Anne Robert Jacques Turgot

3 Early appointments

Anne Robert Jacques Turgot,

Baron de
l'Aulne[lower-alpha 1] (10 May 1727 18 March 1781),
commonly known as Turgot, was a French economist
and statesman. Originally considered a physiocrat,
he is today best remembered as an early advocate for
economic liberalism. He is thought to be the rst
economist to have recognized the law of diminishing
marginal returns in agriculture.[1]

In 1752 he became substitut, and later conseiller in the

parlement of Paris, and in 1753 matre des requtes. In
1754 he was a member of the chambre royale which
sat during an exile of the parlement. In Paris he frequented the salons, especially those of Mme de Gragny
whose niece, Mlle de Ligniville (Minette), later Mme
Helvtius, he is supposed at one time to have wished to
marry; they remained lifelong friends Mme Georin,
Mme du Deand, Mlle de Lespinasse and the duchesse
d'Enville. It was during this period that he met the lead1 Education
ers of the "physiocratic" school, Quesnay and Vincent de
Gournay, and with them Dupont de Nemours, the abb
[3]
Born in Paris, he was the youngest son of Michel- Morellet and other economists.
tienne Turgot, "provost of the merchants of Paris, In 1743 and 1756 he accompanied Gournay, the
and Madeleine Francoise Martineau de Brtignolles, and intendant of commerce, during Gournays tours of incame of an old Norman family.[2] He had a younger spection in the provinces. (Gournays bye-word on
brother, tienne-Franois Turgot (17211789), natu- the governments proper involvement in the economy
ralist, administrator of Malta and governor of French "laisser faire, laisser passer" would pass into the vocabGuiana. Anne Robert Jacques was educated for the ulary of economics.) In 1760, while travelling in the east
Church, and at the Sorbonne, to which he was admitted in of France and Switzerland, he visited Voltaire, who be1749 (being then styled abb de Brucourt). He delivered came one of his chief friends and supporters. All this
two remarkable Latin dissertations, On the Benets which time he was studying various branches of science, and
the Christian Religion has conferred on Mankind, and On languages both ancient and modern. In 1753 he translated
the Historical Progress of the Human Mind.[3] In 1750 he the Questions sur le commerce from the English of Josias
decided not to take holy orders, giving as his reason that Tucker, and in 1754 he wrote his Lettre sur la tolrance
he could not bear to wear a mask all his life.[4]
civile, and a pamphlet, Le Conciliateur, in support of reThe rst sign we have of his interest in economics is ligious tolerance. Between 1755 and 1756 he composed
[6]
a letter (1749) on paper money, written to his fellow- various articles for the Encyclopdie, and between 1757
student the abb de Cic, refuting the abb Jean Ter- and 1760 an article on Valeurs des monnaies, probably for
[3]
rasson's defence of John Law's system. He was fond of the Dictionnaire du commerce of the abb Morellet. In
[7]
verse-making, and tried to introduce into French verse 1759 appeared his work Eloge de Gournay.
the rules of Latin prosody, his translation of the fourth
book of the Aeneid into classical hexameter verses being
greeted by Voltaire as the only prose translation in which 4 Intendant of Limoges, 176174
he had found any enthusiasm.[3]

In August 1761 Turgot was appointed intendant (tax collector) of the genralit of Limoges, which included some
of the poorest and most over-taxed parts of France; here
he remained for thirteen years. He was already deeply imbued with the theories of Quesnay and Gournay, and set
to work to apply them as far as possible in his province.
His rst plan was to continue the work, already initiated
by his predecessor Tourny, of making a fresh survey of
the land (cadastre), in order to arrive at a more just assessment of the taille; he also obtained a large reduction in the
contribution of the province. He published his Avis sur
l'assiette et la repartition de la taille (17621770), and as

Idea of Progress

The rst complete statement of the Idea of Progress is that

of Turgot, in his A Philosophical Review of the Successive Advances of the Human Mind (1750). For Turgot
progress covers not simply the arts and sciences but, on
their base, the whole of culture manner, mores, institutions, legal codes, economy, and society.[5]
1

president of the Socit d'agriculture de Limoges oered

prizes for essays on the principles of taxation. Quesnay and Mirabeau had advocated a proportional tax (impt de quotit),[8] but Turgot proposed a distributive tax
(impt de repartition). Another reform was the substitution for the corve of a tax in money levied on the whole
province, the construction of roads being handed over to
contractors, by which means Turgot was able to leave his
province with a good system of highways, while distributing more justly the expense of their construction.[3]
In 1769 he wrote his Mmoire sur les prts intrt, on the
occasion of a scandalous nancial crisis at Angoulme,
the particular interest of which is that in it the question
of lending money at interest was for the rst time treated
scientically, and not merely from the ecclesiastical point
of view. Turgots opinion was that a compromise had to
be reached between both methods. Among other works
written during Turgots intendancy were the Mmoire sur
les mines et carrires, and the Mmoire sur la marque des
fers, in which he protested against state regulation and interference and advocated free competition. At the same
time he did much to encourage agriculture and local industries, among others establishing the manufacture of
porcelain at Limoges. During the famine of 17701771
he enforced on landowners the obligation of relieving the
poor and especially the mtayers dependent upon them,
and organized in every province ateliers and bureaux de
charit for providing work for the able-bodied and relief
for the inrm, while at the same time he condemned indiscriminate charity. It may be noted that Turgot always
made the curs the agents of his charities and reforms
when possible. It was in 1770 that he wrote his famous
Lettres sur la libert du commerce des grains, addressed
to the controller-general, the abb Terray. Three of these
letters have disappeared, having been sent to Louis XVI
by Turgot at a later date and never recovered, but those
remaining demonstrate that free trade in grain is to the
interest of landowner, farmer and consumer alike, and in
forcible terms demand the removal of all restrictions.[3]

Turgots Rexions

Turgots best known work, Rexions sur la formation et

la distribution des richesses (Reections on the Formation
and Distribution of Wealth [9] ), was written early in the
period of his intendancy, ostensibly for the benet of two
young Chinese students.[10] Written in 1766, it appeared
in 17691770 in Duponts journal, the Ephmrides du
citoyen, and was published separately in 1776. Dupont,
however, made various alterations in the text, in order to
bring it more into accordance with Quesnays doctrines,
which led to a coolness between him and Turgot.[3][11]

TURGOT AS MINISTER, 177476

stipendie) or artisan class, and the land-owning class

(classe disponible). He also proposes a notable theory of
the interest rate. After discussing the evolution of the
dierent systems of cultivation, the nature of exchange
and barter, money, and the functions of capital, he sets
forth the theory of the impt unique, i.e. that only the net
product (produit net) of the land should be taxed. In addition he demanded the complete freedom of commerce
and industry.[3]

6 Turgot as minister, 177476

Turgot owed his appointment as minister of the navy
in July 1774 to Maurepas, the Mentor of Louis XVI,
to whom he was warmly recommended by the abb
Very, a mutual friend. His appointment met with general approval, and was hailed with enthusiasm by the
philosophes. A month later (24 August) he was appointed
Controller-General of Finances. His rst act was to submit to the king a statement of his guiding principles: No
bankruptcy, no increase of taxation, no borrowing. Turgots policy, in face of the desperate nancial position,
was to enforce the most rigid economy in all departments.
All departmental expenses were to be submitted for the
approval of the controller-general, a number of sinecures
were suppressed, the holders of them being compensated,
and the abuse of the acquits au comptant was attacked,
while Turgot appealed personally to the king against the
lavish giving of places and pensions. He also contemplated a thorough-going reform of the Ferme Gnrale,
but contented himself, as a beginning, with imposing certain conditions on the leases as they were renewed such
as a more ecient personnel, and the abolition for the
future of the abuse of the croupes (the name given to a
class of pensions), a reform which Terray had shirked on
nding how many persons in high places were interested
in them, and annulling certain leases, such as those of
the manufacture of gunpowder and the administration of
the royal mails, the former of which was handed over to
a company with the scientist Lavoisier as one of its advisers, and the latter superseded by a quicker and more
comfortable service of diligences which were nicknamed
turgotines. He also prepared a regular budget. Turgots
measures succeeded in considerably reducing the decit,
and raised the national credit to such an extent that in
1776, just before his fall, he was able to negotiate a loan
with some Dutch bankers at 4%; but the decit was still so
large as to prevent him from attempting at once to realize
his favourite scheme of substituting for indirect taxation
a single tax on land. He suppressed, however, a number
of octrois and minor duties,[lower-alpha 2] and opposed, on
grounds of economy, the participation of France in the
American Revolutionary War, though without success.[3]

In the Rexions, after tracing the origin of commerce,

Turgot develops Quesnays theory that the land is the only Turgot at once set to work to establish free trade in grain,
source of wealth, and divides society into three classes, but his edict, which was signed on 13 September 1774,
the productive or agricultural, the salaried (the classe met with strong opposition even in the conseil du roi. A

3
that any village judge could explain it to the peasants.
The opposition to the edict was strong. Turgot was hated
by those who had been interested in the speculations in
grain under the regime of the abb Terray, among whom
were included some of the princes of the blood. Moreover, the commerce des bls had been a favourite topic of
the salons for some years past, and the witty Galiani, the
opponent of the physiocrats, had a large following. The
opposition was now continued by Linguet and by Necker,
who in 1775 published his Essai sur la lgislation et le
commerce des grains. But Turgots worst enemy was the
poor harvest of 1774, which led to a slight rise in the price
of bread in the winter and early spring of 17741775.
In April disturbances arose at Dijon, and early in May
there occurred those extraordinary bread-riots known as
the guerre des farines, which may be looked upon as a rst
sample of the French Revolution, so carefully were they
organized. Turgot showed great rmness and decision in
repressing the riots, and was loyally supported by the king
throughout. His position was strengthened by the entry of
Malesherbes into the ministry (July 1775).[3]
All this time Turgot had been preparing his famous Six
Edicts, which were nally presented to the conseil du roi
(January 1776). Of the six edicts four were of minor
importance, but the two which met with violent opposition were, rstly, the edict suppressing the corves, and
secondly, that suppressing the jurandes and matrises, by
which the craft guilds maintained their privileges. In
the preamble to the former Turgot boldly announced as
his object the abolition of privilege, and the subjection
of all three Estates of the realm to taxation; the clergy
were afterwards excepted, at the request of Maurepas. In
the preamble to the edict on the jurandes he laid down
as a principle the right of every man to work without
restriction.[lower-alpha 3] He obtained the registration of the
edicts by the lit de justice of 12 March, but by that time
he had nearly everybody against him. His attacks on
privilege had won him the hatred of the nobles and the
parlements; his attempted reforms in the royal household,
that of the court; his free trade legislation, that of the
nanciers; his views on tolerance and his agitation for the
suppression of the phrase that was oensive to Protestants
in the kings coronation oath, that of the clergy; and his
edict on the jurandes, that of the rich bourgeoisie of Paris
and others, such as the prince de Conti, whose interests
were involved. The queen disliked him for opposing the
grant of favours to her protgs, and he had oended
Mme. de Polignac in a similar manner.[3] The very large
bosom queen played a key role in his disgrace later.[12]
All might yet have gone well if Turgot could have retained
the condence of the king, but the king could not fail to
Statue of Turgot at the Htel de Ville, Paris.
see that Turgot had not the support of the other ministers.
Even his friend Malesherbes thought he was too rash, and
was, moreover, himself discouraged and wished to resign.
striking feature was the preamble, setting forth the doc- The alienation of Maurepas was also increasing. Whether
trines on which the edict was based, which won the praise through jealousy of the ascendancy which Turgot had acof the philosophes and the ridicule of the wits; this Turgot quired over the king, or through the natural incompatirewrote three times, it is said, in order to make it so clear

4
bility of their characters, he was already inclined to take
sides against Turgot, and the reconciliation between him
and the queen, which took place about this time, meant
that he was henceforth the tool of the Polignac clique and
the Choiseul party. About this time, too, appeared a pamphlet, Le Songe de M. Maurepas, generally ascribed to
the comte de Provence (Louis XVIII), containing a bitter
caricature of Turgot.[3]

7 THE FALL OF TURGOT

of taxation between those who owned land and those

who did not, the principle of direct taxation of property
holders had not been followed, and a complicated legal
and administrative structure had been created to regulate
commerce. On the social level, Turgot and his progressive contemporaries suered further disappointment: a
religious oath was required of elected ocials and slavery
was not abolished. Turgot died in 1781 before the conclusion of the war. Although disappointed, Turgot never
Before relating the circumstances of Turgots fall we may
[13]
briey resume his views on the administrative system. doubted revolutionary victory.
With the physiocrats, he believed in an enlightened political absolutism, and looked to the king to carry through
all reforms. As to the parlements, he opposed all interference on their part in legislation, considering that they
had no competency outside the sphere of justice. He recognized the danger of the recap of the old parlement, but
was unable eectively to oppose it since he had been associated with the dismissal of Maupeou and Terray, and
seems to have underestimated its power. He was opposed to the summoning of the states-general advocated
by Malesherbes (6 May 1775), possibly on the ground that
the two privileged orders would have too much power in
them. His own plan is to be found in his Mmoire sur
les municipalits, which was submitted informally to the
king. In Turgots proposed system, landed proprietors
alone were to form the electorate, no distinction being
made among the three orders; the members of the town
and country municipalits were to elect representatives
for the district municipalits, which in turn would elect
to the provincial municipalits, and the latter to a grande
municipalit, which should have no legislative powers,
but should concern itself entirely with the administration
of taxation. With this was to be combined a whole system Turgot after a portrait by Charles-Nicolas Cochin
of education, relief of the poor, etc. Louis XVI recoiled
from this as being too great a leap in the dark, and such
a fundamental dierence of opinion between king and
minister was bound to lead to a breach sooner or later. 7 The fall of Turgot
Turgots only choice, however, was between tinkering
at the existing system in detail and a complete revolution, The immediate cause of Turgots fall is uncertain. Some
and his attack on privilege, which might have been car- speak of a plot, of forged letters containing attacks on the
ried through by a popular minister and a strong king, was queen shown to the king as Turgots, of a series of notes
bound to form part of any eective scheme of reform.[3] on Turgots budget prepared, it is said, by Necker, and
shown to the king to prove his incapacity. Others attribute
it to the queen, and there is no doubt that she hated Tur6.1 American Revolution
got for supporting Vergennes in demanding the recall of
the comte de Gunes, the ambassador in London, whose
As minister of the navy from 1774 to 1776, he opposed cause she had ardently espoused at the prompting of the
nancial support for the American Revolution. He be- Choiseul clique. Others attribute it to an intrigue of Maulieved in the virtue and inevitable success of the revolu- repas. On the resignation of Malesherbes (April 1776),
tion but warned that France could neither nancially nor whom Turgot wished to replace by the abb Very, Mausocially aord to overtly aid it. French intellectuals saw repas proposed to the king as his successor a nonentity
America as the hope of mankind and magnied Amer- named Amelot. Turgot, on hearing of this, wrote an inican virtues to demonstrate the validity of their ideals dignant letter to the king, in which he reproached him
along with seeing a chance to avenge their defeat in the for refusing to see him, pointed out in strong terms the
Seven Years War. Turgot, however, emphasized what he dangers of a weak ministry and a weak king, and combelieved were American inadequacies. He complained plained bitterly of Maurepass irresolution and subjection
that the new American state constitutions failed to adopt to court intrigues; this letter the king, though asked to
the physiocratic principle of distinguishing for purposes treat it as condential, is said to have shown to Maurepas,

5
whose dislike for Turgot it still further embittered. With
all these enemies, Turgots fall was certain, but he wished
to stay in oce long enough to nish his project for the
reform of the royal household before resigning. To his
dismay, he was not allowed to do that. On 12 May 1776
he was ordered to send in his resignation. He at once
retired to La Roche-Guyon, the chteau of the duchesse
d'Enville, returning shortly to Paris, where he spent the
rest of his life in scientic and literary studies, being made
vice-president of the Acadmie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres in 1777.[3]

Commentary on Turgot

According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica Eleventh Edition:

In character Turgot was simple, honourable
and upright, with a passion for justice and
truth. He was an idealist, his enemies would
say a doctrinaire, and certainly the terms natural rights, natural law, frequently occur in
his writings. His friends speak of his charm
and gaiety in intimate intercourse, but among
strangers he was silent and awkward, and produced the impression of being reserved and
disdainful. On one point both friends and enemies agree, and that is his brusquerie and
his lack of tact in the management of men;
August Oncken points out with some reason
the schoolmasterish tone of his letters, even to
the king. As a statesman he has been very variously estimated, but it is generally agreed that
a large number of the reforms and ideas of the
Revolution were due to him; the ideas did not
as a rule originate with him, but it was he who
rst gave them prominence. As to his position as an economist, opinion is also divided.
Oncken, to take the extreme of condemnation,
looks upon him as a bad physiocrat and a confused thinker, while Leon Say considers that he
was the founder of modern political economy,
and that though he failed in the 18th century
he triumphed in the 19th.[3]
Andrew Dickson White wrote in Seven Great Statesmen
in the Warfare of Humanity with Unreason (1915):
TURGOT...I present today one of the three
greatest statesmen who fought unreason in
France between the close of the Middle Ages
and the outbreak of the French Revolution
Louis XI and Richelieu being the two other.
And not only this: were you to count the greatest men of the modern world upon your ngers, he would be of the number a great

thinker, writer, administrator, philanthropist,

statesman, and above all, a great character and
a great man. And yet, judged by ordinary standards, a failure. For he was thrown out of his
culminating position, as Comptroller-General
of France, after serving but twenty months, and
then lived only long enough to see every leading
measure to which he had devoted his life deliberately and malignantly undone; the agrant
abuses which he had abolished restored, apparently forever; the highways to national prosperity, peace, and inuence, which he had opened,
destroyed; and his country put under full headway toward the greatest catastrophe the modern world has seen.
He now, in 1749, at the age of twenty two,
wrote... a letter which has been an object
of wonder among political thinkers ever since.
Its subject was paper money. Discussing the
ideas of John Law, and especially the essay of
Terrasson which had supported them, he dissected them mercilessly, but in a way useful
not only in those times but in these. ...As regards currency ination ... It still remains one
of the best presentations of this subject ever
made; and what adds to our wonder is that it
was not the result of a study of authorities, but
was worked out wholly from his own observation and thought. Up to this time there were
no authorities and no received doctrine on the
subject; there were simply records of nancial
practice more or less vicious; it was reserved
for this young student, in a letter not intended
for publication, to lay down for the rst time
the great law in which the modern world, after all its puzzling and costly experiences, has
found safety.

9 Notes
[1] Also spelled de Laune or de Launes.
[2] For an account of Turgots nancial administration, see
Ch. Gomel, Causes nancires, vol. 1.
[3] Turgot was opposed to all labour associations of employers or employed, in accordance with his belief in free competition.

10 References
[1] http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Turgot.html
[2] Turgot is a Norman surname, former rst name (Old
Norse: Thorgaut) Norman family names of Viking origin
Surname localization in France

12

EXTERNAL LINKS

[3] One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text

from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm,
Hugh, ed. (1911). "Turgot, Anne Robert Jacques".
Encyclopdia Britannica. 27 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 415417.

Lifschitz, Avi (2004), Language as the Key

to the Epistemological Labyrinth:
Turgots
Changing View of Human Perception, Historiographica Linguistica, 31 (2/3): 345365,
doi:10.1075/hl.31.2.07lif

[4] H. Packwood Adams (1914), The French revolution, McClurg, p. 31

Meek, Ronald L. (1976), Social Science and the

Ignoble Savage, New York: Cambridge University
Press, ISBN 0-521-20969-2.

[5] Robert Nisbet, History of the Idea of Progress (1980) ch 5

[6] Fairs and markets and Fondations
[7] Kafker, Frank A.: Notices sur les auteurs des 17 volumes
de discours de l'Encyclopdie (suite et n). Recherches
sur Diderot et sur l'Encyclopdie Anne (1990) Volume 8
Numro 8 p. 118
[8] The impt de quotit is the result of the application of a
tax where the result cannot be calculated in advance.
[9] Reections on the Formation and Distribution of Wealth
[10] A familiar literary device that permits the presentation of
the subject from the ground up, without appearing to undervalue the readers intelligence. Compare the Persian
Letters of Montesquieu, with their solemn explication of
European customs to an outsider, in Montesquieu a vehicle for satire.
[11] Peter D. Groenewegen (2002), Eighteenth-century Economics: Turgot, Beccaria and Smith and Their Contemporaries, Psychology Press, p. 265, ISBN 9780203458785

Palmer, R. R. (1976), Turgot, Paragon of the Continental Enlightenment, Journal of Law and Economics, 19 (3): 607619, doi:10.1086/466889.
Tellier, Luc-Normand, Face aux Colbert : les Le Tellier, Vauban, Turgot ... et l'avnement du libralisme, Presses de l'Universit du Qubec, 1987, 816
pages.Etext
Turgot (baron de l'Aulne), Anne-Robert-Jacques
(2011), The Turgot Collection: Writings, Speeches,
and Letters of Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron
de Laune, Ludwig von Mises Institute, p. 560, ISBN
9781933550947 External link in |title= (help).
Wendel, Jacques M. (1979), Turgot and the American Revolution, Modern Age, 23 (3): 282289.

12 External links

[13] Wendell (1979)

Andrew Dickson Whites Seven Great Statesmen in

the Warfare of Humanity with Unreason (1915)
@Wikiquotes

11

Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot (17271781)", The

Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, Library of Economics and Liberty (2nd ed.), Liberty Fund, 2008

[12] Fraser, Marie Antoinette & 2006 p250

Further reading

Brewer, Anthony (1987), Turgot: Founder of Classical Economics, Economica, 54 (216): 417428,
doi:10.2307/2554177.
Dakin, Douglas (1939), Turgot and the Ancien
Rgime in France, London: Methuen.
Groenewegen, Peter D. (2002), Eighteenth-Century
Economics: Turgot, Beccaria and Smith and their
Contemporaries, London: Routledge, ISBN 0-41527940-2.
Hart, David (2008). Turgot, Anne-Robert-Jacques
(17271781)". In Hamowy, Ronald. The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA:
SAGE; Cato Institute. pp. 5156. ISBN 9781-4129-6580-4. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC
750831024.
Kaplan, Steven L. (1976), Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the Reign of Louis XV, The Hague:
Martinus Nijho, ISBN 90-247-1873-2.

Turgot Page at McMaster

Jacques Turgot at Catholic Encyclopedia
Turgot on progress and political economy
Notice Biographique by Paulette Taeb.
12 mai 1776: Renvoi de Turgot by Hrodote
The Institut Turgot in Paris
Turgot & 18th and 19th century Dutch economics
and politics
The Brilliance of Turgot by Murray N. Rothbard.

13
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