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Hirschman's View of Art of Trespassing: Development, or The and Self-Subversion
Hirschman's View of Art of Trespassing: Development, or The and Self-Subversion
REVIEW
70
Hirschmans view of
development, or the
art of trespassing
and self-subversion
Javier Santiso
Professor of Political Economy
in the National Foundation for
Political Science, International
Study and Research Centre, Paris.
Professorial Lecturer at the
Johns Hopkins University.
[email protected]
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I
Introduction
Trespassing is often used in a negative sense in
the United States: for example, in notice boards that
say No Trespassing!, viewing it as a violation of
private property, but in my view it can have a positive
value: it can mean stepping over the borders between
one discipline and another, without seeing them as rigid
divisions. My last reversal of the accepted meaning is that
of subversion, which is also generally used in a negative
sense: subversion? How terrible!.
Albert Hirschman1
In one of his most famous essays, Isaiah Berlin suggests dividing thinkers into two categories: hedgehogs and foxes (Berlin, 1979). That great
philosopher aimed to include all intellectuals in that
very original classification, inspired by a fragment
from the Greek poet Archilochus: The fox knows
many things, the hedgehog only one thing, but on a
grand scale.
The hedgehogs are those who develop an
all-embracing view of the central world: a coherent
system for analysing and thinking the whole of their
experiences and ideas. The foxes, in contrast, live,
think and act without trying to locate their lives,
ideas and actions within a coherent global system: a
totalizing view of the world. Beyond any doubt, in
the light of his work and life, Albert Hirschman belonged among the foxes: a tremendously free fox
who kept on running incessantly, crossing both mental and real boundaries, intellectual and physical
frontiers, multiplying different views of the world,
constantly engaging in subversion and self-subversion, always trying to swim against the current, no
matter how fierce the ideological storms to be
weathered.
In the 1930s, fleeing from Nazi Germany, he
crossed any number of real frontiers, journeying all
over Europe and studying in France (where his
dream was to study Sciences Po but he finally entered a French business school)2 and in England (at
the London School of Economics), before finally going to Trieste in Italy and fighting against the fascists, first in the French army and later in the U.S.
forces. After that, he crossed the Atlantic to settle in
the United States, where he had a brilliant university
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4 See, in this respect, McPhersons article on The social scientist as constructive skeptic: On Hirschmans role and
Hirschmans response, A propensity to self-subversion, both
included in Foxley, McPherson and ODonnell (1986).
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II
Journeys from economics to
politics and beyond
From the point of view of the history of ideas and of
development economics, Hirschmans intellectual
work is original in a dual sense. It is at once a central
yet also a marginal body of work. Central, because
his reflections on development economics, from the
publication of The Strategy in 1958 up to A bias for
hope in 1971 (including Journeys, in 1963), his reflections on unbalanced growth, and his concepts of
backward and forward linkages have become inevitable pillars of discussions on economic development
(Hirschman, 1958, 1963a and 1971a). Marginal, because in the mainstream thinking of his home discipline, economics, Hirschman became a highly
appreciated but marginalized voice, considered to be
out of the game (that is to say, outside game theory). He remained on the sidelines of the paths which
were later to become superhighways for economists,
econometrics, formalization and the paradigm of the
rational actor.5
However, even though the defeat suffered by development economics, as Krugman notes,6 was not
so much empirical or ideological as methodological
(because this branch of economics became dominated by a discursive and non-mathematical style at a
time when formalization was advancing rapidly in all
the other branches), Hirschman fully accepted his intellectual exile. His marginalization from this discipline similar to that of some other development
economists, such as Myrdal, for example was voluntary: Hirschman simply opted out. He ceased to
run along the superhighway (which he had travelled
at one time) and left it to travel along other paths and
enjoy scenery which was not as smooth and level as
that of the mathematical formalizations but was
much more colourful, with its economic aspects enriched by political and moral dimensions, and vice
versa.
5 For an epistemological analysis of this evolution towards
growing formalization, see McCloskey, 1994.
6 See Krugman (1994 and 1992). See also Hirschmans own essays on the evolution of development economics (especially
Hirschman, 1981b).
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III
From being a good revolutionary
to a good liberal?
What is beyond any doubt is that during the lost decade Hirschmans work won a special cachet, particularly in Latin America and among academics and
development operators in general.
From the 1980s on, there are abundant tributes
to his work: tributes which in no way represent a
form of totemization of his figure, as Foxley,
McPherson and ODonnell (1986) make clear in the
introduction to their book on Hirschmans thinking.
Indeed, when there were attempts at totemization,
Hirschman himself energetically rejected them, as he
did in his address at the meeting held by the World
Bank in the early 1980s to pay homage to the pioneers of development.10 In April 1984, a congress devoted entirely to Hirschman was organized in the
University of Notre Dame. In November 1989, with
the support of the IDB, another international congress
was held at the Instituto Torcuato di Tella, in Buenos
Aires, which issued an invitation to rethink development strategies in the light of Hirschmans thinking.11 Other meetings followed, such as those at
ECLAC, or at MIT, where an important meeting of
economists was held to re-examine development experiences in the light of his work.12
These (re-)encounters were also sometimes expressions of gratitude not only for the work of a
thinker but also for the efforts made by a man who
devoted time and energy, in the most difficult moments of the military dictatorships, to supporting
Latin American democrats and the intellectuals and
institutions of the region. With the return of democracy to Latin America, many of those intellectuals
likewise returned to leading political and economic
positions. For this reason, this rediscovery of
10
Especially when those attempts were based on erroneous interpretations of his theories (Hirschman, 1984, p. 104 et seq.).
11 All these meetings gave rise to essays which were collected
in Foxley, McPherson and ODonnell (eds.), 1986, and in Teitel
(ed.), 1992.
12 This meeting gave rise to a publication which has already
been mentioned earlier (Rodwin and Schn (eds.), 1994).
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ble the idea of promoting economic policies formulated and implemented on the basis of intangible
macro-paradigms.
Thus, in the early 1980s the land of the Chicago
Boys, which had been presented as the lair of
neoliberalism in the region, nationalized its banks
and thereby patently illustrated Hirschmans idea of
the unintended consequences of human actions and
the importance of possibilism in economic policy. As
Carlos Daz-Alejandro wrote with regard to that period, the clearest example of this paradox is Chile,
which, though guided by capable economists committed to laissez-faire, has shown to the world a path
which is more in the direction of a de facto socialized banking system. Argentina and Uruguay display
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IV
A passion for the possible
We could give many more examples of this turn towards possibilism which has taken place and continues to take place in the region. As Hirschman
himself said in his last essay, on the evolution of development economics in Latin America (illustrating
his ideas with examples from Argentina, Brazil and
Chile): In an earlier article, I talked about contrasting switches from one set of beliefs to another. This
time I am concerned with a more fundamental, if less
easily defined, shift from total confidence in the existence of a fundamental solution for social and economic problems to a more questioning, pragmatic
attitude from ideological certainty to more
open-ended, eclectic, skeptical inquiry (Hirschman,
1987).
The fact that Hirschmans work has now taken
on renewed importance is due precisely to the fact
that a very profound change has taken place in Latin
America in the last few decades. The ideological disarmament which culminated with the fall of the
Berlin Wall in 1989 also brought into question a certain cognitive style which was particularly clear in
the discussions and actions for promoting development, especially in Latin America: a style described
by Hirschman in his essays (on the basis of his observations of concrete cases in Brazil, Colombia and
Chile in the late 1950s and early 1960s) as
rupturist and centered essentially on glimpsing re-
ality through a prism of paradigms: a non- incremental style of political economy made up of repeated
failed attempts which gave rise to a complex of failure and a leaning to pessimism, an obsession with
failure which it was sometimes sought to overcome
through ideological escalades involving what
Hirschman called la rage de vouloir conclure (an
urge to get things finished): attempts to speed up development through pseudo-creative answers, integrated, definitive and rapid solutions which took no
account of possible cumulative sequences or the lessons of experience.15
The magic key for opening the door of the paradise of development was never found, possibly because for many years the idea was to find a single
master key that would open all doors. An attempt
was made to apply the same recipe sweet or savoury, depending on the culinary fashion of the moment to all the countries of Latin America, in
accordance with the guiding light being emitted by
14
With regard to these economic policies in particular, see Edwards and Lederman (1998), and with specific regard to controls on capital, see Edwards (1998).
15 See the masterly essay Problem solving and policy-making:
A Latin American style? (Hirschman, 1963b).
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V
A little more reverence for life
One of Hirschmans leitmotivs ever since the Strategy is that individuals and institutions become actors
in development if they participate actively in it: that
is to say, they do not only participate reactively but
also creatively. For Hirschman, the most important
thing is learning by doing. Successes and failures are
both valuable paths of learning; the obstacles standing in the way of development can become vectors to
it, and there are blessings in disguise and unintended
consequences that stem from what might at first sight
seem a failure or obstacle.17 Likewise, Hirschman argued that in some cases development can be
achieved without having predetermined objectives or
a full knowledge of how to attain them. Indeed, the
lack of knowledge can be a blessing in disguise: if
the institutions or individuals involved in development projects were aware of all the difficulties that
they would have to cope with, they would probably
decide to give up, or not even to start trying. This is
the famous principle of the hiding hand which he
proposes in one of his essays, referring indirectly to
Smiths invisible hand (Hirschman, 1967).
This explains his ongoing interest and preference for small changes and gradual transformations,
which have only come to be viewed as such because
we have got used to living in a world that favours
spot comparisons, reduces distances and compresses
time. These mechanisms enormously encourage and
amplify the obsession with failure: a kind of complex
of impotence in the face of the work to be done and
the journey to be made (Hirschman, 1981c). It also
explains his repeated insistence on greater acceptance and consideration of actual situations and experiences. In all these matters, writes Hirschman
with respect to development economics, I would
suggest a little more reverence for life, a little less
straitjacketing of the future, a little more allowance
for the unexpected and a little less wishful thinking (Hirschman, 1971c).
This involves a broader concept of who the actors in change are (not just the developers but also
the developed), with fuller and better participation
by its main beneficiaries. Studies of concrete cases
confirm the greater effectiveness of participative
programmes. According to a World Bank report on
121 projects for providing rural areas with drinking
water, the projects with a high degree of participation (21% of the total) registered levels of up to 81%
in efficacy and achievement of their objectives,
while the projects with a low degree of participation
(31% of the total) only had a level of efficacy of
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VI
Social capital, concord and discord:
the social virtues of times of
sharing and of conflict
One of the central themes in Hirschmans last essays
is that of the shifts in human actions between private
interest and public action. In a first essay, the division between the two spheres was categorically asserted. Hirschmans aim was to understand how
people passed (trespassed) from one sphere to the
other and what were the final motives of those shifts
in preferences (Hirschman, 1982). In later essays he
gradually toned down this dichotomy, ending up by
self-subverting his thesis and showing how the two
spheres could merge and combine with each other
22
Indeed, this is a concept which is hard to catch in the conceptual net. See Santiso, 1998.
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virtues of cooperation but to those of social conflict.23 In his essays, Putnam stresses the virtues of
social capital such as the links of confidence that individuals forge with each other and the propensity to
cooperation and peaceful coexistence. Similarly, the
essays corroborating the existence of correlations between economic performance and the density of associative life and the confidence in themselves and in
others that individuals in different societies possess
are presented ultimately as a more elaborated version
of the old theory of le doux commerce.24
Hirschman invites us to indulge in a healthy exercise of self-subversion. It is perfectly true that horizontal or vertical links of confidence between
individuals, or between them and institutions, are essential for cementing coexistence. Likewise, as
Knack and Keefer point out, a high level of mutual
confidence allows individuals to reduce the time and
cost involved in protecting themselves against the
possible risks arising from commercial or
non-commercial transactions with others.25 However,
just like concord, discord can also foster social capital. Conflict and discrepancy, says Hirschman, may
be even more effective in creating social capital than
the peaceful cooperation referred to by Putnam, and
they may also finally be more relevant indicators of
the vitality and cohesion of a society. The secret of
vitality, writes Hirschman, of pluralistic market society and of its ability to renew itself may lie in this
conjunction (of both bargaining and arguing) and in
the successive eruption of problems and crises. [society] cannot pretend to establish any permanent order or harmony; all it can aspire to accomplish is to
muddle through from one conflict to the next
(Hirschman, 1995a).
In order to understand the mechanisms of the
creation of social capital, then, we must pay due attention to conflicts. We must discriminate between
conflicts which create such capital and those which
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destroy it; we must combine quantitative and qualitative analysis in order to measure the real importance
of this virtuous conflict, and we must take account
not only of the quantity but also the quality of conflicts. Although it is necessary to analyse in economic, political and moral terms how societies
ensure coexistence (by sharing time, for example, attending a concert or visiting a caf,26 sharing attendance at a play or sharing a coffee in a public place),
it is also necessary to gain a better understanding of
the institutions and mechanisms that regulate social
conflicts in Latin America. At the national level,
democratic regulation mechanisms are one example,
while judicial mechanisms are another. All of these
have to do with vertical confidence, between individuals and the national institutions. Attention should
also be paid, however, to the mechanisms of horizontal confidence i.e., between individuals, especially
in Latin America. In this region, as Roberto Da
Matta emphasizes in his works, special importance is
assumed not so much by the vertical confidence
mechanisms as by those governing horizontal confidence: that is to say, inter-personal, informal relations rather than institutionalized or formalized
relations (Da Matta, 1983).
Likewise, these generalizations should be
self-subverted on the basis of comparative analyses
between the different Latin American countries. The
studies on mechanisms for the regulation of trade
conflicts suggest that there are differences between
countries like Argentina, where businessmen, like
26
Although there is extensive sociological literature on coexistence, and especially on the sociological aspects of cafs, analyses in economic terms are much fewer, with the notable
exception of those by some economists such as Tibor Scitovsky.
In an admirable work, Scitovsky notes that in the so-called developed economies there is some degree of atrophy of social
capital if we measure it as time capital: that is to say, activities
involving the sharing of time. Time budget studies indicate that
between 1934 and 1996 (the period covered by the data given by
that author), the time devoted to meals in those countries went
down considerably, from 107 to 70 minutes per day, while the
time devoted to recreative strolls went down from 22 to 1 minute; Scitovsky also mentions in his study the frequency and
length of Frenchmens visits to cafs (see Scitovsky, 1976, especially pp. 161-163 and 241-245). These studies represent an
invitation to make more detailed comparative studies, in terms
of time budgeting, on the forms of cultural behaviour observed
in Latin America and perhaps thereby confirm the idea that social capital, in the sense of time capital, may be distributed
better in more traditional societies where holistic activities
predominate over individualistic ones. For an introduction to
the economic analysis of the arts, see Throsby (1994), pp. 1-29.
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those in Spain and France, prefer to settle their disputes out of court, and Colombia, where businessmen (as in the Scandinavian or English-speaking
countries) prefer judicial settlements.27 It is necessary not only at the national but also at the local
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level to gain a better understanding of how the different rules of coexistence which regulate discord
and concord and which help to create or destroy the
famous social capital are linked up, assimilated
and implemented.
VII
The economic, social and political
virtues of banquets
Although economists are agreed on the importance
of civism, confidence or respect for shared
ethical rules in order for the economy to operate
efficiently, it is not so easy to understand what actually takes place when these inputs are activated.
The learning by doing model proposed by
Hirschman and originally inspired by Arrow
(1962) allows us to reconsider this aspect, with
emphasis on the accumulative process that is set in
motion when that very special resource or capability called social capital is activated.
Just like physical, economic, financial and
also human capital, social capital can be created or
destroyed, increased or diminished. All societies
both poor and rich, both those that lack efficient
educational systems and those that do have them
possess this very special kind of capital which, unlike other forms of capital, increases with use and
diminishes if not used. Love, civism, confidence or ethical rules are not limited resources
and do not decrease with use, as also is the case of
skills, which increase when they are used. Love
or civism writes Hirschman are not limited or
fixed resources as other factors of production may
be, they are resources whose availability, far
from dimishing, increases with use (Hirschman,
1986a).28
A particularly interesting example of the foregoing is that of banquets, whose virtues are not
only alimentary but also political and social, as
Hirschman points out in an inspired article
(Hirschman, 1997). Banquets allow him to
self-subvert his idea of the clear and categorical
difference between the public and private spheres,
while at the same time highlighting the virtuous
dynamic that they activate. Although traditionally
considered as private acts, banquets have in fact
played, and continue to play, an eminently public
role. They represent notable social acts in which it
is sometimes just as important to know who you
are eating with as what you are eating. They create
and recreate social capital and promote coexistence among their various participants; their virtues are not only civilizing according to
sociologists such as Simmel and Elias, among
others but also eminently political. The experience of sharing a meal is frequent, repeated and
lasts a certain length of time, and it allows the participants to get used to seeing each other, talking to
each other and gathering together around a table or a
barbecue, indoors or out.
Such an experience is above all an action of
time-sharing, a community action par excellence,
whose external benefits would of themselves justify some form of subversion (like those justified
by Scitovsky, as Hirschman recalls, for the benefit
of the arts). Indeed, in Ancient Greece, as banquets
were considered the maximum manifestation of social and public links, they were subsidized by
wealthy families; eating together was considered
an institution which brought out the continuing ex-
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istence of political power in democracy. Likewise, in the early years of the French Republic
banquets also had political functions and were
seen as evidence of an ethic of coexistence which
could help to consolidate a feeling of belonging
and were occasions for learning in the political
sphere.29
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VIII
Social capital and participation.
A reinterpretation on the basis of Hirschmans
triptych: exit, voice and loyalty
Finally, the following is an interpretative exercise
based on the triptych prepared by Hirschman in the
early 1970s in his famous essay Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations
and States. In that work, Hirschman seeks to understand how economic systems (firms) and political
systems (states) deal with the defection of their clients or citizens. He seeks to do so on the basis of
three possible responses by dissatisfied clients or citizens: exit (the client or citizen leaves, stops buying
the product or ceases to participate in his national
community of origin); voice (the client protests and
expresses his dissatisfaction; the citizen engages in
demonstrations or organizes a strike), or the client or
citizen remains loyal in spite of everything (he sticks
with the product or continues to function as a citizen).
This interpretative model has been widely used
and re-used to explain not only economic but also
political phenomena. For example, shareholders may
very easily decide to get rid of their stocks on the
stock exchange (exit), especially when they do not
29
have any influence on the running of the firm (corporate governance), that is to say, they have no possibility of raising their voice. The same interpretative
model also makes it possible to explain the mechanisms whereby international financial crises spread,
as we ourselves have suggested (Santiso, 1999). In
the case of a married couple, when there are facilities
for obtaining a divorce the propensity for expressing
their feelings (voice) may be less, and fewer efforts
will be made to communicate and to seek a reconciliation. On the basis of this triptych, Hirschman himself has given us an original interpretation of the fall
of the Berlin Wall, which sparked off a massive exit
from Communist systems in general (Hirschman,
1993).30 In that same study he also took the opportunity to self-subvert his initial thesis, demonstrating in
particular that in this case exit and voice are not
strictly contradictory phenomena or mutually exclusive responses, but adaptive or reactive responses
which can be combined or even strengthen each
other.
This analytical scheme can also be applied to
many of the problems that arise in the field of development. The dilemma is always the same: how to
foster loyalty when, for example, trying to introduce
participative models. One of the most important aspects is that of encouraging the beneficiaries to ex-
30
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study programmes, while taking a number of precautions to ensure that there is no involuntary
self-subversion of the purpose of these evaluative
mechanisms.
The analysis could be self-subverted by noting
that in many cases the problem is not to prevent peo-
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IX
Conclusion
In dealing with the multiple and complex problems of
development we have learnt that we must fashion
generalizations at all kinds of ranges and be deaf, like
Ulysses, to the seductive chant of the unique paradigm
Albert Hirschman (1995a)
As we have tried to show here, Hirschmans works
encourage us to review the road ahead and the paths
already travelled in the light of practical experience.
The distribution of income and wealth is very unequal in Latin America, as noted in the IDB report,
which calls upon us to take advantage of the demographic opportunities existing today in order to speed
up development.
The regions achievements in terms of structural
change contrast sharply, however, with the uneven
progress made in the solution of these distributional
disparities. The structural reforms which have been
made have succeeded in synchronizing the clocks of
the Latin American countries with world time. Many
inhabitants of the region, however, still lack the minimum instruments needed for taking advantage of
that synchronization, in terms of education, health
and income. The 1990s brought surprising structural
achievements, with far-reaching reforms, but they
were also years of brutal crises, with growth rates
that did not benefit all sectors of the Latin American
population alike. The most amazing feature has been
the tolerant attitude of the sectors whose situation did
not improve.
Perhaps this is yet another example of the tunnel
effect, which we want to overcome. As long as people are in the tunnel of underdevelopment but have
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