Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Child Aduction: Conflict of Laws
Child Aduction: Conflict of Laws
CHILD ADUCTION
Submitted by:
Submitted to:
Christy Alex
Dr SADIYA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
PAGE NO
1. Introduction
3
2. The Hague Convention On The Civil Aspects Of International Child AbductionOVERVIEW
A. International Child Abductions Prior to 1980
B. The Hague Convention: A Response
I.
Purposes and Objectives
II.
What the Text Says (and Does Not Say)
III. Methods of Achieving a Uniform Interpretation
3. The Foreign Courts Weigh In: A Brief Survey
4. Limitations Of The Convention
A.
B.
C.
I.
II.
a)
b)
c)
D.
5
5
8
9
10
12
5. Conclusion
6. Bibliography
15
15
17
20
22
22
22
23
23
26
26
28
29
INTRODUCTION
Increase in divorce rates and international travel in recent years have contributed to the growing
problem of international child abduction. 1 The primary international abductors of children are either
noncustodial or joint custodial parents who attempt to gain a full-time relationship with their child by
removing the child from the country without the knowledge of the other parent. Often referred to as
1 See Brenda J. Shirman, International Treatment of Child Abduction and the 1980 Hague
Convention, 15 SUFFOLK TRANSNAT'L L.J. 188 (1991).
2
"child-snatching," this self-help method of obtaining full-time custody is dangerous for the child and
frustrates the usual judicial process for determining custody.2
The parent whose child has been abducted endures financial and emotional hardships while searching
for an abducted child, and may be forced to litigate in a foreign country for the return of the child or
for the enforcement of an existing custody decree. More importantly, international child abduction
causes psychological hardship to children, who are taken from their customary environment and
subjected to a new parental situation, a new culture, and perhaps a new language. 3
The 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction' (the Convention)
is an international attempt to hasten the returnof children wrongfully abducted and to deter such
abductions in the future.
The Convention was given force of law in the United Kingdom by the Child Abduction and
Custody Act, 1985. In the United States, the Convention was implemented by the International
Child Abduction Remedies Act (ICARA).4
Since 1980, the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (Child
Abduction Convention) has been ratified by eighty one countries. The Child Abduction Convention
addresses the growing problem of child abductions by estranged parents across international borders
and the diverse methods that different countries have developed for dealing with this problem. It
provides for a simple summary-return mechanism to be administered by the courts of member states:
a wrongfully removed (or retained) child is to be returned to (or permitted to stay in) his or her
country of "habitual residence. " However, the Child Abduction Convention does not define the term
"habitual residence, " and so courts worldwide have been forced to shape their own standards. In the
United States, a rough divide stands between those federal circuit courts that emphasize the parents'
last shared subjective intentions in determining "habitual residence" and those that focus on objective
indicators of a child's acclimatization. This Note argues in favor of an objective approach because it
best accomplishes the Child Abduction Convention's aim of instituting a globally uniform and
efficient process for resolving international child abduction disputes.
2 See, e.g., Monica Copertino, Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child
Abduction: An Analysis of its Efficacy, 6 CONN. J. INT'L L. 715 (1991) (Quoting M. Agopian,
Parental Child-Stealing 1 (1981)).
3 See, e.g., Monica Copertino, Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child
Abduction: An Analysis of its Efficacy, 6 CONN. J. INT'L L. 715 (1991) (Quoting M. Agopian,
Parental Child-Stealing 1 (1981)).
4 International Child Abduction Remedies Act, 42 U.S.C. 11601-10 (1988).
3
the circuit split that has developed over the proper standard for this determination. Part L.A first
examines international child abductions prior to the drafting of the Child Abduction Convention in
1980. Part I.B.1 looks at the Child Abduction Convention drafters' purposes and objectives. Part I.B.2
discusses the text of the Child Abduction Convention and, notably, the drafters' silence as to the
definition of habitual residence. Part I.C briefly turns to the passage of ICARA in 1988 5 and how the
United States has chosen to apply the Child Abduction Convention. Part I.D discusses the sources a
court may turn to for guidance in interpreting the Child Abduction Convention in a manner that is
aligned with the convention's goal of uniform interpretation. Finally, Part I.E outlines the beginning of
American case law regarding the habitual residence determination for the purpose of Child Abduction
Convention proceedings.
abducting parent's objective is to gain sole control over the child in a new jurisdiction. 10 Assessment
of the motives for child abduction depends to some extent on whose perspective is analyzed. 11 The
abducting parent may believe that he or she is acting in the child's best interest, for instance by
removing the child from a dangerous situation or raising the child in a more suitable environment. 12
Or the abducting parent might simply be tired of the relationship, or his or her life in a certain country,
and wish to return to familiar surroundings with the child. 13 On the other hand, the left-behind parent
might view the abduction as retaliation for ending the marriage. 14
International child abductions did not receive specific recognition as an issue requiring an
international legal solution until the late 1970s, 15 when they were identified as the result of certain
"socio-legal and technical developments."16 International travel had become easier, and more couples
were travelling across national borders. 17 The ease of international travel also resulted in a greater
number of international marriages.18 At the same time, the institution of marriage was changing, with
an increase in the number of separations, divorces, and children born outside of marriage. 19 The
confluence of all these developments led to an increase in child custody disputes with international
10 Id. at I (distinguishing this from the "classic kidnapping" objective of material gain).
11 Id. at I I
12 Id.
13 Id. at 11 & n.26
14 Id. at 11.
15 Id. at 2-3
16 Id. at 2; see also Adair Dyer, Rapport sur L 'enlivement International D 'un Enfant par Un de Ses
Parents (aKidnapping L~gab) [Report on International Child Abduction by One Parent ('Legal
Kidnapping)] (1978), in 3 HAGUE CONFERENCE ON PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW, ACTS
AND DOCUMENTS OF THE FOURTEENTH SESSION, CHILD ABDUCTION, [hereinafter Dyer
Report].
17 Carol S. Bruch, The Hague Child Abduction Convention: Past Accomplishments, Future
Challenges, in GLOBALIZATION OF CHILD LAW: THE ROLE OF THE HAGUE
CONVENTIONS 33, 34 (Sharon Detrick & Paul Vlaardingerbroek eds., 1999);
18 See Dyer Report, supra note , at 19 see also BEAUMONT & MCELEAVV, supra note 8, at 10 &
n.21 (citing R. L. Hegar & G. L. Greif, Parental Abduction of Children from Interracial and Cross
Cultural Marriages, 25 J. COMP. FAM. STUD. 135, 138 (1994))).
6
dimensions. 20 The advancements in technology that facilitated the "rapid and efficacious interchange
of people on the international level" also enabled the abducting parent to whisk a child thousands of
miles away from the left-behind parent in a matter of hours. 21 Research into the rise in international
child abductions revealed a number of inherent difficulties in the proceedings then in force to deal
with the problem:22 first, locating children taken across national borders was difficult; second,
international disputes were expensive and complicated to resolve; third, local and foreign authorities
were often unable or unwilling to provide assistance; and fourth, characterizing and labeling the
problem was a challenge for the courts. 23 In addition, international child abduction proceedings were
typically lengthy because courts were reluctant to take any action without investigating what would be
in the best interests of the abducted child. 24
This best-interests analysis required a personalized inquiry into the interests of every abducted child. 25
However, the vague and indeterminate nature of such a standard made application difficult. 26 This
analysis prolonged the proceedings, which impacted the child as well as the court. 27 Such an
individualized determination also failed to offer any predictability and allowed courts to "take almost
any conceivable measure . . . often influenced by the moral or social values which prevail[ed] in the
society in question."28 At the same time, many countries did not use a best-interests standard,
19 See, e.g., BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note , at 8 n.10 (discussing the rise in divorces in
the United Kingdom).
20 Carol S. Bruch, The Hague Child Abduction Convention: Past Accomplishments, Future
Challenges, in GLOBALIZATION OF CHILD LAW: THE ROLE OF THE HAGUE
CONVENTIONS 33, 34 (Sharon Detrick & Paul Vlaardingerbroek eds., 1999);
21 Dyer Report, supra note 16, at 18
22 See Bruch, supra note 17, at 34 (noting that the Dyer Report identified "global problems without
global solutions").
23 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 3
24 See BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 3.
25 Id. at 29
26 Dyer Report, supra note 16, at 22-23
27 Id. at 23-24
7
preferring to rely on traditional modes of analysis, which often exhibited a gender bias.
29
A left-
behind parent also typically had difficulty attempting to enforce his or her rights in the home country,
since the abducted child was no longer within that country's borders or subject to its jurisdiction.
30
The left-behind parent was usually forced to pursue a remedy, if one existed, in the courts of the
country in which the child was physically present. 31 This often resulted in situations where the
differing legal systems and laws in the home country and the country in which the child was
physically present conflicted.32 Left-behind parents faced the risk that a court's decision would reflect
particular cultural or social attitudes that were at odds with those in their home courts. 33 This lack of
uniformity and predictability was an impetus for the drafting of an international convention on child
abduction.34 While differences in choice of law were not of themselves a major concern,
35
efficiency
was: if the deciding court chose to enter into a lengthy choice-of-law analysis it could significantly
prolong the proceedings. 36
At the extreme, if the abducting parent had exclusive custody rights under the law of that country, the
left behind parent would be precluded from seeking any legal remedy. 37 There was a practical need for
action to be taken to protect abducted children and their left-behind parents. 38 However, until the
Hague Conference on Private International Law began discussing the issue in the late 1970s, all prior
attempts to deal with these issues either failed at the drafting stage or in their initial implementation. 39
B. The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction: A Response
The Child Abduction Convention was introduced for consideration by a Special Commission
convened at the Hague Conference on Private International Law in January 1976. 40 Once it was
agreed that the issue of international child abduction would be addressed at the Fourteenth Session of
the Hague Conference, Adair Dyer, then deputy secretary general of the Hague Conference, began
researching the legal and sociological aspects of international child abductions. 41 The Special
Commission for the Child Abduction Convention met for the first time in March 1979 to discuss an
approach to the issue of international child abductions.
42
central authority would be established in each member state to facilitate cooperation across borders,
that a left-behind parent could apply for automatic return of an abducted child within six months of
the abduction, and that, even if more than six months had elapsed, a court could only assume
jurisdiction for a merits hearing if it considered the child a habitual resident of that country. 43 These
working principles would form the basis for the Special Commission's preliminary draft treaty. 44 The
Child Abduction Convention in its present form was prepared during the Fourteenth Session of the
Hague Conference from October 6 to October 25, 1980. 45
Reflecting the universal view that international child abductions were a serious problem that needed
to be addressed, the Child Abduction Convention was adopted by a unanimous vote of the twentythree countries present, including the United States, and immediately signed by four of those countries
on October 25, 1980.46 Currently, eighty-one countries, including the United States, are signatories to
the Child Abduction Convention.47
1. Purposes and Objectives
The stated objectives of the Child Abduction Convention are twofold: "a to secure the prompt return
of children wrongfully removed to or retained in any Contracting State; and b to ensure that rights of
custody and of access under the law of one Contracting State are effectively respected in the other
Contracting States."48 The deliberate wording of Article 1 ("prompt") ensured that courts in
international child abduction proceedings no longer engaged in lengthy and detailed investigations
into the best interests of the child. 49 The Child Abduction Convention envisions that a court presented
with an international child abduction case simply considers it as an application for an administrative
return, rather than a full-blown traditional custody determination.
50
Abduction Convention recognized that one of the basic tenets of family law is the importance of a
child's interests and welfare in matters relating to his or her custody; however that was not the goal
that the Child Abduction Convention was designed to accomplish.51
45Id, at 22-23
46 Prez-Vera Report, supra note 9, at 426 & n.1
47 Hague Conference on Private International Law, Status Table,
http://hcch.evision.nl/index..en.php?act=conventions.status&cid=24 (last visited Apr. 13, 2016).
48 Child Abduction Convention, supra note 3, art. 1. ;BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at
28-29.
49 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 29; see also Walsh& Savard, supra note 21, (citing NunezEscudero v. Tice-Menley, 58 F.3d 374 (8th Cir. 1995))).
50 Linda Silberman, Interpreting the Hague Abduction Convention: In Search of aGlobal Jurisprudence, 38
U.C. DAVIS L. REv. 1049, 1063 (2005).
51 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 29; PNrez-Vera Report, supra note 9,at 431
10
The goal of the Child Abduction Convention is to further the interests of all children affected by
international child abductions collectively without individualized best-interests inquiries. 52 The Child
Abduction Convention drafters sought to achieve this goal through the formulation of a single
overarching rule: wrongfully removed or retained children must be returned to their habitual residence
as quickly as possible.
53
function of the courts of its member states according to this image of the return process. Under the
Child Abduction Convention, proceedings are subject to a "summary-return mechanism."
54
Rather
than deciding the merits of the substantive custody case, courts merely determine what a child's
habitual residence is, whether a child has been wrongfully removed from his or her habitual residence
or retained in a country other than his or her habitual residence, and, if so, order the child's return so
that the court of the child's habitual residence can decide the underlying substantive custody issues.
55
This enables a restoration of the status quo and allows a child to be returned to the place with which
he or she is most familiar and has the greatest connection, and, accordingly, where the authorities are
"best placed to determine the child's future."
allows for expeditious handling of cases.
56
57
More importantly, the Child Abduction Convention discourages parents from unilaterally removing
their children in order to use them as instruments to obtain a convenient and favorable forum in which
to air their custody disputes. 58 One other important procedural goal of the Child Abduction
Convention's drafters was to maximize the convention's practical effectiveness through uniformity in
interpretation and application among member states. 59 The importance of this goal lies in the need and
desire of the drafters to establish a new standard for dealing with international child abduction cases.
60
Without this goal and the cooperation of the early member states, the Child Abduction Convention
would have been severely weakened and would likely have failed as its predecessors did. 61 A number
of factors have contributed to the promotion of a uniform interpretation, including an overwhelming
aspiration to stop international child abductions and the simplicity of the Child Abduction
Convention's text.62
2. What the Text Says (and Does Not Say)
The Child Abduction Convention applies to any child under the age of sixteen who was habitually
resident in a member state immediately before his or her wrongful removal or retention.
63
The Child
65
A right of
custody is any right relating to the care of the child, particularly the right to determine a child's
residence, whereas a right of access includes the right to take a child for a limited time away from the
59 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 226; see also In re H, [1998] A.C. 72,87 (H.L.) (appeal
taken from Eng.) (U.K.)
64 Child Abduction Convention, supra note 3, art. 3; see also BEAUMONT &MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at
37-44
child's habitual residence.66 These rights represent "an identifiable legal link between an individual
and a child. If either right is breached, the legally responsible individual who has been disadvantaged
will be able to petition for its restoration. ' 67 This enables a restoration of the status quo in the child's
interests.68 While the Child Abduction Convention is explicit in its definition of certain key terms, this
Note focuses on one important aspect of the Child Abduction Convention that the drafters left
undefined in the text: habitual residence. The habitual residence determination is the basis on which
the Child Abduction Convention's "summary return mechanism" is founded.
The importance of determining a child's habitual residence is underscored by the inclusion of the term
in various articles of the Child Abduction Convention. First, the objective of any Child Abduction
Convention is to return a wrongfully removed or retained child to his or her habitual residence. 69 In
addition, a child must be habitually resident in a member state in order for a proceeding to fall under
the Child Abduction Convention.70 Finally, a child's habitual residence plays a critical role in
determining whether a child was, in fact, wrongfully removed or retained under the Child Abduction
Convention's definition:71 [I]n laying down the conditions which have to be met for any unilateral
change in the status quo to be regarded as wrongful, [Article 3] indirectly brings into clear focus those
relationships which the [Child Abduction] Convention seeks to protect. Those relationships are based
upon. .. the existence of rights of custody attributed by the State of the child's habitual residence . 72
Despite the importance that determining a child's habitual residence plays in Child Abduction
Convention proceedings, it is a tradition of the Hague Conferences not to define this term.
73
However
66 Id
67 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 86.
68 Id
69 See Child Abduction Convention, supra note 3, pmbl.; see also Silberman, supra note 50, at 1063
70 See Child Abduction Convention, supra note 3, art. 4; see also BEAUMONT &MCELEAVY,
supra note 9, at 39
71 See Child Abduction Convention, supra note 3, art. 3; see also Perez-Vera Report,supra note 9, at
444
72 Perez-Vera Report, supra note 9, at 444.
73 Id. at 441, 451; see also A. V. DICEY & J. H. C. MORRIS, DICEY & MORRIS ON THE
CONFLICT OF LAWS para. 6-123
13
75
addition to an intent to reside in the country of new domicile, an intent to leave the country of
previous domicile.
76
intricate, and courts must often make determinations of domicile without the guidance of concrete
rules. 77 In contrast, it has been deemed essential to treat the term "habitual residence" according to the
ordinary and natural meaning of the two words.
presence in a country.
79
78
factor.80 Putting these words together, "habitual residence" might mean a "'regular physical presence
which must endure for some time."'
81
from the plain fact that a domiciliary-style intent test would be complicated to apply to children and,
second, from its flexibility, as opposed to that of the concepts of domicile and nationality, in
responding to the demands of our society. "' This flexibility is also the reason why the Hague
Conference and the convention drafters have traditionally found the need for definition futile.'
82
Despite its lack of definition, the concept of habitual residence has been "closely connected with the
Hague Conference and for many years has been regarded as the primary connecting factor employed
in initiatives undertaken by that body."
83
ambiguity would allow courts to come to the most appropriate solution in most cases, the concept had
74 Prez-Vera Report, supra note 9, at 445.; See, e.g., Ruiz v. Tenorio,392 F.3d 1247, 1251 (11 th Cir. 2004).
yet to be applied by courts in international child abduction cases. 84 However, in the years following
the adoption of the Child Abduction Convention by the original signatory states, a large body of case
law has developed regarding how a court should determine a child's habitual residence. 85
Some of this case law has restrained the discretion of judges in determining whether a habitual
residence has been gained or lost and impeded the fulfillment of the drafters' goal that habitual
residence ought to designate the forum conveniens for subsequent hearings on the merits of the
underlying custody case.86 This combination of judicial recognition of the importance of the habitual
residence determination and the Child Abduction Convention text's ambiguity as to the proper
definition of habitual residence practically guarantees that there will be a conflict among courts as to
the proper standard to be used in determining a child's habitual residence.
3. Methods of Achieving a Uniform Interpretation
Despite the drafters' goal of uniformity in interpretation, there is no international tribunal vested with
authoritative interpretive power.
87
88
this lack of
overarching guidance has important implications for certain terms, such as habitual residence, on
which the text is silent.
89
Foremost, there is the potential that the goals of the Child Abduction
90
Abduction Convention proceeding: he is pronouncing national law because the treaty is a part of the
national law of each country that signs it, but he is also contributing to the development of
international law, of which the treaty is an embodiment.
91
national and international law, while remaining faithful to the goals of the Child Abduction
83 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 88.
84 Id. at89.
85 Id. at 90; see also Rhona Schuz, Policy Considerations in Determining the Habitual Residence of
a Child and the Relevance of Context, II J. TRANSNAT'L L. & POL'Y 101, 103(2001)
86 BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 90.
87 Silberman, supra note 50, at 1057.
88 BEAUMONT & McELEAVY, supra note 8, at 226
89 Silberman, supra note 50, at 1057
90 Id, at 1059
15
Convention, when faced with interpreting and determining habitual residence? One of the most
important sources of guidance in interpreting international law is the Vienna Convention on the Law
of Treaties (Vienna Convention).92 The Vienna Convention provides a framework for interpreting
treaties founded on principles of customary international law.93 Section 3 of the Vienna Convention, in
particular, provides a number of rules for the interpretation of international treaties. 94 Article 31
mandates that a treaty be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning of its
terms given their context, objectives, and purpose. 95
In addition, Article 32 states, Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation,
including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to
confirm the meaning resulting from the application of article 31, or to determine the meaning when
the interpretation according to article 31: leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure; or leads to a
result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable. 96 Although the United States is a signatory to the
Vienna Convention, the Senate has not ratified the treaty.' 97 Thus, the Vienna Convention does not
apply in the United States as a matter of domestic treaty law. However, many of the rules of
interpretation memorialized in the Vienna Convention have force as expressions of customary
international law. 98
Thus, in interpreting the term "habitual residence" and deciding what the proper standard should be
for determining a child's habitual residence, the circuits must consider not only American court
91 Id, at 1057.
92 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, May 23, 1969, 8 I.L.M. 679 [hereinafter Vienna
Convention].
93 Evan Criddle, The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties in U.S. Treaty Interpretation, 44 VA.
J. INT'L L. 431, 437 (2004).
94 Id. at 438 (quoting Reports of the International Law Commission to the General Assembly, [1966]
2 Y.B. Int'l L. Comm'n220, U.N. Doc. A/6309/Rev. 1)).
95 Vienna Convention, supra note 92, art. 31, 1.
96 Id. art. 32.
97 Criddle, supra note 93, at 443
98 RESTATEMENT (THIRD) OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW OF THE UNITED STATES
325 cmt. a (1987)
16
precedent, but also the treatment of the Child Abduction Convention by other signatory countries. 99
Furthermore, the published "travaux preparatoires" of the Child Abduction Convention, the materials
detailing the development and negotiation of the treaty,100 provide endless information about the
drafting history and debates that took place during the negotiations of the Child Abduction
Convention and are another valuable aid for interpretation. 101
99 While American courts have looked to other common-law jurisdictions for guidance on the
habitual residence inquiry, there are a number of cases from civil-law jurisdictions that have largely
been ignored.
100 RESTATEMENT (THIRD) OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW OF THE UNITED STATES 325
cmt. e (1987).
101 See Criddle, supra note 93, at 452, 455; Silberman, supra note 50, at 1060-61
17
1. Common-Law Subjectivity
One of the most cited common-law cases in both the United States and other common-law countries is
the British case, In re Bates.103Decided in1989, Bates was one of the earliest cases to consider the
issue of habitual residence under the Child Abduction Convention. Tatjana, born in 1986,was the only
daughter of an American mother and British father who were married in 1984. 104 Because of the
father's success as a pop musician, the family travelled constantly and Tatjana was left mostly to the
care of nannies.
102 See, e.g., Robert, 507 F.3d at 989 (citing In re Bates, (1989) CA 122/89, slip op.(High Ct. of
Justice, Fam. Div., Royal Cts. of Justice) (U.K.),http://www.hiltonhouse.com/cases/Bates-uk.txt);
Mozes v. Mozes, 239 F.3d 1067, 1074,1081 (9th Cir. 2001); see also BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY,
supra note8, at 236 (noting that courts in the United States have chosen, in accordance with the
decision of the Supreme Court in Air France v. Saks, to consult foreign case law).
103 See BEAUMONT & MCELEAVY, supra note 8, at 236
104 In re Bates, (1989) CA 122/89 (High Ct. of Justice, Fam. Div., Royal Cts. of Justice).
18
Despite an earlier disagreement over where the mother,Tatjana, and Tatjana's nanny would remain
while the father embarked on his most recent world tour, it was decided that they would remain in
New York. Soon after the father's departure, Tatjana's mother, desiring to devote more time to
Tatjana's day-to-day care, gave her nanny the weekend off. Finding this to be a threat to Tatjana's
father's arrangements, the nanny contacted him and was instructed to take Tatjana to London
immediately. Tatjana's mother immediately contacted both the American and British central
authorities and filed simultaneous Child Abduction Convention petitions in American and British
courts.
In his opinion, Justice John Waite relied heavily on two sources of British law: Dicey and Morris on
the Conflict of Laws and Lord Scarman's opinion in Regina v. Barnet London Borough Council.105
Justice Waiter recognized that habitual residence was intended by the Child Abduction Convention
drafters to be a concept separate from domicile and that courts should avoid creating detailed and
restrictive rules that would transform it into a technical term of art. 106
Justice Waite then adopted the principle of settled purpose" from Lord Scarman's opinion in
Regina[T]here must be a degree of settled purpose. The purpose may be one or there may be several.
It may be specific or general. All that the law requires is that there is a settled purpose. That is not to
say that thepropositus intends to stay where he is indefinitely. Indeed his purpose while settled may be
for a limited period. Education, business or profession, employment, health, family or merely love of
the place spring to mind as common reasons for a choice of regular abode, and there may well be
many others. All that is necessary is that the purpose of living where one does has a sufficient degree
of continuity to be properly described as settled. 107
He determined that, while it is the child's habitual residence that must be determined, when a child is
as young as Tatjana the "overtly stated intentions" of the child's parents are bound to be important
factors and must be included.108 In applying these principles to the facts before him, Justice Waite
determined that the New York apartment was intended to be a temporary base, but that it had acquired
105 Id. (citing Regina v. Bamet London Borough Council, [1983] 2 A.C. 309, 343 (H.L)).1982) (appeal taken
from Eng.) (U.K.); A. V. DICEY & J. H. C. MORRIS, I DICEY & MORIS
ON THE CONFLICT OF LAWS ch. 7 (Lawrence Collins ed., 11 th ed. 1987)).
106 Id
107 Id. (quoting Regina, [1983] 2 A.C. at 344). It must be noted, first, that Regina v.Barnet London
Borough Council was not a Child Abduction Convention case, but rather a case deciding the "ordinary
residence" of immigrants with respect to the British Education Act, and, second, that Lord Leslie
Scarman equated the concept of habitual residence with ordinary residence," a development that has
been subject to great criticism.
19
a more settled purpose by the time the family moved in, evidenced by the arrangements made for
Tatjana'scare, accommodations, and speech therapy.
109
Tatjana's habitual residence and her removal to London was wrongful under the Child Abduction
Convention.
110
Every subsequent Child Abduction Convention case that has come before a British
court has been determined according to the principles laid out in Bates. 111
Relying on British case law, courts in other common-law countries have come to similar conclusions
in considering habitual residence. One such example is the 1990 Scottish case, Dickson v. Dickson 112
Penny and James Dickson married in 1987, and their only son was born in 1988.290 A year after their
child's birth, the family left Scotland for Australia. 113 After only a few discontented months in
Australia, James returned to England with their son. The parties disputed whether this return was
intended to be a vacation or permanent. Regardless, Penny waited another three months before
claiming that James had wrongfully removed their son. The court determined that habitual residence
"implied residence over an extended period and settled in quality." 114 However, since a two-year-old
child is unable to form his or her own intention about residence in the same way an adult can, only the
child's parents can decide his or her residence. 115 The court ultimately concluded that when the child
left Australia it was Jamess intention that they never return and, until Penny filed her claim, both
parents expected the child to make his home in the United Kingdom, and "it could not be said that the
child resided in Australia." 116
108 Bates, (1989) CA 122/89.
109 Id
110 Id
111 See, e.g., B v. H, [2002] 1 F.L.R. 388 (Fam.) (U.K.); In re J, [1990] 2 A.C. 562(H.L.) (appeal
taken from Eng.) (U.K.), affd sub nom. C v. S, [1990] 2 All E.R. 961 (H.L.) (appeal taken from Eng.)
(U.K.).
112 [1990] Sc. L.R. 692 (Sess.) (Scot.).
113 Id
114 Id. at 699 (quoting Kapur v. Kapur, [1984] F.L.R. 920, 926 (Fam.) (U.K.));
115 Dickson [ 1990] Sc. L.R. at 699.
116 Id
20
In Cooper v. Casey,117 the Family Court of Australia came to a similar conclusion on the issue of
habitual residence. The parents of B and Hmarried in September 1988; B and H were both born in
Australia. Shortly after B's birth in 1989, the family left Australia for the United States and made
frequent trips back to Australia over the next five years.
In 1993, the wife, with her husband's consent, left for France with B and Hand purchased a home
there. She eventually returned to the United States with the children in February 1994. However, she
remained there only six months before leaving for Australia with the children. In considering the issue
of B and H's habitual residence, the court looked to a combination of American and British case
law.118 The court recognized the principles laid out by Justice Waite in In re B: 119 first, that a young
childs habitual residence is the same as that of his or her parents and neither parent can unilaterally
change it without the other parent's consent, and second, that the habitual residence of a married
couple is the county that the couple has voluntarily adopted for settled purposes as part of their
regular lives.120
Perfunctorily addressing the issue, the court merely affirmed the lower courts determination that,
having settled in the United States after their return from France in 1984, B and H's habitual residence
had never ceased to be the United States. 121
2. Civil-Law Objectivity
Like their common-law counterparts, courts in civil-law countries have been called upon to consider
the issue of habitual residence under the Child Abduction Convention. Civil-law courts have
distinguished themselves from common-law courts by refusing to rely on subjective intent when
determining a child's habitual residence. Despite the availability of civil law opinions, few commonlaw courts have chosen to look to these courts for guidance. If uniformity in interpretation is to be
achieved, there is no reason to prefer common-law cases over civil-law cases as a source of guidance.
In 1995, the Argentine Supreme Court of Justice was presented with a Child Abduction Convention
case in Wilner v. Osswald.122 Eduardo Wilnerand Maria Osswald married in Buenos Aires in 1985 and
a few months later left for Canada, where Eduardo was to study at a university. Their daughter was
born in Ontario in February 1990. The family remained in Canada until 1993, when Maria decided to
return to Buenos Aires with their daughter to spend the holidays with her family. It was not until the
passage of the new year that Eduardo realized that Maria had decided to remain in Argentina with
their daughter Eduardo then petitioned for his daughters return under the Child Abduction
Convention. In determining what the daughter's habitual residence was, Argentina's highest court
succinctly stated that "[t]he term 'habitual residence' as used in the [Child Abduction] Convention
refers to a factual situation that implies stability and permanence and alludes to the centre of the
minor's life, excluding any reference to minors' depending domicile." 123 The court concluded that any
interpretation that made a child's habitual residence dependent on the parents' domicile is mistaken. 124
Based on the fact that the child had developed her life in Ontario, which was where her family was
and where she attended kindergarten, the court determined that her habitual residence was Canada. 125
In 1996, the Supreme Administrative Court of Sweden faced a similar determination in Johnson v.
Johnson.126 Anne and Thomas were married in1986, and Amanda, their only daughter, was born in
1987. In 1990, the family moved from Switzerland to the United States, where Anne was posted to the
Swedish Consulate in New York and Thomas was posted in Washington, D.C.; Amanda lived
alternately with her mother and father. In 1992, Anne and Thomas divorced and agreed that Amanda
would spend twenty-eight weeks with her mother and twenty-four weeks with her father until July 1,
1993, when Anne would return to Sweden with Amanda. she would then alternate between her parents
122 Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Naci6n [CSJN] [Supreme Court of Justice],14/6/1995, "Wilner,
Eduardo Mario v. Osswald, Maria Gabriela / recurso de hecho,"Colecci6n Oficial de Fallos de la
Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Naci6n [Fallos] (1995-318-1269) (Arg.), translated and available at
http://web.archive.org/web/20070526143121/http://www.hcch.net/incadat/fullcase/0362.htm.
123 Id. at 1285; see also Juzgado de Primera Instancia [la Inst.] [Buenos Aires National Court of
First Instance], 05/10/2001, "Aisemberg de Altheim, Andrea F. v. Altheim, FlavioDavid," (Arg.),
translated and available. athttp://hiltonhouse.com/cases/AltheimArgentina.txt ("[Habitual residence]
therefore signifies the place where the minor carries out his activities
124 Wilner, Fallos (1995-318) at 1285.
125 Wilner, Fallos (1995-318) at 1285;
126 Regeringsratten [RegR] [Supreme Administrative Court] 1996-05-09 (Swed.),translated and available at
http://www.hiltonhouse.com/cases/Johnson 002_Sweden.txt.
22
every two years. Prior to the date when Amanda was to return to Thomas in the United States, he
filed a petition for her return under the Child Abduction Convention in a Swedish court. 127 In
determining Amanda's habitual residence, the court found that habitual residence is where there is
constancy with regard to the duration of the period concerned, among other factors. Such an analysis
must take into account all the circumstances that can be objectively observed to show a permanent
attachment to one country over another, including the child's existing social ties. In analyzing the
objective facts, the court noted that Amanda had been staying with Anne in Sweden for more than two
years prior to Thomas's petition and that the record showed that she had adjusted to her circumstances
there. In addition, the agreement between the parties stipulated that Amanda was to spend eight years
in Sweden with Anne prior to reaching the age of eighteen, whereas she was to spend only four years
in the United States with Thomas. While Amanda had remained in Sweden against Thomas's will
since August 1995, the date when physical custody was to switch, the retention was not wrongful
because Sweden was Amanda's habitual residence.
Rochford v. Rochford128 presented the Juvenile Court of Rome with a habitual residence issue to
consider in 1999. Luca was born in London on August 5, 1993, to Nicholas, a British citizen, and
Pasqualina, an Italian-British citizen.
Pasqualina separated and Pasqualina moved to Italy. Luca remained exclusively in England, with the
exception of a visit to his mother from September to December 1997, until Pasqualina removed him to
Italy in May 1998. In determining Luca's habitual residence, the court relied solely on the objective
facts of the case. The court found that, except for his trip to Italy, Luca had lived in England all his
life and that the trip was for so short a duration that it could not serve to change his habitual residence.
Only a place that is the centre of the child's life and can be shown to be where the child usually spends
most of his or her time can be considered the child's habitual residence. The court found that
Luca'shabitual residence was unequivocally England.
23
131 Mohsen v. Mohsen, 715 F. Supp. 1063, 1065 (D. Wyo. 1989). See also Mezo v. Elmergawi,855
F. Supp. 59 (E.D.N.Y. 1994).
132 Mohsen, 715 F. Supp. at 1065.
24
within the exceptions to the obligation to return, and in the absence of other grounds for concern,
such as the risk of persecution or discrimination, or, doubtless, the application of non- welfare
principles by the foreign court, an abducted or wrongfully retained child will normally be returned
home, whether or not his home is in a Contracting State.133
In Re S, the Court of Appeal, Civil Division, ordered the return of two children to their father in
Pakistan, a non signatory State. 134 The order was made despite the mother's assertions that Pakistan
does not apply a similar system of law to govern the welfare of children, and that she would not get a
fair trial in any custody determination in Pakistan. 135 On the issue of a fair trial, the mother argued that
fairness would be impossible due to the influence of the father's family, a family of material
substance. The court accepted the trial judge's determination that the mother's assertion was
unsupported by the evidence. 136 The Re S court then considered evidence of the applicable law in
Pakistan and found that the matter would be governed by principles of Muslim law.
According to Muslim law as applied in Pakistan, the mother retains physical custody until the girl
reaches puberty and the boy reaches the age of seven. The mother loses entitlement to bring up her
children: (1) if she concludes a subsequent marriage, or forms a liaison with another man other than a
close relative to the children;(2) if she is deemed to be unsuitable, for instance if she has a way of life
that the court considers un-Islamic; or (3) if there is a suggestion that the children would not be raised
as Muslims.137The court found that although Pakistani Muslim law is significantly different from the
law of England, the principles of Pakistani law would be appropriate for these children, in light of the
fact that both parents intended to raise the children as Muslims. 138 The court suggested that summary
return can be justified even when the law of the habitual residence is different from English law, so
long as it is accepted by the English courts as appropriate for the children. 139
133 Ian Karsten, The Fight Against Child Abduction, 141 NEW L.J. 1290 (1991).
134 Re S (A Minor), 2 Fam. 499 (Eng. C.A. 1992), available in LEXIS, Enggen Library, CASESFile.
135 Id.; see also Re F, 140 NEw L.J. 1193 (1990) (holding that Convention principles applied to
resolution of the case, even though Israel was not a signatory at the time).
136 Re S (A Minor), 2 Fam. at 36-37.
137 Id. at 36-37 (quoting affidavit of Professor Pearl, expert in Pakistani law).
138 Id
139 Id
25
Although the United Kingdom's application of the Conventions principles to non signatory States
serves the key goal of immediately returning wrongfully abducted children, no reciprocity is required
from the State of habitual residence. It is arguable, therefore, that non signatory States will have no
incentive to ratify the Convention, since their own children are promptly returned by Contracting
States. The United Kingdom's policy of applying the Convention to non signatories compounds the
problems caused by a lack of Member States.
Why are there relatively few signatories to the Convention? First, since there were only twenty-nine
Member States to the Conference that wrote the Convention," 140it is doubtful that countries that did
not participate in the Conventions drafting would be eager to ratify. The legal systems of those
countries that are currently Contracting States are relatively homogeneous, demonstrating that
countries with divergent legal systems and social norms are much less likely to become signatories.
Those countries are also less likely to have knowledge about the benefits of the Convention. 141
Ultimately, the worldwide effectiveness of the Convention will depend upon securing more
Contracting States, thereby decreasing the number of Haven-States" for abductors. 142
In addition to the problem of "Haven-States," there are several limitations and exceptions inherent in
the Convention's language that could potentially hinder its goal of promptly returning abducted
children. The remainder of this discussion will focus first upon the Conventions limitations, and
second upon its exceptions, looking at case law applications in these potentially damaging areas.
Despite the strict nature of the exceptions in article 35 and article 4, it is important to note that
pursuant to article 36, a country can limit the restrictions that might block a child's return." 143 This can
be accomplished if two or more countries agree to extend the Convention to children beyond sixteen
years or to apply the Convention retroactively to removals and retentions occurring before the
Convention's entry into effect between the two nations. Moreover, article 36 is supplemented in the
Convention by article 18, which notes that the Convention does not limit the power of judicial
authorities to order the return of a child pursuant to other existing local laws or procedures, which
may not include the age limitation in article4.144
C. EXCEPTIONS TO THE RETURN REQUIREMENT
In addition to the three limitations that a petitioning parent must overcome in order to secure the
return of a child under the Convention, four important exceptions to the Convention's return
requirement may be invoked by the respondent. Three of those exceptions are contained in article 13;
the remaining exception is in article 20.145
1. Article 20
Article 20 contains the Convention's public policy exception. It states,"[t]he return of the child under
the provisions of article 12 may be refused if this would not be permitted by the fundamental
principles of the Requested State relating to the protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms."146 Article 20 is ambiguous and could be problematic should courts choose to use the
exception often. Those opposed to article 20 feared that it could be interpreted broadly, possibly
undermining the entire Convention.147
2. Article 13
In contrast to article 20, the exceptions contained in article 13 have been frequently litigated. Under
article 13(a), a court may deny an application for the return of a child if the petitioner was not actually
exercising custody rights at the time of removal or retention, or if the petitioner had acquiesced
143Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, Oct. 25, 1980,T.I.A.S.
No. 11,670, 1343 U.N.T.S. 89 (hereinafter Hague Convention]., art. 36.
144 Hague Convention, supra note 143, art. 18.
145 Copertino, supra note 130, at 731.
146 Hague Convention, supra note 143, art. 20.
147. See Department of State Notices, 51 Fed. Reg. 10,494-10,516 (1986).
27
in the removal or retention.148" Article 13(b) allows a court, in its discretion, to refuse the return of a
child if there is "a grave risk of harm that return would expose the child to physical or psychological
harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation."' A third, unlettered paragraph of Article
13 allows a court to refuse a child's return if the child objects to being returned and the child has
attained an age and degree of maturity at which a court can appropriately consider the child's views. 149
The ultimate success of the Convention depends upon allowing the use of these exceptions only in
rare cases where a strict burden of proof has been met:
Nevertheless, the article 13 exceptions have been described as "so broad that they are apt to turn what
are to be summary proceedings into adversary hearings on the merits, contrary to the purposes of the
Convention."'150
a. Article 13(a)
Two basic arguments can be raised by respondents under article 13(a).First, respondents can argue
that petitioner does not actually possess rights of custody. Second, respondents can argue that
petitioner acquiesced in the childs removal or retention. In David S. v. Zamira S., the
mother(respondent) argued that the father (petitioner) did not possess custody rights over their son,
and thus was not entitled to the child's return under the Convention. 151
David S. v. Zamira S. involved two children, a son and a daughter, whose habitual residence was
Ontario, Canada." There had been no valid separation agreement or custody decree concerning the
daughter and, thus, under Ontario law, the petitioner and respondent had equal rights to custody of
their daughter.152 With respect to their son, however, the fathers statutory right to custody had been
suspended by virtue of a separation agreement that only granted the father access rights to the son.
The court noted that the mother's arguments under 13(a) were meritorious with regards to the son
148 Under ICARA, a respondent opposing the return of the child must prove this exception by
preponderance of the evidence. 42 U.S.C. II 603(e)(2)(B) (1988).
149 Hague Convention, supra note 143, art. 13. This exception must be established by
preponderances of the evidence under ICARA. 42 U.S.C. 1I603(e)(2)(B).
150 Copertino, supra note 130, at 741 (quoting Bodenheimer, The Hague Draft Convention on
International Child Abduction, 14 FAM. L.Q. 99, 110 (1980)).
151 David S. v. Zamira S., 574 N.Y.S.2d 429 (1991).
152 Children's Law Reform Act, R.S.O., ch. 68, 20(1) (1990) (Can.). This section provides that
"the father and mother of a child are equally entitled to custody of the child."
28
because the father had only access rights and not rights of custody.153 Nevertheless, the court ordered
both of the children returned to their father.154"
The separation agreement limited the mother's ability to relocate the children outside of the
Metropolitan Toronto area.155 However, the mother relocated the children to the United States and, in
response to this contemptuous conduct, the Supreme Court of Ontario subsequently gave temporary
custody of both children to the father. Therefore, even though the father did not possess traditional
rights of custody over the son at the time of removal, the court interpreted the father's ability to force
the mother to remain in Toronto with the children as a type of custody right. 156
Although this interpretation seemingly pushes the limit of what constitutes right of custody, it is
consistent with the article 5(a) definition of custody rights as "the right to determine the child's place
of residence.157
The United Kingdom Court of Appeal exhibited a narrower view of custody rights in its interpretation
of the applicable law in Australia, the country of habitual residence in Re J." The father in this case
petitioned for return of his child to Australia pursuant to the Convention after the mother left for the
United Kingdom with the child.158 The parents were unmarried, however, and Australian law gave the
custody and guardianship of a child of unmarried parents solely to the mother, unless a court ordered
otherwise. The father obtained a court order granting him custody of the child, but only after the
mother's removal of the child. The court indicated that retention could only be wrongful and in breach
of the father's custody rights if the father possessed custody rights immediately before the retention.
Since the removal occurred before the father obtained a custody order granting him rights to the child,
the removal was not in breach of these rights. 159
153 David S., 574 N.Y.S.2d at 432.
154 Id.
155 Id.
156 Id.
157 Hague Convention, supra note 143, art. 5(a).
158 Law Reporters to the Incorporated Council of Law Reporting, Re J (A Minor), 87 L. Soc'yGazette, Oct. 3,
1990, at 39
159 For another case narrowly interpreting parental rights in a country of habitual residence,
seeViragh v. Foldes, 612 N.E.2d 241 (1993) (holding that the father's rights under Hungarian Law
29
A parent can also argue under article 13(a) that the petitioning parent acquiesced to the removal or
retention. This argument is difficult to make, however, since an application for return indicates that
the petitioner does not want the child living in a foreign country.160 Perhaps the strongest argument for
acquiescence is when the petitioner has allowed the one-year statute of limitations to run. However,
the abducting parent's unilateral actions must not have precipitated the delay, and the child's return
will still be ordered unless the respondent can show that the child is settled in her environment. 161
b. Article 13(b)
The article 13(b) "grave risk of harm" exception, like the other article13 exceptions, was intended to
be construed narrowly and applied only in rare circumstances. 162 Nevertheless, article 13(b) is the
most frequently litigated exception, because it comes the closest to allowing the Requested State's
court to examine the merits of the case.
163
including the "best interests" of the child, is prohibited by the Convention at the hearing seeking
return of the child,
litigants often surreptitiously attempt to bring in evidence of this nature by using article 13(b). Article
13(b) is also dangerous because the terms "grave risk of harm and "intolerable situation" are
susceptible to various interpretations, and because abductors can use the exception as
machinery for delay.164
Parents seeking to block a child's return frequently argue that psychological harm will ensue because
of the return and, almost universally, such claims of psychological harm are properly rejected by the
courts. Nevertheless, claims of psychological harm must be viewed sceptically the courts, as they
have been in recent years in the United States and the United Kingdom. For example, in the United
30
Kingdom case of Re C, the mother (respondent) argued that the removal of the child would cause
grave psychological harm, because the child would be separated from her.94
The Court of Appeal held that the article 13(b) exception does not apply when the risk would occur
only if the mother refused to accompany the child back to the country of habitual residence. 165
c. The Child's Opinion
The third and final exception contained in the last unlettered paragraph of article 13 allows a court to
deny a return petition if a child of sufficient age and maturity objects to the return. This exception
gives significant discretion to the court to determine what age and level of maturity is required to
make a decision of this sort. 166 This provision is potentially problematic because an abducting parent
could exert undue influence over the child. However, consideration of the child's preference is not
mandatory, and courts can attach little weight to the child's opinion if brainwashing by the abducting
parent is suspected. As with the other exceptions, the last article 13 exception has caused no real
damage to the Conventions goals as applied by courts in the United States and the United Kingdom.
D. DETERMINING HABITUAL RESIDENCE
The final area where the Convention's objectives might be undermined is the determination of
habitual residence. Ultimately, the success of a petition for return is contingent upon the court
agreeing that petitioner's home country is the habitual residence. This determination is often
extremely difficult because children in international marriages in which divorces have occurred are
moved around the world quite frequently. Courts faced with a genuine question concerning a child's
habitual residence must make a fact-specific inquiry in each case.
In the United States, the leading case concerning habitual residence isFriedrich v. Friedrich.167 In
Friedrich, the Sixth Circuit noted that a childs habitual residence cannot be easily altered. "A child's
habitual residence can be altered only by a change in geography and the passage of time, not by
changes in parental affection and responsibility." 168Furthermore, the change in geography must occur
before the questionable removal, and must not be a result of the removal." 169
However, in both the United States and the United Kingdom, other cases have considered the
intentions of the parent when determining habitual residence. In the United Kingdom case of Re J, the
Court of Appeal held that the habitual residence of an infant who is in the sole custody of his mother
is necessarily the same as hers.
170
Therefore, since the mother in this case left Australia with the
settled intention never to return, the child171. ceased to be a habitual resident of Australia.
CONCLUSION
In the decades since the Child Abduction Convention was adopted in1980, courts worldwide have
struggled with the issue of habitual residence. As a result, a conflict has developed over whether
courts should consider only objective facts or include subjective intentions in the habitual residence
determination. Courts in the United States and worldwide must apply the standard that best achieves
the objectives of the Child Abduction Conventions drafters. When the drafters met in the late 1970s
to face the growing problem of international child abductions, they were clear in their goal of
protecting children from the effects of wrongful removals and retentions.
Yet, they were equally adamant in their desire to construct a text that would provide certainty,
consistency, and expediency for all parties involved, while at the same time maintaining a high degree
of flexibility. Any analysis that focuses on the shared subjective intentions of parents is not only
illogical, but rigid, inconsistent, and wrought with uncertainty. Where a court is presented with a
Child Abduction Convention proceeding, it must act with restraint, focusing only on the objective
evidence, and avoid reverting to more comfortable concepts, such as best interests. Only then will the
Child Abduction Conventions procedures be uniformly applied and its objectives universally
accomplished.
33
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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34
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An Analysis of its Efficacy, 6 CONN. J. INT'L L. 715 (1991)
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Abduction 1 (1999)
11. Practice and Interpretation of the Discretionary Exception, 25 TEX INT'L L.J. 287, 297
(1990).
12. R. L. Hegar & G. L. Greif, Parental Abduction of Children from Interracial and Cross
Cultural Marriages, 25 J. COMP. FAM. STUD. 135, 138 (1994)
13. Rapport Explicatif de Mlle Elisa Prez- Vera [Explanatory Report by Elisa Prez- Vera], in 3
CONFERENCE DE LA HAYE DE DROIT INTERNATIONAL PRIVt, ACTES ET
DOCUMENTS DE LA QUATORZIEME SESSION, ENLIVEMENT D'ENFANTS [HAGUE
CONFERENCE ON PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW, ACTS AND DOCUMENTS OF
THE FOURTEENTH SESSION, CHILD ABDUCTION] 426, 428 (1982)
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Comm'n220, U.N. Doc. A/6309/Rev. 1)
35
36