Valley is surrounded by high mountains on all sides,
with a number of passes which are snow bound in the winter. Hence the Valley
was cut off during the winter months from the rest of the country, and its
inhabitants adopted cottage industries such as shawl making and wood carving.
An elaborate system of taxation had evolved over the production of all sorts of
commodities and their sale. Since the rulers were bent on extracting the maximum
revenue to please their masters in Delhi, Kabul, and Lahore, it was essential to
ensure the continuous availability of currency. Hence, the Kashmir mint was
forever in the process of minting coins for the collection of taxes and trade.
Various currencies minted from time to time were prevalent in the province.
The Mughal currency struck in Kashmir was still in circulation. It was called the
Mohammad Shahi, and was valued at 13 annas of the Nanak Shahi rupee. The
Afghan currency was worth about 11 annas. The Kabul rupee was worth about 9
to 10 annas. Likewise, the currency issued by the Sikhs was also about 12 annas
to a rupee, perhaps to maintain uniformity with the prevailing currencies. Its value
remained constant, with slight variations, till 1835 and thereafter its value was
reduced to 8 annas of the Nanak Shahi rupee and this value remained consistent
up to 1846.
The legend on these coins from 1819 to 1846 was the same as that on the
earlier Sikh coins.
Obverse
Meaning, 'the kettle to serve the sword, the might of its arms and victory with
spontaneous help'. Baidarang mean 'spontaneous or unrestrained help received
from Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh'.
Reverse
It has already been explained (in Chapter III) that Hari Singh Nalwa placed
the word 'Har (God's name) on the obverse of the coin. His successor Moti Ram
changed the Gurmukhi script of the Har into the Devanagari script. He also
changed the word Har into Harjee, Om Shri, and Sri Ram.
During the governorship of Diwan Chunni Lal from Sambat 1882-3, only a
flower mark and a flag on another issue had been placed on the obverse. There
is no indication as to why Moti Ram's use of the Devanagari Har, Harjee, Om Shii,
and Sri Ram had been left out and why these had been replaced with a flower or
a flag. Hence, during the period of Diwan Chunni Lal as governor there was no
embellishment on the obverse of the coin.
152
SIKH COINAGE
153
Ram'. Bhima Singh Ardali put the first letter of his name on the coin; he was
obviously aware of what Kirpa Ram had done and followed in his footsteps. The
cases of both Kirpa Ram and Bhima Singh constituted serious infringements of
the concept of Sikh sovereignty. There were no embellishments by the next two
governors, Sher Singh and Mihan Singh. The last two governors were Muslims,
and hence it is possible that they did not comprehend the implication of the.
embellishment on the face of the coin. However, this too is an infringement of
the concept of Sikh sovereignty.
Taking stock of the. entire period, .it appears that the embellishment of Sikh
coinage had been started by Moti Ram, the son of Diwan Mokkam Chand, the
most trusted general of Ranjit Singh, and his son Kirpa Ram who placed his name
with the names of the Sikh Gurus, and lastly by Bhima Singh Ardali and the two
Sheikh governors who also followed in their footsteps. These actions of the Sikh
governor of Kashmir were a distinct infringement of the concept of the sovereignty
of the Khalsa. Why and how it did not come to the notice of the Sikhs, and even
in case it did come to their notice, why no action was taken are questions which
cannot be answered till some contemporary record becomes available. The Kashmir
coinage was the only base coinage of the period of Sikh rule and it was not
welcomed in the markets of Amritsar and Lahore where pure silver Nanak Shahi
currency was in vogue. Further, the Kashmir currency was mainly confined to the
proVince itself and the infringement may not hav~ come to the notice of the
Lahore Darbar.
NOTES
1. B.D. Ba~u, Rise of Christian Power in India, Calcutta: R. Chatterjee & Co., 1931, p. 17.
2. Barkat Rai Chopra, Kingdom of the Punjab 1839-45, Hoshiarpur: Y.V. Research Institute,
1969, p. 7.
3. Ibid., pp. 55-8.
. 4. Ibid., p. 69.
5. Ibid., p.92.
6. Ibid., p. 195.
7. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1963,
pp. 27, 28.
8. Ibid., pp. 38, 39
9. Ibid., p. 54.
10. Ibid., p. 59.
11. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978, p. 49.
12. Hari Rain Gupta, op. cit., vol. III, p. 169.
13. Ibid., p. 170.
14. (j) Lepel Griffin, The Rajas of Panjab, Punjab: Languages Department, 1970, p. 26.
(ij) Hari Ram Gupta, op. Cit., vol. IV, p. 156.
15. (j) Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 25.
(ii) Hari Ram Gupta, op. Cit., vol. II, p. 220.
16. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., vol. I, p. 227.
154
17.
18.
19.
20:
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
SIKH COINAGE
Ibid., p. 230.
Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 157-8.
Lepel Griffin, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 285, 382.
Surinder Singh, 'Nabha State Coinage', Panjab University Research Bulletin (Arts), vol. XXI,
no. I, April 1990, p. 172.
Lepel Griffin, op. cit., vol. I, p. 6.
Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 145.
Ibid., pp. 147-8.
Ibid., p. 161.
Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 24.
Ibid., p. 25; Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., vol. II; p. 202.
Hari Ram Gupta, op. dt., vol. II, p. 220.
Ibid., vol. IV, p. 157.
Ibid., vol. IV, p. 157.
Lepel Griffin, op. cit., vol. II, p. 286.
'Note Regarding Patiala State Currency', prepared by Patiala State authorities, Punjab State
Archives, is reproduced by Surinder Singh in Patiala State Coinage, Annexure A, Panjab
University Research Bulletin, vol. XXI, October 1990, Chandigarh, pp. 204-9.
Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., vol. II, p. 244.
R.c. Temple, 'The Coins of the Modern Chiefs of Punjab', Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII,
Bombay, 1989,pp. 21-41.
B.R. Grover, 'An Analysis of Contemporary Durrani Revenue Documents and Correspondence
Pertaining to Patiala Chieftainship (Zamindari) During the Latter Half of the 18th Century',
Panjab Past & Present, vol. XXIV-I, Patiala, April 1990, pp. 227-8.
Note on Patiala State currency prepared by the Prime Minister of Patiala on 15.7.1919. This
note is in a bundle of a dozen files of the Patiala State and Finance Department in the
Patiala State Records, in the Punjab State Archives, Patiala, without any number.
Gur Rattan Pal Singh, Tribune, Chandigarh, 22 July 1990.
Karan Bir Kaur, 'Maharaja Rajinder Singh of Patiala', Panjab P4St & Present, vol. XIX,
Patiala: Panjabi University, 1985, pp. 128, 167.
The minting of nazmna coins for special royal ceremonies and puja during Dussehra and
Diwali. Extract from lytter no. 2556 dated 10.5.1992 S from the Treasury Officer, Patiala to
the Accountant General, Patiala: Panjab State Archives.
Adverting to the correspondence resting with my letter no. 2164 dated 18.4.92 I have the
honour to state that as intimated vide this office letter no. 554 dated 4.2.1992, the total
quantity of gold required for the whole year 1992 for making Patiala Mohars, half Mohars
and Puja Coins was 3100 tolas but as some Mohars and half Mohars were credited into the
Treasury by the main Marriage Committee and the Deorhi Mualla Department, Mohars and
half Mohars required for Guru Puja and Sa/oono were supplied out of the coins credited
by the above department and now the total quantity of gold required can be reduced to
2400 tolas out of which purchase of 500 tolas has already been sanctioned by the Finance
Minister. Request you to kindly obtain sanction of the Finance Minister to the purchase of
1900 tolas of gold more and 260 tolas of silver and request him to auction a contract for the
total quantity of 2400 talas of gold and 260 tolas of silver at one and the same time.
Extract from letter no. 1809 R dated 25.3.2000 S from the Accountant General, Patiala
addressed to the Finance Minister, Patiala.
Last year these silver and gold coins were prepared by melting old puja coins. As the time
is still not favourable and rates of silver and gold are still too high, I request that similar
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
155
procedure may kindly be allowed to be adopted this year too, to meet the requirement of
puja coins.
Extract from the letter no. 957 dated 16.5.2000 S, i.e. AD 22.8.1943 from Sardar Sahib Deorhi
Mualla to the Finance Minister, Patiala: Panjab State Archives.
With reference to your letter no. 3595 dated 27.7.1943 I have the honour to state that
though the coins, once used in puja by the August Master cannot be used again according
to the injunctions of the Shastras, but keeping in view the high rates of gold and silver, I
have no objection if these are minted after melting down the old coins which are lying in
the Reserve Treasury.
Regarding your query about further reduction in the use of gold and silver during war time,
I would like to point out that this cannot be done without reducing the Sarishtas observed
on the various occasions and it is not within my competence to do so.
Parmeshwari Lal Gupta and Sanjay Garg, The Coins C!f Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar,
Chandigarh: Government of Punjab, 1989, pp. 178-9.
The collection has about 1500 silver coins of the above type. Had they not some peculiarities
of their own on the reverse, they would well have been mistaken as the Nabha coinage.
Here, some of the coins have a spear pointed downward and some others have a rifle with
bayonet placed vertically. The coins having the spear symbol have the figures 58 and those
with rifle have the figure 94 by the right of these symbols. The mint name on these coins
is Sirhind. There are a few gold coins 0/3 Mohar) (not in this collection). With the above
reverse showing spear with figure 58 and rifle with figure 94. The reverse of these coins
and that of the Durranis are exactly the same as adopted on the Patiala coins. Along with
these facts, the fact that large numbers of these coins belong to the Sheesh Mahal collection
make it certain that these coins would have been issued only by Patiala. They pose the
question as to why Patiala, which had always associated itself with the Durrani rulers and
issued its coins of their type, issued these particular coins adopting the Sikh obverse
pattern?
Walter Hamilton has suggested that these coins were used in connection with the religious
ceremonies at Dussehra and Diwali. But this seems unlikely. Dussehra has nothing to do
with the Sikhs. Only Diwali has some importance for them. They hold the Sarbhat Khalsa
meeting on this day. But then, it is to be noted that Patiala always had been indifferent to
these meetings. There seems no reason as to why Patiala would issue these coins on these
occasions. It should not be lost sight of that the coins bear two different symbols with two
different figures, which seem to be some dates. If so, they would be representing Sambat
[18)58 (AD 1796) and [18)94 (AD 1737) and thus they mean that they were issued on two
different occasions. Only these figures would provide some clue to answer the question. It
strikes to our mind that Patiala house, from the very outset, from the time of Alha Singh,
had adopted the dual policy to side with the Durranis and at the same time to woo the
leaders of the Dal Khalsa. Not unlikely these coins might have been issued to appease the
Dal Khalsa at these dates. But what was the necessity to do so, we are unable to anticipate.
It is a matter of investigation for the historians of this period.
Lepel Griffin, Rajas of Panjab, op. cit., p. 382.
Ibid., pp. 288-9.
R.c. Temple, Indian Antiquary, op. cit., pp. 321-2.
Ibid., p. 330.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol., II, op. cit., p. 244.
Griffin, Rajas of Panjab, op. cit., p. 286.
Note, Patiala State Currency, Panjab State Archives, Patiala.
156
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
SIKH COINAGE
placed for Pind Dadan Khan, the chief emporium of the' salt trade.
69. Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron, 'Gold and Silver Coinage of Sikhs', Inaugural Address, Nasik:
Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, 1984, p. 147:
Some Sikh rupees allegedly bear the word 'Nimak' as the place of minting. No such place
will be found in the Punjab. In Persian and Urdu 'Nimak' means salt. The name is said to
have been put on the rupees struck at Pind Dadan Khan, a town on the right bank of the
]helum river, which was noted as the main emporium of salt, extracted in the hills behind
the town.
70. Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 107.
71. Jyoti Rai, 'Unidentified Sikh Mints: Proof of the Existence of Nimak', Journal of the
Orienial Numismatic Society, Newsletter no. 143, Surrey, UK, 1995.
72. CO Captain Abbot, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, vol. XVII, 1848,
p. 619; and vol. XXI, p. 214.
(ii) Vincent Smith, District and State Gazetteer Punjab, vol. I, Delhi: Low Priced Publications,
1993, p. 292.
73. Ibid., p. 302.
74. Ibid., p. 309.
75. Fauja Singh, 'Trade and Corhmerce in Punjab', in Fauja Singh and A.C. Arora (eds.),
Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Politics Society and Economy, Patiala: Punjabi University, p. 210.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
157
Jyoti Rai, 'Unidentified Sikh Mints', op. cit., Newsletter no. 143.
Ibid., p. 2.
Ibid., Newsletter no. 143, p. 2.
Ibid., Appendix A.
District and States Gazetteer Punjab, vol. I, op. cit., p. 291.
Mohan Lal, Travels in Punjab, Afghanistan, and Turkistan, Punjab: Languages Department,
rpt. 1971, pp. 24-45
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 207.
Ibid
Ibid., p. 77.
Ibid., pp. 101 and 336.
Sohan Lal Suri, Umdat-ut-Twarikh, Dafter, III, op. cit., p. 203.
J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 288.
Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 119.
J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 126.
Ibid., p. 139.
Khushwant Singh, HistOry of the Sikhs, vol. I, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 255.
Ibid., p. 255.
.
Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op.cit., pp. 123-4.
Ibid., p. 135.
Ibid., p. 120.
Ibid., p. 139.
CHAPTER V
The broad features of Sikh coinage that have long remained buried under the
debris of historical fiction, have been unravelled in this study. These are as
follows:
The study of Sikh coinage has not received the attention that it deserves
from its historians and numismatists. The comments of historians are often not
supported by sufficient historical evidence and are often not based on a proper
investigation and analysis of even those coins that are readily available. Both
historians and numismatists have considered Sikh coinage as being merely a part
of the currencies of the native states which were initially copied from Mughal
coinage during the period of its decline and later from British Indian coinage.
The native states were carved out by capable leaders during and after the
downfall of the Mughal Empire. The native states were thus not formed as a
result of the participation of the people in shaking off an alien rule, but merely
by ambitious local chiefs, most of whom were subordinates and allies of the
Mughal rulers. The Sikh state was the resuk of a long-drawn-out struggle by the
Sikhs lasting for almost two centuries till they secured their absolute rule over
north-western India by defeating the Mughal governors and repulsing the Afghan
invaders. The currencies of the native states were merely a means to carry out
daily transactions among the common people and were meant as a symbol of the .
sovereignty of their rulers only, whereas for the Sikhs their coins were also the
symbol of the sovereignty of their Gurus, whom every Sikh held in great respect
and reverence. Hence, the treatment of Sikh coinage as part of the coinage of
the native states has led to an inadequate and incorrect assessment of its importance. This basic misunderstanding of the true nature of Sikh coinage has resulted
in distorted and inaccurate accounts.
Many scholars of Sikh history, both European and Indian, have contributed
to our knowledge of the Punjab. Chronicles of Mughal and Afghan history have
also briefly mentioned the Sikhs and their role albeit in brief sections. Most of
these writers refer to Sikh coins and their related histories and accounts. Most
historians have written about Sikh coins without actually examining them; this
negligence is in total violation of the requisite norms of numismatic investigation,
159
which were otherwise diligently observed with regard to the study of the coins
of the ancient and medieval periods. Sikh historians such as Hari Ram Gupta,
Ganda Singh, Bhagat Singh, Gopal Singh, and' Bikramjit Hasrat, with whom I
have had an opportunity to discuss some aspects of Sikh history connected with
Sikh coinage, stated that they had not actually examined Sikh coins while writing
about them. They have also not given any contemporary historical evidence in
support of their inferences and assertions about these coins.
British and other European travellers passing through the Sikh territories
made comments on Sikh coins, often based on rumour, bazaar gossip, and
hearsay. Unfortunately, these accounts have been taken by later historians as
authentic historical evidence. Thus, the writings on Sikh coins based on hearsay
and the absence of the actual examination of these coins has led to a misunderstanding of the historical facts and consequently to serious distortions of
Sikh history. In this study a number of such fallacies have been exposed in order
to gain a correct and proper understanding of Sikh coins and their role in the
interpretation of Sikh ideology and Sikh history. These distortions have also
affected another aspect of Sikh history, Le. the concept of Sikh sovereignty,
which has not been given due attention by its historians in examining its
development as a crucial aspect of the Sikh psyche. Since coins are the most
important and primary symbol of sovereignty, any distortion of their history and
significance results in the distortion of the concept of sovereignty. For instance,
historians such as Baron von Hugel, Henry T. Prince, V. ]acquemont, J.D. Cunningham, Lepel Griffin, C.]. Rodgers, G.L. Chopra, Bikramjit Hasrat, Khushwant
Singh, Muhammad Latif, F.S. Waheed-ud-din, Amarriath, K.K. Khullar, and Gopal:.
Singh state that Ranjit Singh struck coins in the name of one of his courtesans
called. Moran. It has been established from a detailed analysis of the historical
facts and from numismatic investigation of the coins in question that no such
coins were struck in the name of Moran.
Richard Feynman, a leading Nobel laureate in Physics of the late twentieth
century, states that whereas religious philosophy prospers on the basis of faith,
scientific and analytical study thrives on doubt which a thinking mind entertains
over the data made available and the facts as recorded by others, which could
bear the burden of truth. Hence, the doubts raised over the issue of Moran's
coins led to the detailed examination of both historical and numismatic evidence,
viz., the place of concubines in the contemporary society, any instances of coins
being struck in the name of a concubine close to the ruler, the dates of the issue
of these coins, the places from where these coins were issued, the examination
of the actual legends on these coins, and any marks or figures helping to
establish such an issue, the concept of sovereignty and its place in the statecraft
of the ruler and the ideology of the state. All these aspects besides others
relevant to the subject have been examined here and only thereafter has it been
concluded that no such coins were struck by Ranjit Singh in Moran's name and
160
SIKH COINAGE
that the entire subject is based on hearsay and bazaar gossip. Unfortunately, a
galaxy .of seasoned and learned historians and numismatists did not follow the
well-established conventions of historical research and methodology nor the
rigorous procedures of numismatic investigation in this matter. Perhaps they took
the juicy bazaar gOSSip as adding to the already colourful lifestyle of the Sikh
maharaja. Their reasons for recording this alleged incident remain a matter of
speculation. However, the uncritical acceptance of this story by later historians
has resulted in the distortion of Sikh history.
In a somewhat similar manner, many historians have recorded that Hari
Singh Nalwa, while governor of Jammu and Kashmir in AD 1820-1, had struck
coins in his name on his own authority or with the concurrence of Ranjit Singh.
Among these historians are Prem Singh Hoti, A.S. Sandhu, S.S. Johar, Kanehiya
Lal, C.M.D. Sufi, Ghulam Hussain, D.C. Sharma, N.K. Sinha, Bikramjit Hasrat,
Bhagat Singh, G.T. Vigne, R.K. Parmu, Madhavi Yasin, Shahamat Ali, Gopal
Singh, Sita Ram Kohli, and Hari Ram Gupta. Some of these historians have also
given the legends that allegedly appeared on these Sikh rupee coins as follows:
Obverse
Reverse
161
162
SIKH COINAGE
entirely against the Sikh ethos and the psyche traditions, and gives a distorted
impression of the institution of Sikh Gurudom and the Sikh concept of sovereignty.
Historians such as Hari Ram Gupta, Lepel Griffin, Colonel Sleeman, c.].
Rodgers, c.]. Brown, Bhagat Singh, and others have called the coins struck with
the legend 'Degh, Tegh, Fateh', the Gobind Shahi coins and those struck with the
legend 'Sikka Zad Bar Har Do Alam', on the initial Sikh coin, as the Nanak Shahi
coins. These historians and even some numismatists have drawn this distinction
withou~ giving any evidence or reasoning for their assertion. Since the names of
Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh occur in both the legends which appear on
the Sikh coins, this coinage can only be called the Nanak Shahi coinage and
cannot be identified with the name of any other Guru, unless the legend
specifically mentions the name of that Guru only; but this is not the case here. It
is our presumption that the second distortion in the nomenclature of Sikh coins
occurred due to the first distortion in rendering the meaning of the legend which
was not contradicted or clarified by later historians, who succeeded in rendering
the correct meaning of the legend. Patwant Singh, a recent writer on Sikh
history, describes the legend 'Degh Tegh Fateh' as being the attributes ascribed
by Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh. In the next chapter while discussing the
coins struck by Ranjit Singh, Patwant Singh gives an altogether different meaning
to the same legend, translating 'Degh Tegh Fateh' as 'My largesse, my victories
and my fame lowe to Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh'. He does not give
any reasoning or evidence to explain why he has given two widely different
interpretations of the same legend. He does not appreciate that the legends on
the Sikh coins were carefully and reverentially designed by the Sikhs in the
early eighteenth century and were the true expression of the Sikh concept of
sovereignty. It is such flights of fancy that not only distort Sikh history but afso
dilute the strength of the unique Sikh institutions. This mistake has also been
repeated by].S. Grewal and Jean-Marie Lafont in their recent writings.
The initial Sikh state carved out by the Sikhs under Banda Bahadur was
totally dismantled by 1715 and an intensive drive to literally wipe out the entire
Sikh community was carried out by the Mughal authorities, with a heavy price
put on every Sikh head, dead or alive. The Sikhs took to the jungles and deserts
and practiced guerrilla warfare; within half a century, after making many sacrifices,
they re-emerged as a powerful force and were able to occupy Lahore, the state
capital, in AD 1765. Since their tactics of warfare were designed to avoid frontalattacks from Mughal and Afghan forces, they would occupy the main towns but
leave them during the Durrani invasions. They would retake them after the main
force of the Durrani armies would leave for Afghanistan. The Sikhs occupied
Lahore in 1761 for a few days and a rumour went round that the Sikhs had struck
a coin in the name of their leader Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, the. legend thereon
being 'Coin has been struck with the grace of Akal (the timeless) and the country
of Ahmad is in the grip of Jassa Kalal'. Although no such coin has surfaced nor
163
has. any convincing evidence in support of the veracity of this incident been
forthcoming, various accounts both in support of and against its minting have
emerged. The eminent Sikh historian H.R. Gupta has vigorously supported
the issue of the said coins with quite of few arguments which could not be
sustained. The same was only rebutted by N.K. Sinha that sovereignty could not
be assumed by any sardar how strong he may be. The democratic spirit
bequeathed to the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh was very strong amongst. the
Sikh com-munity and they held the temporal sovereignty bequeathed to them by
Guru Gobind Singh as a sacred trust and would not let anybody, even their
leader, hold any claim to sovereignty. In the absence of any such coin, the
controversy is like flogging a dead horse. But the most important conclusion that
emerges from this controversy is that the Sikhs cherished with great fidelity and
reverence the concept of Sikh sovereignty as a sacred trust bequeathed to them
by their Gurus.
During the late eighteenth century, Sikh mints were operated by the Bhangi
Sardars from Lahore, Amritsar, and Multan. ]assa Singh Ahluwalia, the veteran
leader of a quarter-century-Iong Sikh struggle, exercised some control over the
numerous Sikh sardars, who were otherwise independent of each other. ]assa
Singh Ahluwalia died in October 1783 and his demise weakened the hold of the
coordinating authority over the warring Sikhs, and minor quarrels soon escalated
into internecine warfare. Each sardar tried to strengthen his hold over the areas
under his control and even started striking coins. A number of mints in Amritsar
and one at Anandgarh came into existence. But a special feature of these mints
was that coins were struck by all in the name of the Sikh Gurus as had been the
traditional practice, and no sardar put his name on these coins or even changed
the legend. This shows that the Sikhs held the sovereignty of their Gurus in very
high esteem in spite of their mutual differences and animosities.
There appeared a leaf motif for the first time on the reverse of the Sikh
coins struck in the name of the Sikh Gurus from the Amritsar mint in 1841
Sambat, Le. AD 1784, and thereafter it was universally placed on all the Sikh
coins produced by the various Sikh mints till the abolition of Sikh currency in
1849 by the British. All efforts to locate some contemporary historical account
have proved futile, and till such time as we are able to unearth some historical
account dealing with the placing of the leaf motif on the coins, the issue will
remain unresolved.
Historians have called the leaf motif by various names. W.H. Valentine calls
it a peepal leaf, Ram Chandra Kak calls it a betel leaf, Madanjit Kaur calls it a
peepal leaf, Saran Singh calls it a lotus leaf, and R.T. Somaiya calls it a ber leaf.
None of these historians has given any relevant evidence in support of his or
her contention, and hence none of these accounts can be taken as authentic.
Our presumption is that some major event/issue would have been responsible
for the placing of the leaf motif on the Sikh coins, which continued without any
164
SIKH COINAGE
change during the entire period of Sikh coinage, appearing on gold, silver, and
even copper coins. The only important event that occurred was the Chalisa
famine, the famine of the forties, from 1840 to 1844 Sambat, in which the entire
region of northern India up to De.lhi and its surrounding areas was affected. The
Punjab was the worst affected province. Many towns were ruined, people
moved to safer areas, and children were sold for food. The Sikh sardars, who
had recently got their landed estates, spent a great deal of their money on
feeding their tenants; some even went to the extent of selling their properties to
feed the hungry in a spirit of compassion and sharing preached by the Sikh
Gurus. It is our presumption that the Sikhs while seeking the blessings of their
Gurus in some gathering in Amritsar might have decided to put a leaf motif
signifying fertility on the coin as a prayer to their Gurus.
The Sikh rulers of the cis-Sutlej states were local leaders who did not join
the Sikh mainstream, whereas their Sikh subjects were a part of the Sikh Panth.
Ranjit Singh's ambitions to bring these states under his rule created a greater rift
between him and these lesser rajas, who in reaction aligned themselves with the
British.
Nabha state was somewhat of' a rebel among the cis-Sutlej states and its
rulers had their sympathies with the main Sikh state. Raja Jaswant Singh discarded
the Durrani coinage and adopted the Sikh coinage with the legend 'Degh Tegh
Fateb, around 1892 Sambat, Le. AD 1835, and this coinage continued till India
gained independence and the state was merged into the Union. Raja Bhupinder
Singh ruled Patiala state from AD 1900 to 1938. He lived very extravagantly and
celebrated Dussehra and Diwali with great pomp and splendour. He distributed
gold and silver coins to his officials and temple priests during these festivals. He
got special coins struck with the legend 'Degb Tegb Fateb,, popularly called the
Guru Sahib coins, which were meant for distribution only on these festive and
religious occasions and were not intended for use as state coinage. Sikh coinage
did influence the rulers of the Nabha and Patiala states to this limited extent.
After the death of Ranjit Singh and the inability of his successors to meet the
challenges of ruling the kingdom, the Sikh state began to decline. The COiJrt
intrigues, the imbecilic rulers, the treacherous ministers, the disloyal Dogras, the
complicity of the purbia ministers and rulers, the trust in crafty Brahmins, and
the British plans to seek the early dismemberment of the Sikh state, all contributed
to the decline of the kingdom. During this period of Brahminical influence,
certain Brahminical symbols started appearing on the obverse of the Sikh coins.
Brahminical symbols such as the trisbul, Om, cbattar, Sat, and Sbiva started
appearing on the Sikh coins. The appearance of these symbols on the Sikh coins
was a disfigurement of the coins and an infringement of Sikh sovereignty. But
Sikh sovereignty itself was under severe attack and the Sikh Panth was being put
to the sword by its enemies. Under these circumstances, the symbolic violation
of Sikh sovereignty becomes somewhat meaningless.
165
166
SIKH COINAGE
the notice of the imperial authorities, which comprehending the danger, made
representations to the central power in Delhi. The imperial authorities in Delhi
tried to stem the rise of the Sikhs by persecution and oppression. But the spirit
of self-reliance bequeathed by the Gurus to the Sikhs was so strong that the
Sikhs successfully resisted the imperial authorities and fought with bravery and
courage in order to protect their faith and their institutions.
. 1. Guru Nanak: April 1469 to September 1539
Guru Nanak, the first Guru of the Sikhs, lived in an age of political instability and
so<:ial chaos which is most vividly described in his own words:
The Kal age is a knife;
the kings are butchers.
Dharma is on its wings and disappearing.
The MOon of truth does not appear to rise
in the dark night of falsehood.!
The Sultanate of Delhi had declined and broken up; provincial kingdoms had
emerged and the amirs and maliks of the larger provinces became independent
rulers. 2 These rulers had little interest in public welfare, they were careless in
financial and administrative matters, they were addicted to the pleasures of the
flesh, and they tried to govern mainly by force. 3 The government fell into
anarchy, and civil war raged. Internal political instability quite naturally invited
foreign invasions. 4 An assignee did not have to apply to a governor or other
official to coerce his recalcitrant debtors, but coerced them himself with forces
raised at his own cost. The most effective method was to kill the debtors and
reduce their families to slavery, a most cruel system of local tyranny. 5 Guru
Nanak describes the deep suffering of the common people in four of his verses
popularly called the Babar Vani:
Compassion is not exercised by merely beholding a suitor.
There is no one receiveth or giveth not bribes.
The king dispenseth justice when his palm is greased.
He does not move in the name of God. 6
Greed and sin are ruler and village accountant.
Falsehood is master of the mint.
Lust his minister summoneth and examineth men.
And siteth in the judgement on them.
The subjects are blind and without divine knowledge
And satisfy the judges' greed with bribes. 7
167
own government, their spirit of intolerance led to the imposition of all sorts of.
humiliations on Hindus, such as the levying of religious taxes, abolition of
religious fairs, social discrimination vis-a-vis Muslims and infidels, and rewards
for apostates from Hinduism. s Guru Nanak describes Babar's invasions:
(Babur) has come from Kabul with the marriage party of vice.
And asks for charity by force.
Honour and righteousness have hidden themselves.
Falsehood predominates.
Not the qazi and Brahman but the devil acts as the performer of the rites of the
marriage. 9
A kingdom that was a jewel was wasted by the dogs.
No one will mourn their passing. 1O
Guru Nanak witnessed Babar's attack on Sayyadpur, and the atrocities committed
by his soldiers greatly distressed him. He states in his Bani:
The kings are like whores, the courtiers like dogs,
For they awaken those asleep in God's peace.
The king's servants tear (the docile subjects) with their nails.
And like curs lick all the blood they spill. l1
~NUGHTENMENT
. After gaining enlightenment on the banks of the Kali Bain, Guru Nanak resigned
his assignment under Daulat Khan and proceeded on his travels saying, 'There is
no Hindu and no Musalman', meaning that both Hindus and Musalni.ans had
strayed away from true religion. When some qazis posed questions to him,' Guru
N~nak advised them:
~168
SIKH COINAGE
1496 TO 1521
II.
III.
IV.
V.
Guru Nanak's extensive travels included visits to the holy places of the Hindus,
Buddhists, Muslims, Sufis, and Sidhs, where he held discourses on his gospel of
one God and won over many disciples. Dharamsalas were opened at the places
he visited, where the sangat sang hymns in praise of one God. Bhai Gurdas
states that a dharamsala was opened in every house and kirtan was held as it
was an unending Baisakhi festival. I4 Some Western historians believe that Guru
Nanak undertook these extensive travels to attain wisdom by practicing penitent
meditation, through study, and through an enlarged social intercourse with
humankind. 15 This assumption has been refuted by later historians who argue
that Guru Nanak's journeys were not in search of truth, but rather were meant to
propagate the truth he already knew. In his talks with brahmans, jogis, pirs, Jain
munis, and other holy men, Guru Nanak was never a student; he was always the
teacher who points out falsehood and indicates the path of truth. 16
C. SElTIED LIFE IN KARTARPUR FROM
1521 TO 1539
After his long tours of India and beyond, Guru Nanak settled down in Kartarpur
in AD 1521. He lived the life of a householder, joined by his wife and two sons,
and soon his disciples joined him. In this period he gave practical expression to
his ideals, combining the life of disciplined devotion with normal daily activities. 17
Guru Nanak followed the same rules that he had laid down for his disciples,
which encouraged equality and democracy amongst them. In the dharamsala
hymns were sung both morning and evening. The disciples who came from far
and near were called the sangat or congregation. The sangat sat in pangat, and
partook of the food from the free kitchen called the langar. These institutions
broke down the barriers of caste and class and all individuals stood before the
Guru in perfect equality. Guru Nanak said:
169
or~ers,
so shall you
This idea, with the passage of time, became a living force in the Sikh community
and 'was beautifully illustrated when the five beloved Sikhs (the Pan) Piaras)
came forward at the call of Guru Gobind Singh at Keshgarh, with their heads
virtually in the palms of their hands. 24
171
The last important aspect of Guru Nanak's work was the nomination of a
successor. It has aptly been called the key event in the history of Sikhism. 25
Guru Nanak considered Lehna, one of his most devoted disciples, for this
onerous responsibility. Lehna became Angad, literally a part of Guru Nanak's
body and metaphorically an extension of his mission. It was the establishment of
an effective line of succession of the Gurus which, above all other factors, ensured the transmission of the first Guru's leadership and the cohesion of the
newly established religious community. The nomination and formal installation of
Guru Angad was the first step in the process that resulted in the founding of the
Khalsa and ultimately in the emergence of a Sikh nation. 26
The uniqueness ascribed to Guru Nanak's position lies in the continuity of
his work through his successors. The immediate successor of Guru Nanak was
also called Nanak and so were all the other successors. The mingling of 'the
light' of Guru Nanak with 'the light' of Guru Angad is in accordance with God's
raza CWill).27 Guru Gobind Singh is quite emphatic about this unity; in his
presentation Guru Nanak becomes Guru Angad and Guru Angad becomes Guru
Amardas and Guru Amardas becomes Guru Ramdas. Indeed, only 'the foolish
failed to understand that the Gurus were all manifestations of one form and were
not distinct from one another'.28 G.c. Narang writes: 'The sword that carved the
Khalsa's way to glory was undoubtedly forged by Gobind, but the steel had been
provided by Nanak.'29 J.D. Cunningham notes: 'It was reserved for Nanak to
perceive the true principles of reform, and to lay those broad foundations which
enabled his successor Gobind to fire the minds of his countrymen with a new
nationality and to give practical effect to the doctrine that the lowest is equal
with the highest, in race as in creed, in political rights as in religious hopes. '30
Ernest Trump argues that the disciples of Guru Nanak would no doubt have soon
dispersed and gradually disappeared, as well as the disciples of many other
Gurus after Nanak, if he had not taken care to appoint a successor before his
deathY
Bhai Gurdas conceives of the position of the Guru in terms of sovereignty.
The true Guru is the true king. The Guru Panth is his coin. 32 Bhai Gurdas
compares the Panth to an eight-metal coin. 33 The Guru as the true sovereign
commands exclusive allegiance; those who do not submit to the Guru are
rebels. 34 Bhai Gurdas does not make any distinction between Guru Nanak and
his successors for they too are the Padshah of both din and dunia. 35 A.c.
Banerjee writes that Gum Nanak created a higher moral force which brought
about all the virtues of the Sikh community and enabled it not only to survive but
also to create a state in a period of ruthless strife. 36 ].c. Archer notes that there
was something positive and realistic in the reforms of Guru Nanak, something
that made a religion and a stateY Kapur Singh does not share Arnold Toynbee's
view that the order of the Khalsa was ~ contingent phenomenon dictated by the
exigencies of the moment, but has been the logical development and entelechy
172
SIKH COINAGE
of the teachings of Guru Nanak,38 Sher Singh writes: 'Who knows that given the
means which Guru Gobind. Singh had at his disposal, with the work of ten
generations which had prepared the ground for him, Nanak would have met the
situation in the same way in which the former did in his own time afterwards.'39
Nihar Ranjan Ray observes that 'to achieve the integration of temporal and
spiritual seems to me to have been the most significant contribution of Guru
Nanak to the totality of the Indian way of life in medieval India.,40
173
3. The Guru abolished the prevailing practice of sati (widow burning on the pyre
of her dead husband) amongst his disciples.
4. He persuaded the women not to use pardah to cover their faces. He composed
the 'Anand', a song of joy to be recited at the time of weddings and other
occasions of happiness. 46
5. Guru Amar Das collected the hymns of Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, and his own
songs and left this collection in the custody of his son Mohan.
6. The Sikhs were rapidly increasing in number and were spread all over "the
Punjab and the surrounding areas. Guru Amar Das established separate centres
of sangats called manjis and selected his representatives to address these
gatherings. They also collected offerings for the Guru and conveyed these
. twice a year on Baisakhi and Diwali at his headquartersY The institution of
the manji (manji literally means a cot on which the revered and senior person
sits while the others sit on the ground) was later developed into the institution
of the masand by Guru Arjan Dev and this remained in operation till the end
of the seventeenth century, when it was abolished by Guru Gobind Singh its
having become self-centred and riddled with corruption and thereby redundant
for the growing Sikh society.
7. Guru Amar Das, eager to meet his Sikh disciples, invited them with their
families and friends twice a year, on Baisakhi during March-April and on
Diwali during October-November. He constructed a large baoli at Goindwal
where the disciples could recite the ]apji at each of the eighty-four steps
leading to the water's edge. 48 This practice became so well entrenched with
the passage of time that the large congregations assembled at Amritsar on
these two festivals. He also debarred the Sikhs from performing the usual
Hindu ceremonies at cremations, which created much resentment amongst the
brahmans who relied on their ritualistic roles at these rites to earn their
livelihood. 49
8. The Udasis were eager to convert to Sikhism. They were ascetics and nonhouseholders. 50 The Guru emphatically declared that there was no room for
the Udasis in the Sikh religion.
9. The abolition of useless and meaningless Hindu customs and ceremonies
related to weddings and cremations led to the severance of links with the
general body of the Hindus. This gave the Sikhs a distinct identity and marked
their separate corporate character; as Cunningham writes: 'They were preserved ... from disappearing as one of the many sects of Hinduism.'
The Guru's growing influence and his rejection of Brahminical customs and
traditions annoyed the Brahmins and the Khatris who complained to Emperor
Akbar against the Guru, giving out distorted information. Akbar invited Guru
Amar Das for a discussion but the Guru refused to personally go to the emperor
for this purpose. He, however, sent Bhai letha,. his son-in-law and the future
Guru, who explained to Akbar that the Sikhs had no hostility against the HindusY
174
SIKH COINAGE
Akbar was convinced and rejected the plea of the Hindus. The regulations made
by Guru Amar Das during his long tenure accentuated the differences between
the Hindus and the Sikhs which became more pronounced with the passage of
time. The Sikhs began to gradually drift away from the orthodox Hindu society
and formed a new brotherhood of their own. 52
Guru Amar Das states:
Even in a gale and torrential rain,
I would go to meet my Guru.
Even if an ocean separates them,
A Sikh would go to meet his Guru.
As a man dies of thirst without water,
A Sikh would die without his Guru.
As parched earth exults after a shower,
A Sikh rejoices on meeting his Guru. 53
These words of the third master emphasize the great influence of the Sikh Gurus
among their followers and underline their strong inner urge to be in constant
communion with the founders of their faith.
4. Guru Ram Das 1574-1581
Guru Ram Das became the fourth Nanak. In order to avoid a family feud he
moved out of Goindwal and purchased a piece of land next to the one given by
Akbar to Bibi Bhani (daughter of Guru Amar Das and wife of Guru Ram Das).
This place was later named Amritsar. A tank was dug up under Baba Budha's
guidance and the place was called Guru ka Chak. It appears that the digging of
the tank started in the time of Guru Amar Das, was, however, completed along
with the Harimandir by Guru Arjan.
During the short tenure of Guru Ram Das, Srichand, Guru Nanak's eldest
son, visited him. Guru Ram Das received him with great regard. Guru Ram Das,
however, did not allow the Udasis to join the Sikhs or the Sikhs to join the
Udasis. The Udasis, however, consider themselves to be part of the Sikh community.54 Guru Ram Das passed away in 1581 after selecting his youngest son
Arjan as his successor, that is, as the fifth Nanak. The principle of hereditary
succession was taking root, yet the selection was on the old principle of
devotion and service to the faith.
5. Guru Arjan 1581-1606
During the quarter century of his Gurudom, Guru Arjan carried out the consolidation
of the fledgling Sikh Panth which was now rapidly coming of age. In this task,
Guru Arjan faced many difficulties, including the lifelong hostility of his disinherited
175
and embittered elder brother Prithia. Prithia tried to administer poison to the
infant Hargobind, founded his own sect called the Minas, started writing his own
scripture, aided and abetted Sulahi Khan against the Guru, joined hands with
Chandu Shah, the diwan, against the Guru, and indulged in similar intrigues and
conspiracies against his younger brother. The Sikh community was thus faced
with profound sectarianism and deep divisions within the family of the Guru
himself. The other threats to the Sikh community were posed by the growing
hostility of the orthodox Hindus and the fanatic Naqshbandi Sufi, Shaikh Sayyed
Ahmad Sirhindi. Despite these internal schisms and external threats to the survival
of the Sikh community, the extraordinary genius of Guru Arjan was able to
consolidate the Sikh Panth to a considerable extent.
Guru Arjan's first task was the completion of the City of Ramdaspur, the tank
of nectar (Amritsar), and the Harimandir located in the centre of the tank.
According to tradition, the foundation stone of the holy temple was laid by the ,
Qadiri Sufi saint Mian Mir of Lahore, but there is no contemporary record to
support this claim. 55 Guru Arjan also built his quarters in the precincts of the
temple. The tank, the temple, and the psychological integration amongst the
Sikhs fostered by Guru Arjan all contributed to one. continuous process of
consolidation and institutional cohesion. 56
According to Dabastan-i-Mazhab, 'before the fifth period no tribute was
exacted from the Sikhs, but presents were given by them according to their own
discretion' to their Guru'. 57 The voluntary contributions from the Sikhs proved to
be insufficient for the various construction works then in progress and the
running of the langar. Guru Arjan named his agents masands, presumably a
corruption of the word rnusannad (meaning exalted position), and these masands
were sent to each town to collect tribute. Each Sikh was asked to donate onetenth of his income as (daswandh) to the Guru every year, and the masands
were called upon to bring this tribute to the Guru in the month of Baisakh.
Although the masands were initially supposed to collect funds, they also became.
missionaries and guides on religious matters. Thus developed a system of tax
collection which in later times resembled a system of parallel government. The
Guru came to be looked upon by his Sikhs as exercising temporal authority in
addition to providing spiritual gUidance. 58 Guru Arjan also commenced the
construction of a large tank at Tarn Taran and a temple by its side.
The most notable achievement of Guru Arjan was the compilation of the
holy book known as the Adi Granth. Sikh worship consisted of the singing of
hymns composed by their Gurus. The dissident groups made their own selections
and also distorted the hymns of the Gurus to suit their ill intentions. Guru Arjan
now felt the necessity of laying down rules of conduct for the gUidance of his
followers in the performance of their daily religious duties and expiatory rites. 59
This would bring about consistency in the practice of the Sikh religion and
restrict the entry of divergent beliefs and rituals. Prithia's distortion of Guru
176
SIKH COINAGE
Nanak's hymns was causing anxiety to Guru Amar Das, who ordained that only
the real hymns of the Guru should be recited and revered by the Sikhs. He made
a collection of hymns from the time of Nanak to his own time which he had left
with his son Mohan. 60 Guru Arjan's action was the final step in the direction of
consolidating and authenticating the proper Sikh religious practices. Guru Arjan
needed the earlier collection of hymns from Mohan who was reluctant to hand it
over to his envoys Bhai Gurdas and Bhai Budha. Guru Arjan thereafter personally
went to Mohan and sat singing the hymns outside his house. The Guru's melodious
voice softened the heart of Mohan and he gave the pothis to him. 6l When the
collection of hymns was completed, Guru Arjan dictated them to Bhai Gurdas
in a tent set up on a selected spot near Amritsar. The great task was finished in
August 1604 and the sacred volume was deposited in the Harimandir in Amritsar. 62
The 10k bhasha thus permanently replaced the deva bhasha and religion was
brought to the heart of the masses. There was no need at all for a priest to guide
or misguide and exploit the illiterate or illeducated people. Religion ceased to
be a mystery hiding behind a linguistic curtain, and now became a matter of
daily experience by the individual worshipper. 63
Guru Arjan began living in a grand style for the inspiration of his disciples.
He considered the spiritual life and worldly living as two aspects of a single
reality. He erected lofty buildings in Amritsar, wore rich clothes, kept fine horses
and elephants, and had retainers in attendance. His personal life was otherwise
very simple. The Sikhs venerated their Guru and called him Sacha Padshah. 64
Guru Arjan encouraged his disciples to take to trade and commerce, and with the
settling of traders Amritsar soon grew into a prosperous city. The number of
Sikhs also greatly increased and, according to Mohsin Fani, in almost all towns in
the country a few Sikhs were to be found. 65
Abul Fazl writes in the Akbarnama that. the emperor crossed over the Beas
at Goindwal and called on Guru Arjan on 24 November 1598. 66 Sujan Rai
Bhandari states that Akbar was very pleased to meet Guru Arjan who greeted
him with the recitation of hymns composed by Baba Nanak in praise of God.
Guru Arjan told Akbar that during the stay of his troops the price of grain had
gone up and now that the troops were leaving, the peasants would not be in a
position to pay the enhanced revenue. The emperor ordered that the land
revenue be reduced by one-sixth. 67 Indu Bhushan Banerjee states that the
exemption of land revenue was one-twelfth,68 and G.c. Narang states that the
remission was for the whole year's revenue. 69
With the installation of the Granth Sahib in 1604, the enemies of the Sikhs
complained to Akbar that it contained some passages offensive to Islam. The'
emperor called for the Granth and the Holy Book was carried to him by Bhai
Gurdas and Baba Budha. Akbar got the alleged offensive passages read out and
found nothing objectionable, and instead he appreciated the hymns in praise of
God. 70 But with the death of Akbar in 1605, the half century of peaceful co-
.j
177
existence of the Sikhs with the Mughal government came to a sudden end.
During the reign of Akbar, the Sikh Gurus Amar Das, Ram Das, and Arjan had
very cordial relations with the emperor who was greatly appreciative of their
activities.
The important achievements of these three Gurus were the consolidation
and large scale expansion of the Sikh community; the complete separation of the
Sikhs from the Udasis and the orthodox Hindu community; the development of
Arnritsar into a sacred place and the centre of the Panth's authority; and the
. compilation of the Granth. During this period, voluntary contributions from the
disciples were made compulsory at the amount of one-tenth of their income
(daswandh) and the coll~ctions were made through authorized agents called
masands. This was more or less a revolutionary arrangement with far-reaching
consequences. 71 The Guru could now arrange the budget with much more
certainty as the dues of the Guru were paid more readily and unfailingly than
even the collection of Mughal revenues. The large sangat, increased resources,
palatial buildings, tents, horses, and the splendour and magnificence of the
darbar all gave it the appearance of a princely court. 72 A state, peaceful and
unobtrusive, had been slowly evolved, and the Guru as its head was called the
Sacha Padshah of the Panth. The Sikhs had already become accustomed to a
form of self-government within the empire.73
Jahangir, who became emperor in October 1605, was already biased against
the Sikh Gurus due to his 9rthodox Islamic leanings. In his autobiography,
Jahangir writes:
In Goindwal. .. , there was a Hindu named Arjan, in the garment of sainthood and sanctity, so
much so that he had captured many of the simple-hearted Hindus, and even of the ignorant
and foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and manners, and they had loudly sounded the
drum of his holiness. They called him Guru, and from all sides stupid people crowded to
worship and manifest complete faith in him. For three or four generations they had kept this
shop warm. Many times it occurred to me to put a stop to this vain affair or to bring him into
the assembly of Islam. 74
Jahangir was also angered by the cordial treatment accorded to the rebel
Prince Khusrau by Guru Arjan. He, therefore, ordered him to be produced before
him and his property and family handed over to Murtaza Khan and the Guru to
be put to death. 75 Guru Arjan's enemies, Prithia, Chandu Das, and the Naqshbandi
Sayyad of Sirhind also became active, and the fanatic and orthodox Farid Bukhari
was made governor of the Punjab.
Guru Arjan was arrested and taken to Lahore. He was also fined two lakh
rupees and was ordered to remove those hymns in the Granth which opposed
Hinduism and Islam. Father D. Jarric (a Jesuit monk in the Mughal court) states
that some Sikhs intended to intercede on his behalf, but Guru Arjan declined
their help and prevented his disciples from raising the required amount for the
fine. Fines, he said, were for thieves, adulterers, and slanderers, and men
178
SIKH COINAGE
devoted to religion never paid fines. 76 Guru Arjan was imprisoned in the Lahore
Fort. He was tied to a post in the open, exposed to the hot sun of June, burning
sand and hot water were thrown on his naked body for five days, and he was
next to be sewn into a raw hide. Guru Arjan sought permission to bathe in the
nearby river Ravi. He plunged into the Ravi and never appeared again. 77
The second part of Jahangir's order concerning Guru Arjan's properties and
family was not implemented, presumably on the intervention of Mian Mir, a
Muslim saint of Lahore. Jadu Nath Sarkar in his short account of the Sikhs has
made some very uncharitable and incorrect remarks. His comments on Guru
Arjan-that he was a common revenue defaulter and that this collision of the
Sikhs with the Mughals in Jahangir's time was entirely due to secular causeshave been debated threadbare by later historians and thereafter rejected. Indu
Bhushan Banerjee has reacted very strongly to Sarkar's claim that there was
nothing-exceptional in the punishment meted out to Guru Arjan and that this was
the usual punishment accorded to revenue defaulters in those days. Banerjee
argues that to call Guru Arjan a revenue defaulter because of his incapability or
refusal to pay the fine and then to justify the tortures inflicted on him on the
grounds of current usage, ignoring all other circumstances connected with his
death, shows a perversity of judgement which can hardly be excused in a
historian of Sarkar's eminence. 78
179
the concepts of miri and piri were also introduced by Guru Arjan.
From the very beginning, Guru Arjan had conceived of Sikhism 'essentially
as a state-Halemi Raj-the most significant aspect of sikh sovereignty, by
saying that Nanak had founded a state, a dominion. of God, a fortress of truth,
based on the indestructible foundation of doctrine. 83 Nihar Ranjan Ray has very
correctly concluded that 'Guru Nanak laid the main foundations on which the
edifice of Sikh society was to be built. The later Gurus walked on these
foundations and a few of them-Guru Arjan, Guru Hargobind, and Guru Gobind
Singh-strengthened them by' buttressing and expanding them.'84
Guru Hargobind at his succession ceremony wore two swords on either
side-one symbolizing miri, the temporal power, and the other piri, the spiritual
power. 8S He stated that in the Guru's house, the spiritual power and the mundane
power shall be combined, and that his rosary would be the sword belt and that
on his turban he would wear the emblem of royalty.86 He inherited 52 bodyguards,
700 horses, 300 horsemen, and 60 gunners. 87 In front of the Harimandir,. he built
a 12-feet-high platform in 1606 called the Akal Takht, God's throne, on which
he sat in princely attire. The Harimandir was the seat of spiritual authority from
where he provided spiritual solace to his disciples. The Akal Takht was the seat
of temporal authority from where he dispensed justice like a king in court,
accepted gifts, awarded honours, and meted out punishments. Court bards used
to sing songs in praise of the great Indian heroes. 88 1'hus the Sikhs came to
occupy a kind of separate state within the Mughal state, the position of which
was established by the independent fiscal policy of Guru Amar Das and Guru
Arjan and Guru Hargobinds' system of armed self-protection. 89 Sikh consciousness
was based on an unprecedented quest for a sovereign Sikh identity which would
establish and strengthen the uniqueness of Sikhism. 90
No clear account of Guru Hargobind's relations with ]ahangir during his
reign (1606-27) is available. It is historically true that Guru Hargobind was
imprisoned by the Mughals in Gwalior. The reasons for the arrest of the Guru are
not clear, nor is the date of his arrest; the period varies in different accounts
from 40 daysto twelve and a half years. Also not clear is the role of Mian Mir, a
revered Muslim saint of Lahore who was also a friend of Guru Hargobind's
family, in bringing about a rapprochement between the two leaders. The most
reasonable period of confinement seems to have been only a few years. Guru
Hargobind is said to have gone to Kashmir with ]ahangir. His visit to Kashmir and
Baramulla is historically true. Whether and what assignment Guru Hargobind
held under ]ahangir is once again not clear. It is very unlikely that Guru
Hargobind would have taken a minor post as he was quite wealthy, with his
own resources, and it is presumed that he merely accompanied ]ahangir, as Guru
Gobind Singh later accompanied Bahadur Shah in his travels in 1706. Guru
Hargobind had also visited Sikh places in what is present-day north-western
Uttar Pradesh. Guru Hargobind's good relations with ]ahangir are seen from the
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SIKH COINAGE
emperor's handing over of Chandu Shah to the Guru for punishment and also the
imprisonment of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi in 1619. 91 During this period Guru
Hargobind was able to soften Jahangir with diplomatic moves and friendly
overtures. However, the details of this relationship. between the Guru and the
emperor are not recorded.
Actual hostility between Mughal troops. and the Guru broke out in the early
years of Shah Jahan's reign, based on rather flimsy grounds. Guru Hargobind
decided to defy the Mughal authorities and fought six engagements against
Mughal officials, from 1633 to 1638. He shifted his headquarters from Amritsar to
H~rgobindpur, then to Kartarpur, then to Phagwara, and finally to Kiratpur,92 in
order to get away from the plains where more military engagements, even a
major attack by Mughal imperial forces, were quite likely. The battles of Jallo in
1633, Sangram in 1633, and Lohara in 1637 were minor ones,93 but the battles of
Amritsar .in 1634, Gurusar in 1637, and Kartarpur in 1638 were rather major
ones. 94
1.
BAlTIE OF AMRITSAR,
1634
A large army was sent against Guru Hargobind who retired to Jhabbal after a
short scuffle. After a while Guru Hargobind suddenly attacked the Mughal forces,
killing many, including their commander. Macauliffe says that in this battle 700
Sikhs defeated 7,000 Mughals. Latif says that this was the first proper engagement
between the Sikhs and the Mughal forces in which the Mughal commander
Mukhlis Khan was also killed. 95
2. BAlTIE OF GURUSAR, 1637
Kamar Beg and Lal Beg were sent out against Guru Hargobind who was
camping in the Lakhi jungle. The Sikhs ambushed and defeated the enemy but at
a heavy cost of 1,200 Sikh soldiers slain. 96
3.
BAlTIE OF KARTARPUR,
1638
A force under Painda Khan (a disgruntled former friend of Guru Hargobind) and
Mir Badhera was sent against the Guru. More Mughal troops joined at Jullandhar.
In a hard-fought battle, the Mughal commanders were killed. In the battle Guru
Hargobind's youngest son displayed remarkable skill and he was renamed Tegh
Bahadur in recognition of his bravery.97
After these battles Guru Hargobind realized that his resources were not
adequate for the open defiance of Mughal forces, and hence he decided to
retreat into the relative security of the Shivalik Hills at Kiratpur (an establishment
set up by Gurditta at the instance of the Muslim saint, Pir Buddan Shah). There
were no further confrontations with the Mughals during the last decade of Guru
181
Hargobind's life. 98 Guru Hargobind gave the SHills a new confidence in themselves
and he strengthened the organizational structure. He demonstrated the possibility
of the Sikhs assuming an attitude of open defiance against the Mughal government,
which did occur a little over half a century later when Guru Gobind Singh
confronted the Mughals; this attitude ultimately led to the emergence of the
Khalsa and the establishment of the Sikh sovereign state in the eighteenth
century.99 During the tenure of Guru Hargobind, Baba Budha expired in 1628 at
the age of 120 years and Bhai Gurdas expired in 1637 at the age of 88 years.
Guru Hargobind expired in 1644 after nominating Har Rai as the seventh Nanak.
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SIKH COINAGE
refused to meet the emperor on the plea that his father and predecessor had
forbidden him to meet Aurangzeb. However, within a short time Guru Harkrishan
suffered from a severe attack of smallpox and expired on 30 March 1664. While
in a state of delirium, Guru Harkrishan pointed to Baba Bakala as his successor. 103
9. Gum Tegb Babadur 1664-1675
Tegh Bahadur became Guru at the age of 43. He was bitterly opposed by
dissidents. Dhir Mal attacked him and gunshots scraped his shoulder. He went to
Amritsar with his few followers but the temple gates were closed to him by
Harji, grandson of Prithia. He went to Kiratpur and his jealous relatives did not
let him stay there. The difficulties confronted by Guru Tegh Bahadur at the very
beginning of his Guruship indicate that the organizational cohesion based on the
Guru's undisputed leadership which had been the glory of Sikhism was now in
decline and the movement was weakening. 104 Instead of settling down at one
place, Guru Tegh Bahadur toured the Majha and Malwa areas for a year and then
returned to Kiratpur. He laid the foundation of a new settlement which grew into
the town of Anandpur. 105
Guru Tegh Bahadur found that the Sodhi relations settled in Kiratpur would
not leave him in peace, and he moved towards the east via Prayag and Banaras
and reached Patna where he decided to stay. It was at Patna that Mirza Raja Ram
Singh met the Guru and persuaded him to accompany him to Assam. 106 On
receiving the news of the birth of his son, the Guru returned to Patna. Guru Tegh
Bahadur stayed for some time in Patna and on hearing of Aurangzeb's fanaticism
towards Hindus and Sikhs he decided to return to the Punjab. He initially moved
alone, not sure of the reception that awaited him at the hands of his enemies,
but he soon called for his family and finally settled down in Makhowal. 107
During Aurangzeb's rule, orders were passed to demolish all schools and
temples of the infidels and to put down their religious practices and teachings;
the magnificent temples of Somnath, Mathura, and Banaras wen~ demolished and
jaziya was re-imposed. 10B The Sikhs, who were also regarded as infidels, could
not expect better treatment than the Hindus. Aurangzeb ordered the temples of
the Sikhs to be demolished and the Guru's agents (masands) who collected the
tithes and gifts from the faithful to be expelled from the cities. 109 Such was the
situation when Guru Tegh Bahadur returned to Anandpur. Kashmiri Pandits who
were being converted on pain of being put to the sword by the specially
appointed governor, Afghan Khan, approached Guru Tegh Bahadur who took up
their cause. The Guru took to touring the Malwa area between the rivers Sutlej
and Ghaggar. The simple but hardy farmers were cowed down by the Muslim
officials during the emperor's stay in the Punjab. Guru Tegh Bahadur worked for'
the physical and spiritual needs of the people of Malwa. Where fields were
barren and dry, he got wells dug. Where there was scarcity of milk, he procured
183
and gave them free of cost to the people. For the landless peasants he
procured some land and urged them to live courageously as free people. In
barren areas he got trees plamed. lIO
Distorted and exaggerated reports of the activities of Guru Tegh Bahadur
were sent to the Mughal court and the Guru was summoned. 111 While the Guru
was on his way to Delhi, he was arrested along with his five companions and
was put in an iron cage on the way to the capital. The governor and the qazi
tried to persuade Guru Tegh Bahadur to embrace Islam but he resolutely rejected
their overtures. The companions of the Guru were tortured to death in his presence, and the next day he was beheaded outside the qotwali in Chandni
Chowk, on 11 November 1675. 112 In the confusion, a Sikh of the Guru took
away the head of the Guru and carried it to his son Gobind Singh at Anandpur,
and the body was taken by another Sikh to the Rakab Ganj area on outskirts of
Delhi where he placed the remains of Guru Tegh Bahadur in his own house and
set it on fire, so that the Guru's body was suitably cremated.
COWS
184
SIKH COINAGE
masands on the way.116 A small army soon grew around the Guru, and a more
strategic site was selected in 1678 and the settlement established there was
named Anandpur. This change was also reflected in the Guru's darbar. The Guru
would meet his daily congregation in an expensive tent, with elephants and
horses as part of his retinue. Guru Gobind sat on a raised platform, wearing
princely attire and an aigrette on his turban. The Sikhs called him Sacha Padshah,
and princes from distant places visited him; the whole setting was that of a royal
court. 1l7 A huge kettledrum called the Ranjit Nigara was installed at the gate of
Guru Gobind's residence. It was beaten regularly every morning and evening as
a symbol of Sikh sovereignty. Bhim Chand, raja of Bilaspur, objected to the use
of the kettledrum as being the prerogative of the ruler only but the Guru paid
no heed to the raja's protests. Guru Gobind had made great strides in literary
studies, excelled in the martial arts, and had grown to full maturity and responsibility. The masands had been isolated and made ineffectual. An especially
trained elephant was sent by the raja of Assam, and a Sikh from Kabul brought
the Guru a costly tent for holding his darbar. 11B
A quarrel with Bhim Chand was inevitable. He was a year younger to the
Guru but far less mature. Bhim Chand's pride was wounded and he could not
tolerate a sovereign state coming up within his state. He attacked the Guru in
1682 but was beaten back. 119 In the meantime, the hill rajas plotted to oust the
Guru from their area. Bhim Chand made an alliance with the rajas of Kangra and
GuIer, and the allied forces again attacked Guru Gobind in 1685 but were beaten
back with losses. 120
Cordial relations had existed with the raja of Sirmaur since the time of Guru
Har Rai. Raja Medni Parkash invited Guru Gobind Singh to come to his state. The
Guru was not willing to leave Anandpur but under pressure from his mother and
uncle Kirpal, he agreed and his camp, consisting of 500 soldiers and a large
number of animals, left Anandpur in April 1685 and settled down at Paonta, a
place on the banks of the Yamuna about 50 km. equidistant from Nahan and
Dehra Dun. The Guru built a fort at Paonta and he and his camp found an open
space to stay. The Guru's literary and martial activities flourished during his stay
of about three years at Paonta. Sikh disciples brought money, arms, and horses in
plenty, and war games and martial exercises were carried out. On the literary
front, the Guru had 52 poets in his darbar who sang their martial compositions
for him. 121 The Guru composed Var Sri Bhagwati, Chandi di Var, Krishan Avtar,
and other hymns. He employed Muslim mercenaries who unfortunately deserted
him in the time of war, an experience similar to the one that his grandfather had
had with Painda Khan. 122
Guru Gobind soon realized that there was a long-standing feud between
Garhwal and Sirmaur lasting for the previous few generations. Medni Parkash
chose Paonta for the Guru's camp, which, in fact, was located midway on the
route which lay conveniently between the two states. Guru Gobind did not like
185
his headquarters being sandwiched between two rival states. 123 Fateh Shah
decided to occupy all the tet;ritories that were disputed between Medni Parkash
and himself, and to achieve this goal he had to dislodge Guru Gobind from
Paonta. At this juncture, the Guru's position became very weak. A large number
of armed masands had deserted him before the battle. The Pathans, who were
also familiar with the Guru's resources, changed sides and joined Fateh Shah. 124
Fateh Shah, aware of the Guru's position, expected only a nominal resistance.
But this first major battle fought by Guru Gobind Singh was a marvel of war
tactics, and he gained success over the overwhelmingly larger enemy. The Guru
chose to meet Fateh Shah on the banks of the rivulet Gir at Bhangani, about
10 miles north of Paonta. Having marked the correct position, he asked Medni
Parkash and Budhu Shah of Sandhura to march to Bhangani, and himself occupied
a hillock to check the Garhwali army. The bulk of the Guru's troops were hidden
behind the hillock, from where the battlefield manoeuvres could be manipulated. 125
The Pathans who had deserted Guru Gobind now joined the Garhwalis who
were in front. Guru Gobind put a major part of his army in the attack against the
Pathans, which they could not withstand; as they retreated they put the entire
Garhwal army in disorder. By evening, Guru Gobind himself plunged into the
battlefield and killed Hari Chand, the best general of the enemy. Fateh Shah and
his men fled and the Guru won the battle; Budhu Shah and his men had joined
him in the afternoon. 126 Medni Parkash and his troops never moved to the
battlefield. 127 Although the victorious Sikhs wanted to pursue the Garhwalis, the
Guru in his wisdom took the victorious army to Sandhura and from there sent
the soldiers to Makhowal. He moved to Ramgarh and met the Rani of Raipur,
through whose intervention he entered into an agreement with Bhim Chand and
was back in Anandpur in 1688. 128
The stay in Paonta gave Guru Gobind an insight into the psyche of the
Hindu hill rajas whose mutual jealousies and rivalries went back to many generations. They could not overcome their mutual animosity and put up a joint front
against the foreign ruler. They preferred to accept foreign suzerainty. Guru
Gobind also witnessed the duplicity and disloyalty of his armed masands. He
came to the conclusion that he had no place to stay other than Anandpur and that
all his energies should be devoted to bolstering his bastion to repulse a combined
attack by the Hindu hill rajas and the Mughal forces. The Guru utilized the
changed situation and sought the good offices of Bhim Chand to build up his
headquarters, which he did with remarkable speed and boldness. He weeded
out those who had been unfaithful and had not jOined the Bhangani battle. 129 He
renewed his contacts with his disciples in Malwa and Doaba. He reorganized his
darbar and rapidly strengthened his army. He built a chain of forts around
Anandpur and garrisoned them with trained musket men and mounted guns on
the fort walls. 130
Around this time, the hill rajas had stopped paying the annual tribute to the
186
SIKH COINAGE
Mughal emperor, and a strong Mughal force was sent to realize the arrears. Alif
Khan was sel1t to Kangra and he built a wooden stockade at Nadaun. Bhim
Chand sought Guru Gobind's help and the Guru personally joined him with a
Sikh force. But for the Guru's timely help the hill rajas would have been
defeated, yet Bhim Chand agreed to pay the tribute and accept Mughal suzerainty,
which greatly disillusioned Guru Gobind. 131 Rustam Khan was sent against the
Guru by Mian Khan, governor of Jammu. The Sikhs launched a surprise attack
against Rustam Khan and drove him away after inflicting heavy losses. 132
Guru Gobind Singh now asked his disciples not only to come in greater
numbers to Anandpur, but also to make Anandpur their home. He gave the large
influx of Sikhs suitable training and made them observe a proper code of
conduct. 133 The increased strength of the Sikh forces under Guru Gobind unnerved
the Kangra jaujdar as well as Some rajas, who now sought Aurangzeb's advice
on how best to meet the challenge posed by the rising Sikh power. In November
1693 Aurangzeb directed the jaujdar to prevent Guru Gobind from assembling
his Sikhs. 134 A large expedition was sent under Hussain Khan. Guru Gobind sent
a well-\umed contingent to the aid of the hill rajas and in the ensuing battle
Hussain Khan and some hill rajas were killed. This encouraged the hill rajas not
to pay the tribute. In 1694, 1696, and 1697 small forces were sent against Guru
Gobind, all of whom failed in their objective. Aurangzeb was a greatly suspicious
person, especially of his sons and other relatives who he consid~red were
capable of raising a rebellion against him; he used to keep them at widely
dispersed locations and away from the throne. Aurangzeb sent Prince Mauzzam
to the north under some scheme of his, and it was rumoured that he had been
sent to subdue the hill rajas and Guru Gobind. Actually Mauzzam reached Lahore
in August 1696 on his way to Kabul and sent some forces to collect tributes from
the. hill rajas. The entire force of Mughal wrath fell on the rajas and Guru
Gobind's headquarters were left unharmed. 135 Mauzzam's arrival had been a
cause of great anxiety to the Guru, and the prince's departure now gave him
much relief.
During the next two years, 1697-9, feverish literary activity took place. Still
Guru Gobind struggled hard to come to some important decisions. During this
outwardly peaceful interval, he abolished the office of the masand and instituted
the Khalsa on Baisakhi, on 30 March 1699. As a true successor of Nanak, Guru
Gobind believed himself to have been chosen by God to establish the Panth of
Nanak.
The Divine Guru sent me for religion's sake:
On this account I have come into the world.
Extend the faith every where;
Seize and destroy the evil and the sinful;
Understand this, holy men, in your souls.
187
In the fulfilment of his mission, Guru Gobind Singh first tried to set his own
house in order. The masands, who at one time were the representative agents of
the Guru, were an important link between the Guru and a large number of his
Sikhs. The organization of the Sikh Panth greatly depended on the performance
of their duties by the masands, but these masands had lost the confidence of the
Guru. Guru Gobind Singh had witnessed their insolent attitude at his coronation,
their refusal to join the Battle of Bhangani, their ill-treatment of the Sikhs, and
their dishonesty and corruption, which have been directly portrayed by the Guru
himself in the thirty-three sanwaiyas.
If anyone serves the masands, they will say
Fetch and give us all the offerings.
Those beasts plunder men,
and never sing the praises of the supreme lord. 137
The intervening role of dishonest and corrupt masands between the Guru
and his followers was most undesirable because of their influence among.a large
number of Sikhs. Guru Gobind, therefore, decided to establish a direct connection
with the Sikhs through fresWy appointed agents and by removing all the masands
whose integrity or loyalty was questionable. 138 In most of the hukamnamas
issued by Guru Gobind Singh to the Sikh sangats after the Baisakhi of 1699, the
Sikhs were asked to send their offerings directly to the Guru through authorized
persons (not the masands) or to bring these personally to Anandpur.
In the time of Guru Hargobind, the Sikhs who were directly linked with the
Guru's household and who had remained his permanent companions were called
his Khalsa. The sangat of the east was called the Khalsa of Guru Hargobind.
Likewise, the sangat at Pattan was called the Khalsa of Guru Tegh Bahadur and
the sangat of Machhiwara was called the Khalsa of Guru Gobind Singh even
before the Baisakhi of 1699. 139 It is possible that the term Khalsa for the Sikhs in
general was derived from its earlier usage. Guru Gobind Singh could not have
chosen a more auspicious occasion than the Baisakhi of 1699 and the sangats
were asked to come in large numbers. In a dramatic, and soul-stirring speech
Guru Gobind Singh selected five Sikhs willing to lay down their lives for the
dharma. The first man was a Khatri from Lahore, the second was a Jat from
Delhi, the third was a Washerman from Dwarka, the fourth was a Cook from
Jagannath, and the fifth was a Barber from Bidar. Coincidentally these five men
represented five different regions of the country. Guru Gobind dressed them in
fine clothes and gave them the khanda pahul, sweet water stirred with a doubleedged khanda, and not by the earlier method of charan pahul, water with which
188
SIKH COINAGE
the feet of the Guru had been washed. After administering the khanda pahul to
his five Sikhs, he called the five beloved ones (the Panj Piaras). Guru Gobind
Singh himself took pahul from each of them, thereby merging his person with
the persons of his disciples. 140 The Guru thus merged himself in the Khalsa and
the whole sect became invested with the dignity of Gurudom.
The oft-repeated phrase 'apai Guru apai chela' beautifully depicts the
communion between the Guru and his Khalsa on the same premise on the basis
of which Guru Nanak had selected Angad as his successor; he had touched
Angad's feet, giving him the status of the Guru during his own life time. Like the
Guru himself, his baptized Sikhs were to wear their keshas as well as their arms.
The wearing of uncut hair was the most important injunction of the Guru to his
Khalsa. The Khalsa thus stood distinguished from the rest of the world. After the
five beloved ones had baptized the Guru, the principle that emerged was that
any five baptized Sikhs could initiate novice Sikhs into the Khalsa. Thus the
Khalsa became the Guru and the Guru became the Khalsa. 141 J.D. Cunningham
writes: 'The last apostle of the Sikhs effectually roused the dormant energies of a
vanquished people and filled them with a lofty though fitful longing for social
freedom and national ascendancy, the proper adjuncts of that purity of worship
which had been preached by Nanak.'142 Contemporary estimates indicate that
about 80,000 people were baptized in a few days. Guru Gobind Singh describes
his feelings about his Khalsa in one of the Shabad Hazare:
All the battles I have won against tyranny
I have fought with the devoted backing of these people;
Through them only have I been able to bestow gifts.
Through their help I have escaped from harm;
The love and generosity of these Sikhs
Have enriched my heart and home.
Through their grace I have attained all learning;
Through their help in battle I have slain all my enemies.
I was born to serve them, through them I reached eminence.
What would I have been without their kind and ready help?
There are millions of insignificant people like me.
True service is the service of these people.
From top to toe, whatever I call my own,
All I possess and carry, I dedicate to these people. 143
By instituting the Khalsa; Guru Gobind Singh took the most vital decision of his
life, thus reaffirming the faith promulgated by Nanak; he consolidated the panth,
and inspired the Sikhs to defend their faith and stand on their own feet. All these
preparations were likely to invite the intervention of the Mughal government. l44
A newsletter from the imperial court to the faujdar of Sirhind admonished the
189
Guru. 145 Since the Baisakhi gathering had passed off peacefully, Guru Gobind
Singh was not disturbed for a couple of years, during which period he continued
to consolidate his position. The large congregations of armed Sikhs which
assembled during Baisakhi, Holi, and Diwali were sources of great annoyance to
the hill rajas. Bhim Chand, the most powerful hill raja, again asked for tribute
from Guru Gobind, which was refused, as had been the case on an earlier
occasion. From 1699 to 1703, seven attacks were made on Anandpur by the
combined forces of the hill rajas,146 and at times also supported by Mughal
contingents, and even by Wazir Khan of Sirhind during the battle of Barsali. Guru
Gobind Singh successfully faced all these combinations, defeated the hill rajas,
and maintained his sway over Anandpur and the surrounding villages which
came under the Guru's control due to the ever-increasing influx of Sikhs to
Anandpur. 147 Ahmad Shah Batalvi states that Guru Gobind Singh was in occupation
of territory of about 100 sq. miles around Anandpur and was determined to
create a dominion for himself and his Sikhs. 148
. The long-standing conflict between Bhim Chand and the resolute Guru
came to a climax in late 1704. Bhim Chand is believed to have made a personal
representation to the emperor, giving his paint of view and emphasizing the
potential danger from th,e Khalsa. Aurangzeb ordered Wazir Khan, faujdar of
Sirhind, and other Mughal forces from the nearby areas to extend full assistance
to the hill rajas. Thus, a formidable combination was formed against Guru Gobind
Singh in this trial of strength between the Khalsa and the Mughal Empire. 149
The allied forces failed to take Anandpur. The Sikhs emerged from the
town and put up a stiff resistance and repulsed the attack. Anandpur was,
therefore, placed under a long-drawn-out siege. The allies concentrated all their
resources on imposing a complete blockade. After about eight months of the
siege, food became very scarce and it became increasingly difficult and
unrewarding to make nightly forays into the nearby villages. In the meantime,
Wazir Khan and the hill rajas started negotiations with an offer of a safe passage
and all sorts of assurances, even on behalf of the emperor. 150 Guru Gobind Singh
also faced pressure from his own relatives and the Sikhs. He left Anandpur
during the night of 21 December 1704. 151 The hill rajas did not pursue him, but
the Mughal forces under Wazir Khan soon caught up with the Guru and his
forces in the rear while they were crossing the swollen Sirsa stream. The
situation resulted in a disaster for the Guru. Along with his two older sons and
some followers he was separated from Mata Gujari, his mother, and his two
younger sons who fell into the hands of Wazir Khan. Mata Sundari, his wife, was,
however, safely escorted to Delhi by Bhai Mani Singh. Guru Gobind Singh lost
most of his brave followers including two elder sons in an unequal fight with the
vastly outnumbered Mughal forces at Chamkaur near Ropar. The few. \surviving
Khalsa resolved and directed the Guru to escape. Bowing to their wishes Guru
left Chamkaur in the middle of the night.
190
SIKH COINAGE
In early 1705, Guru Gobind wandered from place to place in the Malwa
area either alone or with a few followers, with the Sirhindi troops in active
pursuit after him. 152 At ]atpura (in present-day Ludhiana district) he received the
news of the execution of his two younger sons by Wazir Khan and the death of
Mata Gujari who had died of grief. 153 Even though he was passing through a
hopeless period of severe set backs and defeat, Guru Gobind responded in a
remarkable manner. His immediate need was to establish contact with the
Khalsa, who gradually started joining him and moved from place to place in
search of a suitable location to establish a settlement. Wazir Khan, who was
chasing the Guru, came to know the Guru's location and attacked the Khalsa at
Khidrana. The Khalsa fought with such great determination and devotion that the
larger force of Wazir Khan was severely defeated and Wazir Khan retreated
without any further battle with the Guru. 154
Guru Gobind Singh now settled down at Talwandi Sabo. Slowly his old
disciples started returning to him and a small force was established. During about
a year's stay at Talwandi Sabo, the Guru dictated a new recension of the Holy
Granth. Here Guru Gobind received Aurangzeb's messages in reply to the
Zafarnama which the Guru had written to the emperor, who was now anxious
to meet him in the Deccan. Guru Gobind, with a large. number of h'is followers,
moved towards the Deccan via Rajasthan. Near Baghaur, he heard of the death
of Aurangzeb and planned to return to the Punjab. Prince Mauzzam had also
rushed from Peshawar to Delhi to stake his claim to the throne against his
brothers. Guru Gobind Singh, who was heading towards Delhi, met Mauzzam
before or after the battle of ]aju. Guru Gobind Singh was given an honourable
reception by Bahadur Shah, the new emperor. He was allowed to go fully armed
in the emperor's presence and was given lavish and expensive gifts. 155 Guru
Gobind Singh informed his Khalsa that his other matters were being settled
satisfactorily and that he intended to go to Kalhur and not the Punjab. 156 But it
appears that no final decision was taken, and Guru Gobind moved with the
emperor to Nander.
Guru Gobind Singh had become aware of the hostility of the court, especially
over his dispute with Wazir Khan of Sirhind. At this juncture, the Guru met a
bairagi who became his ardent disciple, and who was later named Banda
Bahadur. The Guru chose him as the commander of the Sikh forces to chastize
Wazir Khan and others. 157 How Banda came in contact with Guru Gobind, how
the Guru was able to ascertain his capabilities, whether they were previously
known to each other are questions shrouded in mystery and no authentic account
regarding their veracity is available. But what stands established as historical fact
is that there could not have been a better choice for the purpose for which
Banda Bahadur was sent. Shortly after Banda's departure for the Punjab, the Guru
was attacked, apparently by some hired assassins, and was badly injured. The
wound did not heal and after some days, the Guru announced that his end was
near. 15S
191
Guru Gobind collected his Sikhs around him and gave them his parting
instructions. He opened the Granth, placed 5 paisas and a coconut, and bowed
. before it. He declared that henceforth the Holy Book would be the Guru for all
time to come and thus he abolished the institution of personal Guruship. He also
composed the following verse:
Agya bhai Akal ki tabhi chalayo Panth,
Sab Sikhan ko hukm hai Guru Manio Granth.
Guru Granth je manyo pargat Guru ke deh.
Jo Prabho to milbo chahe khoj shabad me Ie.
This verse means that under the order of the Immortal God, the Panth was
founded. All Sikhs are enjoined to accept the Granth as their Guru. Consider the
Granth as representing the Guru's body. Those who desire to contact God can
find Him in its hymns. 159
Guru Gobind Singh had earlier said in the Bichittar Natak:
Installed on Nanak's throne as Guru tenth,
When assumed the scripture of my sovereignty
I promoted religion to the best of my power.
Guru Gobind Singh states that when he a~sumed the spiritual sovereignty of
Guru Nanak, he served the piri aspect, the dharma, with all his devotion. l60 He
also states, in Bhai Nand Lal's rendering of the Guru~s remarks:
The Granth is my second self.
And it should be taken as me.
A Sikh who wants to see me
Should have a look at the Granth.
One who wants to talk to me,
Should read the Granth and think over it. 161
Guru Gobind placed the temporal aspect of his sovereignty in the hands of
the Khalsa. This goal had already been partially achieved with the creation of
the Khalsa and when he had selected the five beloved ones and had given them
the khanda pahul. Thereafter, he personally sought the khanda pahul from the
five chosen ones, thus merging his Guru person with the Khalsa whereby the
Guru and the Khalsa became the one and the same. He states: 'Where there are
five Khalsa to take a decision I am present in spirit with them.' He had submitted
to the will of the Khalsa against his own personal opinion to give sanctity to the
decisions of the Khalsa. When he was asked to leave Chamkaur, he left in
submission to the will of the Khalsa against his own desire. to lay down his life
192
SIKH COINAGE
along with his Khalsa. Now when he was leaving his mortal frame, he placed his
temporal sovereignty in the hands of the entire Khalsa. The following verse is
said to have been composed by either Guru Gobind Singh or by Bhai Nand Lal:
Raj karega khalsa aqi rahe na koe,
khawar hoesab milen ge bache sharan jo ho.
Meaning that the Khalsa shall rule, and its opponent will be no more. Those
separated will be united and the devotees shall be saved. 162
Guru Gobind Singh defines his temporal sovereignty in the Krisbtm A vta r:
Great death be thou my protector;
All steel I am thy slave.
Deeming me thy own, preserve me.
Single out and destroy my enemies.
Let both my free kitchen and my sword.
Prevail in the world.
Preserve me and let none trample me.
Be thou my cherisher. 163
When Guru Gobind Singh gave his temporal sovereignty to his Khalsa, he
issued a stern warning to them to preserve Sikh identity in its uniqueness, as
stated in the Sarblob Grantb:
jab Lag Khalsa rahie niara,
Tab lag jas dion men sara.
jab aye gai bipran ke reef,
Man na karun in ke partit. l64
This means that the Khalsa shall continue to be blessed with all my power, so
long as it preserves its identity and uniqueness. But when the Khalsa strays from
. the path of righteousness, I will not stand by them.
Nihar Ranjan Ray rightly states that the integration of the temporal and the
spiritual has been the most significant contribution of Guru Gobind Singh to the
way of life which he laid down for his Sikhs. 165 Guru Hargobind and the Sikh
community felt that for the development of the Sikh faith they would have to
vindicate Nanak's message of resisting the evil of tyranny. Bhai Gurdas refers to
the martial response of Guru Hargobind to the martyrdom of Guru Arjan as
hedging the orchard of the Sikh faith with hardy and thorny kikar trees. 166 The
two sovereignties of the Godhead-spiritual and temporal-remained centred in
the Guru person up to the time of Guru Gobind Singh, who on the eve of his
death bestowed the temporal sovereignty on the Panth and the spiritual sovereignty
193
on the Granth. The Panth became the Guru Panth and the Granth became the
Guru Granth. The revealed word as such was formally installed as the eternal
Guru, leaving no room for any physical/corporeal Guru in Sikh society.167 The
,concept of the sovereignty of the Khalsa provides the motivating spirit for the
. relentless struggle against the state. It also gives the principle of unity, cohesion,
and organization to the Sikh people in the form of voluntary submission to the
supreme collective authority of the Guru Panth.
Guru Gobind Singh had made himself the master of the imagination of his
followers. 168 His death triggered such an enormous popular response that the
first sovereign Sikh state came into existence within two years over the Subah of
Sirhind and the surrounding territories. The coins struck and the seal adopted by
the Sikh state closely reflect the Sikh concept of sovereignty. As unique symbols
of Sikh sovereignty they differed from contemporary coinages and remained un. changed during the entire period of the Sikh state till its annexation by the
British in March 1849.
The temporal sovereignty (the sovereignty of the Sikh state) bequeathed by
Guru Gobind Singh to the Khalsa Panth at the time of his demise in October
1708 was held as a sacred trust both in victory and in defeat. During the First
AnglO-Sikh War in 1845 and the signing of the humiliating treaty in March 1846
the Sikh sardars had played a very dubious role. However, the Sikh soldiers,
unlike the selfish and disloyal Sikh sardars who had allied with the British,
continued to profess loyalty to their Gurus and fought bravely for the preservation
of Sikh sovereignty. M.L. Ahluwalia states:
As to a crore of rupees of the war indemnity imposed by the British on the Lahore government,
an offer was mooted by the 'Panches' representing the Darbar army to deduct one month's
pay from the salaries_of all the armed personnel of the Darbar for making up the amount of
one crore of rupees which the .British were accepting from Raja Gulab Sfngh.... The British
did not agree to the said proposal of the Darbar. 169
This shows that even though the Sikh rulers of the Lahore Darbar had lost their
respect for the principle of Sikh sovereignty in their self-serving pursuit of their
personal gains, the dedication and reverence for Sikh sovereignty was still very
much in existence amongst the Sikh soldiers, even in defeat.
NOTES
1. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, tr. Gopal Singh, 4 vols., Delhi: Gurdas Kapoor &. Sons, 1960-2,
vol. I, p. 137.
2. A.C. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, p. 1.
3. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India 0451-1526), Calcutta, 1956, pp. 243-4.
4. A.C. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, op. cit., p. 2.
5. W.H. Moreland, The Agrarian System of Moslem India, Cambridge, 1921, p. 71.
6. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, tr. Gopal Singh, op. cit., vol. I, p. 350.
194
7. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, 6 vols., New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., rpt., 1985,
vol. 1, p. 232.
8. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, New Delhi: ne. Kapoor & Sons, 1973, pp. 13-15.
9. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, tr. Gopal Singh, op. cit., vol. I, p. 722.
10. Tirlochan Singh, Selections from Sacred Writings of the Sikhs, London, 1960, p. 86.
11. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, te. Gopal Singh, op. cit., vol. I, p. 470.
12. G.e. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, Lahore: New Book Society, 1945, p. 31.
13. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., vol. I, p. 38.
14. Bhai Gurdas, Varan, tr. ]odh Singh, 2 vols., Patiala: Vision and Venture, Var 1, Pauri 27,
1998, p. 57.
15. J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., rpt., 1972, pp. 36-8.
.
16. A.e. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, op. cit., pp. 198-9.
17. (i) W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968,
pp. 277-8.
(ii)].S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in Hisotry, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1969, pp. 168-9.
(iii) A.e. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, New Delhi: Munshiram Manohadal,
1983, pp. 92-3.
18. (i) Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, 2 vols., Calcutta: A. Mukherjee & Co.,
1979, vol. I, p. 94.
(ii) Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 278.
19. ].S. Ahluwalia, The Sovereignty of Sikh Doctrine, New Delhi: Bahri Publications, 1983,
p. 30.
20. Ibid., p. 43
21. Ibid., p. 42.
22. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., vol. II, p. 26.
23. Ibid., vol. I, p. 382.
24. A.C. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, op. cit., p. 161.
25. ].C. Archer, The Sikhs, Princeton, N], USA, 1946, p. 109.
26. W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 143.
27.. Harbans Singh, 'Guru Nanak', Preet Lari, November 1969, p. 14.
28. BachittarNatik, translated and published by M.L. Peace, ]ullandhar, undated, p. 12.
29. G.e. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 34.
30. J.D. Cunningham, The History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 34.
31. Ernest Trumpp, Adi Granth (tr,), New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978, p. !xxvii.
32. Bhai Gurdas, Varan, tr. Jodh Singh, op. cit., Var. I, Pauri 45.
33. Ibid., Var 7, Pauri 8.
34. Ibid., Var 26, Pauris 31 and 32.
35. Ibid., Var 39, Pauri 3.
36. A.C. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, op. cit., p. 182.
37. ].e. Archer, The Sikhs, op. cit., p. 60.
38. Kapur Singh, .'Baisakhi of Guru <;Jobind Singh', in Parasarprasna, Amritsar: Guru Nanak
Dev University, 1989, p. 12.
,
39.. Sher Singh, Philosophy Of Sikhism, Lahore, 1944, p. 24.
40, Nihar Ranjan Ray, Sikh Gurus and Sikh Society, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975,
p. 59.
41. A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 152.
42. A.C. Banerjee, Guru Nanak and His Times, op. cit., p. 152.
43. Hari'Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 82.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
195
A.c. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 162.
Ibid., p. 165.
Ibid., p. 175.
Had Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., pp. 84-5.
Ibid., p. 85.
Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, op. cit., p. 167.
Ibid., p. 162.
Ibid., pp. 175-6.
Ibid., pp. 181-2.
Sri Guru Granth, op. cit., Rag Sohi, pp. 767-8.
Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. II, op. cit., pp. 257-8.
A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 182.
Ibid., p. 183.
.
Mohsin Fani, Dabistan-i-Mazhab, tr. Troyar and Shea, vol. I, p. 271.
(i) A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 185.
(ii) Had Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 90.
(iii) Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, op. cit., p. 195.
59. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., vol. III, p. 55.
60. Had Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 85.
61. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, op. cit., vol. III, p. 57.
62. Ibid., vol. III, p. 64.
63. A.C.Banerjee,The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 192.
64. Mohsin Fani, Dabistan-i-Mazhab, op. cit., pp. 233-4.
65. Ibid., pp. 225 and 233.
66. Had Ram Gupta, The History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 93.
67. Ibid., p. 93.
68. Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, op. cit., p. 214.
69. G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 70.
70. Had Ram Gupta, History of the Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 98.
71. Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, op. cit., p. 254.
72. G.C. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 76.
73. Ibid., p. 76.
74. Tuzak-i-jahangiri (tr. by Rodgers and Beveridge), 1996 edn., Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
p.72.
75. Ibid., pp. 72-3;
76. A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Religion, op. cit., p. 205.
77. (i) Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 104.
(ii) Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, Ludhiana: Kalyani Publishers; rpt., 1989, p. 254,
footnote.
78. Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, vol.. II, p. 6.
79. (i) Ibid., vol. II, p. 8.
(ii) Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, op. cit., p. 25.
(iii) G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, op. cit., p. 101.
(iv) Ernest Trumpp, Adi Granth, op. cit., p. lXxxii
(v) Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, op. cit., voL IV, p. 2.
(vi) J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 50.
(vii) Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 108.
80. Had Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 92.
196
81.
82.
83.
84.
SIKH COINAGE
197
198
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
SIKH COINAGE
Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Bahadur, Patiala: Punjabi University; rpt., 1990, p. 12.
Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. V, op. cit., p. 245.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 237.
Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. V, op. cit., p. 303.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 237.
Ibid., p. 237.
Dharam Pal Ashta, 'Poetry of Dasaro Granth', Ph.D. thesis, Chandigarh: Panjab University,
p. 26.
164. J.S. Ahluwalia, The Sovereignty of Sikh Doctrine, op. cit., p. 48.
165. Nihar Ranjan Ray, Sikh Gurus and Sikh Society, op. cit., p. 59.
166. Sunita Puri, Advent of Sikh Religion, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993,p. 219.
167. J,S. Ahluwalia, The Sovereignty of Sikh Doctrine, op. cit., p. 81.
168. J.D. Cunningham, A History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 66.
169: M.L. Ahluwalia, Landmarks in Sikh History (a fully researched and documented history
1699-1947), New Delhi: Ashok a International Publishers, 1996, p. 169.
M.L. Ahluwalia has vide his letter dated 18 October 1999 intimated the authority for the
Sikh Panches, offering one month's salary for Kashmir to the British. Lahore Political
Diaries, vol. III, p. 88, National Archives of India, Secret Series.
APPENDIX A
In order to understand the Temple tokens of India, we must first have an understanding of
the histOly, religions and mythology of India,
MAURICE M.GOULD
The Sikh religious tokens, like other temple tokens, are a field of exonurnia of
which very little is known and even less is written. Although the subject of
Indian temple tokens has been taken up by a number of scholars, there are only,
two readily available accounts of Sikh religious tokens, viz., A Guide to Temple
Tokens of India by Brotman/ and 'Observations on Sikh Tokens' by ]ai Parkash
Singh. 2 In both accounts, a fair degree of disregard for and ignorance of the Sikh
traditions 'and religious practices is apparent; the inferences drawn by the authors
are incomplete and incorrect to a certain extent. Hence, an attempt is made here
to address some of the gaps in the account of Sikh religious tokens.
In Hindu religious practices, which are largely matters of private devotion
rather than congregational worship, the icon or the image is a symbol of God, an
aid to the mind of the devotee to concentrate on the divine in order to become
one with it: The large number of Hindu deities and the uninhibited changes in
the rituals and iconography have resulted in the construction of lakhs of shrines,
tucked in obscure corners and installed niches in the walls of houses and
temples across the land. Hindu worship, to a large extent, is not so much an act
of prayer but an act to pay homage to the deity and seek its blessings and the
grant of boons,3 This open attitude has resulted in the proliferation of an
enormous variety, in the depiction of Hindu deities in stone and metal sculpture
and on paintings on walls and on paper. Temple tokens are one such manifestation
of Hindu religious practices; they are most handy to keep and carry, enabling
the indiviciual devotee to bow his head in reverence and seek blessings from
the deity when ever he has a moment to spare or when ever the situation so
demands.
The origin of the notion of placing the image of a deity on a coin is as early
as the third century Be; Gaja Lakshrni was depicted on an uninscribed coin from
Kausambhi. Images of Shiva appear on the coins of Ujjain and the Kushanas in
the early centuries. 4 Ramatankas were issued in south India by the rulers of the
200
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
201
came to an end in 1849, when the incapable successors of Ranjit Singh could not
hold their own against the British, and the Sikh state was annexed to British
India.
The Sikhs came out of Hindu stock and they brought along with them
certain Hindu customs and traditions as a matter of habit. A large section of the
Sikhs are Sahajdhari Sikhs, who believe in the Sikh scriptures but who do not
keep unshorn hair; they follow certain Hindu customs and rituals as well. A very
large section of the Sindhi community believes in Guru Nanak only, in addition
to their own faith in the Hindu religion. There are a number of sects founded by
the relatives of the Sikh Gurus, which broke away from the Sikh mainstream, and
which partially follow the Sikh traditions and partially the Hindu rituals. Although
the Sikh religion arose partly in reaction against the excessive ritualism and corruption in Hinduism, yet certain Hindu traditions crept into the Sikh way of life
over a period of time and the use of temple tokens is one such tradition.
There are four major seats of the Sikh religion, viz., the Golden Temple in
Amritsar in Punjab, Anandpur Sahib in Punjab, Patna Sahib in Bihar, and Hazur
Sahib in Nander, Maharashtra. These four authorities have not issued any religious
tokens bearing the effigies of the Gurus. The Sikh gurudwaras have been issuing
to certain pilgrims a small yellow-coloured turban, a pocketbook of holy verses,
and a small kirpan. This has been a long-established practice which continues to
the present day.9
Sikh religious tokens appear to have emanated froni' Amritsar, where very
large numbers of devotees come during the Baisakhi and Diwali festivals. The
local mahantslmasands and traders in ornaments get these tokens manufactured
in bulk, then sell them to petty mendicants and sadhus who, in turn, sell them to
the pilgrims; thus making a substantial profit from the various stages of the
transaction. There is a tribe of bhatras, part soothsayers and part godmen, who
move from place to place, especially religious places during festivals, passing
on these tokens to the godfearing pilgrims with their blessings. Thus, a token
worth only a few paise is passed on to a pilgrim for a few rupees. To the
receiver it may be an act of religious devotion but to the giver it is a means of
earning his livelihood. It is understood that tokens bearing the inscription 'Hazur
Sahib' were actually manufactured in privately owned factories in Amritsar and
were sent to the traders at Nander for sale to the pilgrims going to Hazur Sahib
as though these tokens originated at Hazur Sahib and with the blessings of the
Guru. Such tokens were also apparently issued by certain sects outside the Sikh
mainstream, such as the Udasis, the Nirmalis, and the Namdharis which were set
up by those descendants of the Sikh Gurus, viz., Prithi Chand, Dhir Mal, and Ram
Rai, who had separated from the Sikh mainstream and who had created their
own sects with rather limited followings. The Udasi deras and darbars were
scattered all over the doabs and received state patronage in the form of revenuefree grants and financial assistance from the Sikh rulers. lO The Yantra type token,
202
APPENDICES
at no. S, is an issue of some Udasi sect. The brass tokens have gone out of circulation over the last fifty years, presumably due to the Singh Sabha reform
movement. The silver tokens have a very limited circulation at present, and may
be obtained from silversmiths but not from the Sikh religious places.
Obverse: Guru Nanak is seated cross-legged under a tree, flanked by his two attendants,
Mardana the Muslim musician playing the rabab and Bala the Hindu holding a fly
whisk, with a Iota, the all-purpose utensil, and a pair of wooden sandals in the front.
During his wanderings and travels Guru Nanak covered the length and breadth of the
Indian subcontinent. He stayed on the outskirts of towns and villages, taking shelrer
under trees. Hence, he is universally shown in Sikh iconography sitting under a tree
along with his two disciples.
Reverse: Guru Gobind Singh sitting do jamt to the left, resting his back on a bolster or
a masand. A peacock is perched on the parapet at the back. Guru Gobind Singh wears
a princely dress and a bejeweled turban with a halo around his head. He also wears a
sword and holds an arrow in his hand. Besides being the religious head of the Sikhs,
Guru Gobind Singh was also their temporal head; hence he lived like a prince in regal
style. He was a great general and an excellent marksman; such was his excellence in
archery that none could shoot an arrow farther than him. His arrows, used in war, were
gold-tipped so that the victim could identify his assailant. His death is said to have
come about as a result of stretching a very strong bow; the strain caused his raw
wounds to be opened and they could not be healed again.'1 In his famous letter called
the Zajarnama addressed to Aurangzeb, he states:
Ba lachargt darmatn amdam
'Sa tadhtr-t-tlr-o-kaman amdam 12
meaning that 'When the treachery of the foes has made a mockery of their vows,
armed with arrows and bows we took the field to send them blows'. Brotman l3 and )ai
Parkash Singh l1 are both wrong in stating that Guru Gobind Singh is represented
holding a wand or a rod on which a bird is perched. Probably the poor workmanship
of these tokens gave these writers such an impression. Guru Gobind Singh, like other
Asian princes, used hawks in his hunting expeditions. He was particularly fond of
white hawks. '5 )ai Parkash Singh is wrong in assuming that the bird perched on the
Guru's hand is a parrot;16 the numerous historical accounts of this iconographic representation note that the bird in question is a white hawk. )ai Parkash Singh is also wrong
in identifying the side with Guru Gobind Singh as the obverse and the side with Guru
Nanak as the reverseY Guru Nanak is the principal Guru of the Sikhs, and to give
precedence to Guru Gobind Singh over Guru Nanak amounts to an act of sacrilege for
the Sikhs.
No. 2
No. 3
REVERSE
NO.1
NO.2
NO.3
NO.4
(contd.)
OBVERSE
REVERSE
NO.5
NO.6
orA.
2.71 ems
ENLARGEMENTS
NO.7
(contd.)
OBVERSE
REVERSE
NO. 8
;~.
NO.9
DIA. 32 mm
NO. 10
DIA. 37 mm
206
No. 4
No. 5
No. 6
APPENDICES
Reverse: As in token no. 2, except the legend 'Sat Karlar' in the Devanagari script,
meaning 'God is Truth'. and the date 400 which cannot be deciphered for want of any
details.
Obverse: As in token no. 1, with' slight figurative variations.
Reverse: As in token no. 1, except the date 1804. The date 1804 Sambat, Le. AD 1747,
has no significance in Sikh history and appears to be a fictitious datej the inclusion of
such dates on temple tokens 9f India has been a general practice. 18
Obverse: As in token no. 1.
Reverse: Is a Yantra token with a tantrlk representation of numerical figures in the
modern Devanagari arranged in rows in the spaces created by a pair of parallel lines
placed at right angles so that the total of any of the three figures in a row---'-horizontally.
vertically, and diagonally-comes to 15 in all cases.19
Obverse: A greatly worn out token. with the clasp having broken due to the wear and
tear of many years. The figures are those of Guru Nanak with Bala and Mardana, as in
the earlier tokens. although the design of the decoration is somewhat different.
Reverse: is the first verse of the 'japjt Sahtb'. also called the mool mantar.
'Atko~kar, Sat nam, Karla Purakh, Ntr bhau, Ntr ver, Akal murat. Ajunt satb bhang, Cur
parsad, jap. Adh sach, jugad sach. Habt sach, Nanak, Host bht sach.'20
No. 7
No. 8
Means there is but one God. True is his name. creative his personality and immortal his
form. He is without fear. sans enmity, unborn and self-illumined. By the Guru's grace.
he is obtained. Embrace his meditation. True in the prime. True in the beginning of
ages. True he is even now and true he verily shall be. 0 Nanak.
Obverse: Guru Gobind Singh sitting do jamt to the right on a carpet with a bolster at the
back. whereas in the token at no. 1 in Plate XII he is depicted sitting to the left. Perhaps
this token was made by a craftsman in Austria and the earlier tokens were made
locally. Guru Gobind Singh is shown wearing all the fineries befitting a prince. He has
a halo around his head and is armed with a sword and a bow. He holds a hawk on his
hand. On the top is written 'Guru Gobind Singh' in the GurmLikhi script.
Reverse: contains the. mool mantar in. the Gurmukhi script as in token no. 6. Under the
mool mantar is written in Urdu. Le.. in the Persian script, the address of the manufacturer
and the place of manufacture. The inscription states: 'Raja Darya Mal Devi Dayal of
Chowk Darbar. Amritsar got these manufactured from Austria'. The Chowk Darbar area
adjoins the Manji Sahib portion of the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar. Darya Mal
was probably a mahant or perhaps an important trader who got these tokens made in
Austria. The workmanship of this token is very fine. The brass token had an original
coating of gQld wash, which is now almost completely rubbed away.
Obverse: Bears the f.igure of a warrior standing to the right. holding a sword in his right
hand and a bundle of seven arrows in his left. The legend running along the border is
'PARCRESTOA CONCORDIARES'. with the date 1707. The legend in Dutch means
'Through concord small things grow large'. and the seven arrows represent the seven
provinces of The Netherlands.
Reverse: The Sikh mool mantar as in token no. 6 in the Gurmukhi script. but it is written
in the manner of the Dutch legend. 'The coin of the United Dutch Provinces according
to the law of the empire'. The above legends occur on Dutch gold ducats and there
were several mints in The Netherlands making imitation ducats in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. This token made of brass is now in the collection of coins of the
Babhut Mal Dugar Sardar Shahr. Rajasthan. D.K. Handa states that the token in all
probability is the medal issued by the Dutch authorities when Guru Gobind Singh
APPENDIX A
No. 9
No. 10
207
visited Agra at the beginning of 1707. 2 \ However, this assessment is merely conjectural
since Guru Gobind Singh did not hold any position of patronage in Agra so far as the
Dutch mission was concerned. There is no evidence of any such medals issued by the
Dutch for any person in a position to promote their interests. This token appears to
have been made to order in The Netherlands, wherein the mool mantar has been
correctly laid out although in the Dutch style; but on the obverse instead of Guru
Gobind Singh's effigy the obverse of a Dutch ducat dated 1707 has been stamped. This
could have been a mistake as such errors often occurred in the minting of coins.
Further, the Sikh religious tokens came into existence much later after the time of Guru
Gobind Singh.
Obverse: Is a very finely made bust of Guru Nanak, with 'Guru Nanak' written in the
Devanagari script above the head.
Reverse: Is the picture of the Golden Temple in Amritsar, in a pool of water, and the
mool mantar is recorded in the Gurmukhi script around the temple with a fictitious date
999. The token is of pure silver and may be brought from the silversmiths in northern
India today. Its price is eighty rupees, with its ::oetal contents worth about sixty rupees.
There are a couple of small private factories in Chandni Chowk, Delhi which manufacture
such tokens in bulk. It is a common practice to distribute sweets on 'weddings and
important festivals. Affluent persons present such tokens along with the sweets as a
symbol of well-being with the Guru's grace. The recipients preserve these as a blessing.
The token mentioned by Brotman is a someWhat Similar token and its origin is of
recent times. 22
Brotman shows this to be a miscellaneous token.
Obverse: The scene is not identifiable. Perhaps it is Guru Gobind Singh on horseback,
with his attendant following, and a dog running behind. In some paintings of Guru
Gobind Singh in the Pahari style, he is shown riding a horse followed by some attendants and a dog.
Reverse: The scene is not identifiable. However, the bull is Nandi. The peacocks may
be intended as representations of demigods; the peacock is the vehicle of Kartikeya,
the god of war, and the son of Shiva. The man standing cannot be identified. 23
Legend: Illegible, probably in the Gurmukhi script.
The above assessment of Brotman seems to be incorrect. Guru Gobind Singh had
prescribed five items of daily wear, viz., 'kesh', hair on the face and the head; 'kangha',
a comb to keep the hair tidy; 'kard, a heavy steel bangle to ward off attack; 'kttpan',
a sword to defend oneself; and 'kachherd, a pair of breaches in place of the dhotf, the
daily wear of the Hindu men in those times.
The wearing of the dhott was changed to the kachhera by the sixth Guru, Hargobind,
when this dress was considered to be a hindrance in fighting against the Mughals.
Hence, Guru Gobind Singh or his followers would not be depleted wearing dbotis. It,
could be that the obverse and the reverse of different tokens were mixed up in this
token.
NOTES
1. Irwin F. Brotman, A Guide to the Temple Tokens of India, Los Angeles: Shamrock Press,
1970, pp. 12-13.
2. jai Parkash Singh, 'Observations on Sikh Tokens', Numismatic Bulletin, Dallas, Texas,
USA, vol. XVI, no. XII, December 1982.
3. Brotman, Temple Tokens of India, op. cit., p. 9.
208
APPENDICES
4. Ibid., p. 21.
5. D.C. Sarkar, Studies in Indian Coins, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1968, p. 254.
6. S.B. Ota, 'Origin and History of Rama Tankas', Journal of Numismatic Society of India,
Banaras, vol. XV, 1978, p. 160.
7. Parmeshwari Lal Gupta, Coins of India, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1979, pp. 125,
227, and Plate XXVI.
8. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus,' New Delhi: Kapoor & Sons, 1973, ['p. 236-9.
9. Baron von Hugel, Travels in Kashmir and Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department,
rpt., 1970, p. 395.
10. Sulakhan Singh, 'State Patronage to the Udasis under Maharaja Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja
Ranjit and His Times, ed. J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga, Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1980, pp. 103-16,
11. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., pp. 243 and 236.
12. D.S.' Duggal, Zafar Nama, Jullandhar: Insitute of Sikh Studies, 1980, p. 97.
13. Brotman, Temple Tokens of India, op. cit., pp. 142-52.
14. Jai Parkash Singh, 'Observations on Sikh Tokens', op. cit., pp. 359-61.
15. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikh Gurus, op. cit., p. 243.
He was always well dressed and well armed. He wore a sword and a shield, bow and
arrows. His sword was sparkling and his shield strong. His bow was of green colour and
, arrows were tipped with gold. Such arrows were used only in the battle field so that the
victim could identify his assailant. He wore a plume on his turban and got the appellation
of 'Kalghidhar'. He rode generally on a blue horse and was called 'Neelae Ghore da Swar'
or the rider of the blue-coloured' horse. While on horseback he carried a white hawk on
. his right hand. The people hailed him as 'chityan bazan walla' or the hunter with the
white hawk.
16. Jai Parkash Singh, 'Observations on Sikh Tokens', op. cit., p. 362.
17. Ibid., p. 361.
18. Brotman, Temple Tokens of India, op. cit., p. 37.
19. D.C. Sarkar, Studies in Indian Coins, op. cit., p. 257.
20. Manmohan Singh etr.), Sri Guru Granth Sahib, English 'and Punjabi translation, Amritsar:
Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee, 1981, p. 1.
21. D.K. Handa, Studies in Indian Coins and Seals, Delhi, 1989, p. 170.
22. Brotman, Temple Tokens of India, op. cit., p. 145.
23. Ibid., pp. 198-9.
APPENDIX B
Encyclopaedia on Sikkhism:
Numismatic Discrepancies
An examination of the available hukamnamas shows that no Sikh Guru had used
a seal or mohar on his directions issued to the Sikh sangat in the form of
hukamnamas. 2 Hence, to state that the seal of the Guru was given to Desraj is
not correct as no Guru is known to have kept any such seal in his name.
The examination of hundreds of Sikh coins from Kashmir, available in the Sri
Pratap Museum, Srinagar and in personal and various private collections, has not
revealed any Kashmir coin struck in the name of Hari Singh, particularly from
among the coins of the period when he was the governor of Kashmir. It is
strongly believed that no coin was struck by Hari Singh Nalwa in his own name.
This issue is discussed in detail in Cha:pter III.
210
APPENDICES
3. Entry on Moran
Moran, a Muhammadan dancing girl of Lahore, whom Maharaja Ranjit Singh is said to have
married in 1802. . .. Ranjit Singh remained under her spell for a number of years and soine
say he even had coins of gold and silver struck in her name during 1803-09. They are known
as Arsi-wali Mohar or Moranshahi coins.... It was resented by the Sikhs and, as the story goes,
the Maharaja was summoned to Amritsar by the Jathedar of Shri Akal Takht to explain his
conduct and was sentenced to be flogged publicly. Ranjit Singh willingly offered to undergo
the punishment, but he was let off on payment of a fine of one lakh twenty-five thousand
rupees. 4
The above entry on Moran gives the impression that Ranjit Singh was summoned
and reprimanded by the Akal Takht for striking coins in the name of his concubine. Ranjit Singh willingly offered to undergo the punishment, which means that
he. accepted the charge and admitted to the striking of Sikh coins in the name of
Moran, when all along these coins had been struck in the name of the Sikh
Gurus. This position is not correct and the issue is discussed in detail in Chapter
III. It has been conclusively established that no coins were struck in the name of
Moran by Ranjit Singh.
The references given below the entry are:
P
APPENDIX B
211
to Moran's affair with Ranjit Singh and to the summoning of the Maharaja by the
Akal Takht. Lepel Griffin in his Rajas of Punjab, Baron von Hugel in his Travels
in Kashmir and Punjab, Princep in his Origin of Sikh Power, N.K. Sinha in his
Ranjit Singh, and J.D. Cunningham in his A History ofSikhs, all refer to the public
exposure of Ranjit Singh with Moran, but these historians do not deal with his
being summoned to the Akal Takht. Hari Ram Gupta in his History of Sikhs,
vol. V, states that Moran's affair with the Maharaja outraged the Akalis and he
was summoned to the Akal Takht. Ranjit Singh begged forgiveness but was
declared guilty and was given one mild lash and then forgiven; he also paid one
lakh twenty-five thousand rupees as a fine. s Bhagat Singh in his Sikh Polity states
that Ranjit Singh's ride with Moran, a dancing girl, through the streets of Lahore
was considered a moral offence. He confessed his guilt and was awarded a
sentence of flogging but was let off without any punishment. 9 Hence, the entry
in the present form is not correct and requires suitable modifications. Further,
there has been no case of flogging of a culprit by Akal Takht authorities, their
punishment have been religious and not physical.
212
APPENDICES
1710 and moved to Lohgarh. 13 After a day's action at Lohgarh where fifty-two
rearguatd defences were raised, the Sikh forces again vanished into the safety of
the dense jungle where the Mughal forces were loathe to follow them. Further,
the legend on the reverse of the coins does not give the name of any mint town,
but does refer to what the ideal capital of the Sikh state should be in the future.
The legend on the reverse is:
Zarb Ba Aman-ul-Dahar, Massawarat,
Shahr-i-Zinat Altakht Khalsa Mubarak Bakht
meaning 'coined at the refuge of the world, a place of perfect peace, picture
of a beautiful city where the ornate throne of the Khalsa is located'. The legend
has been rendered into English in accordance to the actual words on the coin,
including the word 'Khalsa', which has not been given in the historical accounts
(see Plate I). Hence, no coin could have been struck at Lohgarh. Coins could
have been struck only at a place where facilities for minting coins were available. This aspect is discussed in detail in Chapter I.
(ii) The legends on the Sikh coin have been incorrectly quoted in the
entry. In the legend on the obverse, the word 'Zad' meaning 'struck' or 'coined'
is missing between 'Sikka' and 'bar-. 14 In the legend on the .reverse, the word
'Khalsa' is missing from the phrase 'Altakht Khalsa Mubarak Bakhf. The omitting
of the word 'Khalsa' after 'Altakhf results in eliminating from the coin a major
feature of the concept of Sikh sovereignty, as depicted on Sikh coins. This
aspect is discussed in detail in Chapter I.
(iii) The coin alleged to have been struck by ]assa Singh Ahluwalia is a
disputed issue among historians, and no such coin has been traced so far. Lepel
Griffin's attempt to trace such a coin with the Kapurthala family in 1860 was not
fruitful. In fact, he could not contact arty individual who had seen the coin in
question. 15 The account that the local qazis minted such a coin and then sent it to
Ahmad Shah Abdali is only a conjecture not based on any evidence. 16 This issue
is discussed in detail in Chapter II.
Ov) No Sikh coin appears to have been struck in 1764, as claimed in the
entry, after the conquest of Sirhind. No historian has mentioned this event nor
has any coin of 1764 been traced so far. Further, classifying a Sikh coin as a
Gobind Shahi coin is incorrect and goes agailJst the spirit of the Sikh ethos. All
Sikh coins bear only one of two legends, viz., 'Sikka zad bar har do alam' and
'Degh Tegh Fateh'. In both these legends the names of Guru Nanak and Guru
Gobind Singh appear, and no coin has been traced so far which bears only the
name of Guru Gobind Singh. Copper coins, which were not state issue, do have
small legends with the name of Guru Nanak, Nanak Shahi, etc. But even among
the copper coins, no coin with only the name of Guru Gobind Singh has been
traced. Hence, Sikh coins can only be called Nanak Shahi coinage, as was the
APPENDIX B
213
practice even after the annexation of the Lahore Darbar in 1849. Sikh coinage
cannot be characterized as Gobind Shahi coinage. This issue is discussed in detail
in Chapter II.
(v) The English rendering of the famous legend 'Degh Tegh Fateb 0 Nusrat
Baidarang. Yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh' is given in the entry as 'Degh
Tegh and unhindered victory Guru Gobind Singh inherited from Guru Nanak' .17
The correct meaning is Degh (food), Tegh (sword), Fateh (resultant victory),
Nusrat (help), Baidarang (spontaneous), Yaft uz (received from) Guru Nanak
Guru Gobind Singh, Le. food, arms, and the resultant victory with spontaneous
help were received from Nanak Guru Gobind Singh. Here the recipient is the
Khalsa, who received the blessings given by Guru Nanak Guru Gobind Singh.
The ten Gurus are treated as one light, one idea and each successor Guru is
regarded as the reincarnation of Guru Nanak and was in fact called Nanak.
Hence, to say that Guru Gobind inherited from Guru Nanak is incorrect.
(vi) The assertion that gold and silver coins were issued from Amritsar from
1777 onwards, as stated in the entry, is incorrect, as the first coin struck from
Amritsar in 1775 is readily available. 18 The legend on the reverse of the Sikh
coins from the Amritsar mint is 'Sri Amritsarjeo, zarb. Sambat. .. ja/us Takht Aka/
Bakhf (meaning the fortunate throne with Akal's grace). The last line was
changed in 1841, with the proljferation of Sikh mints, to 'falus maiminat manus
Takht akal bakhf, meaning 'the throne of prosperous reign with Akal's grace' .19
The various mints were run by independent sardars in their individual capacity
and there is no evidence of a mint having been run at the Akal Takht. No coin
giving the mint town as the Akal Takht has been traced so far.
(vii) It has been stated in the entry that the Lahore coins prior to Ranjit
Singh's period were called the Gobind Shahi and the coins struck with the
coming to power of Ranjit Singh were called the Nanak Shahi coins. Their
distinguishing mark was the leaf symbol. This is an incorrect statement made
without any supporting evidence. Ranjit Singh held a darbar in April 1801, at
which he was given the Raj Tilak along with other honours. He ordered that the
existing Sikh coin with the 'Degh Tegh Fateh, legend should continue to be
minted from Lahore. 20 This issue is discussed in detail in Chapter III. The leaf
symbol on Sikh coins appeared on the coins of the year 1841 Sambat, Le.
AD 1783 and thereafter was adopted on all Sikh coins within a few years. The
leaf symbol came into use much before the period of Ranjit Singh. In fact, Ranjit
Singh made no change in the legend and other markings of the Sikh coins and
he only centralized the issuing of Sikh coins in the Lahore and Amritsar mints to
ensure the maintenance of the purity of the metal. This issue is discussed in
detail in Chapter III.
(viii) The entry alleges that Ranjit Singh struck coins in the name of one of
his courtesans, Moran, and that these coins were called 'Moran Shahi' and 'Arsi
de Mohar Wale' coins. This issue is discussed in detail in Chapter III, wherein it
214
APPENDICES
is established from various angles that no such <;oins had been struck and that the
entire allegation is based on hearsay without being supported by any historical
or numismatic evidence. As regards Sher Singh, his name does not appear on
any Sikh coin. When he was the governor of Kashmir from the middle of 1831
to the middle of 1834, the impression of a tiger appeared on the reverse of a
coin issued from Kashmir for the year 1890 Sambat, Le. AD 1833. 21 As regards the
legend 'Akal Sahai Sher Singh', this is the likely impression of his personal seal
as most of the sardars had their personal seals with the inscription 'Akal Sahai'
before their names; indeed the seal of Ranjit Singh was very similar. This could
not be the reverse of a state coin.
(ix) It is alleged in the entry that a gold mohar had, besides the usual
legends, three lines of 'Wahe Gum Jee' written over its other side. This is not a
.gold mohar but rather an unfinished token collected from a mint, and was in the
possession of c.]. Rodgers. His collection of Sikh coins was purchased by the
Punjab Government and is now with the Government Museum, Lahore. 22
(x) It has been stated in the entry that Hari Singh Nalwa was twice
permitted to issue coins' in his name, first in 1831 in Kashmir and then in 1834
in Peshawar. This is an incorrect statement When Maharaja, Ranjit Singh could not
mint coins in his own name, how could he allow this privilege and honour to
one of his generals, moreover a general who was ranked thirty-seventh in the
list of thirty-eight generals of the Lahore Darbar? This issue is discussed in detail
in Chapter III. Hari Singh did not strike any coin in his own name. He put only
the name of God, Har, on the coin of 1878 Sambat, Le. AD 1821 and not AD 1831
as stated in the entry. The Sikh coins were issued from Peshawar from 1891 to
1894 Sambat, Le. AD 1834 to 1838. 23 These coins were struck under the orders of
Nau Nihal Singh and were not issued in -Hari Singh Nalwa's name. This is
discussed in detail in Chapter IV. We have not come across any coin struck in
the name of Hari Singh Nalwa either from Kashmir or Peshawar despite examining
a very large collection of such coins in the Srinagar Museum and the coins in the
possession of private collectors. The bibliography shown in the entry, c.].
Rodgers' book Coins Collections in Northern India, 1894, reprinted in 1983, New
Delhi is a revised version of the author's article 'On the Coins of the Sikhs',
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. L, pt. I, Calcutta, 1881. The second
source, Umdat-ut-Twarikh, Lahore, 1885-9 does not deal with the study of Sikh
coinage except for a few casual references. My critique on C.]. Rodgers's
account 'On the Coins of the Sikhs' addresses these various inaccuracies and the
total lack of understanding of the Sikh ethos and tradition; this article appears in
Panjab Past & Present, vol. XXV, pt. II, October 1991, Patiala: Punjabi University,
pp. 40-55.
Note: I have been requested by the Editor-in-Chief, Encyclopaedia on Sikhism,
vide his letter no. Ency/477 dated 18 October 1999 to revise the entry in accordance with my findings. The new revised entry is likely to appear in the revised
edition of the Encyclopaedia in the near future.
APPENDIX B
215
NOTES
1. Encyclopaedia on Sikhism (4 vols.), ed. Harbans Singh, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1995-8,
vol. I, p. 58.
2. Ganda Singh, Hukamnamas (PunjabO, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1985.
3. Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, op. cit., vol. II, p. 252.,
.
4. Ibid., vol. III, p. 123.
5. Gulshan Lall Chopra, The Punjab as Sovereign State, Hoshiarpur: WRI, 1960, p. 123.
6. Ibid., p. 154.
7. Bikramjit Hasrat, Life and Times of Ranjit Singh, Hoshiarpur: WRI, 1997, p. 44.
8. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. V, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1991, p. 35.
9. Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity, New Delhi: Oriental Publishers & Distributors, 1978, p. 177.
10. Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 136-8.
11. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978, p. 3.
Mukhlis Khan, the Governor of Sirhind, often hunted in these jungles. In the heart of a
dense forest he built a rest house for himself on the top of a hill in 1677, and called it,
after his own name, Mukhlispur. It looked like a small fort, that is why Kahfi Khan calls it
a 'Qulachi'. This has been renamed by Banda Bahadu'r as Lohgarh.
12. Ibid., p. 19.
13. Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Bahadur Singh, Arnritsar: Khalsa College, 1935, p. 188.
14. Ibid., p. B3.
15. Lepel Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 461.
16. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, op. cit., p. 178.
Ganesh Dass asserts that these coins were minted by the bigoted mullahs of Lahore and
were sent to Kabul to excite the spirit of revenge of Ahmed Shah Abdali against the Sikhs
CI?isala-i-Sahib-nama, p. 210). Ganesh Dass does not give any source for this statement.
He compiled his account in 1849, nearly one hundred years later. His isolated authority
cannot be accepted. Besides, he places this event in 1765, eVidentally referring to another
coin of that year.
17. Encyclopaedia on Sikhism, op. cit., p. 137.
18. Hans Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, Nagpur: Indian Coin Society, 1993,. p. 59.,
19. Ibid., pp. 57-65 (Amritsar Coins).
20. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. V, op. cit., p. 32.
21. Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., p. 134.
22. Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum Lahore, compiled by c.]. Rodgers,
Calcutta, 189i. This token is shown on p. 92, serial no. 1 of the Sikh Gold Coins.
23. Herrli, The Coins of the Sikhs, op. cit., pp. 201-2.
APPENDIX C
On 29 March 1849, Henry Elliot read out the proclamation of the annexation of
the Punjab at the Darbar held in Lahore. 1 The child Maharaja Dalip Singh was
made to attend, put his signature to the document, hand over the Koh-i-noor
diamond, and step down from the Sikh throne. 2The kingdom of Lahore, the Sikh
state, ceased to exist. The Nanak Shahi currency was withdrawn and the Company
sicca was introduced as the symbol of British sovereignty over the Punjab.
Shiploads of Nanak Shahi currency units were transported to the Bombay and
Calcutta mints for being reissued as British sicca rupees. 3 It was the British
policy to maintain the Company sicca at a slightly higher intrinsic value over the
Indian currencies so that it was not melted down and reminted into the local
currencies. 4 The Nanak Shahi rupee was valued at 17 annas due to the purity of
the silver,5 while the Company rupee was valued at 151/z annas due to the 5 per
cent alloy used for hardening purposes. This was another reason for the British
to remove Sikh coinage from circulation.
The Second Anglo-Sikh War was fought by only part of the Sikh army and
the bulk of the sardars remained subservient to the British,6 yet .the totally disorganized -Sikh army, deceived by its leaders who were in league with the
British, deprived of arms and ammunition, even facing shortages of food supplies,
gave such a tough fight that the fully prepared British army could win the war
by the skin of their teeth. The annexation has. been termed as naked lawlessness
and a violent breach of trust? Extremely oppressive and discriminating measures
were taken to not only subdue but also to crush the valiant spirit of the Khalsa. 8
Large numbers of Hindus, who had embraced Sikhism during the last half
century and who could not stand the rigours of the repressive measures, started
returning to the Hindu faith. 9 The British started entertaining the hope of the
virtual extermination of the Sikh nation. 10 It was an attempt no different from
those of Abdus Samad Khanll and Muin-ul-Mulk,12 but with far more sophisticated
and dangerous weapons. George Clark, the Governor of Bombay, stated that the
sect of the Sikhs would disappear within fifty years. 13 Besides the abolition of
the Sikh zamindaris, the extensive disbandment of Sikh soldiers without offering
them any alternative appointments, and other discriminatory measures, a calculated
attack was also mounted against the Sikh- religion as the real strength of the Sikhs
APPENDIX C
217
lay in their absolute faith in their Gurus and their teachings. 14 To overpower and
subdue the Sikhs, it was considered essential to undermine the Sikh doctrines
and destroy the Sikh ethos. The charge of the Golden Temple at Amritsar and
other historic gurudwaras was given to the deputy commissioners. 15 The mahants
were given proprietory rights over the Sikh gurudwaras even though they were
the most debased and corrupt persons. 16 While Muslim and Hindu shrines were
handed over to their representatives, Sikh shrines were given to the Government's
henchmen, the mahants. 17 The Guru Granth Sahib. was called a heathen
scripture.18 A bigoted German, Ernest Trumpp, was specially selected to translate
the Guru Granth and his derogatory remarks on the Holy Granth and on the
lives of the Sikh Gurus were universally condemned and representations against
this were made to the Governor-General. 19
Macauliffe states that Trumpp's translation was highly inaccurate and unidiomatic and that furthermore it gave mortal offence to the Sikhs by the odium
theologicum introduced into it. Whenever he saw an opportunity to defame the
Gurus, the sacred book, and the religion of the Sikhs, Trumpp eagerly availed
.
himself of it. 20
Christian missions were established in Punjab and religious imperialism
became no less important than 'colonial imperialism. Christian missions were
established in areas which were densely populated by Sikhs such as Amritsar,
Tam Taran, Batala, Ludhiana, and Lahore, and their discreditable manoeuvres
greatly alarmed the Sikhs. 21 One such move was the appointment of c.J. Rodgers
as the Principal of the Teachers Training College in Amritsar, a post he occupied
for over a decade, and through which he managed to influence the minds of
young teachers to disregard the Sikh ethos and the Sikh faith.
Amritsar, besides being the most sacred site of the Sikh religion, was the
greatest trade centre in northern India, where about fifty different currencies
were exchanged, the premier currency of course being the Nanak Shahi currency.22
Rodgers was a keen numismatist and found a very fertile area for his hobby for
which he used the good offices of his students who hailed from all over the
Punjab. 23 Although his main collections included Indo-Greek, Mughal, and Suri
coins, during his long stay in Amritsar he also collected Sikh coins, which certainly is the first collection of Sikh coins ever assembled. His enti~"coltection of
Sikh coins-gold, silver, and copper-was purchased by the Punjab Government
and placed in the Government Museum in Lahore. 24 Rodgers later prepared a
catalogue of the coins in the 'Lahore Museum, in which 13 gold, 157 silver, and
143 copper coins of the Sikhs were listed. 25 Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron have
used Rodgers's study as the basis of their articles written between 1981 to
1984. 26 Hans Herrli, who has been studying Sikh coins for almost a decade, is
working on a comprehensive catalogue of Sikh coins. 27 We certainly owe our
gratitude to Rodgers for assembling the first collection of Sikh coins and to the
Punjab Government fqr acquiring the same and placing it with the Government
Museum, Lahore. But Rodgers's treatment of the Sikh Gurus and the Sikh religion
is totally atrocious and warrants strong condemnation.
218
APPENDICES
APPENDIX C
219
the time of Gobind Singh . . . a religious sect when the present generation
has passed away, there will be little in Panjab to show that Sikhs were once
rulers.
(b) By religiousness (about Sikhs) I do not mean real godliness.
. (c) There was very little in the characters of some of the Sikh religious leaders
to mark them as teachers of religion. Their lives were loose, as were their
doctrines.
(d) They encourage bloodshed, hatred, malice and all uncharitableness where
ever and when ever Mohammedans are concerned.
(e) Nanak;s disciples (Sikhs were an ignorant rabble ...). They were his servants
and followed him for what they obtained as alms or in the shape of food.
(f) Angad, the second Guru, did not rise above his fellow Sikhs in scholarship.
.
His influence on his sect was nil.
{g) Talking about the Guru Grantb, he says, 'It was the book in the mother
tongue of thousands of unlettered men and women. . . . Its language being
three centuries old is not intelligible to the masses.'
(h) Writing about Guru Hargobind he states, 'His movements must have resembled
those of a freebooter or an insurgent.;
0) Joining the regular army, he rendered himself obnoxious by appropriating
the pay of the soldiers. He was imprisoned many years for this. He afterwards entered the service of Shah Jahan, but his old propensities woke out
afresh,and he left it and became once more a freebooter.
(j) About Guru Har Rai he writes: 'He died in 1660 AD having done nothing
worthy of notice.'
.
(k) About Guru Har Kishan, he writes: 'He died in 1664 AD haVing accomplished
nothing.'
CD About Guru Tegh Bahadur he writes: 'But as a rule [he] led a roving life of a
common faqir. In one of these excursions he was imprisoned at Delhi. But it
turns out that this excursion was a predatory one, and as a consequence he
was not only imprisoned but executed in AD 1675.'
(m) The moral obliquity of the Sikhs is not to be wondered at. Their surroundings
were against all integrity of morals. We are told of this Guru (Guru Gobind
Singh) that he was proficient in the science of Kok. . . . His eccentricities are
regarded as his religious teachings. His worship of iron, because by its aid he
plundered, is one.
.
(ri) Thus we see the last two Gurus, father and son, came to a violent death
which resulted. from their own wrong dOings.
(0) The hatred of Guru Gobind Singh towards Mohammedanism was----so great that
he prohibited the study of Persian.
(p) Much false sympathy has been bestowed on these two men. But the truth is
that were two such men to arise now in India, there is no doubt they would
be hunted down.
220
APPENDICES
(q) Commenting on the period AD 1716 to AD 1748 he states: 'During this time
Sikhism, in spite of Mohamadan suppressions, had prospered, as all wrong
prospers where it is not exterminated.'
(r) Ranjit Singh was in learning a thousand years behind his time. Hence, I
suppose he cared little as to what was on his coins. 30
The above comments are totally unwarranted from an enlightened educationalist brought up in the liberal traditions of the West. He deserves all the
condemnation and a point-by-point rebuttal by a serious student of Sikh history.
For the purpose of this article, we shall confine ourselves to the examination Of
his study from the numismatic angle only. Suffice if to say that Rodgers has,
deliberately or otherwise, lamentably failed to understand and appreciate the
Sikh ethos and this failure reflects in the inferences drawn by him regarding Sikh
coins.
An ignorant rabble led by freebooters, with immorality in their' lives and
malice in their hearts, and a loose doctrine, as made out by Rodgers cannot raise
a people's revolution from the depressed and oppressed section of SOciety, the
affluent Hindus were always aligned with the Mughal and Afghan rulers,31 determinedly faced the mighty Muslim armies assisted by the Hindu rajas. They not
only established the Khalsa Raj over the entire Punjab, but they also stemmed the
centuries-old tide of Muslim invaders, and stationed their sentinels at the Khyber
Pass, the gateway of such invasions. 32 But for the strength of Sikh doctrine, the
shape and culture of today's India would have been altogether different. It has
been no small achievement.
The coins depict the name of the rulers and the place and the year of
striking to express the suzerainty of the ruler. Contrary to the prevailing concept
of sovereignty which belonged to the ruler, the Sikh coins have been the symbol
of Sikh sovereignty, the sovereignty of the Guru Khalsa or the Khalsa Panth, and
not bf any particular ruler or individual sardar. 33 Sikh coins can be properly
analysed only with a proper understanding of the concept of Sikh sovereignty.
Unfortunately, this was neither appreciated nor understood by Rodgers.
The Sikh doctrine envisages the investment of divine sovereignty, both
spiritual and temporal, in the Sikh GuruS. 34 Guru Nanak, the first Sikh Guru, has
been called 'Din Duniya da Padshah', Le. the king of both the spiritual and the
temporal worlds. 35 The basic concept of Sikhism is the worship of one God,
through love of His premier creation, the human beings,36 by earning one's
bread with the sweat of one's brow and sharing it yvith one's less fortunate
fellows,37 thereby living the life 6f a householder with all the duties and functions in accordance with moral values. 38 The Sikh religion became a way of life,
and so strong has been the faith of the Sikhs that resistance to oppression
became inevitable,39 because there is no place for escapism from the demands
of the real world in Sikh doctrine, such as the practices of asceticism, monasticism,
APPENDIX C
221
and celibacy. The Sikh community increased under the successor Gurus through
the institutions of the sangat, the pangat, and the langar, each with its own
distinct way of social liVing; they undermined the oppressive attitude of the
ruling classes. The oppression of the rulers resulted in a series of martyrdoms
commencing with the martyrdom of the fifth master, Guru Arjan Dev, in AD 1604.
Guru Hargobind armed his followers to defend themselves and put on the twin
swords of 'miri' and 'piri'.4o He built the Akal Takht41 opposite the Harimandir,
from where he exercised his temporal sovereignty, and he attended to the
spiritual needs of the Sikhs from the Harimandir. The Sikhs were already formed
into a state within a stateY The martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur, eventually
led to the creation of the Khalsa,43 by Guru Gobind Singh, who raised an army of
'sant sipahis', Le. 'saint soldiers',44 for the defence of the Panth and the upliftment
of the down trodden. Shortly before his demise, Guru Gobind Singh' abolished
the institution of the personal Guruship,45 and ordered the Sikhs to seek spiritual
guidance from the Granth, which thereafter was called the Guru Granth Sahib,
the repository of the spiritual aspects of divine sovereignty,46 and the temporal
sovereignty was vested in the Khalsa Panth,47 ordaining that where ever there
are five Sikhs the Guru is present amongst them in spirit. 48 This concept of the
sovereignty of the Khalsa Panth has ever since then been held most dear to the
heart of every Sikh, and every victory has been deemed as the benediction of
their Gurus. Guru Gobind Singh made the institutions of the Guru and the Khalsa
synonymous when he administered the khanda pahul to his five piaras and"'_
thereafter himself took the same from them, thereby merging the personality of
the Guru with those of his disciples. He has aptly been called 'ape Guru ape
Chela', Le. he is both the Guru and the Disciple. 49
Another aspect of the Sikh doctrine is its continuity of belief from Guru
Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh. 50 It has been deemed as a lamp lighting another
lamp and in the Guru Granth each successor of Guru Nanak is called Nanak.
The most democratic step taken by Guru Gobind Singh was the creation of the
Khalsa, which was very similar to the action of Guru Nanak who, after nominating
his successor Guru Angad, bowed before him as his first disciple. Thus, real
importance has been given to the eternal nature of the doctrine and not to the
transitional person of the Guru,51 The teachings of the ten masters constitute a
single light that lit the Khalsa Panth. Indu Bhushan Banerjee states that the
investment of the sovereignty in the Guru Granth and the Khalsa Panth was the
culmination of a process that had started much earlier.52 G.c. Narang likewise
states that the harvest which ripened in the time of Guru Gobind Singh had been
sown by Guru Nanak and had been watered by his successors. The sword which
carved the Khalsa's way to glory was, undoubtedly, forged by Guru Gobind
Singh, the steel for which had been proVided by Guru Nanak. 53 Rodgers has
miserably failed to understand these aspects of the concept of Sikh sovereignty
whose true reflection was symbolized in Sikh coinage.
222
APPENDICES
Within a couple of years after the demise of Guru GobindSingh, the first
physical manifestation of a sovereign Sikh state came into existence with the
occupation of Subah Sirhind and the surrounding territories by the Khalsa armies
under Banda Bahadur. 54 The legends selected for the Sikh state seal and the Sikh
coins were a true reflection of the sovereignty of the Khalsa Panth. These
legends are as follows:
(0 Degh Tegh Fateh Nusrat Baidrang, yaft uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh, meaning
. that 'An abundance of resources, the sword arm, and the resultant victory
with unrestrained patronage has been received by the Khalsa Panth from
Guru Nanak Guru Gobind Singh!. The Khalsa Panth as the recipient is
implied and the term 'Nanak Guru Gobind Singh' is a poetic phrase depicting
the ten masters from GUl1J Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh as one entity.
(ii) Sikka zar bar har do alam, Teg Nanak wahab ast, Fateh Gobind Singh Shah-ishahan, Fazal sacha sahib ast, meaning that 'coin has been struck in each of
the two worlds under the guarantee of Guru Nanak's sword. Victory to Guru
Gobind Singh, King of Kings, has been ~ith the grace of Saccha Sahib, the
Lord Almighty'.
(iii)Azmat-i-Nanak Guru ham zahir-o-ham batin ast, Badshah din-o-duniya ap
sacha Sahib ast, meaning that 'the greatness of Guru Nanak is both apparent
and intrinsic, the true Lord is the king of both the spiritual and the temporal
worlds'.
The first legend is available on the state seal imprints and the second
legend on the few coins traced so far. Although mentioned by contemporary
writers, no imprint or coin with the third legend has been traced so far. 55 Rodgers
was ignorant of the origin of the Sikh coins during the time of Banda Bahadur,
which signalled the real start of Sikh coinage. William Irvine wrote about Banda
Bahadur's coin at about the same time when Rodgers was studying Sikh coins,
Le. at the close of the nineteenth century.
.
Rodgers commenced his study with the controversial coin of ]assa Singh
Ahluwalia which has not been located so far, and hence it has no numismatic
value and is useful only in understanding the concept of Sikh sovereignty in the
Sikh polity. 56 The first major mistake Rodgers committed was in calling the 1822
Sambat, Le. AD 1765 coin as the 'Gobind Shahi' and not the 'Nanak Shahi' (p. 79).
There is no such distinction in actual practice as both the legends ascribe the
coins to the benediction of Guru Nanak Guru Gobind Singh. It has already been
explained that Nanak Guru Gobind Singh is one entity and the fanciful distinctions
made by Rodgers are totally incorrect. Rodgers was also unable to give a COrrect
translation of the couplet when he states that Guru Gobind Singh received from
G.uru Nanak (p. 79). It is incorrect both in spirit as well as in literal translatiofl.
Rodgers's error is due to his lack of understanding of the Sikh concept of
APPENDIX C
sovereignty and the fact that in poetic composition certain aspects are left silent
for the purposes of rhyme. Guru Gobind Singh has stated in the Dasam Grantb,
'Deg Teg jag me duon cbalen Rakb 10 mobe ap, avar na dalen', meaning that his
prosperity and the might of his armies should be supreme in the world and
under God's protection, no power shall be able to defeat him. 57 The recipient in
this legend is obviously the Khalsa Panth, seeking the benediction of their Gurus.
Sikh currency cannot be given any name other than Nanak Shahi, as for example
the religion founded by Christ cannot be called anything other than Christianity.
Sikhs were for quite some time called the Nanakpanthis in the initial stages of
the growth of the new faith. Rodgers's apprehension about the 1823 and 1824
Sambat coins is also incorrect as the 1823 Sambat coin is in our collection and
the 1824 Sambat coin is with the Sheesh Mahal Museum, Patiala. 58 Hence, his
inference of an interruption in the coinage in AD 1766 and 1767 is incorrect. The
stay of Ahmad Shah Abdali in Lahore in 1766-7 was only for three to four
months. He went' back disappointed when the Sikhs spurned with disdain his
offer of the governorship of Lahore to Sardar Lehna Singh. 59 The Sikhs were
quite confident of holding their own against the Afghans. Further, their concept
of sovereignty did not permit them to be subservient to any other power.
The earliest Sikh coin from Amritsar pertains to the year 1832 Sambat60 and
not 1835 Sambat, as stated by Rodgers Cp. 80). Rodgers was unable to understand
the legend due to his lack of knowledge of the Sikh ethos and the Persian
language. His characterization of these coins as Nanak Shahi as distinct from the
coins bearing the other legend is not only incorrect, but he has also not given
any rational basis for his inference. Unfortunately, his' inference has been repeated
by other numismatists who were equally ignorant of Sikh traditions. The complete
couplet could not be accommodated on the coins; this practice was in accordance
with the Mughal and Afghan system of coin minting where the die is larger than
the coin and only part of the legend can be fitted on to the surface of the coin. 61
This practice cannot be deemed as a draw back in Sikh coinage.
Rodgers's thinking about the Anandgarh coin is most confused, although
there is a definite historical background to it. During the lifetime of ]assa Singh
Ahluwalia, the leader of the Dal Khalsa, coins were struck from Lahore, Amritsar,
and Multan for a few years. These cities were under the control of the Bhangi
sardars, although most of the sardars were independent in their own right. ]assa
Singh Ahluwalia commanded their respect and had a hold over them. There
came a certain vacuum in the leadership after the death of ]assa Singh in 1840
Sambat, Le. AD 1783. Various sardars started 'striking their own coinage, but this
does not mean that they struck coins in their own names or with their own
legends. They were simply striking the coins for their own use with the existing
legend in praise of their Gurus. It was customary to distribute the newly struck
coins on weddings and on special occasions, and it is equally possible that the
only mint in Amritsar could not cater to their increasing needs. Amritsar city
224
APPENDICES
consisted about dozen independent katras, duly walled and under the control of
various sardars. 62 From 1840 Sambat, we get about half a dozen series of Sikh
coins with slight differences in the flowering, marks, etc., but no indication about
the sardars. 63 It is quite possible that we have not come across other differing
series or perhaps some smaller sardars may have borrowed the dies from other
sardars for the occasional striking of their coins. One such mint was operated
from Anandgarh for a few years from 1840 Sambat onwards. 64 'Ahad' stands for
the first year of this series and the Figure 4 in Plate V is a coin struck in the third
year, Le. 1843 Sambat. The slight inaccuracy in the word 'Anandgarh' is understandable. There are about thirty different spellings given by European writers
for the simple word 'Sikh'. Rodgers states: 'The Katar and Gurz would seem to .
indicate that it was to be one of brute force' Cp. 86). The absurdity of such a
statement would mean that the arms and animals shown on various British coats
of arm are a sign of their brutality and animalism.
Rodgers, para 2, p. 81, citing a reference to a passage from J.D. Cunningham's
A History of the Sikhs is quite confusing and it is not clear what he is trying to
infer. In para 2, p. 82, Rodgers' construction of the phrase 'Sacha Shahan' is
incorrect. The word 'Sacha' is part of the line 'Fazal Sacha Sahib asf and the
word 'Shahan' is part of the line 'Fateh Guru Gobind Singh Shah-i-Shahan' and
'Sacha Shahan' as such is no word. Rodgers's presumption that between 1846
and 1856 Sambat, there must have been great disorder and chaos all over the
Punjab is not correct as a number of coins pertaining to these years, from th~
Arnritsar mint, are available with us and with the Sheesh Mahal Museum, Patiala. 65
Kimehiya Lal's account Cp. 82) is an unnecessary addition. Kanehiya Lal, an
employee of the Lt. Governor of the Sirhind Division, chose to write on the life
of Ranjit Singh in AD 1872. His account contains a fair amount of fiction and has
little historical value. Ranjit Singh scrupulously followed the concept of Sikh
sovereignty and the entire coinage struck during his long reign, from all the
mints, used the prevailing two legends in praise of the Sikh Gurus. 66 Rodgers's
comments on Ranjit Singh's learning and his being unconcerned about the legends
on his coins not only shows Rodgers's gross ignorance of the facts but also the
existence of mental perversity.
Rodgers has made a serious mistake in the chronological account on p. 83
in giving the date of the occupation of Arnritsar as AD 1802. 67 This erroneous date
was first given by Princep and was followed by certain European historians.
Later historians connected with the Sikh state have given the date of occupation
as AD 1805. It stands established that Ranjit Singh occupied the Bhangi portion of
the City and the fort in 1805 and occupied the rest of the approximately dozen
autonomous katras between 1805 and 1809; as and when he occupied the main
territories of the various sardars, he also took over their territory in Arnritsar.
After taking possession of the entire city, Ranjit Singh fortified Arnritsar with a
wall around it and closed all the other mints and retained only one mint. Ranjit
APPENDIX C
225
Singh had to be v:ery patient and tactful in bringing about the occupation of
Amritsar, as any bloodshed in the holy city would have had unfavourable
repercussions for him.
Rodgers waxes eloquently over Ranjit Singh's attachment to one of his
courtesans named Moran (pp. 81 and 82). Rodgers bases his contention that
Ranjit Singh struck coins in the name of Moran on some bazaar gossip or loose
talk that was designed to malign the then rising Sukharchakiya sardar. He
mentions Cunningham as his source regarding the story that Moran had made a
wager to have her name on a Sikh coin just as Noor Jahan had her name on
Mughal coins and that the determined courtesean succeeded in her designs. We
have perused all the editions of Cunningham's A History of Sikh and this incident
is not found recorded anywhere. Rodgers further errs in stating that Ranjit Singh
discarded Moran under pressure from the Akalis and took up with another
courtesan ,by the name of Gul Bahar. Ranjit Singh's affair with Moran occurred in
the early part of his life, and she is said to have been discarded in 1811,
whereas Gul Bahar's association with Ranjit Singh commenced in 1831-2 and
hence Rodgers's inference is incorrect. The strength and charisma of RanjitSingh
were a puzzle to the British and all sorts of scandalous stories regarding the
ruler's character, personality, and actions were propagated by European historians. 68
Like Jassa Singh's coins, certain coins have been attributed to Moran and
hence their direct examination becomes essential. The coins attributed to Moran
are said to be the issues from the Amritsar mint primarily for the years 1861 to
1863 Sambat, Le. AD 1804 to 1806. Historically, Amritsar was not under the
control of Ranjit Singh during these years; therefore he could not have issued the.
coins from this city even if he had any such desire or intention. The leaf motif
on Sikh coins first came into use in 1840 Sambat, Le. AD 1783 and its representations assumed some variations in the form of a double branch, etc., for the
short period in the Amritsar mint, and thereafter the symbol reverted to the
single leaf. Rodgers has not been able to trace its origin; the same question
defies the numismatists even today, although certain historians have identified it
as the 'peepal leaf but without any evidence in support of their contention.
Madanjit Kaur's assessment that it was initiated by Ranjit Singh is incorrect as the
leaf motif appeared long before Rarijit Singh came to power. The drawings of
the coins with the double branch and the arsi, etc., clearly show that these
markings do not give any indication of an association with Moran (see Plate IV).
Copper coins bearing a lion's figure are attributed to Prince Sher Singh and coins
with a peacock were in existence in India; if Rodgers's contention is to be
accepted, then Ranjit Singh could have struck such coins from only the Lahore
mint with at least the figure of the peacock, but there is no such coin in the
entire series of the Lahore coins which are readily available. Ranjit Singh had his
faults, but he was a highly religious person and all his actions were in conformity
with the concept of Sikh sovereignty. It is also a known fact that Moran had no
226
APPENDICES
influence over Ranjit Singh in state affairs 69 and that she was discarded after a
few years.7 In these circumstances, it is preposterous to conclude that Ranjit
Singh even thought of undertaking such a sacriligious act. However, many historians continued to narrate this story, as grandmothers construct stories of
princes and princesses for their half-sleepy grandchildren, as part of Sikh history.
This disinformation started by Rodgers has, whether deliberately or inadvertantly,
resulted in the distortion of Sikh history.
Rodgers misunderstood the significance of the coin shown at Figure 23 of
Plate VI. In fact, he made an incorrect drawing of the. actual coin and hence
called these the effigies of Guru Nanak and Mardana. We obtained photographs
of these coins from the British Museum, London and noted the following features:
There are two such coins which are sample coins made by Ranjit Singh on
the advice of Baron von Hugel in AD 1836 (Plate VI), showing Ranjit Singh
seeking blessings from Guru Nanak, but these coins were not actually minted
since this depiction was violative of the concept of Sikh sovereignty.7l Rodgers
is also wrong about the Peshawar coin (p. 87). Prince Nau Nihal Singh was the
supreme commander of the Khalsa forces of which Hari Singh Nalwa was an
important general, and the coins at Peshawar were struck under his orders. 72 The
legend on the reverse is 'Zarb Peshawarlalus - San 1894'. Here 'san' means the
year and 'Sanat-i-]alus' is not an actual word; rather it is an incorrect construction.
Rodgers's view on the double dating on Sikh coins for the, 1884 and 1885 Sambat
series is only a conjecture and is not supported by reliable evidence. The matter
requires further investigation.
We have examined the major drawbacks in Rodgers's study of Sikh coins
and left out the minor errors as being normal mistakes in such studies, particularly
in their initial stages. The most painful and undesirable aspect has been the
prejudice and distorted vision of Rodgers regarding the Sikhs and their religious
leaders and institutions. It is unpardonable. in the case of a historian of any merit.
NOTES
1. C.H. Payne, A Short History of the Sikhs, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970,
p.'212.
2. Khushwant Singh, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1963,
p.82.
3. Foreign Department, General Report, Administration of Punjab Territories 1849-51,
Calcutta, 1856, p. 34.
4. Sethi, Bhat and Holkar, A Study of Holkar State Coinage, Indore, 1976, p. lxx
5. c.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. L,
Calcutta, 1881, p. 91.
That the metal is good is shown by the Nanak Shahi rupees being in constant demand for
the manufacture of ornaments and from the fact that they sell for 17 annas each, on
account of the excellent silver they contain.
APPENDIX C
227
6. G.S. Chhabra, Advanced History of Sikhs, vol. II, ]ullandhar: Parkash Brothers, 1976,
p. 327.
7. Evans Bell, Annexation of Punjab, Punjab: Languages Department, rpt., 1970, p. 6.
8. G.S. Dhillon, Insights into Sikh Religion and History, Chandigarh: Singh & Singh Publication,
1991, pp. 125-8.
9. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 96.
10. Ibid., p. 96; Administrative Report Punjab Territories, op. cit., p. 81.
11. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978, p. 38.
12. Ibid., p. 115.
13. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 96.
14. G.S. Dhillon, op. cit., p. 126.
15. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 195; G.S. Dhillon, op. cit., p. 12.
16. G.S. Dhillon, op. cit., p. 127.
17. Ibid., p. 127.
18. ].c. Archer, The Sikhs, Princeton, N], USA, 1946, p. 266.
19. Madanjit Kaur, 'Sikh Reaction to Trumpp's translation of Adi Granth', Panjab History
Conference, Patiala University, 1980, p. 219.
20. Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, vol. I, p. vii.
21. G.S. Dhillon, op. cit.; p. 128.
22. ]ati Ram Gupta, 'Trade and Commerce in Panjab under Ranjit Singh', in Maharaja Ranjit
Singh: Politics, Society and Economy, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984, pp. 188-9.
23. P.L. Gupta and Sanjay Garg, Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar in the Sheesh Mahal
Museum, Patiala, Chandigarh: Punjab Government, 1989, p. iii.
Attention to Sikh coinage was given earliest by C.]. Rodgers, Principal, Teachers Training
College at Amritsar, who was an ardent collector of coins. He had collected coins from all
over Panjab with the help of his students who came from all parts of the province. He
published a paper in the Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1881. After him, no
serious attempt has been made to study this coins series. The few articles that were
published during the last' thirty years by some Indian scholars are based mostly on
Rodgers's paper and contribute little to our knowledge. During the present decade Ken
Wiggins and Stan Goron attempted to present some detailed study in their own way
based on the coins that they came across. Later Hans Herrli attempted a book on the
subject, but it is more in the nature of a compilation. None of these works may be said to
be any kind of serious study of the subject.
24. C.]. Rodgers, 'On the Coins of the Sikhs', p. 93.
25. Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum Lahore, Calcutta, 1891, pp. 92-7 and
123-7.
26. Ken Wiggins and Stan Goron, 'Golci and Silver Coinage of Sikhs', Inaugural Address,
International Colloquium, Nasik: IIRNS, 1984, p. 121.
It is just over a hundred years ago that Charles Rodgers in an informative but necessarily
fairly brief article, it was somewhat lacking in detail and also not too well structured.
Several important 'points appear to have escaped his notice and in spite of his long
residence in the Panjab and his diligent search for coins, some types are not remarked
upon. Despite these shortcomings, however, students and collectors of Indian coins have
cause to be grateful .to Rodgers for his initial study of the Sikh coinage for laying down the
path for further investigation.
27. Hans Herrli, 'The Coins of the Sikhs', The manuscript was received from the author for
comments on 28 August 1990.
228
28.
APPENDICES
(i)
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
p.
APPENDIX C
229
tabhi chalayo panth, sab sekhon ko hukam hai Guru manio Granth. Guru Granth ji
manao pargat Gurau di deh jo Prabhu ko milbo chahe khoj shabad me Ie'. This
means: Under orders of the immortal God, the Panth has been started, all the Sikhs are
ordered to accept the Granth as their Guru. Consider the Guru Granth as representing
the Gurus' body. Those who desire to meet God should find him in the hymns of the
Guru Granth.
47. Jasbir Singh Ahluwalia, The Sovereignty of Sikh Doctrine, p. 23.
The vesting of the divine aspect of temporal sovereignty into Society (Khalsa Panth) on
the Baisakhi day of the year 1699 at Sri Anandpur Sahib through the baptismal ceremony
of Amrit, a process that institutionalised the evolution of the Sikhs from a religious into a
political entity as an instrument of history-expressing the will of God.
'The Khalsa is my determinate form. I am immanent in the Khalsa'-Guru Gobind Singh.
48. A.C. Banerjee, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Religion, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1983, p. 311.
Bhai Gurdas. has stated that where there are two Sikhs there is a company of saints, where
there are five Sikhs, there is God. Guru Hargobind had almost identified the disciple with
the Guru when he said, deem the Sikh who comes to you with the Guru's name on his
lips as your Guru.
49. Hari Ram Gupta, Sikh Gurus, p. 185.
50. Bhai Gurdas, Varan, ed. Bhai Vir Singh, Amritsar, 1962. Bhai Gurdas does not make any
distinction between Guru Nanak and his successors, for they too are the Padshah of both
din and dunia (Var 39, Pauri 3). Bhai Gurdas states, 'Nanak struck his coin in the world
and il1stituted a pure panth. He installed Lehna as Guru, blending light with light and
changed form, a wonder of wonders beyond everyone's comprehension' (Var 1, Pauri 45).
51. ].S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in History, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1979, p. 301.
For Bhai Gurdas, the office of the Guru is more important than the person. . . . The
position of the master and the disciple is interchangeable, precisely because in Bhai
Gurdas' conception of the Guru, the office is distinct from the person. Much before the
author of the 'Rarnkali var, Padshahi Dasven ki' praised Guru Gobind Singh for becoming
the chela as well as the Guru (of the Khalsa) the idea had been popularized by Bhai
Gurdas (Var 41).
52. Indu Bhushan Banerjee, Evolution of the Khalsa, vol. II, p. 119.
53. G.c. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, Lahore: New Book Society, 1945, p. 25.
54. Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Bahadur Singh, Amritsar: Khalsa College, 1935, p. 80..
55. The first legend was imprinted on the Hukamnama issued by Banda Bahadur to the Sikhs
of Jaunpur in 1710.
The second legend is found on three coins located so far with Colonel Charles Panish,
John Dyell, and Mrs Norman]. Puddester. The third legend- stands recorded in the Akhbari"Darbar-i-Mual/a AD 1710 and the Hadiqat-ul-Aqalim, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University,
p. 148.
56. Hari Ram Gupta, 'The First Sikh Coin', Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 1938,
Modern Section, pp. 427-33.
57. (i) Max Arthur Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, vol. V, p. 311.
(ii) Dharam Pal Astha, 'Poetry of Dasam Granth', Ph.D. thesis, Chandigarh: Panjab University,
p. 26.
58. P.L. Gupta and Sanjay Garg, The Coins oIDal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar, p. 26.
59. Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, p. 239.
He (Ahmad Shah) addressed Lehna Singh a letter offering him Governorship of Lahore
230
APPENDICES
together with a present of dry fruits of Kabul. The latter sent Rahmatullah Beg of Village
Modak declining the offer on the ground that in obeying him, he would fall in the eyes of
his co-religionists. Lehna Singh returned his fruits also and sent to him instead a quantity of
inferior kind of grain stating that the fruits were the food of kings, while he lived on tHe.
grain sent to him as a sample.
60.' Hans Herrli, 'The Coins of the Sikhs', p. 51.
61. RC. Temple, 'The Coins of the Modern Chiefs of Punjab', Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII,
Bombay, 1889, p. 335.
62. Ganesh Das Badhera, Char Bagh-i-Pujab, edited by Kirpal Singh, Amritsar: Khalsa College,
1965, p. t'6.
63. Standard Guide to South Asian Coins and Paper Money since 1556 AD, Wisconsin,
Krause Publication, p. 113.
64:: Hans Herrli, 'The Coins of the Sikhs', p. 91.
65. 'P.L. Gupta, The Coins of Dal Khalsa and Lahore Darbar, pp. 39-44.
66. G.S. Dhillon, Insights into Sikh Religion and History, Chandigarh:.Singh & Singh Publications,
1991, p. 91.
67. Raghubir Singh, 'The Conquest of Amritsar', Journal of Sikh Studies, vol. XIV (2), Amritsar:
Guru Nanak Dev University, August 1987, p. 124.
68. Surinder Singh, 'Myth of Moran's Coins', abridged edition under publication with Oriental
'
Numismatic Society, Surrey, U.K.
69. (0 Bikramjit Hasrat, Life and Times of Rilnjit Singh, Hoshiarpur: VVRl, 1977, p. 46.
(ii) Waheed-ud-din, The Real Ranjit Singh, Karachi: Lion Art Press, 1965,p. 173.
. And yet Moran is not known to have played any prominent part in the politics of the
court of Ranjit Singh.
70. Baronvon Hugel, Travels in Kashmir and Panjab, Punjab: Languages Department, 1970,
p. 384.
71. Surinder Singh,'Ranjit Singh's Effigy on Sikh Coins', Newsletter of Oriental Numismatic
Society, Newsletter no. 123, Surrey, u.K., March-April 1990, p. 4.
72. Surinder Singh, 'Fallacy of Hari Singh Nalwa's Coins', Studies in Sikhism and Comparative
Religion, New Delhi: Guru Nanak Foundation, 1991, p. 41.
APPENDIX D
Chronological Data on
Sikh History (AD 1469 to 1850) with
Spescial Reference to Sikh Coinage
Introduction
The study of coins, especially those pertaining to the recent past, requires
constant reference to the recorded events and their dates in deciphering the
legends, dates and other facts connected with these coins. Since extensive
historical records are available, the dovetailing of these facts with those available
on the coins becomes essential for a proper understanding and. assessment of
these coins. This aspect becomes more important in the case of Sikh coins
because these have been struck in the name of the Sikh Gurus and not in the
name of the Sikh rulers who issued these coins. At times even the mint names
are not clear since the coins do not cover the entire die, and hence their
deciphering becomes very difficult.
The concept of Sikh sovereignty is inherent in the Sikh doctrine. Guru
Nanak preached resistance against religious and social oppression and this laid
the foundation of the sovereignty of Sikh society. Guru Gobind Singh while
abolishing the institution of personal Guruship placed spiritual sovereignty with
the Guru Granth and temporal sovereignty with the Khalsa Panth. Hence,
sovereignty has been held by the Sikhs in the name of their Gurus and its most
important symbol, the coins, have invariably been struck in the name of their
Gurus. This crucial aspect of Sikh coinage has been lost sight of by the European
historians and numismatists and hence a number of discrepancies have crept into
their acco~nts and assessment of these coins. It is only when we keep in. mind
.the true concept of Sikh sovereignty that the proper pattern of Sikhs coins falls
into place and can be properly understood. The various differences with the
existing coinages become clear and the aberrations therein .due to human failing
become abundantly clear. The concept of Sikh sovereignty is the keynote to the
understanding of Sikh coinage.
The Sikh coins bear the Bikrami Sambat whereas most historical accounts
have used the Christian era and the conversion of one into the other has constantly to be carried out. Most scholars give some fragmentary accounts of the
232
APPENDICES
Sikhs coins without any actual examination of these coins, even though such
coins were readily available in the markets and in various collections, both with
individuals and museums. Many inaccuracies have thus crept into the historical
. accounts. This makes the deCiphering of these coins even more complicated and
difficult. The chronological data given by the European numismatists, viz., C.J.
Rodgers, S. Goron, and K. Wiggins are too meagre for a proper assessment of
these coins.
An attempt has been made here to list briefly all the important events and
their dates, both in the Bikrami and Christian era, from Guru Nanak to the
annexation of the Lahore Darbar in a chronological order, with special reference
to its usefulness in the study of. Sikh coins. Where there are wider disagreements
over certain dates, etc., these have been explained in footnotes. Otherwise the
more plausible dates have been taken into account where the differences are of
a minor nature. It is hoped that this will serve as a useful ready reckoner to
those who are in the initial stage of the study of the Sikh coins.
/
AD
1469-1539
GURU NANAK
APPENDIX D
233
1539-52
GURU ANGAD
Born in 1504, a devout disciple, was awarded the mantle of Guruship
by Guru Nanak. He set up his headquarters at Khadur Sahib, improved
upon the Gurmukhi script and opened a school for its formal teaching.
He improved upon the institution of langar; he expired on 29 March
1552.
1609-31
1552-74
1631-8
1574-81
1638-63
1581-1606
234
APPENDICES
1647
1590
1655
1598
1661
1604
1663
1606
1663-1701
1606-44
1666
1609
Guru Arjan Devenlarged the tank and constructed the Harimandir in its
centre in 1589. This Harimandir, later on called the Golden Temple, has
all along played a very vital role in the psyche of the Sikhs and has
been the fountainhead of the zeal and spirit of the Sikh nation. He
appointed 'masands' as agents to propagate the Guru's preachings and
to collect and pass on the contributions' made by the disciples to the
Guru at Amritsar. The voluntary contribution came to be known as
'daswandb', meaning one-tenth of the annual income. The manjt system,
which had lost its utility, was thus replaced by the masand system.
Guru Arjan commenced the building of another tank at Tarn Taran, a
bao/t at Lahore, townships at Gobindpur and Kartarpur, a well with six
Persian wheels at Chheharta, etc.
Akbar visited Guru Arjan Devon 24 November 1598 and was deeply
impressed by him.
Guru Arjan Dev procured copies of the hymns of the first three Gurus
from Mohan, son of Guru Amar Das, and by adding the hymns of Guru
Ram Das and his own, he compiled the 'Adt Grantb'. It also contains
the hymns of some Sufi Muslim and Hindu saints mostly from the lower
castes. The Adt Grantb became the Holy Book of the Sikhs, like the
Vedas for the Hindus, the Bible for the Christians, and the Quran for the
Muslims.
Guru Arjari Dev was arrested under the orders of Jahangir. He was most
inhumanly tortured and died on 4 June 1606.
Guru Arjan Dev had encouraged trade and industry amongst the Sikhs.
His disciples were too willing to pay the voluntary daswandb rather than
the compulsory revenue to the Mughals. Costly presents and fine horses
came as gifts and the number of buildings, the increased visitors, and
the langar, etc., all added to the appearance of a princely state. Guru
Arjan, however, lived a very simple and pious life and was called
'Sacba Padsbab' by his devotees. The inherent seeds of Sikh sovereignty
thus started sprouting.
GURU HARGOBIND
Born in 1595, he became the sixth Guru in 1606 on the demise of Guru
Arjan Dev.
When Bhai Buddha, the master of ceremonies, tied the sword belt on
the wrong side, the Guru called for another sword to be tied on the
other side. He described the two swords as the representative of his
'mtrt' (spiritual) and 'ptrt' (temporal) powers. He maintained a regular
Sikh armed force. Built the Akai Bunga, later on called the Akal Takht,
where he sat in princely style, taking administrative decisions, bestowing
favours, and even awarding punishments.
He was summoned to .Delhi by Jahangir and imprisoned in Gwalior
Fort.
An understanding was reached and the Guru was released. He was
responsible for the release of a large number of Rajput princes undergOing
imprisonment in Gwalior Fort and has thus been called 'Bandt Cbbor'.
The period of imprisonment has been differently stated by various
historians as lasting from two to twelve years. 3
The Guru visited Srinagar and Baramulla and Sikh gurdwaras were
raised there.
APPENDIX D
1690-1701
1833-44
1701-18
1644-61
235
1718-21
1661-4
GURU HARKRISHAN
Born in 1657, he became the eighth Guru in 1661. Being of tender age,
he was called a child saint. He was also summoned to the Mughal court
at Delhi and camped with Raja ]ai Singh in the Bangia Sahib area. He
expired on 30 March 1664 due to smallpox.
1721-32
1664-75
1729
1672
1732-65
1675-1708
1742-45
1685-8
1745
1756
1688
1699
1761
1704
236
APPENDICES
1762
1705
1763
1706
June 1706
July 1706
1765
1708
1708-16
BANDA BAHADUR
Born around 1700 at Rajouri in a Rajput family, he was named Lachhman
Das. While still a young man, he become an ascetic (bairagt). He went
around praCticing occult powers and finally settled down on the banks
of the Godavari river, near Nander in the Deccan.
APPENDIX D
1765
1766
1767
237
1708
Banda came in Contact with Guru Gobind Singh and became a devout
disciple of the Guru.
.
Historians differ as to whether or not he was baptized into the Khalsa
by Guru Gobind Singh. No authentic evidence is available in this regard. .
Sept. 1708
Guru Gobind Singh made Banda Bahadur the commander of the Sikh
forces, gave him an advisory council of five trusted Sikhs and about
25 soldiers. 'Hukmnamas' instructing Sikhs to join Banda Bahadur were
also given.
Jan. 1709
Banda Bahadur reached Punjab, and Sikhs in large numbers started
joining him. The news of the demise .of Guru Gobind Singh at the
hands of the Pathans had further incited them and about 50,000 Sikhs
came under his flag at Sadhaura in a few months' time.
Banda ravaged many towns and establis\)ed his 'thanas' , i.e. posts.
13 May 1710 Famous battle of Chapar Cheri fought near Sirhind. Banda Bahadur
defeated and killed Wazir Khan, the governor of Sirhind. The town was
sacked. Banda Bahadur sacked Saharanpur and renamed it Bhanagar.
Banda Bahadur established his camp at Mukhlispur (a smali fortress
constructed by Mukhlis Khan for camping dUring hunts in the Shivalik
Hills.) Banda Bahadur repaired the fortress and renamed it Lohgarh.
Banda Bahadur raised another small fortress for himself and few soldiers
on a nearby hillock another 600 ft. higher which was named Sitaragarh
from where he watched the troops and issued oral orders which were
clearly heard in Lohgarh and the same is clearly heard till date.
Banda Bahadur struck coins in the name of Gurus and adopted a state
seal also in the Guru's name.
Coin
Obverse:
Reverse:
William Irvine and Ganda Singh refer to the above .legend on Banda
Bahadur's coins, but neither of them has cited the primary source of
their information. 8
Hadtqat-al-Aqaltm states that the Sikhs struck coins. with the legend. 9
A newswriter of Jaipur states that the above legend has been used on a
seal and not on a coin. 10
.
The actual couplet on the seal of Banda Bahadur that has come down
to us imprinted on his hukmnamas' is: 11
238
APPENDICES
30.11.1710
1768
March 1711
April 1711
June 1711
1769
Jan. 1712
Oct. 1712
Jan. 1713
June 1713
1770
1772
March 1715
June 1715
Dec. 1715
1773
10.6.1716
The coins that have been located so far are three coins with the first
legend but with slight modifications. '2 Banda Bahadur is reported to
have sent two crore rupees to Sirmaur for safe custody.
Mahabat Khan captured the Lohgarh Fort after the Sikh forces withdrew
from Sadhaura and Lohgarh.
Amir Khan occupied Sirhind.
Sikhs assembled near Lahore.
Banda Bahadur reorganized his forces and camped at Kalanaur.
Another fierce battle between Banda Bahadur and Amir Khan, heavy
casualties on both sides.
Banda Bahadur moved into the Shivalik Hills.
Banda Bahadur recaptured Sirhind, Sadhaura and Lohgarh.
Far11Jkh Siyar became the Mughal emperor.
A fierce battle fought at Sadhaura and after four months' siege, Banda
Bahadur withdrew his forces to Lohgarh and from there escaped into
the Shivalik Hills.
Banda Bahadur again came to Punjab with reorganized forces.
A fierce fight took place between Banda Bahadur and Abdus Samad
Khan.
Banda Bahadur and his men were besieged in the Gurdas Nangal
fortress near Gurdaspur.
The siege lasted for six months.
The entire food stock and ammunition with Banda Bahadur was
exhausted.
The Mughal forces captured Banda Bahadur with 740 men. All taken to
Delhi.
Banda Bahadur and his infant son executed after undergoing great
torture.
[Banda Bahadur set up a fully soveteign Sikh state, with its own coinage
as the symbol of its sovereignty. Although it lasted for a very brief
period of a few years, it gave the Sikhs a goal to be achieved and they
strove to attain this goal with great devotion and against extreme odds.
The struggle lasted for half a century and Sikh sovereignty was once
again established over Punjab in 1765.J
1716-45
1716
1775
1718
,1782
.1790
1725
1733
1791
1734
APPENDIX D
1792
1735
1796
1739
1797
1740
1798
1740
1741
1802
1803
1745
1746
May 1746
1804
, March 1747
239
Budha Dal and Taruna Dal created for defence against Mughal forces"
Sikhs' resort to guerrilla attacks in spite of Zakarya Khan's peace offer
and jagtr, etc. Zakarya Khan confiscated the jagtr and mounted pressure
against the Sikhs. .
Kapur Singh became the leader of the Sikhs.
Nadir Shah invaded India and looted Delhi. Nadir Shah annexed the
trans-Indus areas of the Mughal Empire, viz., Afghanistan, the North
Western Province, Sindh, GUjarat, and Sialkot to his Persian Empire. Due
to the disturbed conditions, the Sikhs again started their guerrilla attacks
against state officials, traders and government cash in transit.
Sikhs attacked the rear of Nadir Shah's army and looted his baggage
train. Many prisoners were also released. The surp~ise raids occurred
mostly at the time when the Afghans were fording swollen rivers. 13
After the departure of Nadir Shah, Zakarya Khan again mounted pressure
against the Sikhs. Many Sikhs were caught and executed at 'Nikhas' in
Lahore, later on named 'Shahid Gani' by the Sikhs. Sikhs were stopped
from gathering at Amritsar. The holy place was given to a debased
Muslim, Massa Rangar, who started using it as a place of vice and
pleasure.
Within a month's time, the Sikhs killed Massa Rangar in a daring attack.
Zakarya Khan again tried to persuade the Sikhs to a peaceful existence
under his rule.
The Sikhs turned down all such offers.
Zakarya Khan died in 1745.
Yahiya Khan. became the governor of Lahore. ]aspal Rai, brother of
Lakhpat Rai, was killed in a Sikh raid.
Lakhpat Rai, the Mughal minister, arranged for the great persecution of
the Sikhs.
A large Mughal a~my assembled under the command of Yahiya Khan
and Lakhpat Rai. The encounter took place with about 15,000 Sikhs in
which about 10,000 Sikhs perished. This is called the 'Chhota Ghalughara'.
Yahiya Khan was ousted by his brother Shah Nawaz Khan, and Lakhpat
Rai was put in prison.
1745
1804
1804
1805
1747
1747
1748
March 1748
240
APPENDICES
April 1748
1806
1748~50
1807
1750
1808-9
1751-2
1809
1809-10
1752
1752-3
1810-14
Nov. 1753
1753-7
1811
1754
1811-13
1754-6
1813-14
1756-7
1814
1757
Oct. 1757
1815
Jan. 1758
APPENDIX D
Mar. 1758
Sept. 1758
1871
1760
Nov. 1760
1817-18
1760-1
14.1.1761
Mar. 1761
June 1761
Aug. 1761
Nov. 1761
1819
Jan. 1762
May 1762
Oct. 1762
241
Adena Beg invited the Marathas for help against the Afghans. The
Marathas invaded Sirhind and defeated Abdus Samad Khan.
Jahan Khan left Lahore without a fight.
The retreating Afghans were taken prisoners by the Sikhs and brought to
Amritsar to clean the holy tank.
Adena Beg died in September 1758.
Sikhs occupied almost the entire Punjab.
The mists became well established and numerous mud forts were
constructed all over Punjab for their defence.
The Marathas occupied Delhi.
The Sikhs attacked Lahore and plundered part of the city. They took
30,000 rupees for 'Karab Parsbacf.
Fifth invasion of Ahmad Shah.
The Marathas were defeated in the historic Third Battle of Panipat.
The Maratha confederacy broke up.
Scindia of Gwalior, Gaekwad of Baroda, and Holkar of Indore owed
only nominal ailegiance to the Peshwa. Bhonsle of Nagpur became
independent.
Ala Singh of Patiala submitted to Ahmad Shah, paid 4 lakh rupees as
tribute, and agreed to pay an annual tribute of 5 lakh rupees. Ahmad
Shah instructed the governor of Sirhind not to interfere in the territories
of Ala Singh, which consisted of about 700 towns and villages.
The Sikhs greatly harassed Ahmad Shah on his return journey. Many
. prisoners W;ere got released at the Goindwal ferry.
The Sikhs defeated Mirza Khan of Char Mahal.
Invaded and devastated Sirhind.
Attacked and plundered Malerkotla.
Nur-ud-din was sent by Ahmad Shah to crush the Sikhs but was defeated
at Sialkot.
Abed Khan was defeated at Gujranwala, his arms and ammunition
looted by the Sikhs.
Sikhs assembled for Diwali at Amritsar.
The Dal Khalsa under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia attacked Lahore and occupied the fort for some time.
The Sikhs are alleged to have struck rupee coin from the Lahore mint. 16
Sixth invasion of Ahmad Shah.
It was primarily against the Sikhs. The Sikhs had besieged Jandiala.
Ahmad Shah reached ]andiala by forced marches. In the meantime the
Sikhs had moved to Malerkotla.
.
..
Ahmad Shah surprised them at ~up and the two armies met in a straight
fight. The Sikhs were encumbered with families and camp followers and
lost about 20,000 men. The battle is called 'Wada Gallughara'.
Ahmad Shah came to Amritsar and once again destroyed the Harimandir
and the holy tank.
Ahmad Shah stayed the eptire year 1762 in Panjab to subdue and crush
the Sikhs, but he totally failed in the. objective.
Sikhs invadec:i Sirhind ~nd Jook a heavy tribute.
Sikhs came to Amritsar to ,celebrate Diwali.
They were 60,000 armed men under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia.
Ahmad Shah came from Lahore and the two armies fought for the
whole day.
242.
1820
1821
1821-2
APPENDICES
Ahmad Shah sensing Sikh superiority ran back to Lahore during the
ensuing night.
Sikhs made repeated attacks on the flanks and the rear of the retreating
Dec. 1762
.Afghan army.
The Sikhs reorganized themselves into the Budha Dal and Taruna Oal
Jan. 1763
with younger leaders to defend Amritsar.
The Sikhs attacked Lahore and brought back Afghan prisoners to clean
Feb. 1763
the holy tank.
May 1763
Kasur was invaded and plundered.
Sikhs subdued almost the entire Jullandhar Doah.
June 1763
Nov. 1763
Ahmad Shah's general Jahan Khan was defeated at Wazinibad.
Dec. 1763
Malerkotla was attacked and looted.
Jan. 1764
Sikhs attacked Kheri, Morindah, Garaundha, Kurali, etc., and plundered
these towns.
Zain Khan was attacked and killed.
Sirhind was attacked and the city plundered, the walls of the fort were
pulled down.
Lahore attacked and Kabuli Khan subdued and made to pay trihute.
Mar. 1764
Rohtas Fort captured.
Sarbuland Khan, governor of Kashmir, came to subdue the Sikhs, but
was defeated and kept prisoner in the Rohtas Fort.
Sikhs under Jassa Singh, Khushal Singh, and Baghel Singh crossed the
Yamuna with 40,000 men and plundered Saharanpur, Shamli, Kandlah,
Ambi, Najibabad, Deoband, Muzaffarnagar, Muradabad, Chaudausi and
Garh Mukteshwar.
Najib-ud-daula paid Rs. 11 lakhs as hush money to prevent the further
devastation of his territories.
June 1764
The Sikhs under Hari Singh Bhangi marched on to Multan, and plundered
the city. They also entered Derajat and plundered its towns.
Sikhs under Jassa Singh crossed the Yamuna again and attacked NijibDec. 1764
ud-daula's territories.
Seventh invasion of Ahmad Shah.
Dec. 1764
March 1765 Reached Lahore via Eminabad.
Sikhs attacked his outposts and assembled at Amritsar.
.Ahmad Shah advanced on Amritsar but the Sikhs avoided a direct fight.
Jan. 1765
Ahmad Shah destroyed the Harimandir and the holy tank and returned
to Lahore.
Ahmad Shah moved to Jandiala and then to Satala.
At both places the Sikhs attacked and harassed his flanks.
Ala Singh again submitted to Ahmad Shah and agreed to pay annual
tribute.
Sikhs returned from the trans-Yamuna territories and assembled in Amritsar
Mar. 1765
to face the Afghans. Pitched battles were fought for seven days.
Heavy casualties were suffered by both sides.
Sikhs used their guerrilla tactics of running battles and so demoralized
Ahmad Shah that he made a hasty retreat to Afghanistan.
16 May 1765 Sikhs assembled at Amritsar.
Gurmata passed to regain more territories, occupy Lahore, and strike
coins of their own in the name of their Gurus as a symbol of the sovereignty of the Khalsa.
APPENDIX D
243
Lahna Singh, Gujjar Singh, and Sobha Singh occupied Lahore and
divided the city into three administrative zones each under a sardar.
Silver rupee struck from the Lahore mint. 17
Oct. 1765
1823
1823-4
1824
1824
1824
1824
1825-6
1826-7
244
1829
APPENDICES
Dec. 1770
1772
May 1772
1831
1831-2
May 1774
1774-5
1832
Apr. 1775
Apr. 1775
Sikhs attacked Sirhind, Alikhan, the Mukhal governor ran away to Delhi.
Sikhs plundered Shahdara adjoining Delhi.
First invasion of Timur Shah.
Crossed the Indus in January 1775, defeated Sikhs at Rawalpindi. Turned
back after realizing the strength of the Sikh forces.
The Sikhs attacked Deoband and Kanjpura.
Sahib Singh Bha1!gi, second son of the GUjjar Singh, married to Raj
Kanwar, daughter of late Charat Singh. The marriage was arranged by
Mihan Singh (father of Ranjit SingIV with great pomp and show. Sikhs
issue coin from Amritsar. 19
~ I ~ ~ If.'"" ~- (~.7.>fi/.'..u,f:..
bJ:'ulfJd\J'~~-4//1 cS/~/
1833
May 1776
1834
1835
Oct. 1776
Sept. 1m
Sept. 1778
1836
June 1779
182237
1765-80
1836-7
1779-80
APPENDIX D
183708
Feb. 1780
Nov. 1780
1780-1
1838
1781
June 1781
July 1781
1840
1783
Feb. 1783
Mar. 1783
Dec. 1783
1783
20.10.1783
245
246
APPENDICES
1841
1789
1842
1785
Nov. 1785
1845-6
1788-9
1847
1790
1790
1848
1850
1851
1791
1793
1794
1852
1852
1795
1795
1853
1796
Oct. 1796
1854
1797
1855
1798
1855-6
1798-9
1856
Jan. 1799
APPENDIX 0
247
1799
1857
1800
Dec. 1800
1858
1801
1857
1801
1859
1802
1860
1803
1860
1803
1861
1804
Ranjit Singh occupied Lahore with the help of Sada Kaur and local
residents on 7 July 1799.
Ranjit Singh won the battle of Bhasian without any serious fight.:z6
Jodh Singh Ramgarhia was defeated at Batala in a minor battle.
.East India Company sent its agent Munshi Yusaf Ali to the Darbar of
Ranjit Singh.
Ranjit Singh was proclaimed ruler by Sahib Singh Bedi on Baisakhi day,
the 12 April 1801.
Sardar Ranjit Singh became Maharaja Ranjit Singh but he used the title
Singh Sahib, Sarkarwala, etc., and never sat on a throne in respect to the
concept of Sikh sovereignty, i.e. sovereignty belonged to the Khalsa
Panth and not to any individual.
Silver rupee coins were struck in the name of the Gurus.
The legend 'Deg Tegb Fateb' of 1765 on the Lahore mint rupees was
changed to the legend that existed on the Amritsar coins of 1775 and
the coins of Banda Bahadur of 1710.
Ranjit Singh adopted the same couplet and exactly in the same form as
it appeared on the 1784 Amritsar coins, without any modification at all
in AD 1801. 27
Ranjit Singh attacked Kasur, defeated Nizam-ud-din, and extracted
nazrana. Attacked Jammu, plundered the town, accepted nazranas
from various people.
Attacked Dul Singh who had sided with the Bhangis, and occupied
Akalgarh Fort.
Ranjit Singh went in support of Sada Kaur against Kangra. Subdued the
Nurpur ruler.
Demolished the Sujanpur Fort near Pathankot.
.Occupied Dharamkot and Behrampur.
Ranjit Singh exchanged turbans with Fateh Singh Ahluwalia as a mark of
perpetual friendship.
Thus, the resources of the three leading mtsls-Sukharchakiya, Kanehiya
and Ahluwalia-got pooled together. Ranjit Singh took Moran as a
concubine in his harem. Prince Kharak Singh was born to Rani Raj
Kaur. Ranjit Singh occupied Daska, Pathohar, Chinoit. Ranjit Singh invaded
Kasur, Nawab paid nazrana. Pindi Bhatian and Phagwara conquered
and given to Fateh Singh Ahluwalia.
First invasion of Multan by Ranjit Singh.
Nawab Muzaffar Khan came out of Multan arid paid nazrana. Silhiwal
subdued and nazrana received. Jhang subdued and nazrana received.
Ranjit Singh marched upto Rawalpindi and subdued various minor
principalities on his way and collected nazranas.
ISar Singh born to Rani Mehtab Kaur.
248
APPENDICES
1861
1805
1862
Oct. 1805
1863
1806
1864
1807
Sept. 1807
APPENDIX D
1865
1808
1866
1809
249
He closed all the mints operated by the misl chiefs and kept only one
mint.
Coins (silver rupee) struck from Amritsar. 30 .
Budh Singh Faizullahpuri was attacked by Maukam Chand and Fateh
Singh.
Budh Singh escaped to the cis-Sutlej territories. His territories in ]ullandhar
Doab and Patti annexed.
Sialkot conquered from ]iwan Singh. Gujrat subdued, Sahib Singh became
a tributory. Akhnur subdued and heavy nazrana received from Nawab
Alam Khan.
Sheikhupura attacked and annexed.
Third expedition into the cis-Sutlej states.
Faridkot, Malerkotla, Ambala and Sahabad subdued.
The cis-Sutlej sardars sought British help to protect themselves from
Ranjit Singh.
Treaty of Amritsar on 2 April 1809 between Ranjit Singh and the British.
Ranjit Singh desired to be the overlord of all the Sikh states.
The British gave protection to the cis-Sutlej states and confined Ranjit
Singh to the Sutlej and thus came very close to Lahore. After quite a bit
of sabre rattling; Ranjit Singh succumbed to British pressure. It was a
major defeat for Ranjit Singh at the hands of the BritishY
Ranjit Singh withdrew his forces from Faridkot and Malerkotla.
Ranjit Singh moved his troops to the hills areas. Pathankot subdued.
]asrota, Chamba, and Basoli subdued, became tributaries and paid
nazranas.
1866
1809
1867
1810
1868
1811
1869
1812
Sahib Singh Bhangi defeated and all his territories in Gujarat occupied.
Sikh troops sent to Kangra to help Sansar Chand against the Gorkhas.
Sansar Chand tried ,to make his peace with the Gorkhas, but Sada Kaur
occupied the Kangra Fort, Haryana and surrounding territories, with
Ram Kaur and Raj Kaur, the widows of Baghel Singh, confiscated and
occupied by Ranjit Singh.
Shah Shujah expelled from Afghanistan. Elphinstone writes in 1809 that
'Almost the whole of the Panjab belongs to Ranjit Singh, who in 1805
was one of the many chiefs, but when we had passed, had acquired the
sovereignty of all the Sikhs in the Panjab.'
Ranjit Singh occupied Wazirabad.
Khushal and Sahiwal areas subdued.
Meeting between Ranjit Singh and Shah Shujah,
Fourth invasion of Multan by Ranjit Singh.
Hari Singh Nalwa seriously injured. Peace made by nawab on payment
of Rs. 2.50 lakhs as na7;rana.
Bahawalpur subdued.
The British established their agency at Ludhiana.
Moran's influence declined and she was sent to Pathankot to remain
away-from Lahore.
Kotla Fort (between Nurpur and Kangra) annexed.
Ranjit Singh remained mostly at Lahore.
Muhyuddin (surgeon) treated him for certain boils.
Marriage of Prince Kharak Singh with the daughter of ]aimal Singh, the
Kanehiya chief.
.
250
1870
APPENDICES
1813
Apr. 1813
June 1813
1871
1814
1872
1815
1873
1816
1874
1817
1875
1818
1876
1819
APPENDIXD
May 1819
1877
1820
1878
1821
Dec. 1821
1879
1822
1880
1823
1881
1824
251
Birbal Dhar had given all intelligence about Afghan forces in Kashmir.
Large-scale preparations made.
Large stock of stores and ammunition stocked at strategic places.
All petty rulers in the Jammu region had been subdued and made
tributaries.
Afghan forces defeated at Pir Panchal and Aliabad.
Sikh army under Misr Diwan Chand entered Srinagar.
Jabbar Khan defeated at Shaupian and the victorious Sikh army under
Misr Diwan Chand entered Srinagar.
Misr Diwan Chand given title of Fateh-i-Nusrat and made governor of.
Kashmir.
Sikh coins struck from Sdnagar. 34
Diwan Moti Ram replaced Misr Diwan Chand as governor of Kashmir by
the end of 1819.
After the occupation of Multan and Kashmir, Ranjit Singh turned his
attention to the Derajat areas. Ranjit Singh expelled Zaman Khan from
Dera Ghazi Khan and placed it under the nawab of Bahawalpur in
return for a large sum of money.
Ranjit Singh suffered from intermittent fever.
William Moorcraft visited Lahore.
Hari Singh Nalwa made. governor of Kashmir.
Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh born in February 1821.
Ranjit Singh invaded Mankera, the territory was annexed, and Nawab
Haji Ahmad Khan was given some jagir elsewhere. All his territories of
Bannu, Tonk, Liya and Kundian came under Sikh occupation.
Dera Ismail Khan occupied by the Sikh forces and placed under their
direct control.
Hari Singh Nalwa defeated 30,000 Afghans with his 7,000 troops at
Mangli Pass on his way back from Kashmir.
Allard and Ventura joined the Lahore Darbar;
Gulab Singh appointed raja of Jammu.
Minor crisis at Wadni (in the cis-Sutlej area) with the British.
Hari Singh Nalwa made governor of Hazara.
Hari Singh Nalwa occupied Mansehra and Deoband and annexed these
territories to Hazara.
Hari Singh Nalwa constructed a fort and town at Haripur (Hazara).
Dera Ghazi Khan finally annexed.
A strong fort built at Girang and garrisoned with Sikh troops.
Sikh troops sent towards Sindh on the pretext of subduing the Baluchi
tribals. The amirs of Sindh paid nazranas.
Sada Kaur imprisoned and asked to retire from' public life.
Azim Khan couldn't tolerate his brother Yar Mohd. as a tributory of the
Sikhs.
Azim Khan collected a large Pathan force to expel the Sikhs.
The Pathans under Azim Khan met the Sikh forces under RanjitSingh
with Hari Singh Nalwa and other sardars at Naushera.
A fierce battle was fought and the Sikh army won a decisive\victory over
the Afghans, about 4,000 Afghans and 2,000 Sikhs killed.
Sikh leader Akali Phula Singh was killed in action. Ranjit Singh occupied
Peshawar and made it over to Yar Mohd. once again.
252
APPENDICES
1882
1825
1883
1826
1884
1827
1885
1886
1828
1829
1887
1830
1888
1831
1889
1832
Apr. 1832
APPENDIX D
26.12.1832
1890
Mar. 1833
1891
1834
Mar. 1834
1892
1835
1893
. 1836
1894
1837
Apr. 1837
253
254
1895
APPENDICES
1838
June 1838
21.12.1838
1896
1839
2.6.1839
24.6.1839
27.6.1839
request was not deliberately placed before Ranjit Singh by Dhian Singh
to make Hari Singh Nalwa's position difficult.
Heavy casualties on both sides.
Sikhs repulsed the Afghans on 30 April 1837 but their leader Hari Singh
Nalwa was seriously wounded and died. Ranjit Singh cried bitter tears,
as the loss of Hari Singh was too great. The Dogras became supreme as
no other sardar could checkmate them. Ranjit Singh never fully annexed
the frontier but ruled. them through Muslim chiefs.
Ranjit Singh built several forts and garrisoned these with his troops and
maintained moving columns to keep the tribals under subjection.
These forts were at Nara, Daram, Maru, Salana, Machin and Sikham to
protect Peshawar, Khairabad, Jahangira, Shahkadur, Attock, Mansehra,
.
Haripur, and Nawanshahr, etc.
The MacNaughton Mission came to Lahore.
Tripartite Treaty between Ranjit Singh, Shah Shujah, and British. Ranjit
Singh was to give 5,000 troops, and the British to give officers and
financial assistance to Shah Shujah against Dost Mohd. Ranjit Singh was
virtually forced into this treaty by British diplomacy.
.
Birth of Prince Dalip Singh.
Osborne visited Punjab.
Lord Auckland, the Governor-General, met Ranjit Singh at Ferozepur.
The British occupied Ferozepur and set up a cantonment there in
violation of the Treaty of Arnritsar.
Ranjit Singh suffered a stroke and severe attack of paralysis. Remained
critical for several days. Speech and sight virtually gone.
Ranjit Singh partially recovered was very feeble.
Suffered another stroke accompanied by dropsy and fever.
Dr. Steel sent by the British to treat the Maharaja.
Ranjit Singh suffered another stroke.
Ranjit Singh breathed his last at 7 p.m. on 27 June 1839, and thus the
most brilliant period of Sikh history came to a close.
1896
Sept. 1839
After the death of Ranjit Singh, the stability of the Sikh political system
took a nose dive. The three major reasons for this rapid decline were
the ever-tightening noose of British power and influence round the
kingdom of the Lahore Darbar, the contending rival parties, and the
incapacity of the successors of Ranjit Singh.
The Government of Punjab degenerated into chaos. The real power
went into the hands of incompetent nominal rulers, who ditched the
army and the state, to somehow hold on to what little power or authority
they could.
It was a decade of the dirtiest intrigues and murders in which the lion's
share .was usurped by the clever British government and the crafty
Dogra Gulab Singh, on the dismemberment of the once mighty Sikh
state, to whom one was a proclaimed friend and the other a privileged
servant.
Kharak Singh was appointed Maharaja in a succession ceremony on
1 September 1839.
APPENDIX D
Nov. 1839
1897
Jan. 1840
Feb. 1840
May 1840
Nov. 1840
9-11-1840
20-11-1840
Dec. 1840
1898
Jan. 1841
16-1-1841
20-1-1841
Apr. 1841
255
256
APPENDICES
17-4-1841
Jun. 1841
Nov. 1841
1899
1842
June 1842
Nov. 1842
1900
1843
Aug. 1843
Sept 1843
16.9.1843
1901
Mar. 1844
May 1844
APPENDIX D
June 1844
Oct. 1844
12.12.1844
257
Peshora Singh submitted to Hira Singh and his life was spared.
Most of the European officers left the service of the Lahore Darbar on
their own due to the uncertain conditions and the mutinous troops.
Others were sent away due. to their being in league with the British.
. The Sikhs resented the British upholding the claim of Nabha state over
the Moran estate (in the cis-Sutlej territories) against the claim of the
Lahore Darbar. The Sikhs also resented the holding back of the treasure
found in the house of Suchet Singh at Ferozepur.
The Lahore Darbar finances in very bad shape. Troops clamoured for
their salaries. Attempts to realize money from the sardars created great
resentment.
The Sikh sardars started sending large sums of money held by them
into British territories for safe custody from exactions by the Lahore
Darbar.
Hira Singh's position became very weak.
Rebellions l\roke out all over the state.
Peshora Singh escaped into British territories.
Hira Singh developed differences with Rani Jindan who had her own
ambitions.
Pandit Jhaula,the most confidential adviser of Hira Singh, became very
unpopular with the other sardars.
Hira Singh also developed differences with Sham Singh Atariwala.
Hira Singh attempted to escape to Jammu.
Sham Singh and Jawahar Singh with 6,000 troops caught up with the
fleeing Dogras.
Hira Singh, Sohan Singh, son of Gulab Singh, Labh Sirigh, Pandit Jhaula,
Mian Dall Singh, chief of Akhnur, go~ killed along with other Dogra
sardars.
28.12.1844
1902
Feb. 1845
22.2.1845
March 1845
July 1845
Sept. 1845
Nov. 1845
258
APPENDICES
23.11.1845
6.12.1845
13.12.1845
18.12.1845
21.12.1845
1903
21.1.1846
10.2.1846
9.3.1846
16.3.1846
The ruling junta decided to make the turbulent Sikh army fight the
British so that they may retain their position to some extent. The British
had all along been keen to dismemher the Sikh state and found the
most opportunate time arid were anxious for a fight.
Sikh troops marched to the Sutlej ferries.
British troops at Meerut and Ambala moved to Ludhiana.
Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General, issued the proclamation of war.
First engagement at Mudki.
Lal Singh ran away in the middle of the hattIe as already planned with
the British.
The British won but suffered heavy casualties.
Battle of .Ferozepur.
The British led the attack at their chosen site. The Sikhs fought bravely.
They were not allowed to pursue the British troops at night hy their
commanders.
Lal Singh ran away with the guns.
Additional forces joined the British troops the next morning and thus
defeated the Sikh army.
The Sikhs attacked and burned down a large part of the Ludhiana
cantonment.
Sikhs defeated Harry Smith at Budhowal and captured his baggage.
Harry Smith fought a minor skirmish with Ranjodh Singh at Aliwal.
Battle of Sobraon.
The Sikh army deprived of ammunition and rations, crossed the Sutlej at
Sobraon. The British made three attacks and were repulsed.
Lal Singh and Tej Singh ran away from the field as planned with the
British.
Gulab Singh came and started negotiations with the British to the detriment
of Sikh i~terests.
Lal Singh cut off the boat bridge so that the Sikh army could neither get
any reinforcements nor could it retreat.
Under such circumstances the British won and the Sikhs lost.
The Sikh army stood defeated and thus Came the most inglorious end of
the most glorious army of the Khalsa.
The Treaty of Lahore was signed between the Lahore Darbar and the
British:
1. All Sikh territories south of the Sutlej taken over by the British.
2. ]ullandhar. Doab to be occupied by British troops.
3. An indemnity of Rs. 1~ crores imposed on the Lahore Darbar.
4. All rebellious Sikh troops to be disbanded. Only 20,000 infantry and
12,000 cavalry to be maintained by the Lahore Darbar.
5. Dalip Singh recognized as a minor ruler, with Rani ]indan as the
regent and Lal Singh as the waztr.
Adequate .British troops retained at Lahore to protect the raja.
Henry Lawrence appointed as the British resident.
Separate .treaty made with Gulab Singhat Ambala. Kashmir was sold to
Gulab Singh for Rs. 1 crore as part of the indemnity due from the
Lahore Darbar. ~
Lal Singh, the waztr, opposed the ceding of Kashmir to Gulab Singh.
He was removed and banished from Punjab.
APPENDIX D
16.12.1846
1905
Mar. 1848
1848
Nov. 1848
. 1906
13.1.1849
22.1.1849
24.1.1849
12.3,1849
29.3;1849
1907
1850
259
Treaty of Bhirowal.
The British troops were to leave Punjab by the end of December 1846
but they had no intention of leaving Punjab. The British resident managed
through some Sikh chief to circumvent Rani Jindan, the regent, to retain
British troops till the minor Maharaja Dalip Singh became a major by
1854.
The Lahore Darbar was also made to pay Rs. 22 lakhs per annum for
the upkeep of British troops in Punjab. Circumstances leading to the
Second Anglo-Sikh War. The Khalsa army regarded their defeat as a
matter of chance and due to the treachery of their leaders. The disbanded
soldiers felt slighted and humiliated. Lord Dalhousie started the ruthless
suppression of the Sikhs. The Sikhs felt cheated because the British gave
better treatment to other communities.
Deportation of Rani Jindan to Benaras hurt the pride of the common
Sikhs.
Abbot was instigating Muslims into rebellion against Chattar Singh, the
governor of Hazara. Mool Raj, the governor of Multan, was asked to pay
an exorbitant succession fee and enhanced revenue. His resignation.
was also not accepted by the resident.
The British made up their mind to annex Punjab Fredrick Curie sent as
resident to provoke the Sikhs into action so that annexation could be
justified.
Kahn Singh sent with British officers to take over from Mool Raj. The
British officers who provoked local soldiers were killed.
The British got the chance they were waiting for.
Mool Raj, when he ran short of silver rupees to pay wages to his
soldiers, minted a very small gold coin equal in value to the rupee for
purposes of disbursement of salaries to the troops. It weighed 0.65 g.
and bore the legend 'Sat Guru Sabat' on the obverse and 'Mundrtka'
1905 Sambat, Le. AD 1848 on the reverse.
The British army assembled at Ferozepur.
Gough attacked Sher Singh at Ramnagar, the battle was indecisive.
The two armies met at Chhillianwala, tremendous loss on both sides.
The Sikhs had an edge over the British.
Multan fell to the British.
Chattar Singh joined Sher Singh.
British troops spared from Multan joined their forces.
The two armies fought at Gujarat. The British had vastly superior artillery.
The Sikhs fought valiantly but were routed. Sher Singh and his remaining
army surrendered to the British.
A darbar held in Lahore on 29 March 1849. Annexation of Punjab
proclaimed. Signed by the British and Dalip Singh. The Sikh state ceased
to exist as the soldiers laid down their arms with tears in their eyes,
exclaiming 'Aj Ranjit Singb mar Gia', meaning that on that day the Sikh
soldiers felt the death of their beloved Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Nanak Shahi silver rupees numberi11g lakhs were sent to Bombay and
Calcutta for restriking into British currency and the Nanak Shahi rupee
was declares a dead currency.40
260
APPENDICES
NOTES
1. Opinions differ and some authors give the date of birth as Oct./Nov. 1469.
2. The special issues of Sikh Review, Calcutta, 1969 on Guru Nanak give an account of Guru
Nanak's visit to Tibet via Lachung Lachen.
3. Contemporary historian Mohsin Fani gives the period of detention at Gwalior as 12 years,
but others state the same to be about two years only. The Guru was released on the
recommendation of Mian Mir of Lahore. The detention for a couple of years only seems to
be correct as it fits with the rest of the activities of Guru Hargobind.
4. Phul became the head of the Phulkiah families, the rulers of the cis-Sutlej states.
5. Khushwaqt Rai, History of Sikhs, p. 46.
6. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. V, p. 245.
7. Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, p. 370.
8. (0 William Irvine, Later Mughals, p. 111.
(ii) Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Bahadur, pp. 82, 83.
The absence of primary references makes it difficult to compare these legends with those
on the actual coins which have slight variations.
9. Hadiqat-a/-Aqalim, Aligargh: Aligarh Muslim University, p. 148.
10. Akhbar-i-Darbar-e-Mua//a, Jaipur, 1710.
11. Hukmnama, AD 12 December 1710, Ganda Singh Collection.
12. One such coin is with the Numismatic Society, New York, and the other two are with
European diplomats who made their collections from Delhi coin dealers.
13. Ahmad Shah Batalvi has recorded a conversation between Nadir Shah and Zakariya Khan.
Nadir Shah-Have you got any troublesome people in the country?
Zakariya Khan-None except a sect of Hindu faqirswho assemble twice to bathe, in a
tank. They consider it a place of pilgrimage.
Nadir Shah-Where are their place of abode?
Zakariya Khan-Their homes are the saddles of their horses.
Nadir' Shah-These rebels will raise their 'head again.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of Sikhs, vol. II, pp. 54-5.
14. Important Sikh Misls in 1745:
1. Ahluwalia Misl under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia.
2. Bhangi Misl under Hari Singh Bhangi.
3. Dhallewalia Misl under Gulab Singh.
4. Faizullahpuria Misl under Kapur Singh.
5. Kanehiya Misl under Jai Singh Kanehiya.
6. Karorasinghia Misl under Karora Singh.
7. Nakai Misl under Hari Singh Nakai.
8. Nishanwala Misl under Daswandha Singh.
15. The Malwa sardars arose ftom the Phul family of Phul Sandhu Jat. Due to the slackened
hold of the Mughal government, these families made their strongholds at Patiala, Nabha,
Jind, Kaithal, Faridkot, etc. Ala Singh of Patiala became the premier sardar. He was a Sikh
and took pahu/, but never became a part of the Sikh mainstream. He allied with the
Mughals and Durrani for the sake of his estate and, whenever the Majha Sikhs tried to
punish him, he was able to buy peace through the good offices of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia,
the leader of the Majha Sikhs, to whom Ala Singh paid regular tribute.
16. Brown has stated that Sikhs occupied Lahore in 1758 under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and
struck their coin. His account is based on a manuscript received by him which he admits
APPENDIX D
261
is defective in dates, etc. Brown's account has been followed by Malcolm, Elphinstone,
Cunningham, Latif, G.c. Narang, etc. The eyewitness account of Tahmas Khan Misldn
records that Lahore was jointly seized by the Marathas and the Sikhs and was leased to
Adena Beg by the Marathas on an annual tribute of 75 lakhs. The question of the Sikhs
having struck their coins in 1758 didn't arise.
Ghulam Ali Khan Azad has recorded in Khazana-e-Amira that the Sikhs put Jassa Singh on
. the Mughal throne and struck a coin in April 1765. A Maratha newsletter also mentioned
that the Sikhs had created disturbances in Lahore. Lepel Griffin has stated that no such
coins were struck at all. Ganesh Das has stated that few coins were minted by bigoted
mullahs to malign the Sikhs in the eyes of Ahmad Shah. Giani Gian Singh has stated that
coins were struck in 1761. Hari Ram Gupta has opined that coins were actually struck in
1761. From the totality of the data available, it appears that such coins may have been
struck by the Sikhs in 1761, probably in small numbers in the first flush of victory. No such
coin has been located so far.
The legend thereon is said to be:
262
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX D
263
36. The coins struck from Peshawar were in small numbers and were struck for a few years
only.
.
37. The death of Nau Nihal Singh is the subject of a serious controversy. whether the falling
of the ramparts at that particular time was a mere accident due to the incessant firing of
guns from the walls of the fort or whether it was a deliberate plan of the Dogras to
remove the prince, who was trying to become independent, cannot be said with certainty.
Cunningham, Griffin, Steinbeck and Charmichael Smith consider the prince's death to the
result of the intrigues of Dhian Singh. Ganda Singh supports this explanation.
Prem Singh Hoti calls it a delibeate murder, of which he gives some details.
Muhammad Latif and Honigberger consider it to be the result of the accidental falling of
the stones of the archway. Sohan Lal Suri and Clark support his view, which is also shared
by Khushwant Singh.
Dhian Singh's record is so dark and dirty in intrigues and murder that all historians agree
on his capability to carry. out the murder. His keeping even the mother of the prince
away from her injured son raises serious doubts about his credibility.
38. Sikh leaders Lal Singh and Tej Singh were in league with the British Government. The
Sikh troops were moved to various places in consultation with the British authorities so
that British forces would have all the advantages and the Sikh troops would lose ~eir
striking power. The Sikh forces were deprived of their guns and ammunition and even
food supplies were withheld by the Sikh wazir and the C-in-C to ensure the defeat of the
Sikh army. The Sikh army of 60,000 was not permitted to attack the 6,000 British soldiers
at Ferozepur. The Sikh army was moved away and held back till the British had collected
enough strength at the place of their choice for battle. All this not being enough, Lal Singh
ran away from the battle field in the midst of the fighting lest the Sikh army should win.
In spite of the above handicaps, the leaderless soldiers of the Khalsa army fought with
such bravery that the mighty British Government in India was shaken to its very foundations
and won the war by the skin of their teeth.
It was the most inglorious victory won by the British-won by deceit and not by valour.
39. Art. IV, Treaty of Lahore: The Sikh state, in place of a cash indemnity of one crore rupees
(ten million), ceded all the forts, territories, rights and interests in the hill countries which
are situated between the rivers Beas and Indus, including the provinces of Kashmir and
Hazara.
On 16 March 1846, Raja Gulab Singh signed the Treaty of Amritsar whereby he became
the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir and all territories east of the Indus and west of the
Ravi.
He was to pay an indemnity of one crore.
The British later decided not to give him Chamba, Mandi, Nurpur, etc., and reduced the
indemnity by 25 lakhs.
.
40. Foreign Department, General Report, Administration of Punjab Territories 1849-51,
Calcutta, 1856, declaring the Nanak Shahi currency as dead currency.
APPENDIX E
,/
Maharaja
Kharak Singh
d. 1840
Ishar Singh
d. 1805
Maharaja
SherSingh
d. 1843
Tara Singh
d. 1859
Peshaura
Singh
d. 1844
Kashmira
Singh
d. 1843
I
Kanwar Nao
Nehal Singh
d. 1840
Joginder Singh
b. 1844
Maharaja
Dalip Singh
b. 1838,
d. 1893
Multana
Singh
d. 1846
Fateh Singh
d. 1873
Prince
Prince
Victor
Fredrick
Daleep Singh Daleep Singh
d. 1918
d. 1926
AmarSingh
b. 1876
Kishan Singh b. 1840
Kesar Singh
Uttam Singh
Bakhshish Singh
(adopted by Rani
Zebo)
Partab Singh
d. 1843 (by
Rani Prem
Kaur who
afterwards
Adopted
Narain Singh)
DevaSingh
d. 1874 (by
Rani Chand
Kaur)
Sehdev Singh
b. 1843
I
V",de,Slogh
1
Ramam Singh
b. 1878
Narain Singh
(adopted by Rani
Rani Prem
Kaur)
Rari Singh
-----,
Thakar Singh
(adopted by
Rani Partab
Kaur) b. 1847
Karam Singh
(adopted by
Rani
Dharam Kaur)
b. 1838
---'-1
AvtarSingh
b. 1879
Note: The above Genealogical Table has been taken from Barkat Rai Chopra, Kingdom of the Punjab 1839-45, Hoshiarpur: VVRI Publications, 1969, p. 440.
APPENDIX F
Nodh Singh
d. 1763
Chanda Singh
Gu1ab Sin8h
I
Rattan
Singh
I
Nidhan Singh
Gurrnukh
Singh
I
Khazan Singh
Dasonda Singh
I
Nao Nehal Singh
d. 1840
Gopal Singh
S. Atar Singh
d. 1844
S. Kchar Singh
d. 1864
S. Jairnal Singh
d. 1810
S. Budh Singh
d. 1827
S. Wasawa Singh
S. Lahna Singh
d. 1843
I
S. Shamsher Singh
b. 1816
d. 1871
S. Ajit Singh
d. 1843
S. Ranjodh Singh
d. 1864
Partab Singh
d. 1856
Thakar Singh
b. 1837
d. 1887
Nole: The above Genealogical Table has been taken from Barkat Rai Chopra. Kingdom of lire Punjab /83945. Hoshiarpur: VVRI ,Publications, 1969. p. 441.
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Index
280
INDEX
. 281
INDEX
Khanda Pahul 23
Lahore city, occupation of 57, 80; invasion by
nazarana to Sikhs 57, 59
Lahore Coins 66-71; Bhangi sardars from 163;
legends on 21;' mint, annual profit of 95;
occupation and first coin of silver 62;
occupied by Sikhs 53
Lahore Darbar, Sikh coinage of 129-53
langars 161; and 1783 famine 76-7
. Later Mughals and ]adu Nath ]adu Sarkar 32;
and Sikh coinage 32
Latif, Muhammad's coinage account as imaginary
30-1; his History ofPunjab 30
leaf motif 163; for coin as Banda Bahadur state
seal 62; motif on Sikh coins as symbol of
77; names of 163; signifying fertility 164'
legends 35; meaning of 40-2
Maharaja Ranjit Singh see Singh, Ranjit
Marathas and Punjab leased to 56; defeated by
Ahmad Shah 55
Mardana as Guru Nanak's disciple' 117
masand and Guru Arjan Dev 173; as redundant
for Sikh society 173
Mata Sahib Devi, wife of Guru Gobind Singh 66
Mata Sundari as acting head of Khalsa 72
Mir Mannu as Mughal commander 51-2
'miTt' 78
mtsldars or sardars 74
Mohammad Shahi as Mughal currency 151
'mohar' seal 31
Moran Shahi coins 76, 98
Moran, dancing girl 95; and Ranjit Singh 95-104;
names of 96
Moran's coins and myth of 95-104; gold coin
with peahen figure 99; in Standard Guide to
5; mohar 94
Nanak Shahi rupee 94, sikh currency and British
rupee 110
nazrana coins as Guru Sahib coins 100
Nimak Shahi coinage 142-7 .
Numismatic investigation of Sikh coins 36-43;
and Rodgers, C;' 36
numismatics 16
282
INDEX
composed by 184
Singh, ]handa and Sikh coins 73
Singh, Kharak, appointment of 112
Singh, Khushwant on coins 60
Singh, Mihan's governorship and value of Sikh
rupee fell 110
Singh, Ranjit 66-7, 73-4; and Akal Takbt
punishment '82; and Brahmins 140-3; and
British 121; and coins in Moran's name 95104; and discussion on mint and new
diestamp 119-20; and Holi celebration 97;
and Maharaja title 94; and minting of silver
rupee coins 93; and Mughul customs 95-6;
and Moran 95-7; and Ram Bagh 94; called
as 94; death of 164; fort as Gobind Garh
84; his earliest coins and leaf motif 75; in
283
INDEX