Coinage of The American
Coinage of The American
30000052134586
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#cc-by-nc-sa-4.0
Confederation Period
EDITED BY
Philip L. Mossman
INDIANA UNIVERSITY
BLOOMINGTON
Proceedings No. 11
James C. Spllman
since 1963.
Proceedings
of the
4. The Medal in America, Alan M. Stahl, ed. (1988), 247 pp., illus.
0-89722-260-1
Contents
Preface vii
Contributors viii
Introduction ix
PHILIP L. MOSSMAN
Vermont Coppers:
Preface
from its holdings and invites registrants travelling to the New York
1995 and remained on view at the Society for several months. Two
Collection.
Contributors
Introduction
the 1995 Coinage of the Americas Conference. This was the eleventh
such annual event, first gathered in 1984, for the expressed purpose
national identity. The new nation had no currency of its own and
many spurious light weight coins, several states minted their own
x Introduction
issues would drive them from circulation. For this reason, the many
state copper which enrich the numismatics of this period came into
being.
been identified with the list ever expanding as new discoveries are
for his research into the Fugio cents, stated it very succinctly. "The
fruitful research."2
believe it is safe to say that there is more that we don't know than
and just how the money entered circulation. I expect that new
Introduction xi
these Proceedings.
the Federal mint. Whereas the coins in our cabinets today are the
xii Introduction
appreciation of all the events and factors that shaped the history
numismatists everywhere.
Conference Chairman
Philip L. Mossman
Philip L. Mossman
THE TIMES:
nation from the cocoon of infant colonialism until our start on the
when our country went through all the growing pains expected from
historical event but rather one must consider the prior experience
til 1749, with the settlement by the English military of the garrison
forest products, fishing and small farms, whereas in the South, large
the colonies, except by sea, was very difficult and tedious. Roads
ing from three in the morning to ten at night.2 Rarely did people
stray more than 20 miles from their birthplace. The population was
Rhode Island were true republics where all public officials were
vient to that of the mother country and that English interests were
ment expected that the colonies would bear some of the financial
Until 1763, the Navigation Acts had little practical impact on the
books, the local economies expanded and prospered. But, with the
peace following the final French and Indian War, the scene chang-
ed. England, in 1763, had now emerged as the most powerful na-
tion in Europe, but with a massive war debt. To bolster its economy
and recoup its strength, England now turned its attention across the
Atlantic with renewed vigor and began to enforce the old Acts of
tions all their natural wealth. George III and his Tory government
or popular assembly existed only at the king's pleasure. For the first
4 Philip L. Mossman
which was three times larger than that deployed on the battle front
during wartime. It was evident that the presence of such troops was
ed control was not bad enough, the colonial economies were crippl-
the colonies, which since 1690 had been helpful in financing local
the colonies for England's benefit but rarely inclined to assist their
overseas dominions for their sake alone. Now sugar, tea and other
had been enforceable, the Stamp Act would have severely en-
became the rallying cry as the Stamp Act Congress asserted that the
colonists had the same native rights as all free Englishmen. The
resented this increased control over their lives which London was
Parliament, notably from William Pitt and Edmund Burke. Pitt's ad-
ment. Push came to shove on April 19, 1775, at the Battles of Lex-
toward all forms of centralized power. Their basic conflict was not
of free Englishmen which they had enjoyed from the beginning and
autonomy.10
was signed, sealed and delivered, these 13 colonies, who had had
minimal prior interaction, still viewed each other with such mistrust
govern themselves. It took until March 1781 for them to agree upon
tion. And even after this polity was drafted, it was not ratified until
any more authority than they were willing to accept from their co-
lonial masters. The financial, foreign policy and war powers set forth
since nine votes out of thirteen were required for passage of most
measures. While the individual states did retain the sole authority
to levy taxes, they did agree to share with Congress the parallel
war effort, the states were unwilling to assert their prerogative and
tion reflected the paranoia which had been conditioned from years
6 Philip L. Mossman
ing periods of war, when the export of raw materials and supplies
was brisk, earned specie became more plentiful as the economy pros-
paper money. Directly following the war, there was a sudden abun-
had been paid in hard money. This surplus was short-lived since
the country went on a buying-spree and soon the specie was return-
which had been in short supply during the war. As would be an-
years of military service, were now obliged to meet their tax bills
agitation for cheap paper money to release citizens from the burden
of personal debt.12
"the period of peril"14 since they speculated that the new nation
ment into politics.15 At any rate, the times were difficult. It did not
take long to realize that this new government established under the
ing nation and the need to mend its multiple defects soon became
evident. This would have been an impossible task since a major flaw
receive the unanimous approval of all the states. Instead, the entire
new Federal government has stood the test of time, enduring now
for more than 200 years. But this final union did not occur until
ing and mutual mistrust. With these internal conflicts dispelled, the
13 colonial infants could now emerge "from many into one" and
with this new spirit they launched themselves into young adulthood
where united they faced the new and different challenges of the next
century.
ITS MONEY:
To this point, there have been some passing references to the cur-
b. new issues, state b. By 1786, nine states had issued specie money
French guineas
English guineas
French crowns
Philip L. Mossman
4. English regal
coppers
5. Virginia halfpence
6. Counterfeit
English coppers
7. Counterfeit
Irish coppers
8. State coppers
a. Connecticut
b. New Jersey
c. Massachusetts
d. Vermont
9. Federal coppers
10. Tokens of
English origin
11. Miscellaneous
American token
coinages
the Revolution.
the states.
ty of Congress.
resorted to bills of credit to finance the war but these notes rapidly
there would be some form of currency for local commerce and the
from unsecured paper money during the war, resisted this tempta-
the more successful paper that held its value did continue to
circulate.
and French gold and silver, Dutch silver and Portuguese gold. Since
A TABLE
Of the Weight and Value of coined Silver and Gold, and Englifh
Commonwealth of M A s s A c'ffVs E T T s.
'
d. %
o I'
.i
*.*
o1
.I
proportion.
It is alfo enafted by the faid Law, that all Pieces of Gold Coin,
An Ounce of Gold is
A Pennyweight of ditto is -
A Grain of ditto is
L 's d.
-s68
-054
O O 2.J.
1. Exchange rates for European specie coins in Massachusetts monies of account cur-
10
Philip L. Mossman
| A TABLE of die Weight and Value of Coins as they pafs in the refpedtive States of the Union, with their
^%
Stc ling
1. H:lnip.
New YorV
i^.Jerlry ,
Feiler. value
Mo ley
Maflachul
&
*r,
-~
A. Ifland,
Delaware &:
7: o w n z
Names of Coins.
2. y
G eat
lonnec^tic
Nortli
&:
Georgia.
5" ? jj 1 ?
. 0.
Br am.
Virginia.
Carolina
'larjland
An Fliplifh Guinea, i
(IwtS. gr.
L. d.
I0
L. s cl
IS0
L s. d.
t 17 o
L. s. cl.
1 15 o
L. s. A.
II9
..
F..D.cl.c.m
046 6.^7
A French Guinea;
55
1o
t76
1 16 o
I 14 6
1'5
046 o' o;
A Johannes,
18 o
310
4 16 o
6So
6oo
400
16000
An Half Jnluinncfl, ,
9o
1 16 o
2 S:o
340
11
(b) Mexico: 1753 half real of Ferdinand VI also called a half bit, medio or picayune.
in 1535, was the most important silver coin on this continent from
the first settlements until the middle of the last century. Over its
351 year history, the eight reales piece remained the world's silver
bits, levies, and picayunes, formed the backbone of our silver small
due to its lower silver content, the pistareen, a debased two reales
12
Philip L. Mossman
specie coins for the first 250 years of our history (fig. 4). Since the
early Federal Mint could not keep up with the demands of the
coinage requirement for the United States, these foreign gold and
sion. Whereas the circulating gold and silver money was from the
countries described above, the copper money was regal English since
farthings. In fact, from 1695 to 1775, about 17% of the copper out-
put from the Tower Mint was exported to the North American col-
13
red during the French and Indian Wars. The only legitimate copper
before the War broke out and so were withheld from general cir-
Since the currency value of regal English coppers was about dou-
ble the intrinsic value of the metal plus the minting costs, signifi-
cant profits were available not only to the king but also to the
These clandestine forgers had little to fear from the authorities since
wrist. At first bogus coppers were sand cast but soon these illegal
(b) This crude cast counterfeit (98.6 grains) is easily identified due to rough surfaces
and the telltale cud above the kings head where the metal was poured into the mold.
14
Philip L. Mossman
public whose only concern was that they receive full value in com-
of the Atlantic, it was only natural for this illegal activity to spread
Mills in Newburgh, New York (fig. 8). Similarly, Irish halfpence and
by a 1787 report from New York. In fact, 1781 and 1782 bogus Irish
(b) 1782 contemporary struck Irish counterfeit halfpenny (92.1 grains). The latter
In 1786, one estimate asserted that nearly half the coppers in cir-
as inflicting financial injury, especially upon the poor. The plan was
pectation that the citizens would only accept these new, true weight
adopted the same practice in 1785 and issued its own coppers. The
early history of this republic and the background of its mint are the
products of the Rupert mint in 1785 and 1786. Later bust issues are
designs. Certain bust right issues were struck over unnegotiable 1785
16
Philip L. Mossman
10. New Jersey coppers: (a) 1786 Marls 14-J from the Rahway Mint (147.8 grains).
(b) 1788 Maris 50-f, one of three horse head left varieties (141.7 grains).
(c) 1787 Marls 56-n, struck over a 1787 Connecticut Milller 30-hh.1 (129.6 grains).
coppers of 150 grains each, for which privilege the licensees would
return a 10% royalty to the state. The official contract was shared
by two mints but several clandestine operations have also been iden-
tified making a total of 139 New Jersey die varieties with a total com-
bined coinage of about four million pieces. The earlier issues from
ty of the full weight coinage (fig. 10). These inferior coppers includ-
Haven which struck coppers from dies engraved by Abel Buell. Their
franchise may have passed legally to James Jarvis and Co. on June
designated for the Federal Fugio contract. Besides these two mints,
17
11. Connecticut coppers: (a) 1785 Miller 3-1.1. from the Company for Coining Cop-
pers (129.7 grains); typical Mailed Bust Right issue from dies engraved by Abel Buell.
(b) 1787 Miller 20-a.2 also from the Company for Coining Coppers (142.9 grains);
this standard Draped Bust Left design from both the Company for Coining coppers
(c) 1788 Miller 2-D (114.0); this Bust Right issue is typical of those attributed to
ed 144 grains (fig. 11). The end result was that the abundant light
to the copper medium which already was far larger than the
These coins adhered to the new Federal standard of 157 grains. The
mint operated at a loss, and this expense was one reason it was clos-
already mentioned, many pattern issues were also struck during the
during this period include the familiar Immunis Columbia pieces and
18 Philip L. Mossman
urged for which no patterns were ever struck. Some interesting pro-
ter punches within the various state series, particularly noting those
die sinker. Thus, the temptation has evolved to treat these observ-
ed defects like the signature of the engraver and the attempt made
issues described above. This approach has not withstood the test
Soon after the peace treaty, a large number of copper tokens ar-
Nova Constellatio coppers were lighter than the state issues yet to
period.
We have seen how the state mints failed to drive the light weight
when the Federal government tried its hand at the same game, it
also failed miserably. The Fugio coppers, the first United Stated
Jarvis, the minter of most of the 1787 Connecticut series (fig. 13).
noting.
It was an economic calamity for the poor whose entire wealth was
valued as scrap metal because the world price for copper had fallen
to an all time low. This coppers panic primarily involved the area
tender status and soon traded again at 24 to the shilling. As the world
price for copper dramatically rose into the next decade, faith in cop-
per coins returned and the once discredited issues were called back
government.
needs of the new republic. It took several years before the output
20 Philip L. Mossman
of the new Federal Mint could satisfy the demand for money and
so foreign gold and silver remained legal tender until 1857. In the
interval, the state coppers and other pre-Federal coins and tokens
took up the slack in the small change medium and continued to cir-
culate in some parts of the country as late as 1856. Many worn Con-
scrap metal for sleigh bells, buttons and frying pans. Other monetary
changes were also slow since old habits die hard. For many years
becomes easy to understand the factors that gave rise to this vast
1 The author is grateful to Eric P. Newman for his critical review of the manuscript
2 John Fiske, The Critical Period of American History (Cambridge, 1899), p. 61.
3 Dan M. Lacy, The Meaning of the American Revolution (New York, 1964), pp.
46-48, passim.
4 John J. McCusker and Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British North America
6 McCusker and Menard (above, n. 4), pp. 50, 354; Lacy (above, n. 3), p. 37.
7 These conflicts, collectively called The French and Indian Wars, included King
William's War (1689-97), Queen Anne's War (1702-13), King George's War (1744-48),
9 This was the major difference between the American Revolution and the soon
to-follow French Revolution where the common people had a long term history of
economic and political oppression. These two revolutions were entirely different
in their complex causation and neither is explained by any single factor. See George
10 Lacy (above, n. 3), pp. 69, 85, 121-27, 128, 132-33; quotes pp. 69, 128.
12 This state specie money, slanderously termed "rag money" by its critics, was
monetary crisis. See Eric P. Newman, The Early Paper Money of America (lola, WI,
1990), p. 18
14 James Phinney Baxter, "A Period of Peril," Historical Addresses (Portland, ME),
"Merrill Jensen, The New Nation. A History of the United States During the Con-
p. 198, states that the January 26, 1779 small change notes "are still issued plen-
tifully by our Common wealth... thus far, they appear to have been sustained in their
and Farthings in New England" CNL 100 (1995), pp. 1531-33, for a recent discus-
19 Figs. 1 and 2 are courtesy of the Eric P. Newman Numismatic Education Society.
20 Reduced to its simplest terms, a bill of exchange is created when one party pur-
chases from another party a portion of his credit balance which is held by a third
party. American merchant A has a credit balance with London merchant A; American
merchant B wants to buy some English goods from London merchant B, but he has
neither credit nor specie coin to send by ship. Therefore, American merchant B pur-
chases from American merchant A a portion of the latter's credit balance held by
to London merchant B to pay for his goods. American B pays American A with local
21 See Oscar G. Schilke and Raphael E. Solomon, America's Foreign Coins (New
22 Michael Hodder, "The New Jersey Reverse J, A Biennial Die," AJN1 (1989), pp.
195-237 and "New Jersey Reverse 'U': A Biennial Die," The American Numismatic
23 Michael Hodder, "The 1787 'New York' Immunis Columbia; A Mystery Re-
Contemporary Counterfeit
Charles W. Smith
24 Charles W. Smith
Introduction
counterfeit coin has a story to tell that goes far beyond government
counterfeit halfpenny series about ten years ago, but it was only in
in Oxford. I mentioned to him that this coin series not only cir-
culated in his country, but it also circulated during the colonial and
the counterfeit series was 1775, but that was not the case for the
regal series they were imitating. He was also of the opinion that the
trying to answer the simple question, "Of the six years 1770, 1771,
1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775, what is the relative frequency of oc-
ing hints but apparently no one had carried out a careful date analysis
the series by the Royal Mint, but mostly anecdotal information about
realize there were examples with dates outside the regal interval
this paper.
M&Ms from a bag, we can pretty much assure ourselves (infer from
the sample) that the number of red M&Ms in the bag is the same
as the number of green M&Ms in the bag, even though we have not
before it was sampled and eat some of the green M&Ms?) These are
major issues in any statistical study and since we know that a coin
26 Charles W, Smith
tion incorporates this interest (is biased in this regard) and therefore
stalls throughout England and I would either buy all that were of-
fered or buy none. The point being, I did not pick and choose by
examples from two coin dealers who acquired large lots for me us-
ing this all or none technique. The only criterion for rejecting ex-
weight and size, damaged coins (holed, bent, or deeply pitted) were
for this project. At the same time, and in a similar way, I put together
direct English sources. This was very difficult and after considering
out" the holding), and purchased coins for which I was able to trace
service in Europe.
Date Analysis
tinued for six years. The output of halfpence from the Royal Mint
during this period, in long tons, was: 1770, 9.0; 1771, 55.0; 1772,
50.5; 1773, 39.7; 1774, 24.0; and 1775, 22.8 for a total of 200.95
are: 1770, 4.5%; 1771, 24.0%; 1772, 25.1%; 1773, 19.8%; 1774,
George III halfpence was concentrated in the years 1771, 1772, and
halfpence with the same date range as the regal issue, namely
this section.
1770, 1.3%; 1771, 4.3%; 1772, 3.3%; 1773, 18.3%; 1774, 17.0%;
is that over 50% of the counterfeit pieces are dated 1775. Second-
ly, nearly 90% of the counterfeit pieces are concentrated in the last
three dates. One, of course, might say that we should not expect
Mint for a new coinage. They expected precisely the opposite ef-
fect, namely, that the new coinage would drive the counterfeit
28
Charles W. Smith
.1
CN
(N
I.I,
en
t*-
/">
Fig. 1. A Date Distribution Histogram of Royal Mint Production of the English George
29
11
IiitIiiiIiii
-w
en
(N
30 Charles W. Smith
In a letter to King George III, ca. 1800, the Earl of Liverpool writes:
calculation.
Royal Mint examined a sample in 1787 and found that only 8% had
historic context, Table 1 sets forth below the results of four addi-
Table 1
Date The Study Large U.S. Med. Priv. Bramah Yale Coll. Defaced
The large U.S. Private Collection (third column) was put together
analysis by date and weight was carried out. The date distribution
Study Collection.
survey, given its sample size, is in good agreement with The Study
Collection.
Current in the American Colonies and their Issue from Mints of Con-
dates...." Betts then enumerates the collection by date but does not
state that they are all British counterfeits. Third, we are not informed
how the Yale Collection was put together, that is, the sampling
between the date distribution for the Yale Collection and The Study
dix B. The 129 dated George III counterfeit examples are included
cy, by date, for the British George III contemporary halfpenny series.
32 Charles W. Smith
nearly tripled from 1774 to 1775 and then abruptly stopped; or,
but continued for several years employing the date 1775. Several
the end of 1775 or early in 1776 and our last reverse die finally fails,
dated 1776. (It is not even clear if the Royal Mint knew in 1775 if
it would produce copper coins dated 1776.) We can order our new
dies dated 1775, we can request a die design that hedges the issue
with the new year, 1776. In fact, it appears all three options were
exercised.
as those dated 1770 (discussed below). Far more common are ex-
top bar of the 5 is tilted up and the base of the 5 curls around until
it almost, but not quite, forms a closed loop. This leads one to ask,
definite answer to this question but, as can be seen from fig. 4, dies
with the date 1775 were still being used as late as 1797! Fig. 4 shows
a vivid example of the fact that the date on a counterfeit coin does
production errors. Of the 205 error coins examined, the most fre-
quent error, 39%, is the double strike. This type of error occurs,
as the name implies, when a struck coin is not fully ejected from
the press and the dies are brought together again, making a second
33
34
Charles W. Smith
the press, but a blank is fed in and struck between one of the dies
and the previously struck coin. Reverse brockages are nearly twice
tively. This may indicate that it was common practice to load the
coin press with the reverse die on the bottom and the obverse die
on top. Thus, when a coin is struck but not ejected, because it sticks
unseen to the upper die, it presents its reverse to the next blank
fed in, with the reverse die facing the other side of the blank from
brockages, meaning the blank is fully registered over the lower die.
This might indicate that some type of blank centering fixture was
employed in the press feed technology and as long as the initial coin
remains stuck to the die, a full brockage results. This is further borne
out by the fact that off-center strikes are unusual, accounting for
for about 10% of all production errors. This results if the operator
of the blank cutter fails to advance the copper sheet more than a
edge pinches, and a few triple strikes make up the remainder of the
error types. I was quite surprised to find five press loading errors:
four examples of coins with an obverse on both sides from two dif-
ferent dies (not a brockage, but two fully struck obverse impres-
sions) and one double reverse example, with each die dated 1771.
examples and even actively seek them out. Since I had control of
cy. Of the 300 coins in The Study Collection, eleven are error ex-
4%.
Using the dated examples of error coins, one can test the
36 Charles W. Smith
of all coins by date. Using the dated double strikes, off-centers, and
10%; 1772, 2%; 1773, 15%; 1774, 18%; and 1775, 55%; from a
sample size of 152 dated errors. (Of the 205 error coins 152 were
for the small sample size it is still very good. The year 1771 stands
the number of die varieties and extant examples from 1771 as com-
It should be noted that I have not included die cutting errors, such
is planned.
The average weight of the coins in The Study Collection are listed
by date in Table 2.
Table 2
Weight Deviation
(Grains)
well as the evasive halfpenny series, the latter being of even lighter
various aspects of the design, is not a well defined concept and the
diameter of the blank is not the same as the diameter of the coin
produced from it. In fact, coins struck without a collar, as the George
among other factors. The metal in the field areas of the design, where
the dies come closest together, is pushed radially outward more than
in areas of high relief, like the device area. On a weakly struck coin,
one can often see this effect in that the roller marks from the sheet
mill on the undisturbed surface of the blank at the bust area show
a rough, pocked texture, even though the field areas are smoothly
and reverse, coins struck without a collar are not round. The Fugio
of the George III, 1770-75 halfpenny series are wider than they are
high. That is, when held with the date horizontal, the horizontal
and reverse are oriented left/right and the metal pushes out more
operating pressure of the coin press and the softness of the blank,
ing an ingot into a bar or rolling a bar into a sheet, makes it harder.
from which the blanks are punched. Since punching is easier to carry
out with hardened copper, the sheet is not annealed during the final
stage of rolling just prior to blanking. The blanks are annealed before
38
Charles W. Smith
I 1 I 1 _l_ I I I I I
oo
rt
00
(N
OO
O4
r-
(N
for The Study Collection. Examples dated 1775 are shown as solid circles and 1770-74
39
oo
*o
0 o 6>
*Q8i
8pif HI8 J
-I;!f ijj
s -ml*
^-
<*
.I
<N
oo
.^o
for The Study Collection. Examples dated 1775 are shown as solid circles and 1770-74
40 Charles W. Smith
produced.
technologies might include, but are not limited to, inferior coin
tion plots.
and size. The interesting feature in this figure is that the solid circles
are examples dated 1775, while the open circles are examples dated
1770-74. Note that the lighter 1775 coins are smaller. If coiners were
expect far more scatter of the data and little correlation between
size and weight, even when smaller diameter blank cutters were
amples. Even though the weight range of the regal examples is nar-
rower than that of the counterfeits, the scatter in the size is essen-
tially the same. This scatter is a measure of the variability of the pro-
duction process and this figure implies, among other things, that
ratio of the difference between the horizontal diameter and the ver-
the 1775 examples are shown as solid circles and the 1770-74 ex-
The Royal Mint did a much better job in this regard, adhering well
grain and size range, nominally 28.5 mm-30.0 mm; average 29.1
by comparing the details (of the designs) that the spurious piece is
discovered."11
in the inventory fall into that category but it is not clear what frac-
label the entire inventory as such. These coins are simply a collec-
42 Charles W. Smith
However, these efforts were not very successful and, because cop-
per coinage was essential for small scale commerce, from 1814 on-
ward, the Royal Mint agreed to accept at face value the 1719-75
sources. One might expect that it would differ, but how it differs
argued that since the ultimate source of these coppers is, after all,
can be seen from Table 3, nothing could be further from the truth.
Table 3
60 Coins
1770
0.0
1.3
1771
13.8
4.3
1772
5.0
3.3
1773
18.3
18.3
1774
23.3
17.0
1775
40.0
55.7
Perhaps the most significant being the larger percentage of 1771 ex-
however some historic issues may bear on this puzzle. On the one
III, Chapter 40, page 231, stating that coining of false copper money,
coins.
If any person after 24th June 1771, shall buy, sell, take,
felony.14
port to North America. It was not until 1798 that a law was passed
put on board any ship"). The extent to which these two events
1775, and for a considerable period thereafter, as the War for In-
abrupt halt. This may account for the reduced percentage of ex-
44 Charles W. Smith
1771, 1772, 1773, 1774 and 1775, although these coins are rare.
Because of the rarity of coins dated outside the regal interval, their
the least frequent date, 1770, as the basis for comparison, giving
it a value of 100. Thus a coin outside the regal interval which oc-
populations stand separate from the topic of this study, they should
dated 1771, 1772, 1774, 1775, 1776 and 1777, the Machins Mills
Coppers dated 1776, 1778, 1787, 1788 (and of course the Connec-
ticut and New York mules in this series which do not have the
1786.16
ranges.
Table 4
5%
1794 1747
1761
1751
1760
support his conclusion in that I did not find a single example dated
collections.
omissions are purely the result of the limited nature of this study
few points of interest should be noted. The dates 1776 and 1777
Irish George III halfpence by the Royal Mint after a five year lapse
coppers are also dated 1781. For the less frequently occurring dates,
to design detail.18
intentionally debased. In this section I will show that this is not the
vation, perhaps from having been in the ground for a long period
flaws and occasional silicaceous inclusions, but these are not primari-
ly debasement issues.
tion of both regal and counterfeit George III halfpence using x-ray
ty copper, but over 60% were, for all practical purposes, the same
said that, I do not wish to give the impression that the analysis of
46 Charles W. Smith
Because this rough estimate does not account for capital investment,
analysis can help clarify the situation. Using scrap metal to increase
the volume of the melt sounds simple (just toss in the odd horseshoe,
a handful of used glazing lead, and some broken bronze marine hard-
ware) but there are several metallurgical and economic reasons why
metals such as lead, iron, zinc, tin, silver, arsenic, antimony and
fact, rich copper ores might only contain 5 percent copper. Smelting,
the process that extracts the metallic copper from the ore, is a rather
ores containing sulfur were roasted in air to make copper oxide and
process, certain elements from the ore, such as silver and nickel,
while others, like zinc, are usually lost entirely in the fumes. Iron,
often in the form of iron pyrite in the ore, is oxidized and makes
ratio as they appeared in the ore. Tin and lead are lost to some extent
but, because they tend to alloy with copper, they are usually pre-
sent in the smelted copper if present in the ore. Thus the level of
timony, and trace amounts of silver, nickel, iron, and zinc, the ex-
do not account for the fact that apparently counterfeiters did not
of iron will normally alloy with copper, so tossing the odd horseshoe
or bucket of nails into the melt simply just will not work: they won't
melt.
century Britain, due to the difficulty in producing zinc and the com-
However, the scrap price for bronze, like the scrap price for brass,
Lead, due to the availability of its ore and ease of smelting, was
add tin, along with lead, and usually starting from the ores, not the
metals per se. However, this results in a bronze that can be brittle
48 Charles W. Smith
ble or economically out of the question. But, even if all the regal
was both the practical and economical material of choice) and a con-
not surprising that after measuring 10% of the coins in The Study
tures that were significant, it was higher than usual iron content,
very high iron pyrite content, and higher tin/lead values, perhaps
ample, the careful elimination of slag from the melt and other ox-
ides from the ingot before drawing the ingot into a bar. Not anneal-
ing the bar at different stages in the drawing process and/or rolling
studies in this area are not yet complete and much work remains
were suppliers to the Royal Mint during this period, let alone who
But one can conclude that the counterfeiters did not use copper of
inferior quality. Perhaps they used less than the best available, but
Concluding Remarks
interpretations.
and continued for over two decades. From examples extant today,
formed the Mint by somewhere between 5/1 and 8/1, producing fac-
that the sources of copper ore and the smelting operations employed
also appear to have been comparable. In two areas the Royal Mint
revolution England.
50
Charles W. Smith
APPENDIX A
promiscuously:
Date
Total Number
of Specimens
HALFPENCE
Genuine
Forgeries
1770
1771
1772
1773
1774
1775
Date
12
27
25
41
27
83
215
11
16
17
11
70
FARTHINGS
Total Number
of Specimens
Genuine
11
30
21
74
145
Forgeries
1771
1773
1774
1775
26
10
24
61
21
34
18
27
parison. There are two ready tests of genuineness: weight and ap-
APPENDIX B
prior to archaeological excavation. Each coin had been cut into two
ficial, removing the coins from circulation, and rendering them for
1733, 1
1734, 1
1735, 1
1744, 1
1745, 3
1746, 1
1751, 2
1752, 2
1753, 7
1754, 3
YH or OH otherwise illegible, 15
1771, 3
1772, 4
serifs), 21
1774, 19
1775, 79
dates unclear, 32
52 Charles W. Smith
George II 1760, 1
O.Type 3 (1774-83), 1
Other
kindly supported this research project: Philip L. Mossman, Mike Ringo, David W.
2 Recent works that come immediately to mind include: Studies on Money in Early
America, Eric P. Newman and Richard G. Doty, eds. (New York, 1976); Walter Breen,
Walter Breen's Complete Encyclopedia of U.S. and Colonial Coins (New York, 1988);
not to mention the classic work by Sylvester S. Crosby, The Early Coins of America
(Boston, 1875).
100 examples a small collection, between 100 and 500 examples a medium size col-
4 C.E. Challis, ed., A New History of the Royal Mint (Cambridge, 1992), p. 436.
* See above, n. 4.
7 Ernest Bramah, English Royal Copper Coins, A Guide to the Varieties and Rarity
8 This address was published as a pamphlet and reproduced in full, with annota-
tions, "The Annotated Betts," CNL 1981, pp. 747, Betts-1 to Betts-17.
9 R. Dalton and S.H. Hamer, The Provincial Token-Coinage of the 18tb Century,
11 C. Wilson Peck, English Copper, Tin, and Bronze Coins in the British Museum,
14 Michael Rhodes, "A Hoard of Defaced Forged Halfpence of the Reign of George
17 Eric P. Newman, "Were Counterfeit British Style Halfpence Dated 1785 Made
Specifically for American Use?," ANSMN 33 (1988), pp. 205-23, pls. 24-25.
18 A listing of other dates outside the regal interval and several very interesting
plated coins are given by William T. Anton, Jr. and Bruce P. Kiesse, The Forgotten
p. 346.
The Shipwreck of
John M. Kleeberg
56 John M. Kleeberg
in the United States in the 1780s was imported.1 This paper will
whom they were imported, and from where they were imported.
Since the Second World War, there have been numerous discoveries
Children filled buckets with these copper coins. I read about this
inquiring whether he had any more information about the coins and
the wreck. Not only did Jules send me information about the wreck,
the best for himself and the other three he donated to the American
enough detail remains so that it is clear that all four are counterfeit
British halfpence. Until then all I had read about the coins from the
wreck was that they were "British and Irish halfpence." Jules wrote
to me as follows:
year... .
the beach, I dug into a lot of sand. Never did a decent coin
bly gave away many of the coins. Years later, when I be-
just barely in the water (at low tide). The wreck was good
1785. John Potter, in his Treasure Diver's Guide, suggests that some
of the coins found on "Coin Beach" may have come from a sailing
Bay, not outside it. Dr. Spencer Peck has published a narrative of
the shipwreck of the De Braak which says that when she sank, "her
is clearly the likeliest. This is because of the date of the latest coin
finally because of the Irish halfpence which were found, which fit
very neatly with the Faithful Steward, because it had departed from
more accurate than Potter,6 does not list the Three Brothers at all,
the wrecks in this area. He has dived off the Indian River inlet, which
is no mean feat, because during the change of tide the currents are
for coins. I can say that there are a large number of wrecks
58 John M. Kleeberg
solute certainty that the coins on Rehoboth Beach come from the
Faithful Steward. But the balance of the probabilities is that the coins
The swift currents in and out of the inlet which Rothschild has
experienced help explain why the coins were swept onto the beach
strengthened the strong currents, and the currents then swept the
most do report the wreck, but they also all report the same ship-
York Times will publish one story, the Daily News another, and
the New York Post still another, and if you buy all three papers you
not the case with the reporting of the shipwreck of the Faithful
On the 9th day of July last, said vessel sailed from Lon-
ed, every exertion was used to run the vessel off shore,
shore only about 100 yards. The same evening she beat
to pieces.
the wreck are since dead from the wounds they receiv-
distressed.
The "French brig from Ostende" is almost certainly the St. Louis,
count, there were certain nuances in how they reported it. New-
60 John M. Kleeberg
Belfast News-Letter printed the article on the front page, at the top
left corner, and noted that this was not the first such disaster to an
Ulster ship: about two years ago the Philadelphia Packet from
around the same time and at the same place the ship America from
Dublin Journal continued, "Even the dangers of the deep are also
end, more immigrants were disembarking from other ships. For ex-
passengers "tried to swim through the surf with their mouths full
Weller mentions among the coins which have been found, copper
British and Irish halfpence (he calls them "pennies") dated 1776
dates, since 1775 is the last genuine date for British halfpence. Weller
also says that "recently" (i.e. shortly before 1990) some gold coins
newspapers say 68 out of 249 survived, which would mean that 181
drowned). Trupp says that the passengers and the crew were on
McGreg, and were intoxicated when the ship ran aground. These
up.18
with the coins and that one reporter wrote that the coins were "as
found one hundred coins in five days, of which fifteen were gold.
The coins included guineas dated from 1766 to 1782, British and
Irish halfpence, some with holes drilled through them, and Spanish
good choice, not only for the Protestant associations, but also
62 John M. Kleeberg
only a very profitable one-way trade can afford to have ships return
because of the boom in flax growing and linen weaving; the United
tury, when most flaxseed was exported from the Delaware bay
donderry of the Faithful Steward, in April 1785, she had sailed not
from Philadelphia, but from Rhode Island.21 On the other hand the
at the same time and may have been a sister ship of the Faithful
After 1790, when the flaxseed trade shifted to New York, most
of the immigrant trade shifted with it. By the first years of the nine-
bring some legitimate goods: flaxseed, tobacco, and lumber, but they
and spices. The return freight was immigrants.23 The most popular
ing the period 1783-1813; it declined after the end of the Napoleonic
ty of the trading interest, and the spirit of gay and social intercourse
there were Catholics and Anglicans among them, but most probably
onists," and thus equal to the "WASPS," and distinct from the later
tury, during the bitter debate over Catholic emancipation, that divi-
Oxford English Dictionary gives two book titles using the word
A true and sincere Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plan-
beginning.
the Anglican ritual. In 1689, "An Act for Exempting Their Majesties'
Act, was passed by the English Parliament; but this did not apply
the Irish parliament passed "An Act to Prevent the Further Growth
were Presbyterians.29
was about three thousand a year. Londonderry was the chief port
reported that twenty-five ships had left the port that summer; each
64 John M. Kleeberg
Irish Customs Commissioners said that in 1772 and 1773 about six
nal of October 16, 1773, said that 3,500 people had left from Lon-
shillings).31
once, and 1784 was a record year: over ten thousand emigrated from
with Irish passengers. A small ship of 215 tons took on board five
hundred and thirty passengers, who first paid the captain above 5000
/. for their passage. To these must be added the ship's crew, mak-
ing five hundred and forty-two souls, being nearly double the
the passengers were on short rations for three weeks prior to ar-
fine.35 The poor condition of the ships may in part explain the
actions of the captain and the crew, who rescued themselves, but
Many Federalists looked upon the influx of the Irish with great
dismay. Harrison Gray Otis commented, "If some means are not
and others to the right of suffrage, there will soon be an end to liber-
they are United Irishmen, Free Masons, and the most God-provoking
yardarm and gave rum to the crew so that they might "drink the
increase in Irish voters, but the Alien and Sedition Acts failed, and
Philip Livingston claimed that it was the poor Irish and the French
in the Sixth and Seventh Ward of New York City which enabled
Jefferson to carry New York City, and hence New York State, in
this is no less true for numismatics. The names of Henry Voigt, John
migrants.41 The California coining firm of Wass, Molitor & Co. was
in New York City and the involvement of one of them, Marc Isam-
depicted on the New York Theatre token) and in the Castorland pro-
Ireland.44
ship Grange gives us an idea of the typical imports into the United
agents for this cargo could sell kegs of counterfeit halfpence too,
but they conceal that under the rubrics of "Copper in bottoms and
66
John M. Kleeberg
I shall now review the various coins found on the wreck. The
coins which Reiver sent us are all British counterfeit halfpence dated
1775 (figs. 1-4). I have been told that one collection of coins found
this is the first find of a Voce Populi in the United States known
67
exported via Liverpool across the Irish Sea to Dublin and Belfast
halfpence in Ireland could have come from there; but the main port
for cross channel trade with Belfast was Liverpool.47 There certain-
tober 12, 1786: "A large coinage of halfpence has been discovered
68
John M. Kleeberg
coins, tokens and medals in its own right. There had to be the skills
issue his gun money. There was a rash of issuers of tokens in Ireland
somewhere in Ireland. Their fabric and their style are totally unlike
British coins of the day. These tokens have a dumpy fabric and they
(fig. 6).52 Another Irish coin and medal manufacturer was John V.
for the army to making the Voce Populi coppers, and who also made
of the great hero of the day, Admiral Edward Vernon (fig. 7).53
onel Percy Kirke evasive halfpence of 1796 (Atkins 64; fig. 8).54 It
69
struck a new version of the token in the 1860s, but it has the wrong
date, 1686 rather than 1689 (Atkins 65; fig. 9)." The explanation
for the wrong date is not hard to discover: the diesinker held the
punch upside down. Aside from the literary and shipwreck evidence
tain had sought to impose a steadily rising nominal value and in-
over English sterling; New York currency was valued at 77.8% over
English sterling. The distinct British and Irish coin types for
halfpence should have kept each variety circulating within its home
outward. But this did not happen. By the late eighteenth century,
70 John M. Kleeberg
clear from the evidence of hoards and excavations. The City of Lon-
halfpence in England.56
list of the overstruck coins.60 There are eight die marriages which
tables:
Table 1
Maris 40-b
ed by Mossman)62
71
Table 2
New Jersey:
Vermont:
New York:
Maris 34-J
Maris 35-J
Maris 58-n
Maris 70-x
Maris 71-y
Bressett 9-1,
Ryder-Richardson 15
Table 3
Maris 72-z
Maris 73-aa
remarked,63
have only come over in the hands of Englishmen. But even if English
cludes spade guineas and half guineas of 1789, all of them brass
72 John M. Kleeberg
import of counterfeit guineas and half guineas, joes and half joes.6'
Ireland. The Daily Universal Register reported from Cork, with the
money.
the coins found.68 Alas, no, although I have not given up hope. As
tion to these floods of imports that the states began to take steps
and Canadasought at times to cut itself off from the others, the
coinage systems were so similar and the trade so extensive that the
1 This paper would have never been written without the very useful information
provided by Julius Reiver. In addition to Jules, I would also like to thank F. Gordon
Frost, Robert Heslip, John Huffman, Dr. Philip L. Mossman, Eric P. Newman, Neil
Rothschild, Mike Ringo and Charles K. Smith for their assistance and suggestions.
The staff of the New York Public Library, the Yale University Library, the Newspaper
section of the British Library (Colindale) and the Guildhall Library (London) were
very helpful.
Maritime Empires," George F. Bass, ed., Ships and Shipwrecks of the Americas. A
3 Philip Z. Trupp, Tracking Treasure: Romance & Fortune Beneath the Sea and
74 John M. Kleeberg
4 Julius Reiver, letter to the author, Wilmington, Delaware, July 18, 1995.
5 Spencer Peck, "The Treasure Ship De Braak," Plus Ultra. Quarterly Newsletter
6 Because Potter was sometimes overly optimistic in his guide to treasure ships,
his book eventually became known as "the home wrecker," for the number of peo-
ple who had mortgaged their homes, let their marriages break up, invested in treasure
hunting corporationsall for nothing. Robert Daley, Treasure (New York, 1977),
pp. 61-62.
7 F.L. Coffman, /00/ Lost, Buried or Sunken Treasures. Facts for Treasure
Hunters (New York, 1957), p. 246; John S. Potter, Jr., The Treasure Diver's Guide:
Revised Edition (New York, 1972), pp. 484-85, 527-28; Robert F. Marx, Shipwrecks
of the Western Hemisphere (New York, 1971), pp. 163-64; Trupp (above, n. 3), pp.
200-202.
M'Causland was twice sheriff of Londonderry, in 1815 and 1825. Robert Simpson,
September 14, 1785; The Independent Gazetteer; or, the Chronicle of Freedom
(Philadelphia), September 17, 1785; The Dublin Journal, November 17-19, 1785;
The Belfast News-Letter, November 18-22, 1785; The Daily Universal Register (Lon-
don), November 22, 1785; The Daily Universal Register (London), November 24,
1785.
16 The Daily Universal Register (London), November 22, 1785; The Belfast News-
Ultra. Quarterly Newsletter of Florida Treasure Brokers, vol. 8, no. 4 (1990), pp.
10-11. See also Spencer Peck, "Coppers for the Colonies," Plus Ultra. Quarterly
Journal of Florida Treasure Brokers, vol. 9, no. 1 (1991), pp. 1-2, which attempts
to correct the confusion of the halfpence being called "pennies," and points out
19 Trupp, (above, n. 3), p. 201. When two holes are drilled through a coin, it may
have been used as a child's toy which makes a whizzing noise, a "humdinger," but
state coppers and counterfeit halfpence are found so frequently with single holes
that there must be another explanation. Cancellation seems to me the likeliest reason.
See Edward R. Barnsley, "Humdingers and Buzzers," CNL 3 (1962), pp. 49-50.
London Edition of 1807, Carl S. Driver, ed. (New York, 1935), p. 470.
29 Brian Lacy, Siege City: the Story of Deny and Londonderry (Belfast, 1990), pp.
147-48.
Growth from the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 1790-1900
36 Samuel Eliot Morison, Harrison Gray Otis 1765-1848. The Urbane Federalist
76 John M. Kleeberg
43 John M. Kleeberg, "The Theatre at New York," The Token: America's Other
44 Cf. Breen (above, n. 40), p. 36, where he draws a parallel between the strug-
45 See his glossary: "Hard Ware: British 18th century euphemism for privately
made coppers, especially in ships' bills of lading." Breen (above, n. 40), p. 702; and
pp. 27, 36, 43, 92, 95-96, 107, 125-27, 139, 146.
52 W.J. Davis listed these tokens as a supplement at the end of his catalogue of
British and Irish tokens of the nineteenth century. W.J. Davis, The Nineteenth Cen-
tury Token Coinage of Great Britain, Ireland, the Channel Islands and the Isle of
53 Philip Nelson, The Coinage of Ireland in Copper, Tin, and Pewter, 1460-1826
(Liverpool, 1905), pp. 45-49; British Museum, Department of Coins and Medals,
Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1904-11),
Medallists (London, 1912), vol. 5, pp. 143-44; Breen (above, n. 40), pp. 36-38.
1892), p. 285.
55 Woodward, May 26, 1884 (Levick), 2478; Frossard, July 20, 1888 (Aaron White),
1-235; B.P. Wright, "American Store or Business Cards," The Numismatist 1899,
pp. 256-58; John F. Jones, "The Aaron White Hoard of Coins," The Numismatist
1938, pp. 111-12; Walter H. Breen, "Survey of American Coin Hoards," The
"Michael Rhodes, "A Hoard of Defaced Forged Halfpence of the Reign of George
58 Peter P. Gaspar and Eric P. Newman, "An Eighteenth Century Hoard from
Philadelphia," Coin Hoards 4 (1978), pp. 127-30; Eric P. Newman and Peter P. Gaspar,
"The Philadelphia Highway Coin Find," The Numismatist 1978), pp. 453-67 (in-
'9 Robert W. McLachlan, "A Hoard of Canadian Coppers," The Canadian Anti-
pp. 267-73.
64 Robert I. Nesmith, Dig for Pirate Treasure (New York, 1958), pp. 21-23; Robert
I. Nesmith and JohnS. Potter,Jr., Treasure...How and Where to Find It (New York,
counterfeits, not the gaming counters known as "spade guineas" with the motto
"In Memory of the Good Old Days." The gaming counters bear the dates 1788 (for
half guinea sized counters) and 1797 (for guinea sizes). Furthermore, the bust on
the gaming counters is much cruder than the bust on the counterfeits found at Man-
toloking. Both of the books by Nesmith have a photograph of the counterfeits found
at Mantoloking.
[1893]), p. 396; Oscar G. Schilke and Raphael E. Solomon, America's Foreign Coins
(New York, 1964), pp. 28-29; Ralph C. Gordon, West Indies Countermarked Gold
Coins (n.p., 1987), pp. 40-43, 91-96. On the production of full weight imitations
66 BarrieJ. Cook and Edward M. Besly, "Coin Register 1991," BNJ61 (1991), p.
Newman, "Were Counterfeit British Style Halfpence Made Specifically for American
New Thoughts on
Eric P. Newman
80 Eric P. Newman
independence. The design and the legends were derived from the
1783 U.S. patterns arranged for the United States by Robert Morris
Dudley as the master craftsman.' The rays emanating from the Eye
of the words "a new constellation" used in the June 14, 1777 Resolu-
tival placement and that the position of the eye might control the
evidence to the contrary and the change might have been an exer-
would have changed his mind on the basis of reasons which follow.
81
Fig. 1.
side of the 1000 unit 1783 U.S. silver pattern has one rosette
centered in the angular space in front of the word NOVA and after
In one variety of the 500 unit 1783 U.S. silver pattern there is an
angular space of about 120 degrees in front of NOVA and after CON-
82
Eric P. Newman
of the first variety of the 500 unit piece but one stop or period close-
NOVA much larger that the stop in the space in front of CON-
all denominations of the 1783 U.S. patterns clearly show the word
Samuel Curwen's diary entry of May 15, 1784, used NOVA CON-
which generally copy the design of the 1783 U.S. patterns, confirms
(fig. 2). This is also true of the Crosby variety 1-B of that coinage
Fig. 2, 1783.
83
Fig. 3, 1785.
sweep between the two words on all such coppers dated 1783 and
1785 is more or less equal, eliminating that factor from being deter-
minative of word order. It has been pointed out that the position
of the central eye might determine the word order but that is over-
terns, but the two groups cannot be treated differently when one
84 Eric P. Newman
mal it is well to point out that in other American coinage of the same
ed in the reversed word order the title to this study might be "COM-
English Publicity
"Constellatio Nova."
1786:'
York, many tons were struck from this dye, and many
85
(b) Two pairs of dies were recognized and since at that time only
types of design rather than specific die varieties were all that were
ing bifurcated (blunt) outer rays, each type of rays occurring with
both dates.
(c) The name of the merchant in New York was not disclosed.
(d) The amount of the coinage was only roughly estimated by the
copper with pointed rays and with US in script letters (fig. 4), along
86 Eric P. Newman
ing American politics, both one and the other, I fear, are
flourishing, continent.
the consonant.
Magazine read:
American Halfpenny
87
The editor, Sylvanus Urban, did not realize that he had already
the coin dated 1785 was published in 1786, and the coin dated 1783
halfpence and the need for Massachusetts to authorize its own cop-
per coin. It stated that New York, Connecticut and Vermont had
culation; they are in general well made, and of good copper, those
circulation.
mont in late 1785 by their first dates of mintage. The so-called New
York coppers would not have been included with Connecticut and
Vermont coppers if the New York coppers had not been introduc-
1785 and coincides with the date of the first English publicity.
88 Eric P. Newman
subject during 1786 are directly or indirectly based upon the English
about two months after the first of the English news reports, a period
for "many tons" as to the amount of coinage from one die pair.
New-Haven, May 4.
tinel in Boston on May 10, 1786, but began with "It is said" in-
stead of "We are informed" and changed "is now coining" to "have
honestypaper money."'3
changes.
These articles introduced the Greenwich source and the forty ton
tinel of May 17, 1786, not realizing the newspaper had already
not being aware of the March 16, 1786 London newspaper correc-
The Daily Advertiser of New York, on May 26, 1786, then copied
in the American press, but the above group fully demonstrates some
in the same manner, and were sometimes unaware of what they had
previously printed.
They left intact the corrected English news source of the NOVA
that 40 tons of copper coin from one pair of dies would be over
Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) reads, "I has principles and I
sticks to them like forty." These prominent usages show that "for-
and then seems to have been forgotten. The next mention of the
"U.S." and gave its weight as 145 grains.14 The part of that coinage
dated 1785 was not mentioned as date differences were not then
tical number and letter punches were used in preparation of the dies
ticularly evident in the deformed 3 in the date of the two first men-
90
Eric P. Newman
raison d'etre.16
vious that the 1783 date corresponds with the date of the Treaty
colonies and the assistance the French gave to the United States dur-
with a sprig in one hand and a staff in the other. If it were a figure
of free America there should be a liberty cap on the top of the staff
top end of the staff has a slight bulge leaving a choice as to whether
Britannia.
for their first promulgation and, therefore, they should not be ac-
be used to correlate with the legends and devices rather than be the
the 1783 U.S. patterns rather than be the date of their production
and circulation.
A Change of Artisans
1, there being a large raised line running under TI and into the adja-
cent O and having small dentils extending from one side of it. Of
the many examples of this coin which are known, all have this
pleted NOVA die. The resulting shape of the defect is not curved
sufficiently to have been caused by a gang punch usable for the die
on which it fell, but the punch seems to have been made for some
1783 variety 1-A is of superior die and planchet quality. This im-
tion was valid because identical letter punches were used on other
coppers with various other legends and dated 1785, 1786 or without
date. Bushnell merely uses the name Wyon. Crosby credits Thomas
92
Eric P. Newman
Crosby 2-B and on the NOVA EBORAC variety Crosby 1-A were
without foundation. He also alleges that the reverse of the 1785 Ver-
ment. While die punches might have been brought from England
tent (fig. 7). The first Vermont coppers were struck with the lower
weight standard. That coinage did not take place until after October
27, 1785, but the first dies could have been prepared at any time
1785 (not 1786). The device had the Eye of Providence with 13 sets
of rays and 13 stars, but it might have been better promotion for
cated rays and the two reverses of the 1786 Vermont Green Moun-
tain coppers (Bressett D and E) have pointed rays (fig. 8). There were
pointed rays, and, therefore, the Dudley patterns could not have
influenced the first Vermont reverse designs unless there were aban-
known).
The chronology of the use of the widening rays on the first Ver-
cated rays before making the 1785 Vermont dies rather than vice
versa. This must have occurred in the latter part of the year 1785,
94 Eric P. Newman
that word order) and attributing the coins to the authority of Ver-
mont. This error was obviously caused by the similarity of the 1785
obverses.
tion of those coppers, one need only realize that at least three of
England and was presented with the coin by "a young Bartlet [sic],"
One of the two 100 unit 1783 U.S. patterns with a decorated edge
pawn shop. The 100 unit 1783 U.S. pattern with a plain edge sur-
The three above described 1783 U.S. patterns which first appeared
the 500 unit and 1000 unit patterns which the family of Charles
tained and which came into the numismatic market in 1872 through
had existed and that a 100 unit U.S. pattern probably existed, but
Thus a decorated edge 100 unit U.S. pattern and the plain edge
100 unit U.S. pattern could easily have been sent to England by
These and the 5 unit piece were the lowest denominations in the
pattern series and thus were of insignificant intrinsic value and im-
Thomson and his heirs handled the 500 and 1000 unit pieces as per-
the 100 unit pieces could have been sent to England could easily
have been more or less contemporary with the sending of the 5 unit
cut device and carries out the same symbolism as the LIBERTAS
flag staff and for JUSTITIA, there is substituted an equal arm balance
held in the left hand of the female figure. The dies for NOVA CON-
been cut prior to the pieces with the known IMMUNE COLUMBIA
reverse because the former were copies of the 1783 U.S. patterns
and the latter were not. Apparently the IMMUNE COLUMBIA pieces
were made with the hope of obtaining a coining contract from the
sent to the United States about 1787 and was used at Machin's Mills
96 Eric P. Neivman
recognition.
die was far beyond the skill of any American diecutter and thus was
one must conclude that the cutting of those NOVA obverses was
ed that another genuine IMMUNE COLUMBIA die had also been us-
the dies similar to them, are set out in Appendix 1, along with the
restudy of all such sinkings in copper, silver and gold, whether over
undertaken.24
caused many to believe that they may be counterfeit (fig. 10). While
this may be true, it is also possible that a less skilled artisan (even
chaser of the prior pieces. The 1786 pieces do not affect the facts
or 1785.
and before the word NOVA. Its style indicates American manufac-
of New York, which Crosby quoted and which are lost. The notes
98 Eric P. Newman
teenth century American family which had built and lived in a man-
of the Harlem and East Rivers in what now is the Borough of the
was the ghost writer of the January 15, 1782 coinage report of
and Third, and at no time from 1783 through 1785, was he living
infrequent but in January 1786, he went to New York for the funeral
of his mother and remained there until March 1786, when he again
his mind and left New York for Europe in December 1788, on
private business and pleasure and did not return for nine years.27
Thus the terms "merchant" and "New York" could not properly
have been applied to Gouverneur Morris at the time when they were
who has been located. On May 10, 1784, Robert Morris, Gouverneur
to conduct the business. The capital for each partner was set at
ment as a partner in June 1784, and the name of the firm changed
to Constable, Rucker, & Co. Unfortunately the letter book and ac-
counts from late 1784 through 1786 seem to be missing and only
coinage. Rucker left for France about September 1784, and promptly
firm until his death in 1788, when he was visiting New York City.
on Great Dock Street (now Pearl Street) and later on Mill Street (now
York City.
in Birmingham.
of Robert Morris.
(i) Robert Morris, in spite of his work for the United States
Samuel Inglish & Co. and prior to that Willing & Morris.
(k) The time frame for Constable Rucker & Co. opera-
1786.
As a Host Coin
icut and New Jersey coinage dated 1787 and 1788. Such use has been
pieces dated 1783, "they were frequently struck over other cop-
Conclusions
U.S. Patterns and the private copper coinage, and not CON-
STELLATIO NOVA.
for copying. This occurred in late 1784 or the early part of 1785,
elsewhere.
late 1785.
was "many tons" but can be only roughly estimated now from
(G) The NOVA CONSTELLATIO 1783 die variety 1-A is the work
of a different dies inker and coiner than other such coinage dated
struck by the middle of 1785 and the coinage dated 1785 follow-
nothing pertinent.
(N) The New York merchant best qualified to be the person who
much inferior diesinker and coiner than the pieces dated 1785,
leading to the belief that such 1786 coinage was either an-
Acknowledgement
1 Sylvester S. Crosby, The Early Coins of America (Boston, 1875), pp. 307-12;
Walter Brcen, Walter Breen 's Complete Encyclopedia of U.S. and Colonial Coins
2 Eric P. Newman, The Early Paper Money of America (lola, WI, 1990), pp. 45,
46, 54.
p. 206, n ;Jacob R. Eckfeldt and William E. DuBois, A Manual of Gold and Siiver
American Coinage (Albany, 1858), pp. 76-78; Charles B. Norton, Norton's Literary
Numismatical Manual (Philadelphia, 1859-), pp. 91-93; Crosby (above, n. 1), pp.
331-33.
* Russell Rulau, editor, and Eric P. Newman, contributing author, "Morris Blazes
and Fugio Cents [CS-3]," CNL 97 (1994), pp. 1447-50; Eric P. Newman, "Were
Counterfeit British Style Halfpence dated 1785 Made Specifically for American Use,"
9 Rulau and Newman (above, n. 5), p. 602; Newman, CNL (above, n. 5), p. 422;
10 Text republished in the Daily Advertiser (New York) May 26, 1786; The
Historical Magazine (Morrisiana, NY, 1869), vol. 5, p. 118; AJN 1872, p. 20; Eric
Advertiser of March 29, 1786; Newport Mercury of March 17, 1786; See Newman,
15 Mike Ringo, "The Georgivs Triumpho Token," CNL 100 (1995), pp. 1515-20.
16 Listed as No. 232 in James Atkins, The Tradesmen's Tokens of the Eighteenth
18 Robert A. Vlack, Early American Coins, 2nd Edition (Johnson City, NY, 1965),
p. 77. See Breen, Encyclopedia (above, n. 1), p. 118, for broadening the identity
of the diesinkers to George Wyon III and his sons, Thomas Wyon and Peter George
Wyon.
16(1965), pp. 13-17 [154-59); 17 (1966), pp. 27-31 [168-72]. See also Walter Thomp-
son, "The Mint of North America and its Coinage," Numismatic Scrapbook Magazine
1988), p. 741, n. 6. See Andrew Oliver, editor, The Journal of Samuel Curwen;
22 JohnJ. Ford, Jr., Coin World, January 9, 1980, interview; Breen, Encyclopedia
(above, n. 1), pp. 113-16. Richard Margolis, "A Scottish Pedigree Revisited," CNL
23 See Bowers & Ruddy Galleries, Oct. 1, 1980 (Garrett, Part 3), 1332-35.
24 See Crosby (above, n. 1), pp. 313, 371, pl. 10, no. 27; Richard D. Kenny, "Struck
Copies of Early American Coins," Coin Collector's Journal 1952, p. 12; Eric P.
in Early America, Eric P. Newman and Richard G. Doty, eds. (New York, 1976),
pp. 207-8; J. Bruce Jackson, "Immune Columbia Patterns and Mules," The
27 William A. Davis, "William Constable: New York Merchant and Land Speculator,
a French group of a large tract of New York land called Castorland. That group, in
1796, arranged for the Castorland token to be issued. See Theodore E. Leon, "The
Castorland Token," The Numismatist 1919, p. 150 and Victor Morin, "Castorland,"
106
Eric P. Newman
107
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Appendix 2
on the day of the Date hereof, and to continue for Seven Years
thence next ensuing, if the Parties shall live so long, and be mutual-
Article 1st
Each of said Parties shall advance and putt into the Stock of this
Specie, at the rate of seven shillings and six pence for a Mexican
shall putt into the Hands of William Constable his Note to William
Constable & Co. for the said Sum, and the same shall be paid as the
Article 2d
Article 3rd
and fair Entries of all the Business, and Accounts of the said Com-
pany; He being to account fairly and honestly for all the Dealings
and Transactions of said Company, and also for all Monies and
Goods which they may receive and all Debts which may become
due to them during the term of this Agreement. And He shall settle
the Cash Account at least once a Month, and Balance the Books at
Article 4tb
The other Parties shall always have full and free access to all the
to by either of the Parties; and the said Wm. Constable shall furnish
the said Robert Morris every Month with a Copy of the Waste Books.
Article 5tb
The said William Constable shall conduct the said business to the
best of his skill and Abilities for the Interest and Honour of the Par-
Article 6th
The said William Constable shall annually draw out of the Cash of
the said Company Four Hundred and fifty pounds money aforesaid
transacted, which Sum together with the rent of Stores, Clerk hire,
Article 7tb
Books, but the said Dividend shall arise only upon the actual
neither of the said parties, except the said William Constable, shall
draw the full amount of the said Dividend if the profits shall not
be sufficient for the payment thereof, but in such Case they shall
Capital Stock.
Article 8th
Article 9tb
to the other Parties at least twelve Months before, at the end whereof
and not before or without such previous notice the Partnership shall
ties hereto, unless that upon the Death of the said Robert Morris
to the end of the term for the benefit of his Heirs or any of them,
Article 10th
ed in, but all the Accounts and Business of the Company shall be
admin; and after payment of all just Debts of the said Company the
and in like manner in Case of Loss the same shall be equally borne;
each Year, all Commissions, Profit and Gains to the Credit of it; and
Crediting, as the Case may require, the Stock account of each party
with one third of the Balance of the said Profit and Loss Account;
whereby it will be seen each Year how far the Stock of the respec-
Article lltb
the Affairs of the Copartnership, and after paying the just Debts to
Article 12tb
The said parties shall each of them exert his outmost Abilities to
the true Interest of the Copartnership. And for the due performance
of the said Engagements Each of the said Parties doth bind Himself,
interchangeably sett their Hands and Seals this tenth Day of May
in the Year of our Lord One thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty
four
Robt Heysham
Articles of Copartnership
Govr. Morris
and
Wm. Constable
4704
Vermont Coppers:
Pete Smith
Introduction
been previously published. This paper will not duplicate die varie-
of the designs will be discussed to learn what message the coins made
or attempted to make. In the end, the coinage lost the meaning im-
Early History1
father of New France''), discovered the lake that was named for him.
On July 30, he fought the Iroquois, the first of many battles for con-
trol of the waterway. The lake and the Hudson River formed part
City, with its harbor on the Atlantic, and Montreal on the St.
dack Mountains. The land to the east of this route was dominated
the area became Vermont. The Crown Point military road crossed
New York.
The eastern side of the Green Mountains drains south down the
Creek and Lake Champlain down the Richeleau River to the St.
during the French and Indian Wars. On July 8, 1758, the French
July 26, 1759, the British won control of the lake. The city of Mon-
shire, Benning Wentworth, made 131 land grants between 1749 and
Vermont Coppers
117
RHODE ISLAND
CONNECTICUT
INDIAN
LANDS
Proclamation
Line of 1763
i*"^ffB
/ %V7
/ VIRGINIA ^.T,/
'NEW JERSEY
DELAWARE
MARYLAND
fc (7
^~ Yorktown
and
NORTH
New York claimed the same area which they granted to others.
New York ceded large tracts to wealthy owners who leased parcels
dispute was presented to King George III who recognized the New
to surrender their lands or pay New York. In 1770, the New York
the eastern Champlain valley and by 1772 they owned 77,000 acres.
Ethan Allen to resist New York authority. The Green Mountain Boys
sent the victims back to New York. The Yankees considered them
of the Green Mountain Boys were more symbolic than military vic-
tories. No armed force from New York was ever sent against them
and no lives were lost. Any action was generally taken against in-
of armed men where resistance would have been futile. The land
Appalachians. The trade routes from the New Hampshire Grants led
to Quebec and the St. Lawrence River and thus the area had a
economic power and the strength of law, considered the use of force
against Vermont but this was more talk than action. They were
The Revolution
American Revolution.
1773, and had been all but abandoned. The fort was taken without
a shot being fired. The next day colonial troops under Seth Warner
St. John on May 18. It was the first offensive campaign of the Revolu-
tionary War and opened the way for an American expedition against
Montreal.
The Champlain valley fell under the control of the Allens in the
real. The strategy was for Allen and Colonel John Brown to land
on the island before dawn and attack Montreal from opposite sides.
Brown failed to land his troops and the unsupported Allen, unable
in July 1776.
4, 1776. Vermont was not among them. New York still claimed land
the land from a line 20 miles east of the Hudson River. These two
The British strategy for the northern campaign was to split the
New England states from the rest of the country. Once New England
General William Howe attacked New York on August 27, 1776, but
is now Vermont. The British won the battle but the colonists were
August 16. Although this took place about four miles west of the
nington Battle Day. The state clearly claims the battle beyond its
border.
from New York and relocated to the Chesapeake Bay region near
northern offensive failed and the loss of a British army was a severe
reason may have been the lack of military objectives while another
Independent Vermont
the republic New Connecticut. Pinched between New York and New
for their state name. The Windsor Convention, held between July
2 and 8, 1777, wrote the constitution and renamed the republic Ver-
mont. The new Constitution granted the vote to all male citizens
and New York, Massachusetts and New York, and Massachusetts and
Vermont Coppers
121
St. Lawrence
River
1777-1791
and strongly identified with that state to the south. Those who had
paid Governor Went worth for land supported the claims of authori-
mained loyal to the British during the Revolution, would have iden-
one favored the authority of New York, to the west, although that
state had the strongest legal claim. While being torn in all directions,
much the same way, the sovereignty of Vermont only started with
against the British and the authority of New York. They produced
towns across their borders with both New York and New Hamp-
shire.
symbolic of the proximity to, but lack of, connection to the Union.
ed until 1797.
Ethan Allen, with the support of his brothers Ira and Levi, and
a British province.
If Vermont had been one of the American states, such contact with
One of the most active industries in the republic was the practice
of law. The government and its people were frequently plagued with
lawsuits over property rights and the collection of debts such that
the desire to "kill all the lawyers" had popular support. In 1786,
The issues that divided Great Britain and the United States were
not fully resolved with the end of the War of Revolution. In the
Caught between the much stronger United States and British Canada,
Ethan Allen died February 12, 1789, and some of the spirit of in-
York City set the present western boundary for Vermont. The land
February 9, 1791, and signed the Act granting statehood nine days
later.
under a flag with not 14 but 15 stars and stripes. Although Kentucky
Reprints are available for several of these sources where the originals
are scarce.
of Supreme power.
Dickeson wrote,
had truly cast the rays of approval upon the thirteen in-
vassalage to victory.
dent Republic.
ed 38 die varieties.
references for world coinage of the period, lists Vermont coins under
Vermont Coinage
originally 0une 15, 1785) set the weight of Vermont coppers at one
third ounce (160 grains) or 48 per pound. The standard for British
States. Vermont coppers circulated well within the republic but lit-
standards. High quality steel needed for coin dies was not available.
The Vermont coppers of 1785 show on the obverse the sun ris-
ing over the tree covered Green Mountain with a plough in the
to the Republic of Vermont. One 1785 obverse die has the legend
RES. PUBLICA.
The reverse design on these coins features the all-seeing eye with
while the rising sun symbolized the emergence of the republic. Breen
believed the rising sun was derived from Paul Revere's rising sun
both are derived from earlier images. Vermont was not then and
represented the state economy better than the plough, which was
prime export.
While art should not be interpreted too literally, the sun rising
This is a view from the western side of the mountains, the region
that led the fight against New York and for independence.
mont was the fourteenth star in the new constellation. Vermont was
across the borders was not impeded by tariffs and the currency of
escape debt or the law. One such resident was colonial coiner Samuel
state.
authorizing coinage with "on the one side, a head with the motto
The 1786 portrait designs have an obverse bust facing left and
Connecticut.
tion highly unusual in coin design. The similarity with King George
George, Saint Andrew and Saint Patrick seen on the familiar Union
Jack flag. On one reverse die, the shield design had four sheaves
Union.
128
Pete Smith
Unauthorized Coinage
coins and Vermont was not exempt. The last coinage was struck
a 1788 obverse with the legend Georgius III Rex muled with a
Britannia (RR-13). The reverse die was mutilated to disguise its earlier
legend.
Dickeson wrote,
prehended or accommodated.
Rather they indicate a total disregard for the concept that the im-
Classification
not appropriate for Vermont pieces as well as for many of the other
nent rather than the country. However, coinage for what would
tioned that Vermont was not yet a state but still include Vermont
republic and as such are unique among the coins that preceded
Letter Punch
John Lorenzo
Background
that "the natural inference is that all these dies were made by the
a "P" "imperfect at the left of its foot." Crosby extended his ex-
where what appeared to be the same defective "A" and "N" letters
were seen. He deduced that the dies, from which those coppers with
the same letters were struck, were sunk by the same individual.
Crosby could not determine whether the dies for these "different
Crosby ended his discussion with the premise that James F. Atlee
on the April 18, 1787, Machin's Mills indenture which reads: "and
the said Samuel Atlee, and James F. Atlee being possessed of certain
were never defined and Crosby determined they must have been
broken "A" letter punch appeared across several copper series led
was probably the first to point out that Atlee was not encountered
to this position, this current research will also point out the pitfalls
unless you consider all the coinages which contain a broken "A,"
the confirmation of James Atlee as the die engraver will not be ap-
parent. This article will disprove the hypothesis that all the coinages
with this broken "A" letter punch (BALP) have a common basis.
The dates on the New Jersey coinage are not relevant (most of
sinking coin dies were being mass produced from a single matrix
for decades before the 1780s and therefore the occurrence of similar
struck at different times and from various mints may look for all
the world as though they were made from dies sunk with the same
punches, whereas they may only have been sunk by punches which,
linkages are now less meaningful evidence, because there could easi-
tion, the BALP can still be utilized as a secondary tool, but as primary
state analysis, obverse and reverse die sharing, and overstriking data.
was obliged to make his own set of tools has been discarded not
and dies for sale.10 These references strengthen the idea that this
18, 23, 26, 28, 32, 33, 41, 42, 52, 68 and 69;
and 3-D;
Vermont Ryder obverses: 1, 12, 16, 17, 19, 29, 30 and 39;
This investigator will first look at the New Jersey state coinage.
intact thick right side and thin left side whose constant flaw at the
state to fully broken (FBA) (see Table 1 below). Within the New
the early Rahway New Jersey coppers, the BALP becomes more fully
broken for this type of BALP (figs. 1, 2). The only major exception
was the different punch style in NOVA for the 26-S, 68-w, and 69-w
varieties involving a thin left side, thick right side and with "wavy"
bases.
135
Fig. 2: Maris 23-r showing a fully broken A in CyfiSAREA (mid to late Rahway).
136
John Lorenzo
Fig. 3: Maris 26-S showing a FBA in NOVA. Due to the "bifurcation" effect it is
dissimilar to all other BALPs in the New Jersey series except 68-w and 69-w. Only
the first "A" in NOVA shows the effect (i.e., curved bases).
not the result of a recut die, but rather an artifact which occurred
during striking, since none of these early coppers had the benefit
subjected to excessive stress, the flan would spread more than usual
(on New Jersey coppers) would elongate and the serifs on the let-
struck under normal pressure and is due to the fact that the periphery
of the planchet spreads more rapidly than the more central portions,
the broken "A" New Jersey coppers, only 26-S, 68 and 69-w ex-
The broken "A" letter punch noted above exists in two major
stylesone which is fully broken (FB) and the other being partially
broken (PB). Only one distinct broken "A" letter punch exists,
within the New Jersey series as previously discussed (figs 1-3). The
form to all die state evidence retrieved for these die varieties. In
the coppers listed in Table 1, it appears that the flaw in the "A"
die progressed with use over time, thereby going from PBA to FBA
from the early to the late state emissions for the obverse varieties
singular matrix principle does not seem to interfere within the New
Jersey series; however we can never be certain that there was just
ring at the time of die sinking, which could alter the appearance
of the broken "A", or any letter for that matter, in the legend of
which it is sunk. The deeper the punch penetrates the die, the
broader one might expect the legs of the letters to appear. If a broken
punch is sunk below the position of a punch defect, then the flaw-
ed part of the letter in the final die may appear different. This situa-
ing the first "A" in NOVA. These are different "styled" puncheons.
reviewing Table 1:
the first, third, and fourth "A"s (the second A which is linked
remains unbroken).
33-U), and finally a late Rahway issue (i.e., 26-S). Note how it
punches with time, and make their way to a FB state. Does the
FBA punch into the picture? Possibly, but it seems not to interfere
date from other research studies complies with the die emission
der in his paper on the New Jersey Reverse J die14 and the well-
33-U was struck predominantly before the 1786 15-U variety bas-
all other BALPs. The BALP is the first "A" in NOVA. The typical
New Jersey BALP has a thicker right side and thinner left side
with straight bases. As fig. 3 depicts, both sides are thinner and
The consistency of the NB, PB, and FB "A" letter punches is in-
time.
within the first "A" of NOVA for the varieties 26-S, 68-w and
69-w. The fully broken "A" here is the result of bifurcation. The
typical New Jersey BALP has a thick right side, a thin left side
and the broken part is on the upper left side. The broken "A"
also consider that the depth to which a punch is sunk may alter
different styled BALPs within each series have been confirmed. See
139
The broken "N" and "P" are the two other letter punches which
imperfect at the left of its foot, the serif being broken from that
4 for a respective overview of the BALPs and the broken "P" and
"N" letter punches for both the Connecticut and Vermont series.
Connecticut Coppers
The Connecticut varieties with the broken "A" letter punch are,
Fig. 4: 1786 Miller 1-A with a NBA in AUCTORI. Different in style from the New
Jersey BALP.
140
John Lorenzo
Fig. 5: Miller 2.1-A with a broken "A" but at the bottom left base of the "A."
ly, not all Connecticut varieties listed as having a BALP and assign-
pers, we read that the dies for the Connecticuts were made by Abel
with other of their known works. While most of the 1785 coins
issues, particularly those which were quite light in weight, were un-
Breen attributed the 1786 bust right issues to James Atlee. He lists
other evidence:
Mills coin.
These are: 1786 Miller 1-A, and the 1787 Miller 1.1-A, and 1.4-WW
as having broken "A"s. The broken "A"s were not similar to the
The comparison of the BALP with other state coinages (New Jersey
and Vermont) proved dissimilar; all the so-called broken "A"s are
to James Atlee for the New Jersey series were used again for the Con-
necticut series and vice versa. The systematic punch linking just by
see at least one broken "N" among seven Miller varieties. Since the
"A"s are of a different style between the New Jersey and Connecti-
cut coppers, the evidence, i.e. Atlee, which links these two series
Vermont Coppers
Breen reports:18
142
John Lorenzo
Fig. 6: Ryder 12 witha.FR4. Dissimilar to the BALPs of the New Jersey and Connec-
ticut series.
TORI; reverse inscription INDE ETLIB 1787; die state later than
143
the dies are used later at Machin's Mills with Ryder 14 and Ryder
30.21
and 29.
Fig. 7: 1787 IMMUNIS COLUMBIA with a fully broken "A." Similar to the New Jersey
BALPs.
Table 4 identifies the Ryder varieties with the broken "A." There
duced at Machin's Mills by Atlee. These varieties are Ryder 13, 27,
18, 35, 33, 28, 29, 24, 25 and then the rejected, worn and muled
1786 NON VIVIRTUTE VICI, large and small head varieties; and
the
Conclusion
ably the first issue of a broken "A" letter punch, which may have
November 1786, when New Jersey coppers were first struck. The
letter punch seems similar in style to the NJ BALP (i.e., thick right
The NBIPBIFB "A"s are consistent within each New Jersey variety
strengthens one theory that the "A" punch may have broken fur-
ther with time and use, yielding the NBIPBIFB transition. The
depth to which the punch was sunk into the die is the other possi-
ble theory.
New Jersey Mar is varieties 68-w and 69-w and New Jersey varie-
obverse and reverse motifs for these three varieties also indicated
punches with curved bases. These are not new letter punches but
is the result of metal flow, since these coins were not struck
within a collar.
any other letter punch for that matter, as the only evidence, is
to be discarded, since we can never confirm the fact that any in-
dividual punch was not unique to that mint due to the availabili-
ty of a common supply.
identified. Also, some Connecticuts as the Miller 1-A did not con-
which is not seen within the New Jersey series, is under a separate
investigation.
die sharing, are the primary tools needed to create the long term
146
John Lorenzo
8 000000000 o
8ooo
>. zz z
333333333333333333333
03
! ES
c 00 00 f
2222 i^i
88088
00000
zzzzz
88
>:>:
ooooaoaooox
147
88o
>zz
z^
zzzzz zz zzz z
[fa [fa [fa [fa [fa [fa [fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa[fa [fa [fa [fa [fa [fa [fab [fa [fa [fa [fa
rt rt
XXXXXXXXXXX XXXXX XX
nnnnnnnnn nnnnn n
uupup^^^-iJHHPSBSi-JupiJJ-J uu ^^^ ^^
.s 1-
zzz
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<N (N (N (N (N .*~*
148
John Lorenzo
Table 2
Maris 68-w
Pedigree
Diameter
(mm)
Weight
1. Stacks 3/94
26.5
26.5
known NJ copper.
C.C.
29.0
above C.
4. Spiro-Oechsner
26.5
tral devices.
5. Cole: 1253
6. JWG: 1473
7. Boyd-Ryder
26.5
28.2
26.3
below.
8. Taylor: 2274
26.5
9. H. Garrett: 1453
26.5
26.3
weakness.
11. Norweb
27.0
12. Frontenac
26.8
bulging.
13. Saccone
27.0
reverse.
Marts 69-tv
Pedigree
Diameter
(mm)
Weight
* CESAREA.
1. JWG: 1474
2. FCC Boyd-WC???
149
Table 3
First -A" in
Similar to NJ or
1.
1786 1-A
Yes, partially
Broken "A"
broken
Rahway type
unlike NJ or VT
broken "N"s
BALP
2.
1786 2. 1-A
As above,
No similarities
of "A" broken
Rahway type
3.
1786 2.1-D.3
broken "N"
No specimen
available
4.
1786 2.2-D.2
No
NA
NA
5.
1786 3-D.1
No
NA
NA
6.
1786 3-D.4
No
NA
NA
7.
1787 1-A
Partially broken
As above,
No similarities
Rahway type
8.
broken "N"
No specimen
available
Table 4
1.
No
Broken "N"
present
1 Sylvester Crosby, Early Coins of America and the Laws Governing Their Issue
3 Michael Hodder, "The 1787 'New York' IMMUNIS COLUMBIA: A Mystery Re-
64 (1983), p. 806.
'Everett T. Sipsey, "New Facts and Ideas on the State Coinages," CNL 13 (1964),
pp. 120-29.
don, 1993).
9 The above text based upon Michael Hodder, personal communication, December
31, 1994.
10
1' See also, Carl Williams, The Silversmiths of New Jersey, 170O-1825, with Some
Notice of the Clock-makers Who Were Also Silversmiths (Philadelphia, 1949) and
Rita S. Gottesman, The Arts and Crafts in New York 1726-1776 (New York, 1938).
13 Edward Barnsley, "A Re-Cut New Jersey Reverse, Maris V," CNL 4 (1961), pp.
18-20.
1 4 Michael Hodder, "The New Jersey ReverseJ, a Biennial Die," AJN 1 (1989), pp.
194-98.
16 Bowers and Merena, Mar. 26, 1987 (The Frederick B. Taylor Sale), Connecticut
19 Feb. 16, 177, Journal of the New York Assembly, 1787, p. 53.
America, ed. Eric P. Newman and Richard G. Doty (New York, 1976), pp. 173-98.
Matthew Boulton
Richard G. Doty
& Company and the United States of America embraced the half cen-
tury between the 1780s and the 1830s. Most of the contact bordered
on the prosaic, involving nothing more exciting than the sale of cop-
per cent and half-cent planchets to the United States Mint.' But
and they were fostered by the nature of our first national compact,
ed most rights to the states; and this included the powers to emit
tage of the money ing possibilities by the middle of the 1780s. When
and halfpence, and shillings and sixpence. The former two were
the two silver coins "shall be of the same weight as English shill-
the French had settled the area around Charleston and still enjoyed
155
The man responsible for this new state coinage would be a certain
Charles Borel.2
pered, and it was Borel who had made the coining proposal to the
state, not the other way around. The Act he secured gave him the
been put to a great deal of trouble for no profit, Borel was public-
the state was also setting about creating the paper medium against
which the new coinage would be exchanged. This explains the ex-
Numismatic Society. And two of the 3 have been traced. But the
thew Boulton.
was yet to begin his first coining project, copper money intended
by the time of Borel's letter, which was written from London. That
Boulton's reply has not survived, but he was receptive to the pro-
ject and evidently replied around the end of August, discussing possi-
ble terms, asking for more information. He then left for Cornwall
October, and he wanted most or all of his coppers ready at that point
to carry back with him. We may sympathize with him: a clock was
paper medium.
and immediately sought someone else, the news could not possibly
have crossed the Atlantic between the date of his second letter to
Neuchatel?
author but not seen elsewhere. In any case, a new man was about
to make his entrance, and he, at least, believed that Borel had aban-
doned his plans without bringing them to fruition. This new man
Mitchell.
on August 4: they closely copied the South Carolina state seal, but
the current date would be substituted for the date 1775 on the
obverse. A second letter was sent out on the thirteenth, asking for
158
Richard G. Doty
would reach Charleston in time for the Governor to lay them before
the legislature. But Mitchell could not remit his proposal until the
of a few specimens from the Sumatra coinage: Boulton had not been
able to create the new patterns in time). And timing was everything:
But they would struggle against greater odds than that: just as John
159
FKin
>)'' />f/fff'/\
ONE HUNDfll
eti,,^, s'
mpl
/rV//.
C./'/.y//<
create.
lar: Boulton had engaged Droz for his own coinage and
transmit you.
for getting into the Union as it would one day demonstrate in get-
under the aegis of) the states, this second South Carolina proposal
was null.
copper. And this would merely be the first installment, as "I have
cheaper."6 But speed was again essential. Like Borel, Mitchell had
latest.
few days after hearing the news. With luck, it would reach Mitchell
would be the price if the Americans got their own copper; if he had
to get it for them, it would cost them another 84 per ton, at cur-
rent rates. Mitchell would have to come up with his own designs,
tive (an irony: Boulton was very nearly involved in the production
of that coin too, in treaty with the rascally James Jarvis at the very
As for the matter on both men's minds: how was Mitchell, or Con-
gress, to pay for the coins? Boulton's suggestions betray the shaky
nature of his industrial empire, as more and more of its capital was
from their sale would be credited against what the Republic owed
You will recall that Mitchell wanted an answer by the first of the
the event, he had to wait until March 17 for Boulton's reply. It was
very crucial time, it would fix the identity of the coinage circulated
coinage really was the finest in the world, far superior to anything
that the technological and artistic perfection which Soho could pro-
and secure, any future American coinage must embrace these same
qualities.
forgery that they made possible must yield to national interest and
then, the world was at peace; but the previous record of the eigh-
the United States. And in a time of war, vessels laden with coin for
run the risk of mutiny and piracy by the crews to whom they were
could not have been prevented, given the rudimentary state of law
posal listed other arguments against the idea, and very good ones
Mitchell heard the bad news in early May 1790, and he wrote his
deed, the Secretary had said that whenever a Federal Mint was
established:10
From Mitchell's point of view, all was most certainly not lost, and
here, you may be assured we shall get the conducting of the whole
prepared for such a move: his squabbles with Jean-Pierre Droz had
cess of securing a patent for his minting machinery; and he was now
aware that whatever the American potential might be, John H. Mit-
chell was not the man to secure it. The latter was a dreamer, more
Boulton.
Just as this relative was penning his observations about Mr. Mit-
passed the previous year had ordered the creation of a federal Mint,
and it was now striking its first coins in a new decimal system of
dollars and cents. These maiden efforts were not handsome, and
there were not very many of them; but they were incontrovertibly
American. And once the first of them entered commerce, the con-
nections between Boulton, Watt & Company and the United States
1 Those interested in the planchet trade may wish to consult my "Early United
States Copper Coinage: The English Connection," BNJ 57 (1987), pp. 54-76.
3 The report of the East India Company's Committee of Warehouses bears a date
of June 16, 1786. Boulton's assistance was enlisted in drawing up the document;
his role in the project was confirmed by letter later that month (see Matthew Boulton
4 Reproduced in S.S. Crosby, The Early Coins of America (Boston, 1875; reprinted
1983), p. 144.
5 MBP 244, Letter Box Ml, John H. Mitchell to Matthew Boulton, May 6, 1788.
6 MBP 244, John Hinckley Mitchell to Matthew Boulton, October 9 and 10, 1788.
7 Along with Matthew Boulton and James Watt, Jefferson had witnessed the coin-
ing innovations of a brilliant-but difficult Swiss named Jean-Pierre Droz at the Hotel
des Monnaies at the end of 1786. Droz's prowess with the segmented collar, which
allowed raised lettering to be applied to the edges of his coins as they were being
struck, interested both Jefferson and Boulton. Both had attempted to lure the Swiss
from his Parisian post in 1787. Boulton succeeded, to his eventual chagrin. But Thomas
Jefferson's interest in Droz for a new American coinage had by no means abated at
the beginning of the 1790s; and it played a definite role in the fate of the Mit-
Coinage" (April 14, 1790), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian P. Boyd, ed.
8 When we consider what happened after the mid-nineties, when American ships
were seized by both France and Britain, we must concede Jefferson's point.
10 Jefferson, "Report on Copper Coinage" (above, n. 7), p. 348. Mitchell sent along
a true copy of the document with his letter to Matthew Boulton of May 16, 1790,
announcing that the scheme had collapsed (see MBP 244, Letter Box Ml).
12 MBP 360, Zacchaeus Walker, Jr. to Zacchaeus Walker, Sr., February 19, 1793.
Coinage Featuring
George Washington
166
George Fuld
as part of the early American coinage, although none had any of-
were struck but after 1815. There is one piece, dated 1784; three
WA. 1783.1
and the Triumpho have a common hub. This data further con-
1783.
indicates that two New Jersey coppers, Maris 35-W and 56-n,
Virginia and Florida, but because of the distaste for the George
for the time being. Paul Bosco repeats similar information, and
adds that the coin is listed in Atkins as number 232, further rein-
WA. 1784.1
shows 13 rings with the initials of the states similar to the con-
116, Appleton, MHS, 102 grains (this specimen has the Royal
tion for this piece); 3) Gilbody (ca. 1960), Roper 369, D. Groves,
WA.1784.1.WM
Garrett 1700.
article cited above. After Gould's death, the piece was acquired
presentation made at the 1984 COAC held at the ANS, and later
per in the conductive wax mold. The flan thickness varies from
.80 mm to 2.05 mm; ruling out any possibility that the coin was
obverse and reverses, were struck, the alignment of the dies from
troplating alloys are unlikely), while the soft metal fill into the
shells with a mixture of lead and tin would account for their
tion of the surface only, and of the center only, could be deter-
ting the Coinage of Gold, Silver, and Copper," May 13, 1785, (writ-
"decad" for the larger copper coin, valued at 1/100 Spanish milled
dollar, and for its device a sketch of the union of 13 stars in a circle
FEDERATION 1785.17
That paragraph was deleted from the printed report either by ac-
known of the proposed designs (if indeed he was not the instigator),
Wyon was the engraver, how did the dies reach the United States
ca. 1785-86?
There are various patterns, involving seven obverse dies and six
ing the uniformed bust right, GEN. WASHINGTON. This comes com-
bined with the reverse later used on New Jersey copper coinage
Baker 11). It also occurs with the same obverse 4 combined with
Breen reverse D, with circle of 13 large stars within long rays; Crosby
rarest of the series, has the obverse of Breen 4, with reverse G show-
ing an eagle displayed, on his breast a shield argent, six pales gules,
Certainly this die was not conveyed by Walter Mould to the Mor-
reason to reject the fact that Maris reverse C was not engraved at
ported facts. These three pieces, per Breen's notation, are 4/Maris
171
C; 4/D and 4/G. There are deceptive Bolen copies of some Con-
made most of the dies for these three issues, which were extensive-
per Spanish dollar. This nomenclature was deleted from the final
WA.1785.1
Roper 216; Stack's May 1994, 48; extremely fine example in col-
WA. 1786.1
WA. 1786.2
was used for all three Confederacies. This piece, of which three
and sold in his Crosby Sale, 1165, for $620 (undoubtedly an all
Parmelee and resold, New York Coin & Stamp, June 1890, to
H.P. Smith, Ten Eyck 761, Newcomer 2945 and hence to Gar-
Boyd; J.J. Ford, Jr. The third specimen, with a hole at the top
1914, pl. 39. Marts 4-C, Baker 11, Breen 4-F/l 126. Weight 128.5
to 130.8 grains.
173
WA.1786.3
The New York issue of the NON VIVIRTUTE VICI cent show-
that these were patterns for New York coinage made at Machins
WA. 1786.4
piece is New York Coin & Stamp, June 1890 (Parmelee), 450;
condition.
WA. 1786.5
WA. 1786.4, with a New Jersey shield reverse. It was first listed
K).
initial pieces are the "small eagle" and "large eagle" cents of 1791,
Birmingham.
Ibs, about 4,000 cents, estimated to be 2,500 Large Eagle and 1,500
and other VIPs.24 These pieces arrived during the debate of the
coinage contract. This doomed the British proposal, but the 1791
cents went into circulation. Large Eagle cents are found uncirculated;
Small Eagle cents rarely uncirculated; both issues very elusive in red
trials of this group, the largest holding being offered in the Garrett
175
sales. The regular issues all have the edge lettered UNITED STATES
The ten or so patterns of the Large and Small Eagle cents known
are listed below. This series of 1791 and 1792 was discussed in some
WA.1791.P1
possibility that this trial die was altered to the regular die. The
which may refer to the job or shop number of the piece. The
to effect that two specimens of the Large Eagle cent bear this
176
George Fuld
WA.1791.P2
Breen 1215.
WA.1791.P3
WA.1791.P4
177
WA.1791.P5
flan is very thin, about 1 mm, and the edge of the beading of
side area between the beads and the rim, appears PLURBUS E
right side are apparent. Struck in copper, but the obverse is fire
gilt, with much worn away, while traces of gilt appear about
WA.1791.P6
per. First known from Clay 996, James E. Root, Isaac F. Wood
(1894), Ten Eyck 840, Newcomer 2770, Col. E.H.R. Green, B.G.
muling, probably z piece de caprice with the George III die. Cer-
WA.1791.P7
ONE CENT. This cent, gleaned from a coin show by Breen, has
1, 1959; Breen, Fuld; Picker, Kagin, Aug. 16, 1983 (ANA), 105;
WA.1791.P8
179
epaulets are unfinished. This edge represents blanks for Roe &
Pictured in Crosby, pl. 10, 4, see also AJN 21 (Oct. 1886), p. 44.
WA.1791.P9
irregularly flat blank reverse. Edge again from Conder blank flan,
WA.1791.P10
The Large and Small Eagle cents of 1791 must have achieved wide
circulation both in England and the United States. That they are con-
Large Eagle cent, but none are confirmed for the small variety. They
WA.1791.1
piece.
WA.1791.la
Other references: Elder Feb. 5, 1924, 1722; Mar. 19, 1924, 2688;
Oct. 9, 1924, 726; June 28, 1926, 2302 (Norweb coin?); Breen
1207.
WA.1791.lb
WA. 1791.2
WA.1791.2a
At least two edge variations of the small eagle cent are known,
Breen 1218.
WA.1791.2b
WA 1791.2.Br.
are kribwn from regular lettered edge dies. They are distinctly
brass and not a light colored copper. One piece is possibly Han-
the other NNC, Fuld, Picker (weight 188 grains), Roper 373,
188.0 grains.
WA. 1791.3
eagle cent, but all known specimens are struck on smaller flans
shows fully rigged ship to the right with wreath below. Above,
118, Crosby, pl. 10, Baker 17, Atkins Washington 175, D&H
WA.1791.3a
copper.
WA.1791.PH
posal of December 21, 1791. John Ford summarized the then cur-
is abridged herewith. Per Don Taxay, Robert Birch (of the 1792
Birch cent fame) supervised Getz's work on the dies and sank the
punches for the date and legends.30 All the regular Getz coins (cop-
unique piece showing a large eagle (Baker 23). All authorities (Breen,
this period are the Getz issues. The half dollars accurately repre-
sent the devices and legends required by the Morris bill of December
21, 1791. This is the original bill that Washington objected to since
Whether silver or copper issues were struck first has had several
diverse advocates. Taxay stated that the silver half dollars were
members of the Senate when the Morris bill was discussed. Baker
felt that copper pieces were struck for presentation to the Morris
Baker and estimated some 100 copper pieces were struck for the
to March 1792. Breen based his conclusion that copper came first
However, Hodder concludes that the copper was struck first on the
basis of lack of die rust on stars of the reverse, while silver pieces
all have rust to varying degrees.31 In addition, he feels that the win-
Eckfeldt, who was for many years the Chief Coiner of the Mint. The
is not clear. The 1792 half dismes and dismes were also struck in
Fuld that 40-50 plain edge copper pieces and 5-6 ornamented edge
copper pieces exist. The silver pieces are estimated at 12-15 plain
edge pieces, 4-5 with circles and squares, 2 known specimens with
another on a French half Ecu for a total of about 21-25 pieces. The
copper pieces may be for cents and the silver pieces for half dollars,
but only one denomination would be practical in the same size and
design.
248.75 grains for the silver specimens and 208 to 273 grains for the
copper cents. The Morris bill specified 208 to 264 grains, so the Getz
issues fall within that limit. Copper Getz pieces from that period
ing the silver specimens, many are known holed (for neck or watch
hangers?) and many are badly worn from being carried in the pocket.
that.
185
WA. 1792.1
The copper Getz cent, in prior days often called a copper half
1792. Bust facing left, probably modeled after the English 1791
branch in his right talon, and a bundle of six arrows in his left,
recorded vary from 220 to 273 grains. The high grade (called
tion, 1252, was sold to William S. Baker thence to the PHS. Four
the theft.
WA.1792.1a.o
WA.1792.lb
Breen 1353.
WA.1792.lc
WA.1792.ld
Stack's, Oct. 27, 1967 flay), 69, at 328 grains; and Leidman,
period.
WA.1792.le.Ag
preceding. All made with plain edge and apparently most struck
a plugged hole over the head and wear is consistent with being
1950-51), John Ford, Jr., F.C.C. Boyd, John Ford, Jr( 1959-60);
1165; Ten Eyck 838, hidden for many years, changed hands in
on a small, rather thick flan with the date "June 1806" lightly
Stack's FPL 31, 1995; 9) About Good, NNC, Aug. 16, 1952
Galleries, Dec. 1983, 214. There are more than 9 plain edge
WA.1792.1f.Ag.o
mining that the Getz half was struck over a 1679 British
$$. The undertype coin is from the reign of Charles II. Weight
John Ford, Jr. It was sold by two European dealers who ap-
Werner (1975), John Ford, Jr. and is now the property of a pro-
Baker collection was not donated until the late 1880s. However,
Stack's, Apr. 27, 1988, 100, Stack's May 5, 1993, 58, Hodder,
(Gadoury 313).39
Spanish colonial piece, plugged over the head. The exact coin
undertype was not readable. Stack's Mar. 18, 1993, 2007, Stack's
215.7 grains. The edge device shows partial circles and square
as on 4 reales.
NOTE: It is a fair assumption that the last two pieces might not
have bad the overstrike recognized and would have been sold as
agree, that all or certainly most silver Getz pieces are struck over
pieces are those with edges planed down, but this does not explain
the occurrence of the twin olive leaf edge or the circle and squares
on the copper specimens. Hodder states that all silver halves that
he has examined have the overstrike present, but the proof of this
possibility is that the silver was struck at two periods, i.e. December
WA.1792.lg.Ag
The regular dies of the silver Getz half dollar, with an edge
189
WA.1792.lh.Ag
The other edge variation of the Getz half dollars is the one
with twin olive leaves, long thought to be unique until the 1975
1351.
WA.1792.2.Ag
pales gules, a chief azure; an olive branch in his right talon, and
is the unique large eagle reverse silver Getz half dollar with chisel
Pedigree is Morris (?), Senator Rufus King (?), his son Charles
2761; J.W. Garrett; JHU; Garrett 1713; Ford. Howard cut his
initial "H" within the U on the reverse. At the time of the Gar-
rett sales, there was some question raised about the authentici-
the large eagle Getz half dollar is fully genuine. The piece was
The Roman Head pieces, listed next, were the subject of a Breen
eagle attempts to "cock a snook" with his nearer wing; the Small
Eagle die's eight stars have shrunk to six. The dozen or so survivors
f- / '/.<w
WA.1792.3
The Roman head cent has always been one of the most ad-
196, 198.5 grains. All, except for one, are known in proof or
breast a shield argent, six pales gules; in his right talon, an olive
head six stars, and above them, the word CENT. Edge lettered
head were for sale at the same time for $190 to $225. There
grains
WA.1792.P2.WM
It does not bear a date. The reverse is blank, and slightly incus-
coln, Mar. 21, 1935, 188, Elder Sept. 20, 1935, 1672, B.G.
It was also stolen at the 1971 ANA convention and has not been
die punch linkage and style directly link the 1792 British issues to
J.G. Hancock and Westwood's Mint. Clearly they must have been
sinkings in copper, silver and gold represented cent, half dollar and
ten dollar samples, while Newman believes the gold and silver
they are found with various amounts of wear. Crosby believed all
The General of the Army pieces made at the same time are almost
all well wornperhaps a single keg partially filled with these coins
been holed, and could have been worn as necklaces or even funeral
WA.1792.4
ribbon in his beak, UNUM E PLURIBUS, and above his head thir-
one beneath, just over the head. Plain edge. Probably a pattern
WA.1792.4a
2469; and Crosby 292. One sold as Garrett 1712 to Roper 380
WA.1792.4b.Ag
edge. The copper pieces are clearly cents, while the silver pieces
hand, felt that the odd metals, including gold, are cents with
WA.1792.4c.Ag
with a plug above the head. Probably from Cogan, Apr. 12,
lower than the one given by Crosby, Breen and Newman. Other
eight between the two types. Baker 20, Breen 1231. Recent sales,
WA.1792.4d.Au
grains and clearly unique. Breen feels this was a pattern for a
ten dollar eagle issue, while Cogan (following Cohen) and now
much worn, is still the full value of the American eagle, namely,
of all the federal coins, none like this existed. It attracted much
man was president of the United States, learning that a coinage was
arrested the preceding [sic]. A few copper coins had however been
struck, which were never issued; and which I believe are still
or silver coin of the same stamp was ever struck in the United States
circulation. Its style of execution is rather rough, and the motto upon
the scroll in the eagle's beak, 'Unum e pluribus,' is not correct: that
upon the federal money having been, 'E pluribus unum.' If you
the subject of my inquiry, your will greatly oblige G.A. Myers, Rich-
Another, date under head, '1791;' reverse, eagle as above, but larger;
round the head, no dress; legend as above; date '1792,' reverse, eagle
with shield olive and arrows; above, 'CENT,' Edges of all the same.
These are all of copper and were said to have been patterns for an
196
George Fuld
With one struck in gold, who was the more deserving recipient than
Washington?
WA.1792.5.
of this time, although not all obverse dies of pieces of this design
WA.1792.6
9 of 1789 does not touch the dash line under 1789. On the un-
and the 1 of 1789 touches the dash line at the bottom. Breen
identifies reverse as having top star just left of center of the se-
176-185 grains.
WA.1792.6a
356, note. Breen 1235. Much rarer than preceding type with
WA. 1792.7
WA. 1792.4. Very rare, only three reported. Copper, plain edge,
Baker 22, Breen 1236, Crosby, pl. 10, 12. 1) Newcomer 2772,
198
George Fuld
WA.1792.8
The die used for the Collis restrike was donated to the American
WA.1792.9
WA.1792.9.Ag
under Baker 60, Breen 1240 and called extremely rare. Perhaps
five are known, one Garrett 1734, and as most noted, expertly
2263.
WA.1792.9a.Ag
OF AMERICA. This piece was sold as Bushnell Lot 1244 but not
the coin was an additional lot from another consignor and was
WA.1792.10
200
George Fuld
could rise if all known Baker 60s are verified. 1) Appleton, MHS;
WA.1792.11.WM
The 1792 Birch Cent pattern with "G. W. Pt." reverse. This
pattern of 1792 is the only one of the six major types of 1792
Carl W.A. Carlson thinks that the dies might have been engrav-
was the first struck, and when the objections to Washington ap-
WA. 1793/2.1
and 4 o'clock at the edge. Rarely met with perfect dies, only
der 6/41, Pye 51/10, Baker 18, Atkins Washington 175, D&H
WA.1793/2.1a
Coinvestors, Feb. 15, 1975 (EAC), 491, N.J. specialist, 160 grains.
lins 27. Weight 158.3 grains. This is clearly brass and not light
WA. 1795.1
in his right talon, and a bundle of six arrows in his left; beneath,
WA. 1795. la
for this piece, used on the undated penny, but not the main
WA. 1795.15
203
per, lettered edge, Baker 3 lb, Atkins Middlesex 176c, D&H Mid-
WA.1795.lc
1262.
WA.1795.M1
WA.1795.M2
ed. Known only by Atkins and D&H listing. Atkins Cork 12,
D&H Cork 13, RF-31P, Breen 1269. Extremely rare, may not
exist.
WA.1795.2
facing left, resembling the obverse of the 1791 large eagle cent.
have the final S from NATIONS missing, but must be quite rare.
WA.1795.2a.Br
reported.
WA.1795.2b
mond, W.L. Breisland, Laird Park, Lot 188 in AU. Second 1960
205
WA.1795.2c
Identical to the preceding but fire gilt over copper. These are
not merely gold plate, but the gold is fired in a furnace. A spec-
WA.1795.2d
with a lathe and must have been applied after the coin was
pieces have been observed. This corded top edging was un-
Breen 1253.
WA.1795.M3
206
George Fuld
Middlesex (Political and Social) 235, made for the Society for
WA.1795.3.WM
tion first illustrated in the 1965 Fuld's Baker reprint, may well
NNC, Jan. 26, 1952, 548, Fuld (1968), Picker, present location
WA. 1795.4
design to the dated halfpenny, WA. 1795.2, but larger size. Edge
1258. Copper, about 300 grains. Very rare, Baker knew only
1962 (ANA); 7) Roper 395, AU; (8) Ford, NNC, D. Groves, unc.;
(9) Christie's London, Feb. 18, 1992; 10) very porous Good to
WA. 1795.5
lines running down to the right. Baker 29, RF-29B, Demon 113,
WA.1795.5a
to the left. After years of searching, this variation has not been
30240.
WA.1795.5.Br
J.W. Garrett, JHU, Garrett 1721, Roper 386, Collins (1989), Col-
lins 34. D&H Middlesex 284, Breen 1273. Brass, engrailed edge,
WA.1795.5b
Fuld.
WA. 1795.6
types.
WA. 1795.7
Demon 226/4, Baker 34, Breen 1294-95. The latter Breen listing
difference.
WA.1795.7a
June 1973, 825, Stack's lot 70, Robison 260. Brass or copper,
WA.1795.7b
WA.1795.8
as preceding, but reverse has a harp, with two stars at each bot-
Steinberg, six pieces traced. Most are rather worn, grading about
June 27, 1962; Vlack; Fuld (1967), Picker, Steinberg 208. Roper
WA.1795.9
North Wales with head right. We are listing this piece, which
eye design, with 15 stars for the 15 states on the reverse, an ob-
The outside limit would be the admission of the sixteenth state, Ten-
Baker assumed made in the U.S., but pieces found in both English
211
DeWitt mentions copper restrikes, but these have not been en-
countered. There are three obverse dies and one reverse for the
larger piece (no denomination is assignable) and only single dies for
the smaller piece. The large size is 25.4 mm, small size 19.4 mm.
Same dies, brass, plain edge, Breen 1283, very rare. 1) NNC,
WA.l 792-5. lb
WA.1792-5.lc.Ag
WA.1792-5.2.Br
Large size, "Bob Hope" nose, brass, reeded edge. Very rare.
WA.1792-5.2a.Br
Recent sales: Garrett 1737; NNC, Dec. 3, 1968, 509; Roper 403,
72.3 grains.
WA.1792-5.3.Br
similar, but different from above. See Laird Park 198, uncir-
WA.1792-5.4.Br
Small size, brass, reeded edge, rare. Snowden 94, Baker 267,
Robison 266.
WA.1792-5.4a.Br
Same dies, brass, plain edge, Very rare, Breen 1290. NNC 60th
WA.1792-5.4b
WA.1792-5.4c.Ag
1292. Only one reported, Hall, Brand, NNC, Fuld, Picker, Roper
409 in EF.
WA. 1792-5.4d.pewter
WA. 1796.1
remained untraced for the next 100 years until it came into
1960.
the obverse hub of the Getz 1792 "half dollar" (Baker 288) with
the date restamped 1796, and the reverse of the Getz 1792
"small" eagle die. The dies are half dollar size, but struck on
ble above the CA. on the reverse, where the remains of EX, and
the base of the left pillar of the undertype may be seen. The
heavy file marks are the result of planing down the original type,
accounting for the 55 grain loss from the weight of the pillar
coin. The rays about the edge are struck using a hand stamping
to realize that the bust on the 1796 piece is identical to the 1792
die, and not the 1797 Masonic medal die. The period of issue
214
George Fuld
1804). One Getz 1792 issue is known struck over a 1794/5 large
Louis R. Karp (James, Inc.); Kelly, Aug. 15, 1962 (ANA), 1976;
WA. 1796.2
215
245, Raymond 5,'3 Breen 1275. Most pieces seen are bronzed,
WA.1796.2a
and unlocated.
WA.1796.2b.WM
WA. 1800.1
D&H Middlesex 245 bis (p. 542), Breen 1278. Breen calls ex-
WA. 1800. la
WA.1800.lb
WA.1800.lc.WM
Funeral penny in tin or white metal, rare. Baker 69, D&H Mid-
effort to study all possible die varieties of the 1783 Washington cent
in the ensuing 35 years. Vlack wrote this data in great detail in the
lected these pieces since the 1850s. The advent of restrikes in the
late 1850s brought even more interest to the "original" 1783 pieces.
That view did not survive among the skeptics who realized that
the reverse of the Unity States cents was copied from the 1796-1807
U.S. large cents, and the wording UNITY STATES smacks of the eva-
the counterfeiting laws (as of 1806, these laws only applied to cop-
per and silver coinage). The rough planchets with gridwork near
the borders possibly was intended to partially obscure the word UNI-
TY. The first author to clearly question the origin of the 1783 cent
series was Frank C. Higgins56 but earlier Eckfeldt and DuBois57 and
1783 series.
ingham. Fuld delineated the proof that the 1783 cents (with the ex-
1783 cents was available in Europe at that time; the word "cent"
was not conceived or used for coinage until 1786; the model for
the Unity States reverse was not used until at least 1796; the type
coinage until 1806; the corded edge seen on some coinage was first
used on coins in 1806 and on tokens in 1812; the bust on the military
after 1810 for Canada; the design for the seated Liberty reverse was
used for Britannia by Kuchler at Soho Mint starting in 1797; the date
1783 has its own significance of the signing the Treaty of Paris en-
ding the Revolution; the hubbing process for making virtually iden-
tical dies for the military and draped bust cents was technically
of the 1790s mentions these coins (tokens?); the two sets of dies
for restriking in 1851 and 1860 are much more likely being 20 to
overstrike coin could not have occurred before 1815; the initials
T.W.I, and E.S. have been identified as Thomas Wells Ingram and
"1783" cents.
1797, Boulton and Watt were making current coins and planchets
for the Philadelphia Mint; their Soho Mint was too much in the public
to the cwt. 5 134,400 per long ton, these were not only profitable,
easier than waiting for more expensive Federal cents. Cents (lack-
ing legal tender quality) had no real advantage over tokens. The ob-
vious occasion for such large orders in the 1815-20 period was the
the Draped Bust coins sent along a Unity States as prototype; the
one who ordered military busts may have furnished a Large or Small
218
George Fuld
WA.NC. 1783.1
WA.NC. 1783.2
Vlack 27-X, Breen 1187. A rare die variety of the Unity States
ing 40 years, only one has been found. Certainly others exist
128, King.
WA.NC. 1783.3
hair. The main toga fold ends in a sharp point ending over the
in right hand, pole and liberty cap in left. Liberty cap touches
right side of base of A of STATES. The second leaf from the bot-
tom of the branch on the left has a tiny die break showing a
break also occurs at the end of the third leaf up from the bot-
220
George Fuld
tom on the right side. The center of the I and the A points at
about the center of the space between beads. Some of the beads
may be flattened. Olive branch cut heavy (see 15-K and 16-K).
Baker 2, copper, plain edge, about 115 grains. One of the more
WA.NC. 1783.3.0
years we have not been able to obtain a copy of this Flimby Park
passes.68 The undertype token was struck about 1815, and Fuld
WA.NC. 1783.4
Draped Bust cent, rare die variety. Vlack 15-K. This unusual
piece discovered about 1960, shows a die break from under the
curves over the 7 and ends over the center of the 1. The I of
be recut, especially the NGTON and IND and ND. The 3 has
a period directly in back in its apex, and is very close. The two
observed specimens have the die break from rim between the
7 and 8 curving through the 8 and 3 and ending at the rim be-
no curls along the back of the neck. Die break as a chip occurs
ed. Extremely rare, R-7. Reported are B&M, Nov. 3, 1995, 3058
WA.NC.1783.5
top and shows recutting along the bottom of both legs. The first
WA.NC.1783.6
Taylor and Son restrike, ca. 1850, copper, plain edge. Vlack
wandered into circulation). The main toga fold curves over the
7 and ends over the extreme right of the upright of the 1. The
scrap metal from the rubbish of the just closed Soho mint. Peck
387 states that numerous hubs, device punches and working dies
hubs, starting about 1850 for various expositions. The W.S. Lin-
WA.NC. 1783.6a
WA.NC. 1783.6b.Bz
WA.NC. 1783.6c.Ag
223
WA.NC. 1783.M1
be red uncirculated, very scarce but not rare. Copper, plain edge,
R-4.
WA.NC. 1783.7
London about 1860. Some specimens have been seen that are
all three top leaves fully visible, the right leaf point right of
the 7 and ends over the extreme right edge of the upright of
branch. The cap is very close to the right leg of A, but does not
touch. The I has a bead over its right center, and the A, which
224
George Fuld
the U slants left. Reverse die breaks develop across the tops of
plain edge pieces exist, but none have ever been verified. This
These dies may have been unused from the original 1818-20
The dies for this piece were preserved and were resold by Kel-
ly, Aug. 25, 1950 (ANA), 1049. ex B.G.Johnson, They were pur-
transfer die made from the dies and struck uniface copies with
225
WA.NC.1783.7a.Bz
WA.NC.1783.7b.Ag
WA.NC.1783.7b.Au
obverse dies and seven reverse dies exist, making up a total of ten
ing an average lifetime, and basing output on average die life (many
of the dies show various die breaks as noted), the estimated output
one may assume that all these pieces were placed in circulation both
cinnati Detector, infers that the 1783 cents were still in circulation
WA.NC. 1783.8
who started practicing about 1820; E.S. apparently stand for Ed-
corner of bust. The point of the wreath is close to, but not
touching the base of the I. The beads are very fine and close.
A at the right base. The obverse comes fairly regularly with ex-
tensive die cracks. A break, from the time, to the point of the
EPENDENCE along the bottoms and ends over the date. A break
from the rim through the right side of the C to the previously
The cap extends between the T and the A, and touches the A.
The I has two beads equally spaced over it, and the A points
left side of a bead, and the S of the initials is over a bead with
period. A minor die break starts from the center of the top leaf
WA.NC.1783.8a
Small Military bust, 1783, engrailed edge. Vlack 1/A. Same dies
as the preceding, but finely engrailed edge and not deeply im-
pressed. About 2 times rarer than the plain edge variety, quite
WA.NC. 1783.9
die cracks than the preceding. Not in Vlack. From NNC 60th
tion la/A. This piece, although called extremely fine, was very
can find no evidence on this coin of the obv. or rev. die cracks
that are usually identified with the Small Bust variety. Instead,
like a short ribbon end from the bottom corner of the lower
smaller and less obvious defects. Also, the 7 in date has a spur
projecting diagonally to the left from its top right corner, and
These breaks might account for the scarcity of this obverse die.
WA.NC. 1783.10
The three vertical leaves from the laureate wreath are impor-
228
George Fuld
but not touching the base of I. The upright of the 7 points slightly
may be recut. Die break from the rim through the second N of
ries on the branch, only stems. The I has a bead over its center,
WA.NC.1783.11
Large Military bust, 1783, Vlack 3-C. Obverse 3 has the left
& through the top of I to another break that starts from the rim
starts from the top of the same N curving through D and E end-
The cap is located under the space between T and A and is rather
close. The bottom of the cap has pointed ends and is smaller
than any other reverse. The I has a bead over its center. The
A points very slightly right of a bead with the right leg weak.
The bottom of the branch points straight down. The T and the
WA.NC.1783.12
die clashing on later die states. Reverse, the rock the female is
seated upon is speckled. The branch has three berries with the
tween beads, and the period after the I is larger than the others.
cap is distant from the left leg of A. R-5. Another showing "*"
230
George Fuld
WA.NC.1783.13
of the wreath is close, but not touching the base of I. The upright
cut with the other I showing on the left bottom of the base and
side. All letters and date may show recutting. The die is very
the 3, and the absence of the weak strike of CE. There is a die
break from the rim through the & sign to the point of intersec-
tion of the forehead and the first leaf of the wreath. Reverse
WA.NC.1783.14
Large Military bust, 1783, Vlack 6-E. Obverse 6 has the point
of the wreath close, but not touching the base of I. The top of
a bead over its center. The coin is weakly struck at CE with the
is recut with the base of the other I showing at the left bottom.
231
Die break from the rim through 7 to the bust, extending into
the bust toward the second button from the bottom. Another
break from the rim through the center of the W to the top of
the second button toward the end of the lapel. The final die state
than the E, with the lower curve of the S pointing to the center
of the period. The left portion of the water base in front of the
WA.NC.1783.15
the wreath touches the left base of I. The upright of the 7 points
extensive starting from the lower ruffle of the bust along the
the rim. Another from the rim through the left upright of the
wreath. From this break at the base of the N, another break con-
nects the base of NDE, and then curves into the field. Another
break connects PE and also curves into the field towards the
WA.NC.1783.16
Large Military bust, 1783, Vlack 8-E. Obverse 8 has the point
break along the bottom of ENDENCE ending over the right top
of the 3, but not touching. Another small break from the right
WA.NC.1783.17
Large Military bust, 1783, Vlack 9-F. Obverse 9 with the point
of the wreath close, but not touching the left base of I. The
rim through the right side of the upright of the 1 to the bust.
top left of the last E to the rim. Reverse F has four berries in
the branch, with a double berry at the base of the top leaf. The
the bottom of the period. The cap ends below the left leg of
233
WA.NC.1783.18
Die break at the rim below 8 extending to the right side of the
slightly higher than the E, with the lower curve of the S point-
E. The cap ends below the left leg of A, and is distant. R-1.
WA.NC.1783-19
Although still rare, there are four distinct die varieties of this
piece with 3 obverse and three reverse dies. A fifth variety has
types. The rarity of the four pieces shows that combination 20-Q
and 22-R, rate about the same, with about 6 to 10 each known,
supporting in her left, the staff and liberty cap. Legend, UNITED
has a bead about over its center. A heavy bead sometimes shows
near the rim below the 8, and another slightly right of the 1.
to the bottom of the & sign, to the first leaf of the wreath.
also connects the H and I along the bottom. Reverse P has the
higher then the E, with the lower curve of the S pointing to the
UNITED has a period in its center. Die break along the bottom
about one-third down the height of the letters. Breen 1198, R-6.
WA.NC. 1783.20
is very close, but does not touch the T. The center of the I points
is over the left edge of a bead. The S of the initials is over the
space between beads, is slightly lower then the E, with the lower
the S. Die break from the top of D to the center of the left curve
WA.NC. 1783.21
Draped bust with button, Vlack 21-Q. Obverse 21. The HIN
left of a bead. The date may be recut. Extensive die breaks, from
the rim through the A toward the chin. Another from the rim
rim through the center of the D to the bow at the base of the
236
George Fuld
WA.NC. 1783.22
Draped bust with button, Vlack 22-R. Obverse 22. The GTO
and 8. Die breaksa small break from the rim to the top of the
& sign. Another from the center of the right upright of the last
the rim between the E and N, curving through the head and neck
ending at the left side of the 1. Another from the rim between
the last E and the period, curving over the period and 83 end-
ing at the bottom of the bust. Reverse R has the cap extending
between the A and T, and is very close but does not touch the
initials is over the right edge of a bead, with the period after
after the S which is rather distant. A small die break from the
237
WA.NC.1783.23
large ribbon bow behind, toga drapery low and with button,
letters and date small, top wreath leaf ends almost midway be-
tween & sign and I, toothed border (rather than beaded) with
not so tall as usual and long with what looks like four drapery
folds on it. There are no initials T.W.I, and E.S. in the exergue.
Legend runs into the toothed border. Copper, only single copy
Lutwyche's, R-8.
WA.NC. 1783.24
1204, Vlack 28-Y. Only one die variety observed, and no die
WA.NC. 1783.24a
Reeding slants to right, 124 grains. Only record, B&R, Oct. 30,
1205.
238
George Fuld
WA.NC.1783.25
lar, weight 131.8 grains. Die differences are the central point
of the star below the bust points between two beads, instead
the N's each point at a bead, they point between the beads on
the 28-Y. The cord above the epaulet on the new obverse is
tion inside. On the 28-Y, the cord is shorter with straight ends,
and there is a bead inside it. The bow in the hair is detached
from the braid, and the frill on the coat is made up of two
WA.NC. 1792.1
1792. Reverse, large eagle, on his breast a shield argent, six pales
gules, a chief azure, in his right talon an olive branch, and bun-
Fonrobert 6103,72 Bangs & Co., Oct. 20, 1884 (Anthon Part V),
WA.NC. 1792.2
WA.NC. 1792.2a.Ag
WA.NC. 1792.2b.Pb
WA.NC.1792.2c.Au
WA.NC. 1792.2d.Pt
240
George Fuld
WA.NC. 1793.1
the hands of a minor New York coin dealer. This may well be
cent, but its venue is after the present coverage period. Two
241
WA.NC. 1794.1
WA.FA.(no date).l
RF-13J.
WA.FA.(no date).la.Ag
242
George Fuld
WA.FA. 1789.1
WA.FA. 1789.1 a. Ag
WA.FA.(no date).2.Ag.o
Guttag New Jersey mule RF-1 1F. A fairly crude copy of Baker
11, the New Jersey mule, made in the early 1920s by Julius Gut-
WA.FA.(no date).2.AU.o
WA.FA. 1792.1
WA.FA.1792.lb.WM
244
George Fuld
ilru flops,ftnnsgluania
^ ^^c^^-^*^.^-2^^
Uv
245
246
George Fuld
Table 1
WASHINGTON COINAGE
Remarks
WA. 1783.1
1783
Georgivs Triumpho
First contemporary
issue
WA. 1784.1
1784
An American issue
WA.1784.1.WM
1784
White Metal
1784
Electrotype
WA. 1785.1
1785
Confederatio reverse
A mule
WA. 1786.1
1786
Confederatio eagle
A rare mule
WA.1786.2
(1786)
Maris 4-C
WA.1786.3
1786
Regular issue
WA. 1786.4
1786
Contemporary copy?
WA. 1786.5
1786
B-12, counterfeit
WA.1791.P1
1791
No outline to the
shield
WA.1791.P2
1791
Uniface regular
reverse
WA.1791.P3
1791
WA.1791.P4
(1791)
Uniface
WA.1791.P5
1791
247
Number
Date
Description
Remarks
Roman head
Eagle reverse
Eagle reverse
Eagle reverse
Eagle reverse
Eagle reverse
Eagle reverse
Ship Halfpenny
Ship halfpenny
Ship halfpenny
Conder
Conder
Undated penny
Undated penny
Undated penny
Undated penny
Undated penny
Undated penny
WA.1792.1g.Ag
1792
WA.1792.1h.Ag
1792
WA.1792.2.Ag
1792
WA. 1792.3
1792
WA.1792.P1
(1792)
WA.1792.P2.WM
1792
WA. 1792.4
1792
WA.1792.4a
1792
WA.1792.4b.Ag
1792
WA.1792.4c.Ag
1792
WA.1792.4d.Au
1792
WA.1794.5
1792
WA.1792.6
1792
248
George Fuld
Number
Date Description
Remarks
WA. 1795.4
1795
Dated penny
Lettered edge
WA.1795.5
1795
Grate cent
WA.1795.5a
1795
Grate cent
WA.1795.5.Br
1795
Grate cent
Brass
WA.1795.5b
1795
Grate cent
Lettered edge
WA. 1795.6
1795
Grate cent
WA. 1795.7
(1795)
North Wales
Plain edge
WA.1796.7a
(1795)
North Wales
Lettered edge
WA.1795.8
(1795)
North Wales
WA. 1795.9
(1795)
North Wales
Head right
WA.NC.1783.13 1783
249
Number
Date
Description
Remarks
WA.NC.1783.22 1783
V-22-R
V-24-T Indepedence
V-28-Y
Double head
V-28-Y Engrailed
edge
Double head
V-29-Y
Electrotype shell
Washington dollar,
Fabrication
1794
Washington dollar
Silver fabrication
WA.FA.(no date). 1
WA.FA.1789.1b.Pb 1789
WA.FA.(no date).1.Ag.o
WA.FA.(no date).la.Au
Robinson Non Vi
Virtute Vici
Robinson Non Vi
Virtute Vici
Copper
Silver
Copper
Silver
Silver
Gold
Copper
Brass
White metal
Silver
{s
O "*
il
fe.
Is
a as
S -a
111
rt
Si
>.'
I!
L'S
o ec-
o21
T" O 9
II
Jo
uu
II
U Jl <w
f. u O
so a a.
251
i^
Su
0=3
9 >-
O.
ss
.2
'C 2
<M
i "s
> Js
*i
252
George Fuld
(ft
X) w
*g
HI
NJ
Relative
od
i*
ii
II
ss
II
I!!
<
> .a H
0 "B Js
S 2's
JS. 8
N <ff&
n4S
I-
a o. S,"5
Oia se
1||
BS**
o "
te
lle
er
Bo
po
sm
oth
,21
p8 fl:
j-Cj= -gj'u j
0 t!
in e 0
S3
wu
ZS5
2.0.2
Beads
O "
s!,
^ "O u
O'tJa
2"2
a.
I!
253
'
S-
to
3s
I?
si
ii
!'
> $>'
0%i
II
o i*.
HO
.o
SJ
1 Many people and Institutions have contributed to the completeness of this listing.
However, all omissions and errors are solely the responsibility of the author. First,
we acknowledge the editing and many corrections supplied by Eric Newman. Without
his studiousness, the clarity of the monograph would be lacking. My wife, Doris Fuld,
devoted much time to grammar and style. We wish to acknowledge the coopera-
Robert Hoge, Museum Curator, ANA, James Spilman and Robert Vlack and the Co-
lonial Newsletter Foundation, Bowers and Merena, Cliff Mishler of Krause Publica-
tions and especially Michael Hodder for either supplying photographs or releasing
cooperation of my friend, Barry Tayman, Esq. for proof reading, sound boarding
and photocopying is gratefully acknowledged. Discussions with Donald Part rick and
The dedicated help of the staff of the American Numismatic Society in compiling
this study, especially Frank Campbell, Librarian, John Kleeberg, Associate Curator
2 The following works are cited in short form throughout this study:
ANS 1914 ANS, Exhibition of U.S. and Colonial Coins (New York, 1914).
1885); repr. edition, George Fuld, ed. (lola, WI, 1965); rev. edition,
1985) = RF.
Demon The Virtuoso's Companion & Coin Collectors Guide, 4 vols. (Lon-
(Philadelphia, 1861)
255
Klein,
"Vicksburg
3 Robert W. Julian, "The Digges Letters," Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin 1962,
4 Don Taxay, The U.S. Mint and Coinage (New York, 1966).
635-52.
6 B.A. Seaby, eel, British Coins and Their Values (London, 1961).
Studies on Money in Early America, Eric P. Newman and Richard G. Doty, eds. (New
York, 1976).
pp. 271-73.
2).
13 Robert A. Vlack, Early American Coins, 2nd. ed. (Johnson City, NY, 1955), p.
105.
14 Richard Yeoman, A Guide Book of United States Coins, 43rd edition, 1990
"Maurice Gould, "The Ugly Head Cent," NSM 1954, pp. 669-70; Donald G. Par-
trick, "The Mysterious 1784 'Washington the Great' Coinage," America's Copper
Coinage 1 783-1857, COAC Proceedings 1 (New York, 1985), pp. 1 17-23, cites opin-
ion that the silver piece is "struck on a cast planchet." Note that the two illustra-
16 The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian Boyd, ed. (Princeton, 1950-61), vol. 7,
p. 202.
17 Journals of the Continental Congress 28, pp. 345-48, as quoted in Breen (above,
n. 2), p. 120.
18 Edward Maris, Historical Sketch of the Coins of New Jersey (Philadelphia, 1881).
19 Michael Hodder, "The 1787 'New York' Inununis Columbia; A Mystery Re-
25 Walter Breen, "Original 1791 Cents Story," Numismatic News Weekly, Oct. 23,
1973, pp. 8, 10, 49; Nov. 6, 1973, pp. 20, 22; Nov. 13, 1973, pp. 22, 44; Nov. 20,
1973, pp. 20, 46; Nov. 27, 1973, pp. 22, 32; Dec. 4, 1973, pp. 24, 48.
26 C. William Peck, English Copper, Tin and Bronze Coins in the British Museum,
30 See above, n. 4.
34 When the Hilles specimen of the 1792 silver Getz piece was sold by B&M in
March 1995, an interesting letter from Margaret Hilles Shearman offering the coin
at 12,500 on Sept. 11 1955, was reported by Eric P. Newman (see fig. A). Mrs. Shear-
man, 82 at the time, wrote to Mr. Newman at the suggestion of Stuart Mosher of
the Smithsonian Institution. Mr. Newman replied to her letter, but there was no
answer.
35 Andrew W. Pollock, United States Patterns and Related Issues (Wolfeboro, NH,
1994).
44 Above, n. 43.
46 Above, n. 29.
47 George Fuld, "A New Washington 'Colonial1 Variety," CNL [3] (1961).
48 Above, n. 2.
51 George Fuld and Eric P. Newman, "Rediscovery of the 1796 Getz Dollar,"
1941).
54 See above, n. 5.
1859).
57 J.R. Eckfeldt and W.E. Dubois, New Varieties of Gold and Silver Coins,
60 Thomas R. Lord & Co., Cincinnati Detector and Bank Note Reporter (Cincin-
416.
63 Above, n. 60.
64 Above, n. 11
65 Above, n. 62.
66 Above, n. 5.
67 Above, n. 11.
68 WJ. Davis and A.W. Waters, Tickets and Passes of Great Britain and Ireland
69 Above, n. 26.
70 Above, n. 9, p. 194.
71 Mike Ringo, "A New Washington Double Head Obverse," CNL 29 (1989),
p. 1074.
73 Walter Breen, Walter Breen 's Encyclopedia of United States Half Cents (South
Alan M. Stahl
of allied Indian tribes, British and French medals had become com-
it was there that Congress turned for the production of these medals.
hubs for the central motifs and individual letter punches for the
legends. The artists involved in these medals were Pierre Simon Ben-
of the leading medalists for French coins, jetons, and royal medals
of the period. The medals were struck at the French mint, which
and given to him in Paris in 1783. Most of the others were seen for
the first time when they were included in a set of 11 silver medals
the Massachusetts Historical Society. This set lacked the medal voted
for John Paul Jones, which was just being completed, and that for
set, and his own gold medal, Washington ordered the creation of
Republic; this Diplomatic Medal was the last of the official American
and those in the set given to Washington, other examples have been
263
The set of 11 silver medals given to George Washington, 1790. (Courtesy of the
made over the years. In many cases, the Paris mint has kept the dies
1832, it adopted the practice of stamping the edge of gold and silver
all metals and added the name of the metal in French: OR (gold),
ranges for the various symbols are: "antique lamp," 1832-41; "an-
to present.5
for some of the medals in the series by the United States Mint in
struck in Paris were hubbed to make new dies of gun metal. These
were then used to strike medals which were basically identical with
the originals, but had much less clarity. Later in the century, new
but newly modelled and with different letter punches. Only in the
and Gates, and the silver pieces in the set given to Washington in
wise indicated.4
Thomas Jefferson. The legends and design were worked out by the
The obverse portrait was copied from a marble bust by Jean Antoine
medals in this series. The Paris Mint has struck versions of this medal
from 1790 through the present, using at least two obverse dies and
four reverses. Copy dies were made from a French striking by the
Philadelphia mint in 1863 and used to strike medals until 1884, when
265
Paris 1833, p. 281, 10; Wyatt 1; Lossing, 1, 584; Snowden IV,3; Appleton
1874, 1; Holland 831; Loubat 1; Bushnell 1269; Wood 1884, 317 (silver),
318; Baker 47; Betts 542; Wood 1894, 251; Stickney 412; Parsons 587, 588;
7 (sketch); Levine, p. 118; Rulau and Fuld 47; Dreyfuss 5224 (silver), 5225;
ADSERTORI LIBERTATIS
MDCCLXXVI.
/The enemy put to flight for the first time, Boston recovered,
Struck gold, 246.34 g. Die f1aws on obverse at end of pony tail and
Obv.: As no. 1.
Rev.. As no. 1.
Society.
3. Striking in bronze.
Obv.: As no. 1.
Rev.: As no. 1.
267
268
Alan M. Stabl
269
270
Alan M. Stabl
Striking in bronze.
Obv.. As no. 1.
Rev.. As no. 1.
21565.
Striking in bronze.
Obv.. As no. 1.
Rev.: As no. 1.
271
Obv.: As no. 1.
die flaws above E at 2:30 and under R at 2:40; no other die flaws
apparent.
21567.
Obv.: As no. 1.
21566.
Obv.: As no. 1.
Rev.: As no. 1.
Rev.: As no. 1.
Obverse 1A
(no. 11 below); Rulau and Fuld 47X (no. 11 below); Garrett 1744; Levine,
This die is known from two white metal splashers (Garrett and no. 11
below), and from a copper electrotype (Dreyfuss) which lacks the artist's
signature. A French sketch of the obverse from 1788 which has an exergue
line below the bust suggests that this was an early trial for the medal, as
does the observation that the Garrett splasher is paired with a splasher of
possibly for approval by the Americans commissioning the piece, and re-
21564.
273
11
Mint, post-179O
Baker, p. 29n.; Fuld 1963, IX (no. 12 below); Levine, p. 118; Rulau and
Rev. . As no. 1, but letter punch of O is more oval than round, 2nd
the original specimens 1 and 2, suggest that the die dates from
developed, which indicates that the die was used with the er-
21568.
Obv. . As no. 1.
in ring and gilt, 70 mm, 5 mm thick at edge, 128.70 g. Obv. die state
f~S /- . "*
12
275
Raymond 1 (no. 14 below); Pond 1 (no. 14 below); Fuld 1963, IB; Rulau
and Fuld 48. Fuld reports a lead striking in Garrett but none listed in
catalogue. Fuld (p. 116) reports that the recutting of the D over the M is
276
Alan M. Stabl
Obv. . As no. 1.
no. 3 above. Rev. die shows two breaks in field, one from
277
Obv. . As no. 1.
at edge, 116.35 g. Obv. die state as no. 5 above. Rev. die shows same
15
through post-1880
Holland 832 (silver); Baker 48; Paris 1892, p. 275, 10: Betts 543; Wood
1894, 252, 253; Parsons 589; Raymond 2; New Netherlands no. 40, 65d;
Fuld 1963, 1C; Garrett 1745; Rulau and Fuld 48F, 48G; Kessler-
Obv. . As no. 1.
legend, staff of leftmost rider short, and only three hoofs visi-
Obv. . As no. 1.
above.
Obv. . As no. 1.
no. 16 above.
Obv. . As no. 1.
Obv.: As no. 1.
off obv.
279
16
280
Alan M. Stabl
281
282
Obv. . As no. 1.
26547.
283
Obv. . As no. 1.
Obv.: As no. 1.
284
Alan M. Stabl
Obv.: As no. 1.
Obv.: As no. 1.
Obv. . As no. 1.
toward rev.
Fuld 1963, IVF; Paris 1983, 1, 302 C; Rulau and Fuld 49G, 49H; Dreyfuss
Obv.: As no. 1.
in the reverse legend (there are four hoofs visible under the
1863-84
Wood 1894, 255; Baker 49; Stickney 413; Fuld 1963, HD; Clain-Stefanelli,
Type 6.
REC in exergue.
286
Alan M. Stabl
27
287
288
Alan M. Stabl
to present
Hunter 228; Fuld 1963, HIE; Failor and Hayden 401; Julian MI-1; Kessler-
Spangenberger 1848; Rulau and Fuld 49B, 49C; Dreyfuss 5234; Burke Type
G at 8:00.
Rev. . As no. 1, letters of legend from 10:00 to 2:00 taller, most ob-
ther to right.
289
137.28 g.
129.27 g.
medal and the dies were sent to Gates in 1787. The medal was given
papers reside. The dies were used in 1801 by Adam Eckfeld to strike
silver and tin examples and then were given to the Philadelphia mint,
where they were also used for restrikes. After 1885 a new reverse
die was cut by William Barber, apparently by hubbing the type and
2; Bushnell 1612 (silver), 1613, 1614 (tin); Hills 260; Wood 1884, 1445;
Anthon 939; Betts 557; Wood 1894, 579, 580, 581 (white metal); Parsons
2117 (silver), 2118 (tin), 2119, 2120; Hunter 231; Wilson 803 (silver);
Havemeyer 1, 1001, 2, 1515; Pond 2; New Netherlands no. 40, 512; New
2627; Dreyfuss 5237 (silver), 5238, 5239 (tin), 5240 (tin rev. die trial);
Stack's 17.
Obv.. Bust, 1.
Rev. . Burgoyne, 1., offers sword to Gates, r., drum and fallen stan-
forces in order to r.
TO / DIE XVII.OCT.MDCCLXXVII
Struck gold, c.56 mm, looped at top. Rev. die flaw from top of stan-
291
Provenance as no. 2.
292
Alan M. Stabl
Die flaw as no. 32 but flaw reaches from standard through legend
1885 to present
Failor and Hayden, pp. 163-64 [402]; Julian MI-2; Providence 37, 38.
83.97 g. Die flaws eliminated except for the one from the top of the
293
and silver ones to Francois de Fleury and John Stewart for their par-
New York. Nothing appears to have been done to execute the Wayne
who apparently had no portrait to work from. The gold medal was
tion. Nothing is known about the fate of the original dies; new dies
294
Alan M. Stabl
Obv. . Female dressed as Indian at 1., alligator, bow and shield at feet,
Congress]
soldiers in 1. foreground.
STONEY-POINT EXPUGNATUM
In exergue, XV JUL.MDCCLXXIX
Struck silver.
Provenance as no. 2.
295
post-1887
Wood 1894, 584, 585; Elder 1915, 418; Pond 3; Wismer 449; Clain-
Obv.. As no. 36. From new dies. Differences most apparent in let-
figures.
Rev.: As no. 36. From new dies. Differences most apparent in let-
A silver medal was authorized for Fleury at the same time as the
gold medal for Wayne above, and the silver one for Stewart below.
The production of this medal was much faster than for the others;
296
Alan M. Stabl
1880.
Betts 566; Wood 1894, 577; Parsons 2121; Wilson 805 (silver); Havemeyer
1, 1028, 2, 1517; Pond 5; New Netherlands no. 40, 511 (ex Wilson); New
staff in 1.
Struck silver. Obv. die flaws in arc beneath VIRT from 8:30 to 9:30.
Provenance as no. 2.
39
297
40
Striking in silver.
39. Marks on rim from 5:30 to 6:30, perhaps the result of shaving
1880-present
Wismer 449; Clain-Stefanelli, p. 15; Failor and Hayden 406; Julian MI-4;
Obv. . As no. 39. From new dies. Difference most apparent in rela-
Rev. . As no. 39. From new dies. Difference most apparent in con-
54.80 g.
41
medals; even the identity of the recipient is not certain. The medal
ing. Nothing is known of the history of the dies and no copy dies
were made. The only known struck example appears to be that from
1610 (electrotypes), 1611 (electrotypes); Wood 1884, 1450 (obv. lead, 1451
(lead cast); Betts 567; Wood 1894, 578 (lead trial of obv.); Storer, p. 417
Congress]
Rev. . Soldier with raised sword leads force 1. over body-strewn field,
fortress in distance.
STONEY-POINT OPPUGNATUM
In exergue, XV JUL.MDCCLXXIX
Struck silver.
Provenance as no. 2.
62.70 g. Seam visible on edge. Mold cracks visible on obv. and rev.
exergues.
299
42
43
44
made for Lee for the successful attack on the British fort at Paulus
Hook (now Jersey City). When the set of silver medals arrived for
Washington 10 years later, it was apparent that the medal for Lee
had been overlooked, and the American engraver Joseph Wright was
the medal was ever struck or delivered to Lee, but lead trial strik-
ings were produced. A new obverse die appears to have been made
new reverse die was made in 1874, and a repaired version of the
1793
Congress]
45.
301
Lead cast, 45 mm, 3 mm thick at edge, 27.99 g. Obv. flaws as no. 45.
45
46
47
302
Alan M. Stabl
48
48.
White metal cast, 45 mm, 3.5 mm thick at edge, 29.58 g. Obv. flaws
ca. 1874
Obv. . As no. 45, but new bust, different letter punches. J.WRIGHT
on truncation of arm.
303
50
1874
Holland 1666; Hills 259; Wood 1884, 1452; Betts 575; Parsons 2127; Elder
1915, 420 (silver); Wilson 806 (silver); Havemeyer 2, 1516; Wismer 450;
as no. 49. Rev. underpunches visible on next to last line, dot to left
of H.
51
304
Alan M. Stabl
52
no. 51.
post-1877
Clain-Stefanelli, p. 20; Failor and Hayden 409; Julian MI-5; Garrett 5244
(copper).
It wasn't until 1787 that Congress voted a gold medal to John Paul
Jones for his capture of the Serapis off the coast of Scotland in 1779.
of four gold medals (one for himself, one for Catherine, one for Louis
XVI and one for the United States) and requested that no silver or
gold pieces. In the end, only those for Jones and Catherine seem
to have been struck, and no example was included in the silver set
broken soon and a new set was made by the same method. When
these were no longer usable, totally new dies were cut. In 1939,
the original dies were brought from Paris to the United States Naval
Academy, and at least one gold restrike has been made from them
since then.
305
Paris 1833, p. 284, 18; Tresor, pl. 53, 8; Wyatt 23; Lossing, 2,643; Snowden
27; Woodward 2706; Appleton 1870, p. 9, 17; Holland 1681; Loubat 17;
Bushnell 1709 (silver, "restrike before the die broke"), 1710 ("original":
possibly both from Die Combinations 3 or 4); Hills 261; Wood 1884, 1454;
Anthon 884 (silver); 938 (possible 3 or 4); Paris 1892, p. 277, 18; Betts 568;
Wood 1894, 593; Parsons 2122; Stickney 2962; Elder 1915, 422 (silver);
Wismer 451 (bronze and tin uniface of O & R); Zigrosser, fig. 16 (study);
Obv.: Bust r.
COMITIA AMERICANA
Congress]
DUPRE'. F on truncation.
with blank paper, clipped from 3:00 to 4:30. Two dots horizontal
306
Alan M. Stabl
M.DCCLXXVIIII.
DUPRE'. F. in exergue.
307
308
Alan M. Stabl
"pointing hand" CUIVRE at 6:00. Obv. die flaws as no. 54. Rev. die
"bee" ARGENT at 6:00 toward rev. Obv. and rev. die flaws as no. 54.
"bee" CUIVRE at 5:30. Obv. and rev. die flaws as no. 54.
"cornucopia" CUIVRE at 6:00. Obv. and rev. die flaws as no. 54.
1863
but other flaws cleaned up. Large rim cud from 8:30 to 9:30. Rev.
retains die break from I to BY and below D as no. 54 but other flaws
1863
310
Alan M. Stabl
311
g. Same modelling and letter spacing as above, all die flaws cleaned
post-1863
Rev.: As no. 54 but artist's name omitted from exergue. New model-
312
Alan M. Stabl
Heavy fish tail ing on feet of letters in circular legends, both sides.
Sandblasted finish.
and J.E. Howard. The plans for the Morgan medal were finally ap-
presented to Morgan at about the time that the silver example (no.
64) was given to George Washington. The gold original was lost,
medal and silver, bronze and gilt bronze examples through the twen-
tieth century.
current
behind to r.
314
Alan M. Stabl
HOSTIBVS / XVII.JAN.MDCCLXXXI.
Struck silver.
Provenance as no. 2.
1617 (silver), 1618, 1619 (electrotypes); Hills 257; Wood 1884, 1456; Betts
593; Parsons 2133, 2134; Elder 1915, 424a; Hunter 232 (silver); Wilson
810 (silver); Pond 6; Wismer 453; New Netherlands no. 40, 512; Clain-
1653; Providence 39, 40, 41; Springfield 4174, 4175, 4176; NYPL 2629;
315
Obv.: As no. 64. Very close copy; differences most apparent in spac-
Rev.. As no. 64. Very close copy; differences most apparent are
before Boston medal and the John Paul Jones medal, restrikes were
made in Philadelphia in 1863 from gun metal dies hubbed from ex-
amples struck in Paris. Some time thereafter new dies were made
post-1880
Paris 1833, p. 285, 20; Wyatt 2; Lossing, 2, 435; Snowden 10; Woodward
(silver), 1621; Hills 258; Wood 1884, 437,438 (copper); Anthon 8% (silver);
Betts 594; Wood 1894, 583; Parsons 2135; Elder 1915, 423 (silver); Hunter
233, 234 (silver); Wilson 811 (silver); Havemeyer 1,976 ("trial, thick flan"),
987 ("original, thin flan"); Pond 7; New Netherlands no. 40, 511, 512;
per), 4248; NYPL 2630; Dreyfuss 5246 (silver), 5248, 5349 (copper, "cor-
1. and r. rear.
American Congress]
Struck silver. Obv. die rust below and to 1. of W at 9:30. Rev. die
flaw between wreath and rim at 1:30, die rust just to 1. of 1. upper
ribbon.
Provenance as no. 2.
no. 70.
318
Alan M. Stabl
70
71
73
319
Cast bronze, 45.5 mm, 3 mm thick at edge, 33.05 g, die axis 1:00.
to present
Paris 1892, p. 278, 20; Clain-Stefanelli, p. 29; Dreyfuss 5250 (silver), 5251
ling and letter punches and positions) but flaws eliminated from obv.
and rev.
75
320
Alan M. Stabl
76
post-1863
Modelling and letters identical to no. 70. Obv. shows only trace of
77
321
78
The Howard medal was also by Duvivier. The history of its strik-
ing is like that for William Washington, except that the Philadelphia
copy dies were made later, in 1868. The reverse of these was replac-
post-1890
10; Bushnell 1622 (silver), 1623; Wood 1884, 1457; Anthon 895 (silver),
960 ("proof); Paris 1892, p. 278, 21; Betts 595; Wood 1894, 582; Par-
(copper); Springfield 4177 (copper); Dreyfuss 5253 (silver), 5254; Stack's 22.
322
Alan M. Stabl
81.
82.
QUOS
tUJITO
..LAJI'.'H 3.1.
Ec.raiK DEB:?
IK mam At
.jrnccLnr:
80
to r.
American Congress]
Struck silver. Obv. rim flaw above E at 0:30. Rev. flaw inside wreath
at 1:00.
Provenance as no. 2.
"pointing hand" CUIVRE at 6:00. Obv. die flaw slightly more ad-
"pointing hand" CUIVRE at 6:00 to rev. Obv. die flaw slightly more
323
81
83
1868-79
Julian, p. 121.
1879-81
Julian, p. 121.
1881-present
Clain-Stefanelli, p. 31; Failor and Hayden 404; Julian MI-9; Garrett 1955.
exergue.
Struck silver, proof finish, 46 mm, 3 nun thick at edge, 48.31 g. Edge
325
84
85
86
Sept. 8, 1781.
for his bold attack on the British forces at Eutaw Springs, South
despite the fact that it was one of the first completed, was awarded
does not seem to have been restruck by the French mint. New dies
"one of two known"); Hills 255; Wood 1884, 1458 (tin cast); Betts 597;
Parsons 2137; Wilson 812 (ex Bushnell); Havemeyer 2, 1514; Pond 9; Clain-
dies); New York Public Library 2632 (silver-plated copper); Dreyfuss 5255
(silvered lead).
Obv.: Bust, 1.
Congress]
shields, at feet.
VIIISEPT / MDCCLXXXI.
Struck silver. Die rust on obv. esp. between A and A at 2:30, on rev.
Provenance as no. 2.
Struck bronze 56 mm, 4.5 mm thick, 74.23 g. Die rust as no. 87.
Edge has several lines going around it and vise marks, perhaps the
327
328
Alan M. Stabl
at top of rev.
1890-present
Elder 1915, 423a; Wismer 453; Clain-Stefanelli, p. 34; Failor and Hayden
4178, 4179.
Obv. . As no. 87. New modelling and letter punches. Difference most
Rev. . As no. 87. New modelling and letter punches. Differences most
329
with English and French scholars and artists and engaged Augustin
ministers and the Grand Master of Malta; he sent a silver one to the
tising the medal printed in French and English. A silver example was
creation of new ones for restrikes; the piece in the set for
1; Appleton 1874, 10; Holland 3431 (gilt bronze); Loubat 14; Bushnell 291
(silver), 292; Hills 252 (silver), 253; Wood 1884, 1587; Betts 615; Stickney
2959 (silver), 2960; Parsons 2149 (silver), 2150, 2151; Hunter 224; Wilson
816 (silver); Pond 10; Wismer 446 (bronze and uniface tin rev. in tin frame);
New Netherlands no. 40, 510; Zigrosser figs. 1 & 2 (sketches), 3 (gilt plaster
proofs), 4 (brochure); New Netherlands no. 63, 614 (silver), 615 (silver in
193 (uniface rev. lead trial, early state); Springfield 4246; NYPL 2825 (silver),
2826; Dreyfuss 5586 (silver), 5674; Stack's 204 (silver), 205, 206.
91
330
Alan M. Stabl
behind.
LIBERTAS . AMERICANA.
tacking from r.
[The child is not fearless without the gods, October 17, 1777;
g. Obv. die break in edge at 6:30, die rust beneath A at 3:00; rev.
92
331
93
95
332
Alan M. Stabl
96.
97.
98.
99.
96
Struck silver. Obv. die break slightly more progressed than on no. 95.
Provenance as no. 2.
Bronze cast.
Bronze cast.
Cast white metal, silvered, 47.5 mm, 3.5 mm thick at edge, 49.14 g.
Cast white metal, unevenly silvered, 47.5 mm, 3.5 mm thick at edge,
50.07 g.
reverses bear the dates 1784 and 1786 respectively. An example with
before his death. The dies have remained at the Paris mint, where
they have been used for restrikes. The obverse die was replaced some
time around the middle of the nineteenth century; the second ver-
sion reverse die was replaced some time in the past century.
1784-post-1845
Bushnell 1546 (silver), 1547; Hills 287, 288 (copper); Wood 1884, 1284;
Anthon 1134; Paris 1892, p. 289, 61.1; Betts 619; Stickney 2963; Parsons
(sketches), 10; Springfield 4247 (silver & copper), 4248; Dreyfuss 5676,
Ohv.. Bust, 1.
ground to r.
MDCCLXXXIV
[He bos torn the lightning from the sky and the scepter from
1784.]
334
Alan M. Stabl
102
to present
Obv. . As no. 102 but new modelling, new letter punches, most ap-
parent in K at 10:00.
Struck bronze, yellow patina, 45.5 mm, 3.5 mm thick at edge, 50.44
335
104
105
106
336
Alan M. Stabl
Paris 1833, p. 299, 61; Tresor, pl. 53, 7; Snowden, p. 105, 5; Appleton
1874, 11; Holland 3244; Loubat 16; Bushnell 1548 (silver), 1549; Wood
1884, 1283; Anthon 1135 (silver), 1136; Paris 1892 p. 289, 61.2; Betts 620;
Stickney 2964; Pond 11; Fuld 1956, FR.M.NL.3; Springfield 4248; Dreyfuss
MDCCLXXXVI
Struck silver. Obv. die as no. 102. Rev. die rust below I and L of
Provenance as no. 2.
108
337
109
19OO-present
Rev.: As no. 108, but new modelling and letter punches, most ap-
110
to the United States from 1787 to 1791. The production was handled
missioned Augustin Dupre to make the dies and strike two gold
busy with dies for the new coinage. Another delay was caused by
lead trials; the broken die is in the collection of the Boston Public
Library as is the obverse hub. In 1792, the gold medals were given
out to the agent of Luzerne, who had recently died in exile, and
time. Charles Barber made new dies of the medal in 1876, copied
cury w. caduceus.
Rev. . Great Seal of the United States, heraldic eagle w. head to 1.,
Uniface white metal splashers on blank paper, rev. has inked spirals
Woodward 1863, no. 2691 (bronze); Appleton 1875; Marcou; Loubat 20;
Bushnell 313 (bronze, ex Woodward 1863), 314 (rev. lead proof); Hunter
226 (rev. lead proof); Garrett 1959 (bronze ex Bushnell, and rev. lead proof);
Stack's 99 (copper).
339
111 Obv.
340
Alan M. Stabl
111 Rev.
341
112
342
Alan M. Stabl
113
to present
Parsons 2157; Holland 1705 (silver proof); Pallor and Hayden 635; Julian
Rev. . As no. 111, new modelling and letter punches, most apparent
1 I am very grateful to John W. Adams for supplying the photos of the pieces in
the Massachusetts Historical Society, David Alexander, Paul Bosco, Carl Carlson for
the use of notes on the M.H.S. pieces, Rita Dockery of the American Philosophical
Society, John J. Ford, Jr. for his photos of the M.H.S. pieces, Margaret K. Hofer of
the New-York Historical Society, John Kleeberg, H. Joseph Levine, Laura V. Monti
2 Alan M. Stahl, "American Indian Peace Medals of the Colonial Period," Money
3 Sarah Elizabeth Freeman, Medals Relating to Medicine and Allied Sciences in the
Numismatic Collection of the Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, 1964), pp. xii-
anciens et modernes.
[see also AJN 1874, pp. 8-9, for the presentation of the set to the Massachusetts
Historical Society].
Drey fussDavid W. Drey fuss Collection, Bowers and Merena, and Presidential Coin
Failor and HaydenKenneth M. Failor and Eleonora Hayden, Medals of the United
GarrettGarrett Collection, U.S.A. part 4, Bowers and Ruddy, March 25-26, 1981.
21-22, 1928.
Athenaeum, then in 1967, to ANS and appears above], Sampson, Feb. 12-14,
1884.
JulianR. W. Julian, Medals of the United States Mint; The First Century 1792-1892
York, 1860).
LoubatJ.F. Loubat, The MedaUic History of the United States of America, 1776-1876
New Netherlands no. 40New Netherlands Coin Company, auction 40, May 9, 1953.
1972.
New Netherlands no. 63New Netherlands Coin Company, auction 63, April 18-19,
NYPLNew York Public Library Collection, Bowers and Ruddy, Oct. 30, 1982.
(Paris, 1833).
Paris 1892Paris, Musce Monetaire, Midailles franfaises dont les coins sont con-
pp. 33-40. NB: The illustrations to this article are not the specimens described.
WismerD.C. Wismer Collection, New Netherlands Coin Company auction 36, Jan.
26, 1952.
Wood 1894Isaac F. Wood Collection, S.H. and H. Chapman, July 11-12, 1894.
1848).
Specific Medals
BPL"The Washington Medal," Bulletin of the Boston Public Library 1919, pp.
324-27.
1969, p. 162.
Rulau and FuldRussell Rulau and George Fuld, Medallic Portraits of Washington
(lola, 1985).
Stewart
Elder 1927[Thomas L. Elder], "Lt. Col. Louis de Fleury Never Got His Medal,"
Elder 1926[Thomas L. Elder], "How the Paulus Hook Congressional Medal Was
Won by Major Henry Lee," The Collector's Notes 1926, pp. 13-14 (bound in
Ltbertas Americana
BNYPL"The Franklin Medal," Bulletin of the New York Public Library 27 (1923),
pp. 455-51.
Benjamin Franklin