Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Futuh Al-Buldan
Futuh Al-Buldan
Abstract
The third century Hijri was a period of excessive academic achievement in
the history of Muslim historiography. During this period historical study reached a
stage which led to the appearance of the great historians of that time. One of the
earliest historians of this phase was Ahmed bin Yahya Baladhuri (d. 279A.H). His
most celebrated and significant writing is Kitab Futuh al- Buldan (The Conquest of
the Countries) which deals with the early Muslim Conquest and expansion. This
book presents the episodic and personal character of early Islamic historiography.
This article deals with the historiographical traditions adopted by Baladhuri and
explains the differences between his writing and his contemporaries and also
discusses his contributions in the development of Muslim historiographical
traditions.
Introduction
The spread of Islam from the confines of Mecca and Medina led to the realization
that the events and conquests had to be recorded. The oral traditions of the Arabs
had up until now sufficed for the transmission of their traditions and history, but now
other races were being included within the fold of Islam. The term for history in
Arabic was akhbar1 or Tarikh2. A khabar (plural, akhbar) was an account of the past
composed for historical interest rather than to shed light on Islamic law, and often
devoted to the relation of a single event. The term Tarikh, which first appeared about
644 C.E. and is the modern Arabic word for history, was initially used to describe
various sorts of writing organized chronologically (it literally means dating) whether
by annals or by the reigns of caliphs.3The interest in the past in early Islamic history
was cultivated by people with varying interests. Abd-al Aziz al-Duri has distinguished
two schools who then merged together to produce the great 9th century historians
like al-Madaini who used the pre-Islamic legacy of Arabia and contributed to the
growth and development of Tarikh4.
Franz Rosenthal defines that Muslim historiography includes those works which
Muslims, at a given moment of their literary history, considered historical works and
which, at the same time, contain a reasonable amount of material which can be
classified as historical according to our definition of history.5His definition is
illuminating when we examine it with the terms for history as by this inference we see
that the works included in Muslim historiography do not necessarily focus on
historical events but include elements such as genealogy, natural sciences,
philosophy, geography, cosmography, astrology, in short everything concerned with
man. Muslim historiography is an intricate and methodical system of historical writing
which begins not with the Prophet Muhammad P.B.U.H but with the creation of the
universe and the coming of Adam.The purpose which Muslim historians sought to
1
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accomplish was to produce works which would be useful and improve the social
position of the individual acquainted with them. The knowledge of historical works,
the content brought with it the political wisdom and conversational skill which
assured success in this world and the humility and piety which assured blessedness
in the other world.6
There are various forms of Muslim historiography which Rosenthal defines in
detail in his work A History of Muslim Historiography. The oldest form is habar, an
extension of the battle day narrative characteristic to Arab society, which is an
inclusive, well-rounded description of a single event often presented in the form of
dialogue and inserted with poetic quotations to lend artistic license. Next is the
Annalistic form which is assembled on the basis of chronology. Then come the
lesser forms of historical periodization which are; Dynastic Histories based upon the
reigns of the caliphs and other rulers, Tabaqat which deals with a particular class or
strata of society and Genealogical histories. 7
Due to the nature of Arab society and the Prophets emphasis on learning (ilm)
almost anyone who could write began recording, or more correctly, transcribing the
stories of the Prophet and his companions. Chroniclers writing about the life of the
Prophet, how he spread Islam and what battles he fought in this mission had to
make sure of their sources. Questions were being raised about the authenticity of the
conveyed stories which was of vital importance as the sayings of the Prophet
Mohammad P.B.U.H8 were as sacrosanct as the Quran. The main responsibility of
each writer was to ensure that the Hadith9 were authentic and to achieve this they
traced the Hadith back to each person who had quoted it up to one who had heard it
from the Prophet himself.The practice of prefacing a chain of authorities to each
Hadith led to the compilation of vast biographical dictionaries, like the Book of
Classes of the early ninth century author Ibn Said, which includes a biography of the
Prophet and a great deal of information on notable personalities in Mecca and
Medina during his lifetime. Works such as this allowed readers to identify and judge
the veracity of transmitters of Hadith; later, the content of biographical dictionaries
6
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was broadened to include poets, writers, eminent readers of the Quran, scientists,
and the like.10 This practice gave Muslim historiography its unique color and which
clarifies Rosenthals definition of Muslim historiography as works which contained a
reasonable amount of material that could be called historical.
One of the most noted historians of the ninth century is al-Baladhuri whose Kitab
Futuh al-Buldan is a primary source of the early Muslim conquests. There exists very
little information on his personal life. His date of birth and death are not exactly
known. The sources for his life are al-Fihrist, Yakuts Mujam al-Udaba and al-Kutbis
Fawat al-Wafayat. His grandfather Jabir was secretary to al-Khasib, minister of
finances of Egypt under the caliph Ar-Rashid.11He was most likely of Persian origin
as he translated texts from Persian to Arabic and grew up in Baghdad where he was
a government bureaucrat. At the capital, al-Baladhuri was a boon companion of the
Abbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 847861) and he retained influence through the
reign of al-Mustain (r. 862866), but lost his position from that of al-Mutamid (r. 844
892).12 His studies led him to Damascus, Emessa and Antioch, and Iraq. He studied
with famous historians such as al-Madaini, Ibn-Saad, and Musab al-Zubayri. He
distinguished himself in poetry, especially satire, tradition and genealogy. He is said
to have died from the accidental overdose of Baladhur (Semecarpus Anacardium L.,
marking-nut), a drug believed beneficial for ones mind and memory, hence earning
the name al-Baladhuri, but this is not a confirmed fact. In addition to Futuh al-Buldan
he also wrote the Ansab al-Ashraf (Lineage of the Nobles) which is an extensive
biography containing genealogical information about the Arab aristocracy from the
Prophet and his companions to the Umayyad and Abbasid times.
10
Islam and Islamic History in Arabia and the Middle East, http://www.islamicity.com/mosque/ihame/ref5.htm,
Retrieved on: 16th January 2013
11
P.K. Hitti, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.1, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P.,6
12
Lewental D.Girshon, Scholarship on Middle Eastern History, Culture and Identity,
http://dglnotes.com/notes/bajilah2.htm#Baladhuri , Retrieved on: 14th January 2013
109
Azerbaijan
a special Islamic fiscal imposition that was demanded from recent converts to Islam in the 7th and 8th
centuries- Encyclopedia Britannica
15
P.K. Hitti,Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.1, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P.,7
14
110
particular year, dynasty or person. The history of Ar-Rai and Kumas starts from the
time of Umar bin al-Khattab to the Abbasid caliph Al-Mamun16spanning numerous
dynasties and various families. Similarly all other sections are thus grouped,
culminating in the final submission of the inhabitants of that place to the Islamic
regime, whichever that might be. The conquest of Khurasan starts from the
Caliphate of Umar and Uthman, then Caliphate of Ali and Muawiya, Caliphate of
Yazid and Abd-ar-Rehman, Caliphate of Yazid and Hisham and finally Under the
Abbasids.17The Futuh is better classified as a combination of the habar and
Annalistic forms.
Structure of the Futuh al-Buldan:
The book is written in the episodic format typical to writers of that time including
al-Baladhuri who adopts a conversational framework to present the events. The
conquest of Mosul is divided thus; Nineveh and surrounding villages- UrmiyahFounding of Mosul- Pavement and Walls- Building of Hadithah- Tirhan and Takrit18.
This episodic distribution serves to divide the text into comprehensive, explicable
events and prevents the narrative from becoming long-winded and full of names. It
also enables the writer to include more information from various sources thus
presenting a more complete picture of the event. Al-Baladhuri uses this division to
include not only the details of conquest but to note each and every deed done in that
area by the Muslims. On the Conquest of Khuzistan, in the part of the Districts of AlAhwaz he says thus about one of the men who came to the Muslim army.
Al-Muhajir ibn-Ziyad was forced to break his fast at the insistence of his
commander Abu--Musa who had resolved that none who fasted would fight in the
battle. Al-Muhajir thus broke his fast, not out of thirst, but respect and attained
martyrdom for his obedience
About he was said the following:
"And in Manadhir when they all were warring,
16
Francis C. Murgotten,Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.P., 3-8
Ibid., P.P, 159-203
18
Francis C. Murgotten, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.P., 31-34
17
111
Al-Husain ibn-'Amr and Ahmad ibn~Muslih al-Azdi from certain learned men
of the people of Adharbaijan, who says23
Al-Husain ibn-'Ali ibn al Aswad al-'Ijli from Yahya ibn-Adam from Abu-Mu'awiyah from ash-Shai'lami from Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah ath-Thakafi:24
Ishak ibn-Sulaimian ash-Shahrazuri from his father from Muhammad ibnMarwan from al-Kalbi from a member of the clan of 'Azrah al-Bajali25
The reason for al-Baladhuri ending some isnad with others may be that he did
not have the means to verify the isnad beyond that point or he may have felt that the
19
112
last transmitters authority and claim was enough to refute any objections. However
this is speculation as al-Baladhuri himself does not tell us. He also says Many
people of learning relate26 or Some traditionalists say27 where the isnad is not
known to him.
Al-Baladhuri is said to have traveled far to collect and verify the isnad of any
report. He himself says in the opening lines, I have been informed by certain men
learned in tradition, biography and the conquest of the lands whose narratives I
transmitted, abridged and pieced up together into one whole." Al-Baladhuri is strange
in the sense that, where he is very careful about his isnad and records names fully to
the extent of giving the family connections and professions, in some reports he uses
a collective qalu (i.e. they said). This was done primarily to produce a smooth
narrative out of a number of disjointed reports. In this way, the first move was made
to develop a continuous story. However, the more stringent method of verification
was still upheld as an ideal.28In certain isnad al-Baladhuri also gives relations of the
transmitters as well as sometimes their professions which contribute to the
authenticity of the transmission. The more details an isnad contains the more reliable
it is considered and it also bears testimony to the efforts of the writer in verifying the
chain of authorities.
Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Marhum, the perfumer, from his father from Shuwais
al-'Adawi who says,29
Azdah, wife of 'Utbah. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from his father from 'Awanah:30
Al-Baladhuri often relies on independent isnad wherever possible but gives other
versions as well. He often uses the accounts of various previous writers such as AlWaqidi, Abu--Mikhnaf, Ibn-Hisham, Ibn-Battuta and Ibn al-Muthanna. For these
26
113
The matn36 or akhbar which follows the isnad in Futuh al-Buldan consists of short
paragraphs chronicling the arrival of Muslims to conquer any particular area. The
matn is written like an ongoing direct conversation with quotes and verses. In the
Futuh al-Baladhuri includes all sorts of details in the matn such as physical
characteristics, architectural efforts and peculiarities. The following excerpt is the
best example of the detailed uniqueness of the Futuh.
Kathir ibn-Shihab: Hafs ibn-'Umar al-'Umari from al-Haitham ibn-'Adi from ibn
Ayyash al-Hamadhani and others: Kathir ibn-Shihab was governor of ar~Rai,
Dastaba, and Kazwin. He was handsome and resolute, but crippled. He used to say,
"I am the only cripple who is not a burden on his family." On horseback his legs were
as steady as two ploughs. When he made a raid, every one that was with him took a
shield, breast-plate, iron helmet, a packing needle and five small needles, linen
thread, awl, scissors ,nose-bag, and 'basket. He was avaricious, and had a deep
dish in front of him, and when anyone came up to him, he would say, "Be off with
thee! Didst thou expect aught of what we are eating?37
In this episode al-Baladhuri begins by introducing Kathir Ibn-Shihab and his
position along with his physical traits. His custom of going on a raid is described but
the reason for taking along these varied items is not given. Ibn-Shihabs greediness
32
Francis C. Murgotten, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.,66
Ibid, P.,56
34
Ibid, P.,80
35
Ibid, P.,133
36
Text or Main body
37
Ibid, P.,5
33
114
is illustrated by an example. Al-Baladhuri ends with the time in which he ruled and
his connection to the region.
Use of Verses in the Futuh al-Buldan
Of Harithah ibn-Badr al-Ghudani, Governor of Surrak Abu--1-Aswad ad-Du'ali
says:
"Tell ibn-Badr: Thou that rulest an empire,
Be in it like a rat, cautious and lurking.
For all men are either liars
Saying what serves their desires, or truthful,
Uttering vain imaginings or guesses,
And if asked for proofs, they are dumbfounded.
But be not faint-hearted, for that is the worst habit,
For thy portion hath been stolen (surrak) from rich two-fold 'Irak."
When the verses reached Harithah he said:
"May the God of men grant thee his best reward
For thou givest useful [counsel and] sufficient advice.
Thou bid'st me be resolute. Hadst bidden otherwise,
Thou hadst found me rebellious 'gainst thy order."38
In this episode al-Baladhuri uses verses to report the advice given to Harithah
Ibn-Badr after he is made governor of Surrak where he had failed to curb rebellion.
Harithahs reply is meant to illustrate his character and ability to follow orders and
accept advice. The elucidation of akhbar in poetry is a long standing and advanced
mode of expression unique to the Arabs and al-Baladhuri is no exception. AlBaladhuri gives numerous verses in the Futuh since it is a book of conquests dealing
primarily with the battles that the Muslims fought in order to conquer many regions.
These battle stories with verses were a significant tradition of the Arab society both
38
115
Verses are found in them not only because the philologists who preserved the
material cared only for stories which contained poetic material, but mainly because
of their character as an indispensable element of the literary form. If no verses were
connected with a certain event, or if the verses were not brought into connection with
it at some early date, the event would not have been preserved for posterity.41These
verses lent not only artistic expression to the text but also allowed the writer some
license in narrating these events. This is one of the longest verses in the second
volume of the Futuh and is beautifully written detailing the accounts of corruption of
various amils42 to the Caliph Umar.
"Send to the Commander of the Believers a letter and say:
Verily, thou art the confirmed of Allah to command or forbid.
Yea, thou art Allah's confirmed among us, and whoever is
Entrusted with the Lord's commission, I do trust.
Let not the people of countryside and towns thoughtlessly
Swallow up the wealth of Allah in countless dishes.
Send to al-Hajjaj and learn his account;
Send to Jaz', and send to Bishr;
And do not forget the two Nafi's, either of them;
39
Ibid, P.,19
Holy Bible, New International Version, (Bible Inc, 2011)
41
Op Cit., A History of Muslim Historiography, P.,17
42
Governor
40
116
The mosque; It is said that 'Utbah took the marking out of the limits of the
mosque into his own hands. Others say that Mihjar ibn-al-Adra al-Bahzi of
Sulaim marked them but. Another tradition has it that Nafi' ibn-al-HarithalKaladah did it when he laid out the limits of his own house. Still another
account says that on the contrary al-Aswad ibn-Sari' at-Tamimi did it, and that
he was the first to act as qadi in it.44
43
44
Francis C. Murgotten, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P., 122-123
Ibid, P., 60
117
No other authority mentions his crossing the river and making the treaty with the
people of the eastern bank45.
He makes sure to include various accounts by other writers as well but ends in
some places with Allah knows best leaving it up to the reader to decide which
version is closest to the truth. Thus by this we can say that Baladhuri absolves
himself of any accountability by leaving the truth open to interpretation.
The Asawirah asked for protection which Abu-Musa granted, and they
'became Moslems. Others say that they had sought peace before this and had
found favor with Abu- Musa and took part at Tustar on the Moslem side. Allah
knows best.46
Al-Ba'ith was one of the children of 'Atib ibn-'Amr ibn-Wahb ibn-Afsa ibn-Du'mi
ibn-Jadilah ibn-Asad ibn-Rabi'ah. Others say of 'Atib ibn-'Auf ibn-Sinan, and
the 'Utbiyun agree to this. Allah knows best. 47
45
Francis C. Murgotten, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P., 167
Ibid, P.,119
47
Ibid, P.,27
48
Ibid, P.,32
46
118
Kais ibn al-Haitham went through the land of Tukharistan, and every region he
came to made peace with him and submitted to him, until he came to
49
Ibid, P.,34
Nagendra Kr. Singh, Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad B. Yahya B. Djabir B. Dawud (9th Century), Encyclopedic Historiography of the
Muslim World, Vol. 1, (Delhi), 2003, P.,166
51
Franz, Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), P., 42
52
Robert Fagles, Homer- The Odyssey, Book 1, Verse 1- 12.
50
119
Siminjan. They resisted him, and so he besieged them until he reduced the
city by force.
It has been said ibn-Amir assigned Khurasan to three governors, but the former
account is the more probable.53
Some 'have related that Abu--Musa was in al-Basrah when 'Umar wrote to
him about the governorship and asked him to send al-Mughirah back. But the
former account is the more probable.55
Abu--Musa's governorship was in the year 16 (others say 17). The more
probable account is that Abu--Musa was appointed governor of al-Basrah in
the year 16.56
Harithah visited Ziyad after this during the term of his governorship, and then
said, I have never seen a canal worse than this one. The dwellings of those
near it fairly ooze with water; they are bitten by its mosquitoes in their homes,
and in it their children are drowned." Some claim that Ghailan ibn-Kharashah
was the one who said this, but the former account is the more probable.57
53
Francis C. Murgotten,Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.,168
Ibid, P.,41
55
Ibid, P.,59
56
Ibid, P.,59
57
Ibid, P.P.,82-83
54
120
58
59
P.K. Hitti, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan,Vol.1, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P., 8
Ibid, P., 206
121
seen in Mecca carrying a knapsack saying he was going to Hunayn60 to see the
place and historical event which took place there.61Al-Baladhuri gives us particulars
of all asaar62 from walls and pavements to mosques, castles and canals.
Pavement and walls. The one who paved al-Mausil with stone was ibn-Talid,
master of the guard.63
Official buildings. 'Utbah built the official residence near the mosque in the
square which is called today the Rahabat banu-Hashim. (It used to be called
ad-Dahna'. In it was also the prison and the registry [diwan].When the
inhabitants went on a raid, they used to takedown these reeds, pack them up,
and lay them away until they should return from the raid; and when they
returned, they restored their buildings. This custom lasted sometime. Then the
people marked out limits, and built regular dwellings. And Abu--Musa alAsh'ari built the mosque and official residence of dried brick and clay, and
roofed them with grass, at the same time enlarging the mosque.64
Al-Baladhuri also includes many political details and rivalries among the various
factions in Muslim society. He also includes details of the many assassinations of the
commanders and governors. The following excerpt is a detailed explanation of one
mans vendetta against Suleiman Ibn Abdul Malik.
60
122
Abdullah had a presentiment of evil, and placed a rag and some cotton on
one of his eyes, and then bandaged it, and so got the nickname of Abu--Tinah
("the muddy "); and he used to sell olive oil. In this condition he continued until
al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik perished and Sulaiman succeeded him. Then he
put off the dirt and the rag and delivered a speech of congratulation for
Sulaiman and of excoriation for al-Hajjaj and Kutaibah, who had both sworn
allegiance to 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-'Abdal- Malik and had repudiated Sulaiman. As
the people dispersed, they said, "Abu-Tinah, the oil seller, is the most
eloquent of men.
Baladhuri also gives the details of the assassination of various men who were
either killed by dissidents or by royal command. This is important as the record of
these were a warning to future men of what fate awaited them if they followed in the
footsteps of these men.
Ma'n, being fearful of the winter and its storms, withdrew to Bust. Some of the
heretics (khawarij) who disapproved of his mode of life, plotted with certain
workmen who were doing some building in his dwelling, and when they were
putting on the roofing, they concealed their swords by putting them in the
bundles of reeds. Then they surprised him in his tent while he was having
himself cupped, and treacherously murdered him, one of them splitting his
'belly with a dagger he had. Yazid ibn-Mazyad executed them all and not one
of them escaped.67
66
67
Ibid, P.,191
Ibid, P.,154
123
When 'Umar called the assembly for the purpose of instituting the Register
[diwan], which was in the month Muharram of the year 20, he began enrolling
with the Banu Hashim, then the nearest related to the Apostle of Allah, and so
forth. If any were equal in their relationship, he put first those of priority of
conversion.." 69
Use of Language
Arabic historians were not very careful about the sort of language they used in
their accounts, particularly if they were biased towards a person or event. AlBaladhuri is relatively free of this kind of usage except in the case of al-Mughirah the
governor of Basra under Umar. Here the Futuh takes on a delightfully peculiar color
with all of al-Mugirahs transgressions outlined in all its gory details. Al-Mughirah is
accused of adultery with a married woman of the Banu Hilal. Four men learn about
this and spy upon them and then go to Umar to testify. 'Umar said to Abu--Musa al68
69
Francis C. Murgotten , Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.,13
Ibid, P.,242
124
Ash'ari, "I wish to send thee to a country where Satan has made his nest And
when al-Mughirah reached 'Umar, he was confronted with the witnesses; and Nafi'
Ibn-al-Harith said, "I saw him on the woman .... Having intercourse with her."70 The
translator adds in a footnote that the picturesque but indecent language of the Arabic
has been toned down in translation.
Bias in the Futuh al-Buldan
Al-Baladhuri is unbiased in the matter of religion especially considering the ShiaSunni divide that many authors covering the events of that time are judged by. Even
though he is from Baghdad, he is afflicted by the phenomena of Arab superiority over
non-Arab which is illustrated in some of the statements he quotes. The Arabs always
considered their race superior especially after expanding from the confines of Arabia.
Mujashi ibn-Mas'ud was absent, and so 'Utbah ordered al-Mughirah ibnShu'bah to lead in prayer until the return of Mujashi. Then 'Umar said, "As I
live, verily, someone from the civilized Arabs [ahl al-madar] should have been
appointed ruler rather than one of the nomads [' ahl al-Wabar]"71
Al-Baladhuri also seems biased towards the Abbasids especially if we read about
the martyrdom of Imam Hussain in Volume 1 of the Futuh. In Volume two however
he often refers to the Abbasids as the Blessed Dynasty73 which Murgotten says
indicates that he belonged to their party. We already know that he was patronized by
three Abbasid caliphs during his life. However the rest of the Futuh is not colored by
bias as Baladhuri more or less attempts to just narrate the events in a straight
manner withholding any sort of judgment.
70
Ibid, P.P.,57-58
Francis C. Murgotten, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P.,56
72
Ibid, P.,122
73
Ibid, P.P. , 95, 230
71
125
"In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, and the Merciful. From the servant
of Allah, 'Umar, the Commander of the Believers, to al-Mughirah ibn Shu'bah.
Peace foe upon thee. To thee I praise Allah, than whom there is no god but
he.
74
75
126
Since the Futuh is a book of conquests many peace treaties are given by
Baldhur.
Governor of Sijistan 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Samurah ibn-Habib ibn-'AbdShams went to Zaranj and surrounded its satrap in his castle on one of their
festal days. The latter made peace with him for 2,000,000 dirham and 2,000
'slaves.
Al-Hajjaj made peace with Ratbil, agreeing not to make war upon him for
seven years, (others say nine years) on condition that he pays thereafter
every year 900,000 dirham in kind.
Various local legends and stories lend color and interest to the narrative of the
Futuh.
It has come to my knowledge that there were in the army of al-Hajjaj which he
sent to ad-Dailam, three individuals of the inhabitants of al-Kufah, who used to
drink together, not associating with anyone else. One of them died suddenly.
His two companions buried him and used to drink by his grave, and when his
cup was brought, they would pour it on his grave and weep. Afterwards the
second one died, and the remaining one buried him by the side of the first,
and used to sit by the two graves and drink, and then pour a cup upon the
grave which was near him, and then a cup upon the other, and weep. And
one day he made up some verses, Not long afterwards he died and was
buried near his two comrades and their graves are known as the graves of the
Boon Companions.76
Al-Jarrah ibn-'Abdallah used to take silver and gold coins of different weights
and put them under the carpet in his room, and when any one of his brothers
76
Ibid, P.P.,14-15
127
or intimate friends came to visit him, he would toss to each one of them in
proportion to his opinion of each one's deserts.77
The tomb of Daniel. Abu--Musa saw in their citadel a house upon which was
a veil, and upon asking about it, was told that in it were the remains of Daniel
the prophet. (Peace be upon him and upon the [other] prophets of Allah and
upon his apostles.) Abu--Musa wrote about this to 'Umar, who replied, "Wrap
him in a shroud and bury him, Abu-Musa dammed up a river until he could
bury him [in the river bed] while it was stopped. Then he let the water flow
above him.78
Ibid, P.,197
Ibid, P.P.,114-115
128
or to maintain their previous religious affiliations. Those individuals who preferred not
to convert were required to pay a special tribute, usually in the form of a poll tax or
head tax known as the jizyah and thus constituted another source of public
revenues. But those who chose to convert, in theory, would be placed on an equal
fiscal footing with other Muslims. Under Islamic law, only original Muslims or
converts to Islam could own land. Thus, there was incentive for non-Muslim
cultivators to convert to Islam so that they could maintain their agricultural holdings.
Upon conversion, the cultivators were required to pay the ushr (or tithe), a tax
equivalent to one-tenth of their produce79 All these details were clearly laid out in
the treaty so that future misunderstandings could be avoided. One such treaty is
given thus,
"This is a statement from Muhammad, the Prophet of Allah, to Ukaidir as he
accepted Islam and forsook the objects of worship and idols, and to the people of
Dumat: To you shall belong the water-places outside the city, the un-tilled lands, the
deserts and wastelands, as well as the defensive and offensive weapons, the
horses, and the fortress; and to you shall belong the palm-trees within the city, and
the running water. Your cattle which are pasturing shall not, for the purpose of taking
the sadakah, be brought together [but shall be numbered on the pasture-land], and
what is above the fixed number of animals from which a sadakah is required shall
not be taken into consideration. Your herds shall graze wherever ye want, and ye
shall observe prayer in its time, and pay the zakat as it is due. To this effect, I give
you the covenant of Allah and his promise, and ye are entitled to our sincerity as
regards the fulfillment of the terms. Witnessed by Allah and those of the Moslems
who are present."80
This treaty served to act as a guideline for the conquered areas. Baldhur also
gives accounts where the violation of these treaties led to a repeated assault on that
area and the subsequent treaty which often turned out to have harsher terms.
129
Al-Birwaz, fought with him, but finally made peace for a payment of money.
After-ward he broke the treaty, and abu-Musa al-Ash'ari raided the city.81
Baldhur also gives various other economic details such as the salaries of
various governors according to their station and area. Both volumes of the Futuh alBuldan have vital information relating to taxation and other economic matters in the
appendices. Baldhurs attention to detail comes through in them as he includes all
traditions relating to any particular matter. In the matter of laws concerning kharaj
lands he includes all accounts as well as what the various schools of Islamic
jurisprudence say concerning the matter at hand. The attention to chronicling the
economic development in all matters of state tells us that even during the early
period of conquests the financial ministry or Diwan was well developed. In the
appendices dealing with coinage the matter of counterfeiting is described in detail
and the punishment dealt out to various counterfeiters is also given, which shows us
that corruption and all crimes relating to economic matters were severely checked
upon and appropriate punishment dealt for such crimes.
A very interesting information which Baldhur provides in his book is about the
system of pension started by the Caliph Umar. As a result of vast conquests the flow
of money increased in the treasury and because of the abundance of wealth Caliph
Umar initiated the system of Pensions (ata). For this he started the institution of the
Register (Diwan). He enrolled the names of the family members of the Prophet,
companions of the Prophet, Emigrants, war veterans, women, and even the newly
born children. Thus throughout the state a regular account was maintained for the
proper distribution of pension.
Baldhur contributes a detail information regarding the amount paid to these
individuals. For example he writes that caliph Umar assigned to BiBi Aishah, the wife
of the Prophet, 12,000 Dirhams, and to the rest of the wives of the Prophet 10,000
Dirhams each. He assigned 5,000 Dirhams to Ali-Ibn-Abu-Talib, the son in law of the
Prophet, 5,000 Dirhams to the emigrants, 2,000 Dirhams to the sons of the veterans
of the battle of Badr, 4,000 Dirhams to each those who were converted to Islam as
early as the veterans of Badr, 3,000 apiece to those emigrated before the conquest
81
Francis C. Murgotten,Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan, Vol.2, (New York: Columbia University, 1924), P., 112
130
of Makkah and 2,000 Dirhams to those converted at the time of the conquest.82 He
allocated 6,000 Dirhams to a woman by the name of Safiyah bint- Abd-al-Muttalib,
1000 Dirhams to Asma bint-Umais, Umm-Kulthum bint-Ukbah and Umm-Abdallah
Ibn-Masud. He used to allot 100 Dirhams to the newly born childs guardian who
received each month, to meet the needs and taking constant care of the babies from
year to year.83
Accounts of other historians
According to Haji Khalfa, the first writers of biography and campaigns were,
among others, Urwah Ibn-az-Zubair (d. 93) and Wahb Ibn-Munabbih (d. 114); and
we read that Muhammad Ibn-Muslim az-Zuhri wrote a book of campaigns. These
works are all lost and the first biography we have is that of Ibn-Hisham (d. 213)
based on Ibn-Ishak (d. 151). Az-Zubair and az-Zuhri, as well as Ibn-Ishak, are
among the sources of al-Baladhuri. Al-Baladhuri makes no mention of Ibn-Hisham
but quotes Ibn-Ishak eleven times. The isnad in Baladhuri is longer, it might be
conjectured that he did not get his material at first hand from Ibn-Ishak's work but
through subsequent reporters.84.
In volume two of the Futuh Baladhuri mentions az-Zuhri almost 5 times often in
association with other writers such as Ibn-Ishak, al-Waqidi and Al-Madaini. The fact
that Baladhuri uses longer isnads for az-Zuhri and Ibn-Ishak among others tells us
that Baladhuri did not have direct access to these accounts but got his information
through other reporters.
82
131
Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Waqidi from Muhammadibn-'Aibdallah from azZuhri from Sa'id from some others whom al-Waqidi names and whose
traditions are interwoven87
87
88
132
in Baghdad, his works were certainly accessible to al-Baladhuri, who quotes him on
80 different occasions and more than any other source. Most of the quotations are
made through Ibn-Sa'd, the secretary of al-Waqidi, and one of al-Baladhuri's
teachers. Ibn-Sad (d. 230) being the disciple of al-Waqidi and the professor of alBaladhuri acted as a connecting link between the two. In his Futuh, al-Baladhuri has
48 quotations from him, many of which were communicated by word of mouth and
were recorded verbatim by al-Baladhuri.89 Thus through Baladhuri we find many
previous works preserved through posterity and the Futuh becomes a valuable
source for tracing earlier writings and traditions. Ad-Dinwari is another contemporary
of Baladhuri but we find no mention of his work though both hailed from Baghdad.
The Italian scholar Vaglieri highlights the centrality of Mikhnaf in Muslim historians
reporting the event of Karbala, showing how both al-Tabari and al-Baladhuri relied
on the account of Mikhnaf directly or through the disciple of Mikhnaf, Hish m b.
Muhammad al-Kalb .Nowadays, Mikhnafs original work seems to be lost and that
which has reached us has been transmitted through his student. That transmission
is confirmed as authentic by the corroborating evidence of reports in other historians,
particularly al-Baladhuri, which have come to Ab Mikhnaf through a different
transmission.90
Conclusion
In the early centuries of Muslim expansions, the evolution of Muslim
historiography originated from Madinah and Iraq. Historians from Madinan School
focused on the life of the Holy Prophet and the spread of Islam. Historians such as
Ibn Ishaq, al Zubayr, and al Waqidi belong to this group. But during the late second
and third century AH with the consolidation of Muslim political power, researchers
from Iraq school started writing on the humanistic aspect of Muslim society. Thus the
evolution of universal or Umma history went underway. Al Baladhuri belongs to this
89
90
P.K. Hitti, Al-Baladhuri- Futuh al-Buldan,Vol.1, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P., 9
Francesco Stermotich Capellari, Sacred History Beyond History: Some Reflections on the Kitab Maqtal al-Husayn by
Abu- Mikhnaf, University of Edinburgh,
http://www.academia.edu/1560494/Sacred_history_beyond_history_some_reflections_on_the_Kitab_Maqtal_al-Husayn_by_Abu-_Mikhnaf
133
91
Al-Waqidi
was interested in establishing the exact chronology of the spread of Islam in the
Arabian Peninsula and adjoining areas, while al-Baladhuri was interested in legal
and tax problems connected with the settlement of new lands. To understand the
importance of the Balladurs work it can be observed that al-Masudi, al-Hamdhani,
Mukaddisi and various other historians and geographers of latter centuries cite al-
91
Nagendra Kr. Singh, Muslim Historiography of Iraqi school, Encyclopedic Historiography of the Muslim World,
Vol. 1, (Delhi), 2003, P.,695
134
Baladhuri quite frequently. Yakut in his Mujam ul-Buldan quotes a great part of the
Futuh.
Khalidi says, In spite of all al-Baladhuriss merits, his value as a historical source
has been occasionally over-estimated in certain respects. It is not correct to say he
always gives the original texts which later writers embellished and expanded; it may
be with much more truth presumed, from the agreement of essential portions of his
works with later more detailed works that al-Baladhuri abridged the material in at his
disposal in a number of cases, though he often remained faithful to his sources.92
However I do not agree with him based on the fact that the Futuh is over-estimated
as a historical source because by reading it we can see that Baladhuri in abridged
the material at his disposal is making it easier for the reader to focus on more
important issues. His book is not a universal history and it was not written to cover
the whole of Muslim life from the Prophet to the Abbasids. In fact al-Baladhuris
purpose was to mark the conquest of the various states by the Islamic regime. He is
very discriminating in abridging his material with the aim of staying true to his
purpose. With al-Madaini began scientific history writing. Inspired by him, Ahmad
bin Yahya al-Baladhuri besides, Omar al-Waqidi and Ibn Saad wrote important
treatises whose enduring legacy is discernible in the critical accuracy of historical
information used by later writers.93
There can be no higher praise for al-Baladhuris work than the statement that alMasudi makes in the introductory chapter of his remarkable work Muruj ud-Dhahab
(Meadows of Gold) where he mentions al-Baladhuri saying,
History of Ahmed Ben Yahya el-Beladori the work of the same author which has
the following title, "The countries and their subjection to the Mohammedans, by
treaty or force, after the Hijrah of the prophet, and all the conquests of Mohammed,
and of the Khalifs after him, also the traditions illustrative of this subject;" The author
describes in this book,, all the countries east and west, south and north. We do not
know of any better work on the conquest of the countries than this.94
92
Nagendra Kr. Singh, Muslim Historiography of Iraqi school, Encyclopedic Historiography of the Muslim World, Vol. 1,
(Delhi), 2003, P.,166
93
Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century, (Delhi: Primus Books, 2010), P.,
3
94
Aloys Sprenger, El Masudis Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems, Vol.1, (London: 1841) P., 16
135
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