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Two Dimensions of Motivation
Two Dimensions of Motivation
CITATION
Forgeard, M. J. C., & Mecklenburg, A. C. (2013, May 27). The Two Dimensions of Motivation
and a Reciprocal Model of the Creative Process. Review of General Psychology. Advance
online publication. doi: 10.1037/a0032104
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University of Pennsylvania
Past research investigating the role of motivation in creativity has closely examined the role of intrinsic (i.e.,
process-focused) and extrinsic (i.e., outcome-focused) motivation. Results from this literature have shown that
the effects of social factors on creativity (e.g., social inhibition or facilitation effects) are at least partially
explained by their effect on intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. The present review seeks to broaden the
scientific understanding of the role of motivation in creativity by proposing that a second dimension of
motivation needs to be taken into account. In addition to creators locus of motivation (i.e., whether they focus
on the intrinsic process and/or extrinsic outcomes), creative behavior also appears to be driven by its intended
beneficiaries (i.e., the self and/or others). Supporting the importance of this second dimension, recent empirical
research has begun to investigate the relationship between prosocial motivation (i.e., the desire to contribute
to other peoples lives) and creativity. Thus, a combined look at research on these two dimensions of
motivation highlights the bidirectional nature of the social processes at play in creativity: While studies
investigating creators locus of motivation have examined the influence of others on creators, recent studies
considering creators intended beneficiaries have stressed the importance of also understanding how creators
wish to affect others in return. To integrate these two perspectives, we propose a reciprocal model of the
creative process in which creators general motivational orientations (falling along the dimensions outlined
above) are translated into specific motivational goals, and we review possible psychological mechanisms
explaining how motivation may guide creative cognition.
Keywords: creativity, intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, prosocial motivation
1
The term creator is used throughout this review to increase clarity of
expression and simply refers to an individual who engages in creative
behavior. To avoid confusion, we are not using the phrase creative
individual, which may imply that such an individual necessarily possesses
certain creativity-relevant personality traits.
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creators (Simonton, 1984, 1992), or the political context (Simonton, 1975, 1976, 2004).
Beneficiaries
In light of the fact that creativity is usually defined as the
generation of novel and useful ideas or products (Sternberg &
Lubart, 1999), it is surprising that researchers have only fairly
recently begun to empirically examine the importance of intended
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RECIPROCAL MODEL
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A Reciprocal Model
The reciprocal model introduced here was designed to provide a
more complete account of the social interactions at play in the
3
This has led other authors (e.g., Grant, 2008) to define prosocial
motivation as extrinsic in nature. This decision only makes sense if
prosocial motivation refers exclusively to the pursuit of outcomes external
to the process, and does not include other-oriented goals inherent to the
creative process itself (which are included in our framework).
RECIPROCAL MODEL
Table 1
Two-Dimensional Framework of Motivation
Beneficiaries
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Locus of motivation
Self-oriented
Other-oriented
Figure 1.
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how creativity can be fostered. We would like to address a common misunderstanding before we begin to discuss these goals, to
prevent any confusion for readers: we have noticed that many
often misinterpret the construct of prosocial motivation and equate
it with a desire to please others. Specific prosocial goals however
often go beyond (and sometimes against) pleasing audience members, in order to achieve other outcomes of benefit to others. As
explained below, prosocial motivation may be pursued by deliberately challenging others and eliciting discomfort or negative
emotions, if this leads to some form of beneficial outcome.
We now turn to laying out an agenda for future research on this
question. We offer additional hypotheses for future research based
on perspectives from psychology and other disciplines. We believe
that considering work done in other fields can help broaden our
understanding of the creative process and stimulate our own scientific creativity. In keeping with our approach to hypothesis
generation, Lindauer (1998) called for a more interdisciplinary
approach to psychology, in which the research conducted and
perspectives offered by the humanities are more closely considered. Indeed, given the prevalence of scholarship on the creative
process in other disciplines, valuable perspectives may be gained
by considering how philosophers (especially in the fields of aesthetics, epistemology, and the philosophy of science), literary
critics, and art historians have thought about these motivations.
The value of this multidisciplinary survey lies in highlighting new
opportunities for future study, and the value of such knowledge for
the field of psychology will remain limited until it is incorporated
into rigorous empirical research. This literature review did not aim
to produce an exhaustive list of all of the possible prosocial
motivations underlying creativity (an endeavor beyond the scope
of this paper). Rather, it intended to inform the generation of
hypotheses guiding future empirical psychological research. From
this review, we highlight here four main motivations: (a) wanting
to provide others with pleasurable or satisfying experiences (hedonic motivations), (b) wanting to foster communication, empathy,
and connection, (c) uncovering new knowledge and problemsolving, and (d) wanting to challenge others and make them think
in more complex or nuanced ways. We selected these four motivations because we judged them to: (a) be central to the creative
process, (b) appear to capture yet unstudied or understudied aspects of the creative process, and (c) yield promising and testable
hypotheses for future empirical research. We look forward to
future research that will expand this list and investigate these
constructs empirically.
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RECIPROCAL MODEL
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have turned to appraisal theories of emotion to explain how audiences respond to art. Appraisal theories assert that emotions develop through subjective appraisals of a stimulus, rather than
through its objective properties (Roseman & Smith, 2001; Turner
& Silvia, 2006).
One significant contribution of these appraisal-based accounts is
that they have encouraged researchers to examine responses to art
beyond pleasure and surprise. In particular, Silvia (2012) noted
that artists often hope to inspire a range of emotions in their
audience, including negative or ambivalent emotions such as confusion, melancholy, or anger. In light of these motivations, Silvia
argued that basing aesthetic theories only on the emotion of
pleasure does a disservice both to artists intentions and to the
reality of what audience members experience. Research on emotions such as confusion (Silvia, 2010), anger and disgust (Silvia &
Brown, 2007), and fear (Eskine, Kacinik, & Prinz, 2012) has
supported the conclusion that viewers experience both positive and
negative emotions, with different appraisal structures, in response
to art.
As explained above, in spite of the potentially challenging or
difficult emotional experiences they elicit, such works are driven
by prosocial motivation insofar as creators intend audience members to benefit from this experience. For example, viewers of
Picassos Guernica may not experience positive emotions while
looking at the painting, yet the works message about war, destruction, and suffering is widely regarded as a valuable and
beneficial one for audiences to be exposed to (van Hensbergen,
2004). One interesting hypothesis (which, to the best of our knowledge, has not yet been empirically examined) may also reconcile
the apparent contradiction between the motivation to provide audience members with hedonic experiences, and the motivation to
challenge and unsettle them. The consumption of certain creative
products may constitute a form of benign masochism (Rozin,
2000, p. 980). Just as humans report enjoying eating chili pepper
in spite of the burning sensation it provokes, they may also find
some form of satisfaction in exposing themselves to challenging
experiences with creative products. According to Rozin, pleasure
is derived from the simultaneous experience of physical sensations
of danger, and the cognitive realization that the danger is not real.
Such experiences may provide audience members with important
opportunities for personal growth, without the costs that true life
challenges would entail. Having outlined possible targets for future
research on the specific motivations driving creative behavior, we
now turn to the last component of our reciprocal model which
helps account for how motivation is translated into creative behavior.
Psychological Distance
Gertrude Stein (2008) famously wrote, I write for myself and
strangers (p. 99). While many creative achievements have certainly come about as a result of a creators close relationships,
preliminary evidence on psychological distancing suggest that
Steins motivation to write for distant others may be beneficial to
creativity. Indeed, construal level theory (Trope & Liberman,
2003) proposed that perceived psychological distance influences
the mental representations of events, and events perceived as
distant (either temporally or spatially) are more likely to be represented using abstract and general features. Thus, psychological
distance appears to enhance creative thinking by promoting a
global and abstract cognitive processing style (Frster, Epstude, &
zelsel, 2009; Frster, Friedman, & Liberman, 2004; Jia, Hirt, &
Karpen, 2009; Liberman, Polack, Hameiri, & Blumenfeld, 2012).
In keeping with this, the aforementioned series of studies by
Polman and Emich (2011) found that their results were mediated
by psychological distance (operationalized as social distance),
explaining why decisions for distant others (in this study, ideas for
gifts) tended to be more creative than decisions for close others
and for the self.
Perspective-Taking
According to the findings by Grant and Berry (2011) reviewed
above, prosocial motivation may also exert its effect on creativity
by promoting perspective-taking (see also Hoever, van Knippenberg, van Ginkel, & Barkema, 2012). Parker, Atkins and Axtell
(2008) described perspective-taking as occurring when an observer tries to understand, in a nonjudgmental way, the thoughts,
motives, and/or feelings of a target, as well as why they think
and/or feel the way they do (p. 151). By developing the ability to
assess what other may currently think and experience, and to
anticipate how others may react and what will have a beneficial
effect on them, creators may be able to come up with particularly
useful creative ideas. The hypothesis that perspective-taking can
lead to more creative products is consistent with findings in
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RECIPROCAL MODEL
other fields will stimulate interest in these issues, and in turn, new
empirical research to explore them.
Future research should also assess whether certain specific motivations are more important for some fields than others. For
example, our review would lead us to hypothesize that the motivation to create or discover beauty to provide others with pleasurable experiences, and the motivation to make them think in more
complex ways, may be shared by both artists and scientists. In
contrast, the motivations to communicate what language cannot
express, as well as to foster a sense of connection and empathy,
appear most relevant for the arts, whereas the motivation to disseminate epistemic and/or practical knowledge appears most relevant for the sciences. Subtle distinctions may also explain how
particular motivations may be experienced by individuals from
various fields. For example, with regards to knowledge, the philosopher Carroll (2000) described the difference between art and
science as the difference between knowledge that something is
true (science) and knowledge of what something is like (art).
Future research should also take into account relevant individual
differences that may affect the relationship between motivation
and creative achievement. In addition, as explained above, the
level of creativity considered needs to be taken into account when
considering the role of reciprocal social processes at play in
creativity. The importance of prosocial motivation may for example increase hand-in-hand with the level of creativity considered.
While this review discussed recent studies demonstrating an
association between prosocial motivation and creativity, additional
research is needed to replicate, expand upon, and clarify this
relationship. In addition, while many previous researchers have
developed measures of prosocial and altruistic behavior (e.g.,
Carlo & Randall, 2002; Chadwick, Bromgard, Bromgard, & Trafimow, 2006; Rushton, Chrisjohn, & Fekken, 1981), personality
(e.g., Penner, Fritzsche, Craiger, & Freifeld, 1995), and moral
reasoning (e.g., Carlo, Eisenberg, & Knight, 1992), we do not
know of any measures that specifically examine prosocial orientations and behaviors in the context of creativity (but see Grant,
2008 for a short measure of prosocial motivation that can be
adapted to fit creative activities). Developing such measures will
constitute an important first step in investigating the relationship
between prosocial motivation and creativity.
Although this review emphasized the role of prosocial motivation in creativity, we feel the need to repeat here a cautionary note
included above. Past research has produced convincing evidence
that prosocial motivation plays a role in some creative endeavors,
but it has not established (and likely will not be able to establish)
that a prosocial motive always lies behind creativity. As with other
phenomena of interest to psychologists, creativity is a multiply
determined and complex construct. Encouraging researchers to
study which motivations enhance creativity (and how they do so)
is nevertheless an important initiative insofar as results from this
line of research may be used to build new interventions, following
up on Simontons (2005) remark that practical new methods are
needed for enhancing both personal and societal creativity (p.
197). Most of the empirical literature on interventions aimed at
increasing creative thinking has focused on cognitive approaches
(Forgeard & Eichner, in press; Scott, Leritz, & Mumford, 2004). In
addition, the few existing interventions using motivational approaches have focused on preventing the potentially negative
effects of extrinsic motivators (e.g., Hennessey & Zbikowski,
10
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