Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Warren Ecofeminism Article
Warren Ecofeminism Article
Warren Ecofeminism Article
Philosophy
A Western Perspective on
What It Is and Why It Matters
Karen J. Warren
ROWMAN
PUBLISHERS, INC.
New York Oxford
& LITTLEFIELD
Lanham
Boulder
Chapter
Nature Is
One
Feminist Issue
Trees, forests, and deforestation. Water, drought, and desertification. Food production, poverty, and toxic wastes. The biodiversity crisis, wildlife, and maltreatment of animals. What do such environmental issues have to do with women,
Chapter
One
WOMEN AND
In 1974, twenty-seven women of Reni in northern India took simple but effective
action to stop tree felling. They threatened to hug the trees if the lumberjacks
attempted to cut them down. The women's protest, known as the Chipko movement ("chipko" in Hindi means "to embrace" or "hug"), saved 12,000 square
kilometers of sensitive watershed. The Chipko movement also gave visibility to
two basic complaints of local people: commercial felling by contractors damages
Nature Is
Feminist Issue
a large number of other trees, and the teak and eucalyptus monoculture plantations are replacing valuable indigenous forests. 2
Forests have been central to the evolution of Indian civilization, India being
known in ancient times as "Aranya Sanskriti" or a "forest culture. ''3 The commercialization of forestry under British rule, however, restricted the access of
local Indians to forests, and management practices that aimed at maximizing timber output for a cash economy were introduced. This led to widespread Gandhian
satyagrahas---campaigns of nonviolent civil disobedience by local Indian
women. The Chipko movement is "historically, philosophically and organisationally, an extension of traditional Gandhian satyagrahas. ''4
Both the earlier forest satyagrahas and their contemporary expression in the
Chipko movement are responses to conflicts over forest resource use and degradation. According to Jayanta Bandyopadhyay and Vandana Shiva, what distinguishes Chipko from the earlier struggles is its ecological basis:
The new concem to save and protect forests through Chipko satyagraha did not arise
from resentment against further encroachment on the people's access to forest resources.
It
It arose from the alarming signals of rapid ecological destabilisation in the hills
has now evolved to the demand for ecological rehabilitation. Since the Chipko movement is based upon the perception of forests in their ecological context, it exposes the
social and ecological costs of short term growth-oriented forest management. This is
clearly seen in the slogan of the Chipko movement which claims that the main products
of the forests are not timber or resin, but "soil, water, and oxygen .-5
What has been called the "eucalyptus controversy" is in reality a conflict of paradigms, between an ecological approach to forestry on the one hand, and a reductionist, partisan approach which only responds to industrial requirements on the other.
While the former views natural forests and many indigenous tree species as more
Chapter
One
than eucalyptus, the reverse is true according to the paradigm 9 f Commercial Forestry. The scientific conflict is in fact an economic conflict over which
aoods and whose needs are important.
lltlfi. "vo
Which needs and whose needs are important? Ecofeminists insist that the needs
of women as primary managers of household economies are important for at least
three reasons.
First, in the South women are typically more dependent than men on tree and
forest products,7 and they are the primary sufferers of forest resource depletion.8
Trees provide five essential elements in these household economies: food, fuel,
fodder, products for the home (including building materials, household utensils,
gardens, dyes, medicines), and income-generating activities. 9 As trees become
scarce, it is women who must walk farther for fuelwood and fodder and who must
carry it all back themselves (e.g., without the help of animals). As men increasingly seek employment in towns and cities, especially to work in eucalyptus plantations, it is women who must carry out men's former jobs plus the laborious
tasks of collecting and processing forest products on degraded soils. As
new technologies targeted at cash economies are introduced, it is women who
have
decreased opportunities to use trees as a source of income (e.g., by making
objects that can be sold at market). As development projects that fail to address
women's specific needs are introduced, it is women who are confronted with the
challenges of cooking with inferior fuelwood. Because of their gendered responsibilities for maintaining domestic households, tree shortages have significant,
a
direct, and disproportionate impact on women. As the U.N. publication The
World's Women, 1995 states:
Rough estimates of the proportion of rural women affected by fuelwood scarcity-based on estimates by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
of the percentage of household energy provided by fuelwood--are 60 percent in 32
African countries, nearly 80 percent in 18 Asian countries, and nearly 40 percent in
14 Latin American and Caribbean countries. 10
highly
deforested areas, the situation for women is the worst, since women
devote
must
more time to collecting fuelwood, thereby reducing the time available to do other activities.
Second, there are customs, taboos, and legal and time constraints that women
face that men do not face. As the United Nations documents:
In
Nature Is
Feminist Issue
Men and women often have different access to credit and land. The rights of
men and women regarding trees often differ significantly. In the United Republic
of Tanzania, for example, women (who may be one of several wives of one man)
often are permitted to stay on land they do not and cannot own at the discretion
of their husbands or fathers. 12 Women in rural areas of developing countries are
largely without access to the sort of institutional support needed to participate in
and control local development:
In rural areas, women's roles are those of the poorest-paid labourers--weeding, hoeing and carrying water and wood, combined with the traditional family roles of cooking, child care, health care and reproduction--without even the pay that a labourer
expects. While consciousness of these traditional roles has fostered the idea that
women are in some sense natural custodians of the environment in rural areas, there
is no evidence of this notion and women in rural areas are largely ill-equipped for it.
They are without training, status, access to community-based organizations and
cooperatives, land and property rights, capital, or environmental institutions that
make up the dense fabric of rural life and control its development. 13
to women's disOne
such
assumption
is
that
the
outsider
knows
best--that
the First
advantage.
World forester (an "outsider") has the requisite technical expertise to solve the
problem of the lack of trees in Third World countries. But this assumption is false
or problematic. Sometimes it is "the insider" (i.e., the local people most inside the
culture) the Chipko women of India, for example--who are the experts, who
have what feminist foresters call "indigenous technical knowledge" about
forestry production. 14 Because local women are the primary users of forest commodities in most developing countries, their "day-to-day, hands-on involvement
with forestry goes far beyond that of many professionally trained foresters, m5 For
example, in a Sierra Leone village, women were able to identify thirty-one products from nearby bushes and trees while men could identify only eight. 6
Women's indigenous technical knowledge grows out of their daily, felt, lived
experiences as managers of trees and tree products.
A second assumption of commercial Western forestry is that activities that fall
outside the boundaries of commercial fiber production are less important. 17 Yet these
activities are precisely those that women engage in on a daily basis. Conceptually,
the "invisibility" of what women do accounts for the mistaken assumption that management and production policies of orthodox forestry are not gender-biased. It also
explains why many foresters "literally do not see trees that are used as hedgerows or
living fence poles; trees that provide materials for basketry, dyes, medicines, or decorations; trees that provide sites for honey barrels; trees that provide shade; or trees
that provide human food. ''18 Because these foresters literally do not see these multiple uses of trees, they also often do not see a lot more, for example, that a diversity
of tree species is useful, that men and women may have very different uses for the
same tree or may use different trees for different purposes.
Chapter
WOMEN, WATER,
Nature Is
One
AND DROUGHT
Feminist Issue
inadequate potable
water or sanitation. It also estimates that as many as 25 million deaths a year are due to water-related illnesses. The United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) estimates that 15 million children
die every year before they are five; half of them could be saved if they had access
to safe drinking water. 22
Water scarcity is of special concern for women and children. According to The
World's Women, 1995, the majority of countries in Africa and many countries of Asia
and Latin America are considered water-scarcity countries. 23 In these countries,
Small-scale studies
women and children perform most of the water collection work.
in Africa and Asia indicate that women and girls spend up to forty-three hours per
week collecting and carrying water (e.g., in Africa, approximately seventeen hours
in Senegal, five hours in rural areas of Botswana, and forty-three hours on northern
farms in Ghana; in Asia, seven hours in the Baroda region of India, one to five hours
in Nepalese villages, depending on the ages of the girls, and three hours in Pakistan) .24 Because of natural resource depletion, women also must walk farther for
water (e.g., up to fifteen kilometers daily through rough terrain in Uttarakhand,
India). The effects on women in these countries is significant:
The
proportion
Africa, 32 per
cent
According
tary
water.
to Joni
Chapter
Nature Is
One
foul odor and taste. Nell Grantham, a licensed practical nurse, took samples of
their water for testing. The results confirmed their suspicions: Their water contained harmful chemicals, twelve clearly identified. Local residents were told
the water was not safe to drink, cook with, bathe in; vegetables and animals
could not be raised on their land. Residents experienced a host of health problems: skin rashes, liver damage, birth defects. 29
A different sort of water issue that affects women, people of color, the poor,
and children are the so-called natural disasters of droughts and floods. A drought
is too little water; a flood is too much water. Traditionally, droughts and floods
are considered "disasters" only when humans, human communities, and property
have been seriously affected. Humans make land more drought-prone and more
flood-prone (and, hence, more disaster-prone) by removing the vegetation and
soil systems that absorb and store water. As Anders Wijkman and Lloyd Timberlake claim about droughts, "reduced rainfall may trigger a drought, but human
pressure on the land is the primary cause. ''3
Wijkman and Timberlake argue that forces of nature ("natural events") trigger disaster events, but they are not the main cause. In the developing world, they identify
three main causes of "natural disasters": human vulnerability resulting from poverty
and inequality; environmental degradation owing to poor land use; and rapid population growth, especially among the poor. 31 But these three main causes involve a
complex set of institutional, economic, cultural, and political factors. According to
Wijkman and Timberlake, these complex factors bear an important and typically
undernoticed causal role in the occurrence of "natural disasters," such as droughts
and floods, that affect millions of humans and animals.
Economic or class interests head the list of human-induced factors that affect
the occurrences and locations of droughts as "natural disasters." Wijkman and
Timberlake poignantly express this point when they claim that "no wealthy person ever died in a drought," "no relief worker has starved to death during a
drought," and "no journalist has died of hunger while covering a drought. ''32
Are droughts and floods--obvious environmental issues with class implications-also gender and age issues? Yes, especially considering that it is poor
women and children who are most significantly affected. This is due to a constellation of interconnected factors--with poverty a major factor. No matter how
poverty is measured, the poor population is largely and increasingly comprised of
women and children. Poverty differentials among both groups are magnified by
race, ethnicity, and age. 33 For example, cross-culturally, women are paid less than
men, and women in most regions spend as much or more time working than men
when unpaid housework is taken into account. 34 Women everywhere control
fewer resources and reap a lesser share of the world's wealth than men: Women
do more than one-half of the world's work, but receive only 10 percent of the
world's income and own only 1 percent of the world's property. 35 Women-headed
households are a growing worldwide phenomenon, with between 80 and 90 percent of poor families headed by women. 36 When one remembers that the three
Feminist Issue
elements that make up the major part of Third World disasters are deforestation,
desertification, and soil erosion, and that, among humans, it is the poor who are
most significantly affected by them, one can then understand why women and
children will be
disproportionately
As
rule,
men
Sweeper
Smearing
Woman of Africa
What are you not?
41
To illustrate the plight of women farmers in Africa, consider the root crop cassava. Women do 70 to 80 percent of the growing and harvesting of cassava, and
100 percent of the processing, which includes washing out the natural cyanide
found in it (a process that takes eighteen five-hour days). Yet little money has
been devoted to research on cassava and the development of processing tech-
Chapter
10
Nature Is
One
nologies that would increase both the productivity of women farmers and the
demand and price for cassava. 42
The so-called feminization of agriculture refers to the increasing proportion of
women in the agricultural labor force. Women are farm owners and farm managers, with major decision-making responsibilities about production and most
agricultural tasks. Women are farm partners, sharing responsibility for agricultural production, typically with another household member. Women are farm
workers, either as unpaid family laborers or as wage laborers. 43 The number of
women for each 100 men working in agriculture is seventy-one in Africa, fiftyfour in Western Europe, forty-seven in Asia and the Pacific, and eighty-four in
Eastern Europe. 44
However, a failure to realize the extent of women's contribution to agriculture
(e.g., by First World development policies and practices) has contributed historically
to the invisibility of women in all aspects of agricultural work: in ploughing, planting, caring for farm animals, harvesting, weeding, processing, and the storing of
crops. It also has contributed to a failure to see ways in which women and their families have been deeply affected by development decisions and projects that have
depleted the resource bases on which their productive activities depend (e.g., subsistence agriculture, food processing). This is exacerbated by the fact that women
historically have often had little input into those decisions and projects. 45
Chris Cuomo argues that farms are sites of human oppression in the United
States as well:
Eighty
ninety percent of the approximately two million hired farmworkers are Latino,
followed by African-Americans, Caribbeans, Puerto Ricans, Filipinos, Vietnamese,
Koreans, and Jamaicans. It is estimated that as many as 313,000 farmworkers experience pesticide-related illnesses each year. Not surprisingly, Hispanic women generally
show higher levels of pesticides in their milk than white women do .46
to
Although it is not
States, including
WOMEN,
PEOPLE OF
COLOR, CHILDREN,
AND HEALTH
Feminist Issue
11
time
They
in Nepal found that women cook for about five hours a day, with indoor
concentrations in rural areas as high as 20,000 micrograms per cubic
meter. As a result, acute respiratory infections and bronchitis are said to be very
common in rural areas.
Nonsmoking women in India and Nepal exposed to biomass smoke have been
found to have abnormally high levels of chronic respiratory diseases--with mortality rates comparable to that of heavy male smokers. The enormously high levels of
women's exposure to indoor air pollution during cooking found in 15 countries of
Africa and Asia indicate very significant health risks to the many women who cook
indoors in developing countries. 48
One
study
particulate
in fish and mammals and deformities in insect larvae, but in human tissue as well.
PCBs have contributed to adverse reproductive outcomes (including decreased
sperm count in males), low birth weight, infants born with smaller head circumferences, increased rates of cancer of all types, and circulatory and immune system diseases. 5 Similarly, pesticides and industrial pollutants contribute to many
types of reproductive impairment in humans, for example, difficulty conceiving,
miscarriages and spontaneous abortions, sperm toxicity, and ftal/infant related
health problems. 51 Due largely to their ability to cross the placenta, to bioaccumulate, and to occur as mixtures, persistent toxic chemicals pose disproportionate serious health threats to infants, mothers, and the elderly.
There are important psychosocial aspects of exposure to environmental toxins.
Studies in the United States of people exposed to relatively high levels of hazardous
substances in Love Canal, New York, and Three Mile Island, Pennsylvania, show the
prevalence of fear and anxieties about the future health impacts of such exposure .52
According to Tom Muir and Anne Sudar, "These impacts are exacerbated by the
people's feelings that they have no control over the situation. ''53 They live in homes
and communities from which no escape seems financially possible. This high level
of distress has been shown to be associated with significantly poorer DNA repair in
lymphocytes, as compared to low-distress subjects.54
Chapter
12
Nature Is
One
Take, for example, the Exxon Valdez case. On March 24, 1989, the Exxon Valdez
ran aground in Prince William Sound, Alaska, spilling 11 million gallons of oil, wip-
ing
countless numbers of birds and sea otters, and drastically affecting ecosysfunction
in the region. The toll on human lives has also been great. Aleut Indian
tem
villages of Chenega Bay and Tatilek and the cities of Valdez and Cordova face
increased depression and alcoholism. According to Paul Koberstein:
out
Valdez, records show the divorce rate is four times higher than before the spill. In
Cordova, a state survey indicates that nearly two-thirds of the population suffers from
In
post-traumatic
catastrophe or
stress
war.
syndrome,
In
an
Kodiak, admissions to
communities, health officials
many
typically
occurs
after
seeing
neglect. 55
Like other indigenous populations, the seventy villagers of Chenega Bay "face
the paradox of good money for ruined lives. Many of them earned $2,000 a week
on the spill, but the tribe lost an entire year of subsistence fishing" and untold disruptions to their traditional way of life.
While environmental disasters such as those caused by the Exxon Valdez affect
both men and women, some environmental problems affect women more harshly.
In the United States, American Indian women historically have faced unique
health risks.
A survey of households and hospitals on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota
revealed that in one month in 1979, 38 percent of the pregnant women on the reservation suffered miscarriages, compared to the normal rate of between 10 and 20 percent... [there were] extremely high rates of cleft palate and other birth defects, as
well as hepatitis, jaundice, and serious diarrhea. Health officials confirmed that their
reservation had higher than average rates of bone and gynecological cancers .56
Inadequate sewage treatment facilities have led to fecal contamination of drinking and bathing water. "Tests done by government officials also showed high levels of radioactivity in the water. The reservation is downwind from old mines surrounded by uranium trailings."57
Children are also particularly vulnerable to toxins. According to "What's Gotten Into Our Children," published by Children Now, a California-based children's
advocacy organization, some characteristics unique to children make them particularly vulnerable to environmental hazards. Children Now cites four specific
areas in which children are physically more vulnerable than adults: food and
water, home, schools, and outdoor play areas. Children tend to consume greater
amounts of food that contain toxins, thereby multiplying the potential risk. 58 In
the United States, the National Resources Defense Council (NRDC) estimates
that more than half of the lifetime risk of cancer associated with pesticides on
fruit is incurred before the age of six .59 In homes and schools, hazardous products
(e.g., cleaning products), and exposure to lead, radon, asbestos, and indoor air
pollution (e.g.,
13
Feminist Issue
tobacco
thought
JUSTICE
1987, the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice published a
and now-classic report entitled "Toxic Waste and Race in the United
States." Using sophisticated statistical analysis, the report indicated that race (not
class) is the primary factor in the location of hazardous waste in the United
States: Three out of every five African and Hispanic Americans (more than 15
million of the nation's 26 million African Americans, and over 8 million of the 15
In
stunning
million
Hispanics),
and
Chapter
14
One
housing projects
areas
Time
magazine reported
week, after six years of agitation marked by four lawsuits, 16 hearings and six
mile-long protest marches, the 400-strong Mothers of East L.A. passed around cookies to celebrate a major victory: cancellation of a proposed commercial incinerator
they claimed could spew cancer-causing particles over the community by burning
22,500 tons of used motor oil and industrial sludge annually. Citing "political pressure" and the prospect of "interminable litigation," attorneys for Security Environmental Systems, which was to build the facility, ruefully announced "abandonment"
of the project. 66
Last
impact
working-class minority
women
tal issues.
''69
Nature Is
15
Feminist Issue
The
early
United
States
can
Recently,
over
South Dakota
the
16
Chapter One
Nature Is
5,000-acre garbage dump that will accept wastes from Minneapolis, Denbeyond. The proposed dump, located on what is thought to be an ancient
Indian burial ground, is 70 miles from the site of the massacre at Wounded Knee and
in the heart of the unspoiled prairie [North] Americans recently viewed in [Kevin
Costner's epic drama] "Dances with Wolves." The contract states that not any existing environmental regulations of South Dakota are applicable and forbids the Sioux
from enacting any laws to govern the waste project. What will the Sioux receive in
return for receiving this waste? A little more than $1 per ton for the garbage they will
develop
ver, and
be host to forever.
76
In Canada, much of the land being proposed for parks is already claimed by original peoples. For example, Auyuittuq National Park Reserve, located on Cumerland
Peninsula, Baffin Island, established as a park in 1972, was probably first inhabited
about 4,000 years ago by Inuit. 77 While several native groups have proposed "joint
native-government management regimes," no joint management regimes now exist
in the Canadian national park system. 78 Furthermore, subjecting such land to be used
as parks and a government-run management scheme raises significant concerns
about whether national parks established on lands claimed by aboriginal peoples
legally prejudice future land claim settlements by natives.
CONCLUSION
This chapter uses a feminist approach to discuss empirical women-other human
Others-nature interconnections. While all humans are affected by environmental
degradation, women, people of color, children, and the poor throughout the world
experience environmental harms disproportionately. Nature is, indeed, a feminist
issue. I turn to a discussion of other sorts of reasons why nature is a feminist issue
in chapter 2.
NOTES
1. As I discuss in chapter 3, the category "women" is philosophically problematic.
However, for practical and strategic purposes of exploring empirical generalizations that
can truthfully be made regarding sex/gendered females,
use the term "women."
2. The State of India's Environment, 1983-84: The Second Citizen's Report (New
Delhi: Center for Science and Environment, 1985), 94.
3. Jayanta Bandyopadhyay and Vandana Shiva, "Chipko: Rekindling India's Forest
Culture," The Ecologist 17, no. (1987), 26.
4. State of India's Environment, 28.
5. Bandyopadhyay and Shiva, "Chipko," 3, 5.
6. Bandyopadhyay and Shiva, "Chipko," 33, italics in original.
7. Restoring the Balance: Women and Forest Resources (Rome: Food and Culture
Organization
4.
Feminist Issue
17
8. Louise P. Fortmann and Dianne Rocheleau, "Women and Agroforestry: Four Myths
and Three Case Studies," Agroforestry Systems 9, no. 2 (1985), 256.
9. Restoring the Balance, 104.
10. The World's Women, 1995: Trends and Statistics (New York: United Nations,
1995), 48.
World's Women, 1995, 48.
Up, video (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Maryknoll World Productions, 1987).
World's Women, 1995, 48.
See, e.g., Louise P. Fortmann and Sally K. Fairfax, "American Forestry Professionalism in the Third World: Some Preliminary Observations on Effects," in Women Creating Wealth: Transforming Economic Development, Selected Papers and Speeches from
the Association of Women in Development Conference (Washington, D.C., 1988), 105-8;
Fortmann and Rocheleau, "Women and Agroforestry"; Linking Energy with Survival: A
Guide to Energy, Environment, and Rural Women's Work (Geneva: International Labour
Office, 1987); Restoring the Balance; Irene Tinker, "Women and Energy: Program Implications" (Washington, D.C.: Equity Policy Center, 1980); Women and the World Conservation Strategy (Gland: International Union for the Conservancy of Nature, 1987).
15. Fortmann and Fairfax, "American Forestry Professionalism," 105.
16. Marilyn Hoskins, "Observations on Indigenous and Modern Agroforestry Activities
in West Africa," in Problems ofAgroforestry (Freiburg: University of Freiburg, 1982);
cited in Fortmann and Fairfax, "American Forestry Professionalism," 105.
17. Fortmann and Fairfax, "American Forestry Professionalism," 106.
18. Fortmann and Fairfax, "American Forestry Professionalism," 106.
19. David Moberg, "In the Amazon, An Epidemic of Greed," In These Times, 1-7 May
11.
12.
13.
14.
From Sun
1991,3.
20. Moberg, "In the Amazon," 3.
21. Moberg, "In the Amazon," 3.
22. Cited in Waring, "Your Economic Theory," 257.
23. World's Women, 1995, 49.
24. The World's Women, 1970-1990, Trends and Statistics (New York: United Nations,
1990), 75.
25. World's Women, 1995, 49-50.
26. Joni Seager, The New State of the Earth Atlas, 2nd edition (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1995), 104.
27. Seager, New State of the Earth Atlas, 19.
28. Waring, "Your Economic Theory," 259.
29. Nicholas Freudenberg and Ellen Zaltzberg, "From Grassroots Activism to Political
Power: Women Organizing Against Environmental Hazards," in Double Exposure:
Women's Health Hazards on the Job and at Home, ed. Wendy Chavkin (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1984), 246-47.
30. Anders Wijkman and Lloyd Timberlake, Natural Disasters: Acts of God or Acts of
Man? (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1988), 6. To emphasize the causal role
human-induced factors play in so-called natural disasters, Wijkman and Timberlake urge
a conceptual change in the common view of natural disasters. They urge a distinction
between the trigger events of a nature disaster--too little rain, too much rain, earthshocks,
hurricanes, typically "natural events"-- and the associated disasters that affect humans and
other animals and that are largely human-made. A strong earthquake in an unoccupied
18
Chapter
One
desert area that affects no human or animal populations, then, would be a natural event,
but not a natural disaster.
31. Wijkman and Timberlake, Natural Disasters, 27.
32. Wijkman and Timberlake, Natural Disasters, 49.
33. Seager, New State of the Earth Atlas, 121.
34. World's Women, 1970-1990, 88, 82, respectively.
35. Seager, New State of the Earth Atlas, 120.
36. Seager, New State of the Earth Atlas, 21.
37. Mayra Buvinic and Sally W. Yudelman, Women, Poverty, and Progress in the Third
World (New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1989), 22.
38. Buvinic and Yudelman, Women, Poverty, 24.
39. Jane Perlez, "Inequalities Plague African Women," Minneapolis Star 4
March 1991,4A.
40. Quoted in Lloyd Timberlake, Africa in Crisis: The Causes, the Cures of Environmental Bankruptcy (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1986), 144.
41. Cited in Timbedake, Africa in Crisis, 145.
42. Timbedake, Africa in Crisis, 30.
43. Buvinic and Yudelman, Women, Poverty, 24-26.
44. Seager, New State of the Earth Atlas, 62.
45. World's Women, 1970-1990, 75.
46. Chris J. Cuomo, Feminism and Ecological Communities: An Ethic of Flourishing
(London: Routledge, 1998), 20. The quote is from Beverly White, "Environmental Equity
Justice Centers: A Response to Inequity," in Environmental Justice: Issues, Policies, and
Solutions, ed. Bunyan Bryant (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1995), 60.
47. Sonia Jasso and Maria Mazorra, "Following the Harvest: The Health Hazards of
Migrant and Seasonal Farmworking Women," in Double Exposure: Women's Health Hazards
on the Job and at Home, ed. Wendy Chavkin (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 87.
48. World's Women, 1995, 49.
49. Jasso and Mazorra, "Following the Harvest," 94.
50. See Tom Muir and Anne Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals in the Great Lakes Basin Ecosystem: Some Observations" (Burlington, Ont.: Environment Canada, 1988; unpublished).
51. Muir and Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals," 61.
52. Muir and Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals," 82.
53. Muir and Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals," 82.
54. Muir and Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals," 82.
55. Paul Koberstein, "Exxon Oil Spill Taints Lives of Aleut Indian Villagers," The Sunday Oregonian, 24 September 1989, A2.
56. Freudenberg and Zaltzberg, "From Grassroots Activism," 249.
57. Freudenberg and Zaltzberg, "From Grassroots Activism," 249.
58. Dana Hughes, "What's Gotten Into Our Children" (Los Angeles: Children Now, 1990),
6. (Children Now can be reached at 10951 West Pico Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA 90064.)
59. Hughes, "What's Gotten Into Our Children," 6.
60. Cynthia Hamilton, "Women, Home, and Community," woman of
power: a magazine of feminism, spirituality, and politics, 20 (Spring 1991), 42.
61. Hughes, "What's Gotten Into Our Children," 35.
62. Muir and Sudar, "Toxic Chemicals," 78-9.
63. "Toxic Waste and Race in the United States: A National Report on the Racial and
Socioeconomic Characteristics of Communities with Hazardous Waste Sites," 1987,
Nature Is
Commission
for Racial
Feminist Issue
19
York, NY 10016.
64. Centers for Disease Control, Atlanta, Georgia, cited in Dick Russell, "Environmental Racism," The Amicus Journal (Spring 1989), 24.
65. Dick Russell, "Environmental Racism," 29.
66. "Mothers of Prevention," Time, 10 June 1991, 25.
67. For example, the South West Organizing Project (SWOP) has been actively