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Dictionary of American History 3rd Vol 04 PDF
Dictionary of American History 3rd Vol 04 PDF
American History
Third Edition
EDITORIAL BOARD
Michael A. Bernstein
University of California, San Diego
Lizabeth Cohen
Harvard University
Hasia R. Diner
New York University
Graham Russell Hodges
Colgate University
David A. Hollinger
University of California, Berkeley
Frederick E. Hoxie
University of Illinois
Pauline Maier
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Louis P. Masur
City College of New York
Andrew C. Rieser
State University of New York, Geneseo
CONSULTING EDITORS
Rolf Achilles
School of the Art Institute of Chicago
Philip J. Pauly
Rutgers University
DICTIONARY OF
American History
Third Edition
Volume 4
Girl Scouts to Kwanzaa
CONTENTS
Volume 1
List of Maps . . . xi
Preface . . . xv
Aachen to Butlers Order No. 28
Volume 2
Cabeza de Vaca Expeditions to Demography and
Demographic Trends
Volume 3
Denominationalism to Ginseng, American
Volume 4
Girl Scouts of the United States of America to Kwanzaa
Volume 5
La Follette Civil Liberties Committee Hearings to
Nationalism
Volume 6
Native American Church to Pyramid Schemes
Volume 7
Quakers to Suburbanization
Expansion . . . 187
Slavery, Civil War, and Reconstruction . . . 267
Industry and Labor . . . 339
World War I . . . 363
The Great Depression . . . 375
World War II . . . 393
Volume 8
Subversion, Communist, to Zuni
Volume 9
Contents . . . v
Archival Maps . . . 1
U.S. History through Maps and Mapmaking . . . 2
Early Maps of the New World . . . 6
The Colonies . . . 12
DICTIONARY OF
American History
Third Edition
G
(Continued)
Bonnie L. Ford
See also Boy Scouts of America; Junior Leagues International, Association of.
G I V E M E L I B E RT Y O R G I V E M E D E AT H !
McCants, David A. Patrick Henry, the Orator. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990.
Aaron J. Palmer
See also Coercive Acts; Colonial Policy, British; Revolution,
American: Political History; Virginia; Virginia Resolves.
GLAIZE, THE. An old buffalo wallow on the Maumee River at the mouth of the Auglaize River (at what
later became Deance, Ohio, fty miles southwest of
Toledo), the Glaize emerged as a multicultural settlement
during the late eighteenth century. Although the area was
a hunting ground for the Ottawas and other native groups,
it did not become a place of permanent residence until
the period of the American Revolution, when French and
English traders established a fort and trading post, around
which were founded at least seven Indian villages inhabited primarily by Shawnees, Delawares, and Miamis. The
combined population of these towns at its peak in 1792
was about two thousand persons. In that year, the Glaize
became headquarters for a multitribal confederacy that,
armed and fed by British trading agents, resisted American expansion in the Northwest Territory.
As the areas economic and diplomatic center, the
Glaize became a natural target for the American forces as
they pushed forward in 1794. Troops under General Anthony Wayne scattered the population and razed most of
the communitys permanent buildings in August of that
year and the American general established his headquarters nearby. Final defeat of the Northwest Confederacy
occurred at the Battle of Fallen Timbers on 20 August
1794. Subsequently, the Glaize ceased to be a vital community. Prominent individuals associated with the Glaize
include Blue Jacket, Little Turtle, Big Cat, James and
Simon Girty, John Kinzie, George Ironside, and Billy
Caldwell.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Michael Sherfy
See also Fallen Timbers, Battle of; Greenville Treaty.
GLASS CEILING, a discriminatory barrier to the advancement of women into the upper echelons of business,
the professions, and government. After discrimination by
sex in employment was outlawed by the Civil Rights
Act of 1964, it was understood that women would not
be seen in top jobs in substantial numbers until many had
achieved the necessary experience at intermediate levels.
However, the paucity of women in the highest positions
decades later suggested that they faced persisting barriershence the perception of a glass ceiling. Even in
GLASSMAKING
Barbara R. Bergmann
See also Discrimination: Sex; Women in Public Life, Business, and Professions.
GLASSMAKING. American glassmaking at the beginning of the twenty-rst century is a vast industry supplying global markets. Flat glass, used for fenestration, the
automotive industry, and television and computer screens,
accounts for the bulk of production; American glass works
provide immense amounts of glass for international building projects. Though basic techniques of the modern at
glass industry have been in place since the mid-twentieth
century, continual improvements are made in manufacturing, especially in developing new combinations of layering and coating glass for specic purposes.
Early American Glassmaking
An early attempt at glassmaking took place in Jamestown,
Virginia, in 1608. Production was probably limited to
blowing crude bottles and glass beads used as barter with
Native Americans. Other glass works came and went in
Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania until 1780,
when a glass factory was established in Glassboro, New
Jersey. This glass works passed through many ownerships
until 1919, when Owens Bottle Company bought and
modernized it with automatic production.
Two names stand out in early American glassware.
The rst is Henry William Stiegel (called Baron Stiegel). Stiegel became, through marriage, the owner of an
iron furnace, and went on to own a second iron furnace
and three glass manufacturing houses. Between 1763 and
1774, Stiegels factory in Manheim, Pennsylvania, produced superior decorated and colored int glassware (also
called lead glass), a heavy, brilliant glass that is used also
to make paste jewelry. Stiegels success inspired other
glassmakers, and glassmaking spread to Pittsburgh and
the Ohio River Valley. These new glass works not only
supplied window and bottle glass to the newly settled
country, but also created table glassware with discernible
Midwestern designs. The second important name in early
American glassware is John Frederick Amelung, who established the New Bremen Glassmanufactory in Frederick County, Maryland, in 1784. Using free-blown, moldblown, cut, and particularly impressive engraved methods,
GLASS-STEAGALL ACT
eting from increasing numbers of skilled European immigrants, produced distinctive articles in varying shapes,
colors, and effects.
Sheet glass in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was made by blowing glass, using one of two methods. The Boston Crown Glass Company used the crown
method from 1793 to about 1827: glass was blown, rotated to form a large plate, then cut and formed into rectangular sheets. The cylinder method required a large (six
foot by two foot) cylinder to be blown, then opened to
form a at sheet. This became the more popular method
because it created larger panes.
Twentieth-Century Innovations
By the twentieth century, at glass was produced mechanically by drawing glass upward with a metal rod or
bait and onto a metal roller. The glass was then passed
over a attening table to be cut into large sheets and commercially sized panes.
Wherever at glass had to be free from distortion
in mirrors, auto glass, and shop-front windowsplate
glass was formed by rolling, then was polished and buffed
to a high sheen on both sides to an even thickness. Mirrors were made by backing glass with mercury and tin,
later by using silver nitrate. Plate glass with a high proportion of lead was used as safety glass to protect medical
personnel from radiation. A three-layer safety glass was
developed in 1956 for use in atomic-energy plants.
Sheet glass is sometimes made with wire mesh fed into
the molten glass to prevent shattering. Double-glazing and
insulating glass that performs like a thermos is commonly
used for windows as an energy-saving device. Glass rolled
or pressed with gured designs give textured effects, commonly used in bathroom windows. Frosted glass is plate
glass etched with hydrouoric acid to produce a matte
effect, sometimes called obscure glass. Sandblasting gives
a similar effect but makes a weaker pane and is harder to
clean. Safety glass for automobile windows is made by
laminating a sheet of plasticoriginally celluloid, but later
a clear, non-yellowing polyvinyl chloride (PVC) type of
plasticbetween two sheets of plate glass to prevent windows from shattering when struck. Bullet-resistant glass
uses several layers of glass and plastic.
Another innovation, glass brick, became a popular
architectural device in the mid-twentieth century as it let
natural light into such areas as hallways. Pyrex, in use by
1920, is one of several trademarked names for the heatresistant glass-cooking utensils made by adding boric oxide to silica and alkali. Stovetop vessels were introduced
in 1936. Borosilicate glass is resistant not only to high
heat, but also to corrosive materials.
Glass ber (also called ber glass or spun glass) was
used in ancient Egypt to decorate glass vessels. Glass ber
is produced by modern methods to make ne laments,
which can be combined to form single strands and woven
into reproof textiles for translucent undercurtains. Glass
Chippy Irvine
G L O B A L WA R M I N G
Board to permit Federal Reserve banks to use U.S. government obligations, gold, and eligible paper to secure
Federal Reserve notes. This act stabilized the banking system only temporarily.
The following year, Congress passed the GlassSteagall Act of 1933, also called the Banking Act of 1933,
which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
and separated investment and commercial banking. Congress repealed the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 in 1999,
with the passing of the Financial Services Modernization
Act of 1999 (Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act), thus removing
the regulations barring mergers among banking, securities, and insurance businesses.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Frederick A. Bradford
Cynthia R. Poe
See also Banking; Exchanges; Federal Reserve System.
GLEBES were lands set aside for the clergy by American colonists, consistent with English tradition. The proprietors of townships in the New England colonies, in
drawing lots for their land, reserved a share for a minister
for his support. The presence of a minister, they reasoned,
would induce people to migrate to the new community.
The ministers allotment could be substantialas much
as four lots of 100 acres each, one for his farm and three
that he could sell or rent. Whereas New England glebes
generally passed into private ownership in the rst generation of the communitys development, in the South,
notably in Virginia, glebes ranging from 100 to 250 acres
were intended as permanent farms for the support of the
ministers of the established church and could be rented
but not sold. Members of churches other than the established church resented having to contribute to the purchase of glebes, however. Those opposed to the institution in Virginia, spurred by a wave of evangelical revivals
in the area, succeeded in 1802 in securing the adoption
of the Sequestration Act, which provided for the sale of
glebes by the overseers of the poor for the benet of the
indigent. Not geared to reliance on the voluntary contributions of members as were other churches, the Episcopal
Church was weakened by the new law. In other southern
states the glebes remained in the hands of the church and
were sometimes worked by ministers whose incomes were
small or by tenants.
Craven, Wesley F., and James Lea Cate, eds. The Army Air Forces
in World War II. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
19501958.
U.S. Air Force. USAF Historical Studies, Air Force Historical
Research Agency, nos. 1, 97, and 167.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hall, David D. The Faithful Shepherd: A History of the New England Ministry in the Seventeenth Century. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972.
Paul W. Gates / a. r.
GLOBAL WARMING. Gases created through human industrial and agricultural practices (primarily carbon dioxide from burning fossil fuels and wood, as well
as methane, nitrous oxide, and chlorouorocarbons) in-
G L O B A L WA R M I N G
cient pollens, ocean shells, and new computer models. Using computer models, in 1956, Gilbert N. Plass attracted
greater attention to the carbon dioxide theory of climate
change. The following year, Roger Revelle and Hans Suess
showed that oceanic absorption of atmospheric carbon dioxide would not be sufcient to delay global warming.
They stressed the magnitude of the phenomenon:
Human beings are now carrying out a large scale geophysical experiment of a kind that could not have happened in the past nor be reproduced in the future.
Within a few centuries we are returning to the atmosphere and oceans the concentrated organic carbon
stored in sedimentary rocks over hundreds of millions
of years. (Cristianson, Greenhouse, pp. 155156)
1950
2000
2000
1650
1600
1550
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1450
1400
1350
1300
1250
1200
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1100
1050
1950
0
1900
1900
2
1850
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1800
Carbon Emissions
1750
1750
8
1700
1700
1650
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1450
1400
1350
1300
1250
1200
1150
1100
1050
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1450
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1050
1000
G L O B A L WA R M I N G
0.8
0.6
0.4
Temperature Change
0.2
-0.2
-0.4
-0.6
380
360
340
CO2 Concentrations
320
300
280
G L O B A L WA R M I N G
(p. v). With atmospheric carbon dioxide increasing rapidly, the CEQ report noted that the world was already
performing a great planetary experiment (p. 52).
By the early 1980s, the scientic models of global
warming had established the basic contours of this atmospheric phenomenon. Federal environmental agencies
and scientic advisory boards had urged action to curb
carbon dioxide emissions dramatically, yet little state, federal, or international policymaking ensued. Decades-old
federal and state subsidies for fossil fuel production and
consumption remained rmly in place. The federal government lessened its active public support for energy efciency initiatives and alternative energy development.
Falling oil and natural gas prices throughout the decade
further undermined political support for a national energy policy that would address the problem of global
warming.
A complicated intersection of climate science and
policy further hindered effective lawmaking. Scientists
urged political action, but spoke in a measured language
that emphasized probability and uncertainty. Many scientists resisted entering the political arena, and expressed
skepticism about their colleagues who did. This skepticism came to a head in reaction to the government scientist James Hansens efforts to focus national attention
on global warming during the drought-lled summer of
1988. As more than 400,000 acres of Yellowstone National Park burned in a raging re, Hansen testied to
Congress that he was 99 percent certain that the earth
was getting warmer because of the greenhouse effect.
While the testimony brought signicant new political attention in the United States to the global warming problem, many of Hansens scientic colleagues were dismayed by his denitive assertions. Meanwhile, a small
number of skeptical scientists who emphasized the uncertainty of global warming and the need to delay policy
initiatives fueled opposition to political action.
In 1988, delegates from nearly fty nations met in
Toronto and Geneva to address the climate change problem. The delegates formed the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change (IPCC), consisting of more than two
thousand scientists from around the world, to assess systematically global warming science and policy options.
The IPCC issued its rst report in 1990, followed by second and third assessments in 1995 and 2001. Each IPCC
report provided increasingly precise predictions of future
warming and the regional impacts of climate change.
Meanwhile, books like Bill McKibbens The End of Nature
(1989) and Senator Albert Gore Jr.s Earth in the Balance
(1992) focused popular attention in the United States on
global warming.
Yet these developments did not prompt U.S. government action. With its major industries highly dependent
on fossil fuel consumption, the United States instead
helped block steps to combat climate change at several
international conferences in the late 1980s and 1990s. At
the United Nations Conference on Environment and De-
GOLD BUGS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paul Sabin
Okker, Patricia. Our Sister Editors: Sarah J. Hale and the Tradition
of Nineteenth-Century American Women Editors. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995.
Tebbel, John William. The Magazine in America, 17411990.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1991.
Tonkovich, Nicole. Domesticity with a Difference: The Nonction
of Catharine Beecher, Sarah J. Hale, Fanny Fern, and Margaret
Fuller. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997.
E. H. ONeill / a. e.
J. W. Ellison / c. w.
See also Homestead Movement; West, American; Westward
Migration.
See also Clothing and Fashion; Literature: Popular Literature; Magazines, Womens.
GOLD ACT. During the Civil War the federal government issued paper money called greenbacks to help
fund the war effort. In 1864 the depreciation of greenbacks was measured by the premium on gold, and speculators were blamed for the uctuations in the premiums.
Congress responded by passing the Gold Act in June
1864. The act made it unlawful to buy or sell gold for
future delivery or to buy or sell foreign exchange to be
delivered after ten days. The result was such an aggravation in the uctuation of the price of gold that the act
was repealed on 2 July 1864.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
James D. Magee / a. g.
See also Exchange, Bills of; Gold Exchange; Gold Standard;
National Bank Notes.
1870s referred to those who favored basing the U.S. monetary system on gold to the exclusion of silver. As the struggle over monetary issues intensied, generating heated
rhetoric and wonderful cartoons, the term became more
derogatory. After 1893, it was applied especially to gold
supporters within the Democratic Party. That shrinking
group, predominantly urban businesspeople and professionals, supported President Grover Clevelands repeal of
the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, and in 1896 they
bolted the party to create and support the National Democratic ticket of John Palmer.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Philip R. VanderMeer
See also Gold Standard.
Hall, Kermit L., ed. The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court
of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press,
1992.
Katherine M. Jones
10
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Glad, Paul W. McKinley, Bryan, and the People. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1964.
Jones, Stanley L. The Presidential Election of 1896. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964.
Jeannette P. Nichols / a. g.
See also Free Silver; Gold Standard; Silver Democrats.
Frederick A. Bradford / c. w.
See also Gold Standard; Greenbacks; Treasury, Department
of the.
Most of the gold discovered was free gold, and mechanical methods of separation were sufcient for recovery. Even so, as mines were extended farther and deeper,
more extensive methods were required to extract the ore.
Fortunately, through borrowings from abroad and on-site
innovations, technology kept pace with need. The Comstock operations in Nevada in 18651875 were especially
noted for application and adaptation of new techniques.
The compressed-air drill and the diamond-studded rotary
drill were borrowed from France; the new explosives nitroglycerine and dynamite, used for blasting, were introduced from Sweden; and A. S. Hallidie of San Francisco
perfected the at, woven-wire cable used in hoists.
Where gold is found in combination with other elements, the problems of extraction are more complex. Advances in metallurgical chemistry were necessary before
such ores could be protably worked. One of the rst
successful chemical processes for separation of refractory
ores was the cyanide process, perfected in 1887. This process involved the placing of nely crushed gold ores in a
solution of potassium cyanide, where the gold cyanide
that formed could be removed either with zinc or by electrolysis. This process and others such as chlorination and
oil-otation were available when the Cripple Creek elds
of Colorado were opened in 1891. The nations richest
mining district developed from the telluride ores of Cripple Creek; the two biggest producers, the Portland and
the Independence mines, accounted for more than $100
million in gold in the years after 1891. The new chemical
processes also made possible the reworking of older mines
to recover gold from low-grade ores and the development
of new areas in which low-grade ores existed, such as the
San Juan region of Colorado, with its Camp Bird, LibertyBell, and Smuggler-Union mines.
Mine production reached its highest levels in the decade 19051915, when an annual average of 4,513,480
ne ounces of gold was produced in the United States.
After World War I gold mining decreased markedly.
High-grade ores had been exhausted, and the costs of extraction and rening had increased. After 1920 the Homestake mine at Lead made South Dakota the leading
gold-producing state. In 1970 three states (South Dakota,
Nevada, and Utah) mined 84 percent of the 1,743,000
ne ounces of gold produced in the United States.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carl Ubbelohde / a. g.
11
Gold Miners. The dream was of easy riches; the reality, hard work with rewards for only a few.
Granger Collection, New York
GOLD PURCHASE PLAN, formulated by President Franklin D. Roosevelts nancial adviser, George F.
Warren, and sometimes referred to as the Warren Plan,
was put into operation in October 1933 and ended in January 1934. Under this plan the Reconstruction Finance
Corporation was authorized to buy gold newly mined in
the United States and, if necessary, on the world markets
at prices to be determined from time to time after consultation with the president and the secretary of the treasury. The theory of the Gold Purchase Plan, apparently,
was to bring about an increase in the domestic commodity
price level by raising the price of gold. In this respect it
was a failure.
Frederick A. Bradford / a. g.
See also Banking: Banking Crisis of 1933; Federal Reserve
System; Gold Exchange; Gold Standard; Hard Money.
12
GOLD RUSH, CALIFORNIA. When James Marshall looked into the American River and saw gold alongside John Sutters sawmill on 24 January 1848, he unintentionally initiated a set of events that dramatically
transformed both California and the United States. Al-
San Francisco Bay, c. 1851. A steady procession of ships transformed San Francisco almost overnight from village to city,
ethnically diverse and initially lawless, until tamed by vigilante justice. The Gamma Liaison Network
13
GOLD STANDARD
14
Benjamin H. Johnson
See also California; Forty-Niners; and vol. 9: Constitution of
the Committee of Vigilantes of San Francisco.
GOLD STANDARD. The gold standard is a monetary system in which gold is the standard or in which the
unit of valuebe it the dollar, the pound, franc, or some
other unit in which prices and wages are customarily expressed and debts are usually contractedconsists of the
value of a xed quantity of gold in a free gold market.
U.S. experience with the gold standard began in the
1870s. From 1792 until the Civil War, the United States,
with a few lapses during brief periods of suspended specie
payments, was on a bimetallic standard. This broke down
in the early days of the Civil War, and from 30 December
1861 to 2 January 1879, the country was on a depreciated
paper money standard. The currency act of 1873 dropped
the silver dollar from the list of legal coinage but continued the free and unlimited coinage of gold and declared
the gold dollar to be the unit of value. There was a free
market in the United States for gold, and gold could be
exported and imported without restriction. Nonetheless,
for six more years the United States continued on a de
facto greenback standard. In accordance with the provisions of the Resumption Act of 1875, paper dollars became ofcially redeemable in gold on 2 January 1879.
Under the gold standard as it then operated, the unit
of value was the gold dollar, which contained 23.22 grains
of pure gold. Under free coinage, therefore, anyone could
take pure gold bullion in any quantity to an American
mint and have it minted into gold coins, receiving $20.67
GOLD STANDARD
15
GOLD STANDARD
16
GOLD STANDARD
Possessing more dollars than they wanted and preferring gold, some nationsFrance in particulardemanded gold for dollars. American gold reserves fell from
$23 billion in December 1947 to $18 billion in 1960, and
anxiety grew. When gold buying on the London gold
market pushed the price of gold to forty dollars an ounce
in October 1960, the leading central banks took steps to
allay the anxiety, quietly feeding enough of their own gold
into the London market to lower the price to the normal
thirty-ve dollars and keep it there. When Germany and
the Netherlands upvalued their currencies on 4 and 6
March 1961, respectively, their actions had somewhat the
same relaxing effect for the United States as a devaluation
of the dollar would have had. On 20 July 1962 President
John Kennedy forbade Americans even to own gold coins
abroad after 1 January 1963. But federal decits continued, short-term liabilities abroad reaching $28.8 billion
by 31 December 1964, and gold reserves were falling to
$15.5 billion.
and all other nations held on to their gold reserves. Several European nations, notably France and Germany, were
willing to return to a gold basis.
Repeatedly the Treasury took steps to discourage foreign creditors from exercising their right to demand gold
for dollars. The banks felt it wise to cooperate with the
Americans in saving the dollar, everyones reserve currency. By late 1967, American gold reserves were less than
$12 billion. In October 1969 Germany upvalued the mark
again, and American gold reserves were ofcially reported
at $10.4 billion. The patience of foreign creditors was
wearing thin. During the rst half of 1971, U.S. shortterm liabilities abroad shot up from $41 billion to $53
billion, and the demand for gold rose. On 15 August 1971
President Richard M. Nixon announced that the U.S.
Treasury would no longer redeem dollars in gold for any
foreign treasury or central bank. This action took the nation off the gold standard beyond any lingering doubt and
shattered the dollar as a reliable reserve currency. At a
gathering of nancial leaders of ten industrial nations at
the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., on 17
to 18 December 1971, the dollar was devalued by 7.89
percent in the conversion of foreign currencies to dollars,
with some exceptions. In 1972 gold hit seventy dollars an
ounce on Londons free market for gold, and the United
States had its worst mercantile trade decit in history.
A period of severe ination followed the Nixon administrations decision to abandon the gold standard.
Nevertheless, despite the economic turmoil of the 1970s,
the United States did not return to the gold standard,
choosing instead to allow the international currency markets to determine its value. In 1976 the International
Monetary Fund established a permanent system of oating exchange rates, a development that made the gold
standard obsolete and one that allowed the free market
to determine the value of various international currencies.
Consequently, as ination weakened the American dollar,
the German Mark and Japanese Yen emerged as major
rivals to the dollar in international currency markets.
17
G O L D E N G AT E B R I D G E
Golden Gate Bridge. A view of the renowned San Francisco bridge in 1936, the year before its
completion as one of the longest suspension bridges in the world. corbis-Bettmann
Donald L. Kemmerer / a. r.
See also Banking: Banking Crisis of 1933; Bimetallism; Debt,
Public; Free Silver; Gold Bugs; Gold Purchase Plan;
Gold Reserve Act; Great Depression; Inflation; International Monetary Fund; Keynesianism; Money; Specie Payments, Suspension and Resumption of; Treasury, Department of the.
GOLDEN GATE BRIDGE, erected across the entrance of the harbor at San Francisco, California, at a cost
18
P. Orman Ray / a. r.
See also Bridges; California; New Deal; Reconstruction Finance Corporation; Roads; San Francisco.
GOLF
Louis H. Bolander / a. r.
See also California; Explorations and Expeditions: British.
19
Jeremy Derfner
See also Recreation; Sports; Victorianism.
20
G O N Z A L E Z , E L I A N , C A S E
The novel by Margaret Mitchell was an instant success. Published by Macmillan in 1936, the 1,057-page
tome was a hymn to the Lost Cause, despite the authors
intent to combine an F. Scott Fitzgerald approach with
historical recreation. The book sold more than fty thousand copies in a single day, was a bestseller for two years,
and, by 1965, had sold more than 12 million authorized
copies.
Mitchell was born in Atlanta in 1900 to an established
Georgia family. She grew up with tales of the Lost Cause
and a romantic ideal of the Civil War. Well-educated and
witty, she wrote for newspapers and magazines. She married twice but had no children. A delightful storyteller,
she was a gracious presence on the Atlanta social scene.
With the novels great success, Mitchell was thereafter
known as the author of Gone With the Wind. She never
wrote another novel and directed that upon her death most
of her literary manuscripts be destroyed. Mitchell died in
1949 after she was struck by a speeding automobile.
Selznick International Pictures bought the screen
rights to Gone With the Wind for $50,000. The classic
motion picture features a moving musical score and talented cast, including Vivien Leigh, Clark Gable, Olivia
De Havilland, and Leslie Howard. The movie had a spectacular debut in Atlanta in 1939 and continued to be a
leading money producer long after its release. Filled with
assumptions of the Lost Cause and the Needless War
doctrine, the movie does not ignore the sexual tension
between the heroine and the hero. The movie has a minor
but clear feminist subtext.
Historical interpretations come and go but, undoubtedly, Gone With the Wind endures as a monument to the
Lost Cause. It is also a product of the 1930s, when many
Americans sought an escape from the twin horrors of
economic depression and the impending European war.
Though not great literature, the story endures as a vital
example of how some Americans prefer to think about
the Civil War.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harwell, Richard. Gone With the Wind, as Book and Film. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1983. Good collection of contemporary reviews and essays.
Pressly, Thomas. Americans Interpret Their Civil War. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1954. A brilliant analysis
of how historical interpretations interact with other aspects
of the culture.
Pyron, Darden Asbury, ed. Recasting Gone With the Wind in
American Culture. Miami: University Presses of Florida,
1983. A far-ranging analysis of how the novel and movie t
into American culture.
Pyron, Darden Asbury. Southern Daughter, The Life of Margaret
Mitchell. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. A solid
biographical study.
Donald K. Pickens
See also Film; Literature: Popular Literature.
21
Robert M. Levine
See also Cuba, Relations with; Cuban Americans.
GOOD NEIGHBOR POLICY. The Good Neighbor Policy grew out of the experience of the administrations of Presidents Calvin Coolidge (19231929) and
Herbert Hoover (19291933), but it was formally promulgated by President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933
1945). In his 1933 inaugural address, Roosevelt asserted,
In the eld of world policy I would dedicate this nation
to the policy of the good neighborthe neighbor who
resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others. The Good Neighbor Policy
centered on nonintervention and noninterference. It also
came to be associated with trade reciprocity. By the time
Roosevelt was elected to the presidency, there was growing Latin American opposition to U.S. military intervention and some searching criticism of U.S. policy in the
United States itself.
The Good Neighbor Policy owed in signicant
measure from the calculation that U.S. goals in the Caribbean and Central America, in particular, could be better served by strengthening diplomatic and commercial
relations instead of engaging in the gunboat diplomacy
and military intervention of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. For example, the experience of Henry
L. Stimson, Coolidges special representative to Nicaragua in 1927, and other ofcials involved in U.S.-Nicaraguan relations in the late 1920s and early 1930s played an
important role in the reorientation of U.S. policy in the
region after 1933. U.S. marines had operated in Nicaragua from 1912 to 1925, helping to establish and train the
Nicaraguan National Guard. Following a brief withdrawal,
the United States sent marines back to Nicaragua in 1926
after renewed ghting between political factions there.
Washington reacted in particular against the Mexican
governments support for the political faction opposed to
the pro-U.S. grouping. The second military intervention
brought criticism from some politicians in the United
States who thought that it undermined Washingtons status
and power in the eyes of Latin Americans and actually encouraged opposition to the United States in Latin America.
As the 1930s progressed, the Good Neighbor Policy
was elaborated via a range of public treaties and private
directives in the context of rising U.S. political and eco-
22
nomic inuence in the region. Despite the stated antiinterventionism of the Good Neighbor Policy, the United
States operated within a structure of Pan-American cooperation that was often more interventionist than before.
U.S. intervention in the 1930s, however, was carried out
by ambassadors, foreign service ofcers, and economic
and military advisers backed up by economic assistance
and private capital, instead of by the marines and gunboats of the past. For example, Roosevelt established the
Export-Import Bank in 1934 to loan money to U.S. exporters in order to facilitate overseas sales; by the end of
the 1930s, it was funding projects throughout Latin America. The United States also negotiated reciprocal trade
treaties with a number of Latin American republics that
often had important political implications. The countries
of Central America, for example, increased their imports
from the United States in this period, becoming more
dependent on U.S. agricultural products in particular, in
exchange for political recognition and support. By the
end of the 1930s, Washington had also set up new structures linking the U.S. military with its Latin American
counterparts.
The Good Neighbor Policy was, and often still is,
viewed as successful for a variety of reasons, including the
fact that it strengthened hemispheric relations in the lead
up to, and during, World War II. However, Roosevelts
Good Neighbor Policy also gave direct and indirect support to dictatorships in the region. For example, Roosevelt and his successors provided sustained support for the
authoritarian regimes of Anastasio Somoza (19361956)
in Nicaragua, Rafael Trujillo (19301961) in the Dominican Republic, and Fulgencio Batista (19341958) in Cuba.
This was a major contradiction of the Good Neighbor
Policy, and it became more pronounced with the onset of
the Cold War after 1945. The formal violation of Roosevelts pledge of nonintervention, which was understood
to mean the actual landing of U.S. soldiers, did not occur
until troops were sent into the Dominican Republic in
April 1965, where they remained as an occupation force
until July 1966. However, in the context of the Cold War,
the United States had already instigated or carried out a
number of covert interventions in the 1950s and early
1960s. The most well known are probably the Central
Intelligence Agencyorchestrated overthrow of the democratically elected government of Guatemala in 1954 and
the unsuccessful invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs in
1961, both of which involved the training and equipping
of exiles and the provision of logistical or air support by
the United States.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP
Mark T. Berger
See also Caribbean Policy; Cuba, Relations with; Dominican
Republic; Guatemala, Relations with; Latin America,
Relations with; Nicaragua, Relations with.
Martin Blumenson / a. r.
Government corporations, which are created by government but run as businesses, took off during the New
BIBLIOGRAPHY
23
G O V E R N M E N T P U B L I C AT I O N S
Jeremy Derfner
See also Privatization.
24
G O V E R N M E N T R E G U L AT I O N O F B U S I N E S S
Jeremy Derfner
See also Census, U.S. Bureau of the; Libraries.
25
G O V E R N M E N T R E G U L AT I O N O F B U S I N E S S
26
tive and further encouraged federal action to correct problems in interstate commerce. This power permitted a long
series of railroad regulatory acts, starting in 1887, that
were generally advantageous to shippers. In the twentieth
century, these acts would leave the railroads in a weak position in competition against the automobile and airplane.
Antitrust Law
The 1880s saw the advent of the trust, which enabled a
handful of businesses to gain nearly complete control over
many commodity-based industries. The founder of the
Standard Oil Company, John D. Rockefeller, was the rst
to achieve monopoly-like domination over an industry.
He had gained this power under his companys so-called
Trust Agreement. In 1882 the public learned of this
agreement, and the term trust entered the American
vocabulary as a word signifying monopoly. At one point
Standard Oil controlled more than 90 percent of the nations petroleum rening. The huge prots that Standard
Oil earned under its Trust Agreement drew the attention
of other investors, and by 1887 there existed the Cotton
Oil Trust, the Linseed Oil Trust, and the Distiller and
Cattle Feeders Trust, which was also known as The
Whisky Trust. The way trusts concentrated wealth and
economic power in the hands of a few business tycoons
so alarmed the American public that Congress passed the
Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890.
Despite this legislation, almost fty other trusts were
formed by 1897. The Supreme Court dealt a serious blow
to the federal governments ability to enforce the Sherman Act with its 1895 decision in United States v. E. C.
Knight Company, also known as the The Sugar Trust
Case. The Court took the position that rening sugar
was an activity conned to a specic locale and that the
federal government therefore could not use its power to
regulate interstate commerce as a means to break up the
trust. The Court ruled against the federal government
although E. C. Knight controlled nearly 98 percent of the
sugar rening industry and was able to set the retail price
of sugar throughout the entire country.
Efforts to curb trusts languished until Theodore Roosevelt was elected to the presidency in 1904 on a trustbusting platform. By that time 185 trusts had been
formed; their creation had been aided by an 1889 New
Jersey law that allowed companies chartered in that state
to hold the stock of other companies. Similar legislation
was enacted in several other states including Delaware
and Maine, and trusts took the form of holding companies. One such holding company was the Northern
Securities Company, which monopolized railroad transportation from the Great Lakes to the Pacic Coast. Roosevelt successfully invoked the Sherman Act to break the
monopoly, which was dissolved by order of the Supreme
Court in 1904. When the Court ordered the dissolution
of the Standard Oil and American Tobacco trusts in 1911,
it ruled that these trusts placed unreasonable restraint
on trade. This implied that the Court would tolerate rea-
G O V E R N M E N T R E G U L AT I O N O F B U S I N E S S
sonable restraints, and monopolistic-like business entities continued to grow. Congress passed further antitrust
legislation with the Clayton Act in 1914, which outlawed
unfair methods of competition. The act created the Federal Trade Commission to enforce this legislation. Business eventually responded to this type of regulation by
creating conglomerates that diversify holdings instead
of concentrating them in a single sector of industry.
Regulation and Deregulation in the
Twentieth Century
At the turn of the nineteenth century, the publics dismay
at business practices fostered further federal regulation.
In 1906 writer and social activist Upton Sinclair published
The Jungle, a novel that exposed the unsanitary practices
of the meatpacking industry. The public furor created by
this book motivated the federal government to pass the
Pure Food and Drug Act (1906), which Congress continued to strengthen throughout the rst half of the twentieth century.
Social activists also promoted the cause of child labor reform, which was embraced by the Congress and
presidents. The rst child labor laws were passed during
the administration of President Woodrow Wilson (1913
1921), but they were struck down by the Supreme Court.
Similar laws passed in 1919 and 1935 were also ruled unconstitutional by the Court, which held that Congress
had overstepped its authority by directly placing controls
on state and local commerce. An amendment to the Constitution protecting children against abusive labor practices was passed by Congress in 1924 but failed to gain
state ratication. The 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act,
which regulated child labor and afforded other worker
protections, nally stood up to constitutional scrutiny by
the Court in 1941.
President Franklin D. Roosevelts New Deal legislation, enacted in an effort to revive the U.S. economy
suffering from the stock market crash of 1929 and the
ensuing Great Depression of the 1930s, effectively made
the federal government the nations chief regulator of
business and the economy. Roosevelts legislation reformed the banking system and securities industries,
which had practically collapsed during the decade. He
tried to jump-start the economy through massive government employment programs, many of which served to
improve the countrys business infrastructure. The massive military expenditures needed to ght World War II,
however, were what provided the economic stimulus
needed to end the depression. Apart from building and
maintaining a national highway system, military spending
continues to be the federal governments greatest direct
involvement with the business community.
As the twentieth century wore on, regulation by federal or state act with subsequent judicial interpretation
was largely replaced by control through administrative
orders of commissions. Between 1887 and 1940 the federal government created a score of commissions and boards
27
GOVERNORS
Laffont, Jean-Jacques, and Jean Tirole. Competition in Telecommunications. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.
Lai, Loi Lei, ed. Power System Restructuring and Deregulation.
New York: Wiley, 2001.
Macey, Jonathan R., Geoffrey P. Miller, and Richard Scott Carnell. Banking Law and Regulation. 3d ed. Gaithersburg, Md.:
Aspen Publishers, 2000.
Peritz, Rudolph J. R. Competition Policy in America, 18881992:
History, Rhetoric, Law. New York: Oxford University Press,
1996.
Singer, Jonathan W., and Keneth E. Montague, eds. Broken
Trusts: The Texas Attorney General Versus the Oil Industry,
18891909. Vol. 12, Oil and Business History Series. College
Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2002.
Viscusi, W. Kip, John M.Vernon, and Joseph E. Harrington Jr.
Economics of Regulation and Antitrust, 3d ed. Cambridge,
Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.
John Wyzalek
See also Constitution of the United States; Enron Scandal;
Interstate Commerce Laws; Interstate Highway System; Pure Food and Drug Movement; and vol. 9:
Women in Industry (Brandeis Brief ).
28
GOVERNORS
Nevertheless, the ofce of governor remained comparatively powerless, and the persistent weakness of American
governors can be traced to the precedent set in the early
Republic.
The Jacksonian Era
In the 1830s and 1840s, a new political philosophy held
that all white men, not just elite landowners, were the
proper guardians of American democracy. In this view,
voters mattered more than legislators, and the already aging model that gave assemblies authority over governors
fell completely out of favor. Most states, reecting the
new importance placed on voters, wrote new constitutions that sought to free governors from legislative authority and make them directly accountable to the people.
In general, the new constitutions gave governors veto
power and made the ofce an elected rather than appointed one. Both reforms validated governors claims of
authority. With a powerful weapon to use against the legislature and a popular mandate, the governors had gained
political independence.
A third reform, however, signicantly reduced governors control over their own executive branch. In the
spirit of popular democracy and suffrage for all white
men, most states adopted some form of what became
known as the long ballot, whereby voters selected a large
number of state ofcers. For example, New Yorks 1846
constitution called for the election of not only the governor but also a lieutenant governor, secretary of state,
treasurer, comptroller, attorney general, three canal commissioners, three prison inspectors, and a state engineer.
These elected executive ofcials claimed their own
popular mandates, articulated their own political visions,
worked to achieve their own objectives, and often belonged to their own party factions. Governors had little
hope of putting together an efcient administration with
a clear chain of command or a single set of goals. The
problem only worsened as state governments grew more
complex with the passage of time and the accretion of
responsibilities. Progressive-Era administrations demonstrated a special fondness for proliferating bureaucracy.
Illinois, for example, supported just twenty state agencies
in 1850, but by 1925 that number had increased to more
than 170. Governors found it nearly impossible to administer such sprawling organizations.
The Progressive Era
Government grew so rapidly during the Progressive Era
(about 1890 to 1920, though historians continue to debate
the dates) because Americans faith in the power of government was exploding. Industrial society seemed to be
spinning out of control, and Progressives turned to government to x a host of problems from alcoholism and
corruption to child labor and corporate monopoly. Despite the often-crippling hodgepodge of agencies, then,
state executives were empowered to take aggressive action
29
GRAFFITI
Black, Earl. Southern Governors and Civil Rights: Racial Segregation as a Campaign Issue in the Second Reconstruction. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976.
Jeremy Derfner
Kallenbach, Joseph E. The American Chief Executive: The Presidency and the Governorship. New York: Harper and Row,
1966.
Osborne, David. Laboratories of Democracy: A New Breed of Governor Creates Models for National Growth. Boston: Harvard
Business School Press, 1988.
Ransone, Coleman Bernard. The American Governorship. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982.
Sabato, Larry. Goodbye to Good-Time Charlie: The American Governor Transformed, 19501975. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1978.
Sanford, Terry. Storm over the States. New York: McGraw-Hill,
1967.
Jeremy Derfner
See also State Constitutions.
30
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fite, Gilbert Courtland. George N. Peek and the Fight for Farm
Parity. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954.
Saloutos, Theodore, and John D. Hicks. Agricultural Discontent
in the Middle West, 19001939. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1951.
George C. Robinson / t. m.
See also Agriculture; Commerce Clause; Exchanges.
Michael H. Spiro / a. g.
See also Budget, Federal; Congress, United States; Debt,
Public; Demography and Demographic Trends.
31
GRAND BANKS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Daniels, Roger. The Bonus March: An Episode of the Great Depression. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1971. Chapter 1,
Something for the Boys, surveys veterans benets through
World War I.
Davies, Wallace E. Patriotism on Parade: The Story of Veterans and
Hereditary Organizations in America, 17831900. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955. Relates the
GAR to its predecessors.
Dearing, Mary R. Veterans in Politics: The Story of the GAR. Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1952. Reprint,
Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1974. A history that
focuses on the GARs lobbying role.
McConnell, Stuart C. Glorious Contentment: The Grand Army of
the Republic, 18651900. Chapel Hill: North Carolina University Press, 1992. A modern history, stressing the social
history of the GAR.
Skocpol, Theda. Americas First Social Security System: The
Expansion of Benets for Civil War Veterans. Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 85116. An imaginative interpretation.
Roger Daniels
See also Pensions, Military and Naval; Veterans Organizations.
32
Thomas Wien
See also Cod Fisheries.
Grand Canyon. A view of the Colorado River and a portion of the spectacular canyon walls.
National Archives and Records Administration
a mile deep, winding some 280 miles from Marble Canyon, near the Arizona-Utah line, to Grand Wash Cliffs in
northern Mohave County of Arizona.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
33
midtown Manhattan. The terminal and two-story underground train yard, stretching from Forty-second to Fiftysixth Streets between Madison and Lexington Avenues,
replaced the rst Grand Central constructed in 1871 by
Commodore Cornelius Vanderbilt and his New York Central and Harlem Railroads.
In 1901, William J. Wilgus, the New York Centrals
chief engineer, proposed a multifaceted plan of stunning
complexity for a new facility. The railroad planned to
build a new terminal building and a two-story underground train yard and to electrify operations in Manhattan, the Bronx, and Westchester Counties. To pay for the
enormous cost, Wilgus proposed developing the air rights
over the two-story underground train yard by creating
luxury hotels, commercial ofce space, and apartments.
Excavation removed three million cubic feet of rock
and dirt. Construction of the underground train yard consumed thirty thousand tons of steel, three times more
than needed for the Eiffel Tower. Electrication proceeded in parallel with the construction. Whitney Warren
and the partnership of Charles Reed and Alan Stem of
Minneapolis designed the complex. Warren, trained at
the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris, drew the plans for the
monumental terminal building on Forty-second Street to
serve as a magnicent gateway to New York.
34
GRANGER CASES
Deirdre Sheets
See also Music: Bluegrass; Music: Country and Western.
More specically, through seven southern state constitutional amendments passed from 1895 to 1910, grandfather clauses exempted men who had the right to vote on
1 January 1867 or, in some states, those who had fought
in American wars and their descendants, from literacy or
property tests for voting. Proponents contended that poor,
illiterate whites would still be able to vote, while African
Americans, who could not vote in the South in 1866,
would again be disfranchised. Grandfather clauses were
temporary and were declared unconstitutional under the
Fifteenth Amendment by the U.S. Supreme Court in
Guinn and Beal v. United States (1915).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GRAND PORTAGE received its name from voyageurs, who found the nine miles between Lake Superior
and the Pigeon River the longest portage in their regular
canoe route from Montreal to the Rocky Mountains.
About 1780 the name came to mean the British North
West Company post at the lake end of the portage. At the
height of its prosperity, about 1795, Grand Portage had
a stockade, sixteen buildings, a pier, a canoe yard, a garden, domestic animals, and schooner connection with
Sault Ste. Marie. In 1804 the transfer of activities from
Grand Portage to Fort William, Ontario, occurred in accordance with Jays Treaty of 1794, thus ending Grand
Portages heyday.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
L. W. Newton / f. h.
See also Agriculture; Cattle; Prairie.
Kousser, J. Morgan. The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880
1910. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1974.
J. Morgan Kousser
See also Disfranchisement.
GRANGER CASES. In the face of increasing activism calling for the regulation of railway rates by the
Grangers (members of the National Grange of the Order
of Patrons of Husbandry) and other groups, several Midwestern states asserted regulatory authority over the railroad industry, enacting what were known as the Granger
Laws. Illinoiss 1870 constitution called for the state legislature to prevent unjust discrimination and extortion
in freight and passenger rates, and Illinois, along with
Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota moved to regulate railroads and warehouses within their borders. Most of the
state laws were poorly drawn and were eventually appealed as the railroads created uniform rates by raising
them to the maximum allowed by law.
Illinoiss regulations were the strongest and became
the subject of Munn v. Illinois (1877), the most important
of the eight Granger Cases. Fourteen Chicago warehouses, including that of the Munn Brothers, stored the
grain produced by seven states. In Munn v. Illinois, the
Court was asked to determine whether the state could
regulate a private industry that served a public function.
In a 5 to 4 decision, the Court sided with Illinois and
established the Public Interest Doctrine, declaring that
states could properly regulate private entities that served
a public function. Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite, writing for the Court, declared that when one devotes his
property to a use in which the public has an interest, he,
in effect, grants to the public an interest in that use, and
must submit to be controlled by the public for the public
good. Nationwide, other states followed suit, and the
movement eventually gave rise to federal regulatory entities such as the Interstate Commerce Commission.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GRANDFATHER CLAUSE, a legal provision exempting someone from a new qualication or regulation.
35
GRANGER MOVEMENT
R. Volney Riser
See also Interstate Commerce Commission; Public Interest
Law.
GRANGER MOVEMENT. The Granger movement grew out of a farmers lodge, the Patrons of Husbandry, founded in 1867 by Oliver Hudson Kelley. While
employed by the Department of Agriculture, Kelley made
a tour of the South and was struck by the enslavement of
southern farmers to outworn methods of agriculture. He
believed the situation could best be remedied by an organization that would bring farmers together in groups
for the study and discussion of their problems. Accordingly, with the help of a few interested friends, he devised
a secret ritualistic order, equally open to women and to
men, and became its rst organizer. Each local unit, or
Grange, was admonished to select among its ofcers a
lecturer, whose duty should be to provide some educational diversion, such as a lecture or a paper, for every
meeting.
In 1868 Kelley started west for his home in Minnesota and began recruiting among his former neighbors.
His organization won adherents, less for its social and
educational advantages than for the opportunity it presented for farmers to unite against railroads and elevators
and to institute cooperative methods of buying and selling. By the end of 1869 there were thirty-seven active
Granges in Minnesota. A year later, the order expanded
into nine states. During the panic of 1873 there were
Granges in every state of the Union but four. Membership claims reached a maximum during the mid-1870s of
about 800,000, with the total number of Granges estimated at about 20,000. The center of Granger activity
remained during the entire period in the grain-growing
region of the upper Mississippi Valley.
The grievances that drove the northwestern farmers
into these organizations grew out of their almost complete dependence on outside markets for the disposal of
their produce and on corporation-owned elevators and
railroads for its handling. The high prices that accompanied the Civil War in the United States and the Bismarckian wars in Europe enabled the farmers, during
those wars, to pay the high charges the corporations exacted. After these conicts, when prices began to drop,
the grain growers found themselves in acute distress. In
1869 they paid at the rate of 52.5 cents a bushel to send
grain from the Mississippi River to the Atlantic seaboard
and nearly half as much to send it from an Iowa or
Minnesota farm to Chicago. Elevators, often owned by
the railroads, charged high prices for their services,
weighed and graded grain without supervision, and used
their inuence with the railroads to ensure that cars were
36
G R AY PA N T H E R S
Buck, Solon J. The Agrarian Crusade. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920.
. The Granger Movement. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1963.
Cartensen, Vernon R., ed. Farmer Discontent, 18651900. New
York: Wiley, 1974.
Marti, Donald B. Women of the Grange. New York: Greenwood
Press, 1991.
Nordin, Dennis S. Rich Harvest: A History of the Grange, 1867
1900. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1974.
Woods, Thomas A. Knights of the Plow: Oliver H. Kelley and the
Origins of the Grange in Republican Ideology. Ames: Iowa State
University Press, 1991.
John D. Hicks / h. s.
See also Agrarianism; Farmers Institutes; Munn v. Illinois; Patrons of Husbandry; Populism.
Jeremy Derfner
John T. Schlebecker / c. w.
See also Agriculture, Department of; Insecticides and Herbicides.
GRAY PANTHERS. In 1970, Maggie Kuhn organized a group of recently retired friends to discuss the
challenges facing retirees, including loss of income, uncertain social roles, and lack of networking opportunities,
but also a newfound independence, such as speaking out
against the Vietnam War. After a New York talk show
producer nicknamed them the Gray Panthers, Kuhns
37
G R E AT AWA K E N I N G
Bob Batchelor
See also Old Age; Retirement.
GREAT AWAKENING. Some historians denominate essentially all revivalistic activity in Britains North
American colonies between 1740 and 1790 as the Great
Awakening, but the term more properly refers only to
those revivals associated with the itinerant Anglican
preacher George Whiteeld that occurred between 1739
and 1745. Evangelicals in Britain as well as America attended to Whiteelds perambulations on both sides of
the Atlantic, giving the Awakening an international dimension; indeed, American events made up just one portion of a trans-European movement among eighteenthcentury Protestants to exalt spiritual experience as faiths
hallmark as opposed to adherence to systematized creeds
and catechisms.
The Awakening elaborated upon strains of revivalism
that had been developing piecemeal within Reformed
Protestant traditions. As far back as the 1680s, Solomon
Stoddard had hosted refreshings within the Congregational church in Northampton, Massachusetts, elevating parishioners religious and moral commitment by
heightening their fear of hell while emphasizing that salvation could be obtained only through conversion (the
New Birth)the Holy Spirits infusion of grace into the
soul. His grandson, Jonathan Edwards, anatomized the
process, detailing how, with Gods help, a minister heading a settled congregationthe New England norm
might inspire multiple conversions relatively quickly. During the 1720s, Theodorus Frelinghuysen initiated a similar
interest in heart-religion among New Jerseys Dutch
Reformed churches. His example animated Gilbert Tennent, a Pennsylvania Presbyterian whose father, William,
similarly advocated the importance of conversion at his
Neshaminy seminary. The Tennents preaching warmed
Presbyterian settlers from Scotland and Ulster who were
accustomed to holding Sacramental Seasonsfour-day
devotions climaxed by highly affective celebrations of the
Lords Supper. Reformed churches had thus independently discovered various means of inducing collective
conversions through heightened religious excitement before Whiteeld commenced his second American tour in
1739. Whiteelds unique contribution was to foment religious excitement in all of these traditions simultaneously,
make them each fully cognizant of the others, exaggerate
38
the behavioral manifestations of the New Birth, and demonstrate the degree to which highly effusive appeals to
large audiences could stimulate conversion and recruit the
unchurched.
Whiteeld appropriated secular culture in order to
challenge it. Condemning the stage for diverting playgoers from God, he dramatized both the Word and himself theatrically. Critical of the Consumption Revolution brought about by both middle-class arrogations of
aristocratic taste and burgeoning industrial production
because it lured people into luxuriousness, he took advantage of the emerging transatlantic press, itself a market
phenomenon, to advertise the Gospel while commodifying himself. An apostle for spontaneously seizing grace,
he calculated his evangelical campaigns carefully, pioneering the use of advance men to announce his movements and the printed wordhis own journals and others press reportsto trumpet his progress. In less than
two years, he visited every province from Georgia to New
Hampshire, attracting the largest crowds anyone in those
colonies had ever witnessed. His ordination notwithstanding, Whiteeld preferred Reformed Protestant predestinarianism to the Church of Englands Arminianism, but
in the pulpit he downplayed dogma and minimized the
importance of denominational afliation to stress the necessity of being born again. He wanted just Christians,
he said, and anyone willing to take Christ by faith would
G R E AT B A S I N
Charles L. Cohen
See also Evangelicalism and Revivalism.
Coy, Owen Cochran. The Great Trek. Los Angeles: Powell Publishing, 1931.
39
G R E AT B O O K S P R O G R A M S
Faragher, John Mack. Women and Men on the Overland Trail. New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979.
Unruh, John D. The Plains Across: The Overland Emigrants and
the Trans-Mississippi West, 184060. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1979.
Adler, Mortimer J. Reforming Education: The Opening of the American Mind. New York: Macmillan, 1988.
Ashmore, Harry S. Unseasonable Truths: The Life of Robert Maynard Hutchins. Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.
The Great Conversation Continues: The Great Books Foundation 19471997. Chicago: Great Books Foundation,
1997.
Meaghan M. Dwyer
40
nineteenth century. It took opposition to common adversaries through two world wars and the Cold War to develop the special relationship with which they entered the
twenty-rst century.
In 1776, 90 percent of white colonists traced their
roots to Protestant immigrants from Britain. After the
French and Indian War (17541763), however, London
damaged these bonds by limiting westward expansion and
through heavy taxation. Armed with predictions that their
population would double in every generation, revolutionaries such as Benjamin Franklin preached that demography held the key to independence and to eventual continental dominance.
More than 30 percent of Americans remained loyal
to the British Crown throughout the Revolution (1775
1783), and rebel leaders justied their revolt as a defense
of rights guaranteed to free Britons. Theirs was not a fratricidal attempt to sever ties with the British people,
Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence, it was instead a war waged solely against Britains
tyrannical King George III. This intermingling of loyalties and war aims has led many historians to consider the
conict more a transatlantic British civil war than a traditional revolution.
Americas 1778 accord with France, Britains traditional enemy, marked the diplomatic turning point of the
war. French money and naval power enabled George
Washingtons continental armies to win a decisive victory
at Yorktown in 1781. London soon sued for peace, and
American diplomats agreed to terms on 30 November
1782, breaking their promise to France that they would
not sign a separate accord. Franklin and his fellow diplomats believed their country needed British trade to
prosper and an accessible frontier to grow, and the 1783
Peace of Paris promised both. It gave Americans access
to valuable Newfoundland shing grounds and a western
boundary of the Mississippi River in exchange for guarantees protecting loyalists and British debts. With peace
in hand, a bitter Parliament moved immediately to contain future Yankee expansion, by refusing to relinquish
forts on the American side of the Canadian border, and
by closing the lucrative West Indies to American traders.
Peace only reinforced the new countrys position as
Britains economic vassal, as Americans purchased three
times what they sold to Britain in 1783 alone. A postwar
depression brought on in part by Parliaments punitive
measures invigorated investment in domestic manufacturing and spurred the search for alternative markets,
however, while also aiding proponents of a federal government powerful enough to regulate foreign trade. By
1795, the percentage of American imports originating in
Britain had declined from nearly 90 percent to a more
manageable 35 percent (where it remained until the 1850s),
accounting for nearly 20 percent of Britains overall trade.
Across the Atlantic, the embarrassing defeat in North
America prompted Parliament to implement naval and
nancial reforms, and helped reorient Londons imperial
G R E AT B R I T A I N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
41
G R E AT B R I T A I N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
Following the war, friendly diplomacy ruled AngloAmerican relations for thirty years. Diplomatic lethargy
did nothing to halt growing Anglo-American ties, including the fashionable trend of intermarriages between Americas nouveau riche and the upper crust of British society
that produced the prime ministers Winston Churchill and
Harold Macmillan, among others. Anglo-American culture fused during this period as at no time since the
Revolution. Nathaniel Hawthorne and Ralph Waldo Emerson were read as frequently as Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and John Greenleaf Whittier in both countries,
and actors from London and New York plied their trade
equally in each. It was not until 1896 that a crisis threatened these amiable relations, when Washington exed its
growing might in Latin America by demanding arbitration for a boundary dispute between British Guinea and
Venezuela. London eventually conceded to Washingtons
demands, a symbolic concession that America had become the hemispheres dominant power.
The Venezuela crisis marked the last instance Britain
and America threatened each other with war. In all, arbitration diffused 126 Anglo-American disputes before
1900, and the twentieth century began with talk of AngloSaxonism and of shared Anglo-American strategic interests. In 1898, Secretary of State John Hay termed friendly
Anglo-American relations the one indispensable feature
of our foreign policy. British leaders wholly agreed with
Hays assessment, ceding control of the Western Hemisphere to the United States in the 1900s (after gaining
access to Americas future isthmian canal through the
1901 Hay-Pauncefote Treaties) by removing their last
troops from Canada and the West Indies in 1906. Britains
support of Hays 1899 call for an open door in China
for foreign investment symbolized Londons growing willingness to follow Washingtons international lead, and
British and American troops fought side-by-side to suppress Chinas 1901 Boxer Rebellion.
Allies of a Kind
Europe plunged once more into war in 1914, and President Woodrow Wilson declared his country neutral, in
thought as well as in action. Most Americans, however,
sided with the Allied cause. Germany threatened American interests in Latin America and the Pacic, and whereas
the Allied blockade of the Central Powers (mildly) hindered American trade, Germanys submarine (U-boat) assaults on transatlantic shipping risked American lives and
livelihoods. When Berlin began unrestricted submarine
warfare in 1917, the United States entered the conict.
Anglo-American nancial ties made American intervention inevitable. Britain engaged $3.5 billion in American loans to nance the war, and American exports to the
Allies doubled in every year of the conict, reaching $4
billion by 1917. The Central Powers received less than
one-tenth that amount. These fruits of Americas industrial might, and the service of more than one million
American infantrymen in France (where some 50,000 lost
42
their lives) helped secure the Allied victory, while the conict transformed the United States from a net debtor to
a net creditor. Americas share of world trade rose from
12.5 percent in 1914 to 25 percent in 1920, while Britains
share tumbled from 15.4 percent to 11.8 percent. This
nancial reversal highlights the wars most signicant affect on Anglo-American relations, as the United States
nally became unquestionably the stronger power.
Victory revealed Anglo-American divisions and the
limits of American power. Wilson rejected the imperialist
war aims of Britain and France, and called America their
wartime associate rather than their ally. He considered
the devastating war an opportunity to reform Europes
devious diplomatic style in favor of a more democratic
international system, though he was not above using
Americas newfound nancial might to get his way. Armed
with Fourteen Points with which to remake the world,
Wilsons idealism ran headlong into European pragmatists, chief among them Britains prime minister, Lloyd
George. His constituents demanded spoils for their victory, George said. They had suffered three million dead
and wounded, while in America not a shack had been
destroyed. He rejected Wilsons demands for a lenient
German peace settlement and for decolonization, leaving
the British Empire intact and the president without a
treaty acceptable to his Senate.
Despite isolationist claims to the contrary, Americans
in the 1920s engaged the world as never before. New York
replaced London as the worlds nancial center and the
globes leading investor, and the number of American visitors to Europe leaped from 15,000 in 1912 to 251,000 in
1929. These newcomers were not always welcomed, especially after Washington refused to cancel Londons war
debt. British critics considered their spilled blood to be
payment enough, and they railed against the commercial
invasion from across the Atlantic. They complained
that 95 percent of movies shown on British screens in
1925 came from Hollywood, and rebuffed visiting Yankee
executives preaching efciency and standardization
as replacements for traditional production techniques.
Americanization itself became a profane word in many
British circles, though Americas commercial and cultural
inuence seemed omnipresent.
These economic tensions did not preclude AngloAmerican cooperation, and the two nations led the charge
for naval disarmament throughout the 1920s. Yet, hamstrung by the Great Depression and by Americas failure
to join the League of Nations, the two countries refused
to coordinate in punishing Japans invasion of Manchuria
in 1931, or to enforce German compliance with postwar
treaties. By the mid-1930s, London and Washington had
each erected restrictive trade barriers in self-defeating efforts to combat the global economic contagion. Convinced that trade had pulled their country into Europes
past wars, Congress passed a series of Neutrality Acts limiting future American nancial ties to warring nations.
G R E AT B R I T A I N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
43
G R E AT D E P R E S S I O N
44
Kunz, Diane B. The Economic Crisis of the Suez Crisis. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1991.
Ovendale, Ritchie. Anglo-American Relations in the Twentieth Century. New York: St. Martins, 1998.
Jeffrey A. Engel
See also British Debts; Colonial Policy, British; Ghent, Treaty
of; Neutrality; Revolution, American; World War I War
Debts; and vol. 9: Address to President Lincoln by the
Working-Men of Manchester, England; Madisons War
Message.
G R E AT D E P R E S S I O N
45
G R E AT D E P R E S S I O N
46
G R E AT D E P R E S S I O N
47
G R E AT D E P R E S S I O N
48
G R E AT G AT S B Y, T H E
Rick Szostak
See also Agricultural Price Support; Banking: Bank Failures,
Banking Crisis of 1933; Business Cycles; Keynesianism; New Deal; and vol. 9: Advice to the Unemployed in
the Great Depression, June 11, 1932.
49
G R E AT L A K E S
history, the class structure, and all the webs of social circumstance in which an individuals capacities for hope are
embedded. The generic human impulses that drive us to
better ourselves often impel us to foolish pursuits, and to
ignore the conditions under which our striving actually
takes placebut those impulses themselves are to be
treasured.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David A. Hollinger
See also Jazz Age.
GREAT LAKES. The Great Lakes, also called the Inland Seas, consist of ve connecting freshwater lakes in
east central North America that straddle the international
border between Canada and the United States. Collectively they constitute the worlds largest body of freshwater, with a surface area of 94,000 square miles (244,000
sq. km) and 5,500 cubic miles (23,000 cu. km) of water.
The lakes contain approximately 18 percent of the worlds
supply of freshwater, with only the polar ice caps having
more. From west to east, the lakes are Superior (the largest and deepest of the lakes), Michigan, Huron, Erie (the
shallowest), and Ontario (the smallest); they collectively
extend about 850 miles (1370 km) west to east and 700
miles (1125 km) from north to south. The Great Lakes
form the western portion of the greater St. Lawrence hydrographic system, extending from Minnesota to the Atlantic Ocean.
Lake Superior connects to Huron through Sault
Sainte Marie (St. Marys River), and Lake Michigan joins
Huron via the Straits of Mackinac. A major inlet north of
Lake Huron is Georgian Bay, which lies entirely within
Canada. Waters from the three upper Great Lakes (Superior, Michigan, and Huron) ow through the St. Clair
River, Lake St. Claire, and the Detroit River into Lake
Erie, which in turn is connected to Lake Ontario through
the Niagara River and Niagara Falls. The ve lakes then
drain northeastward into the Atlantic Ocean through the
St. Lawrence River. The Great Lakes drainage basin covers 295,200 square miles (764,570 sq. km) and includes
portions of eight states (Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan,
Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York) and
the Canadian province of Ontario, which extends along
the north shore of four of the lakes. Lake Michigan lies
entirely within the boundaries of the United States; the
international boundary bisects the other four lakes.
Geologically, the Great Lakes system began to develop three million years ago, during the Precambrian
Era, a time of volcanic activity and geological stress that
formed major mountain systems that later eroded. Most
of central North America was covered by marine seas during the Paleozoic Era, and major continental glaciers ad-
50
G R E AT L A K E S
TABLE 1
Great Lakes: Physical Features and Population
Elevationa (feet)
Length (miles)
Breadth (miles)
Average Deptha (feet)
Maximum Deptha (feet)
Volumea (cu mi)
Water Area (sq mi)
Land Drainage Areab (sq mi)
Total Area (sq mi)
Shoreline Lengthc (miles)
Retention Time (years)
Outlet
Population U.S. (1990)
Canada (1991)
Totals
Superior
Michigan
Huron
Erie
Ontario
600
350
160
483
1,332
2,900
31,700
49,300
81,000
2,726
191
St. Marys
River
425,548
181,573
607,121
577
307
118
279
925
1,180
22,300
45,600
67,900
1,638
99
Straits of
Mackinac
10,057,026
577
206
183
195
750
850
23,000
51,700
74,700
3,827
22
St. Clair
River
1,502,687
1,191,467
2,694,154
569
241
57
62
210
116
9,910
30,140
40,050
871
2.6
Niagara River/
Welland Canal
10,017,530
1,664,639
11,682,169
243
193
53
283
802
393
7,340
24,720
32,060
712
6
St. Lawrence
River
2,704,284
5,446,611
8,150,895
10,057,026
Combined
5,439
94,250
201,460
295,710
10,210d
24,707,075
8,484,290
33,191,365
51
G R E AT L A K E S
52
BIBLIOGRAPHY
G R E AT L A K E S S T E A M S H I P S
Ofce of the Great Lakes. Great Lakes Trends: Into the New Millennium. Lansing: Michigan Department of Environmental
Quality, 2000.
Pound, Arthur. Lake Ontario. Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat
Press, 1970.
Skaggs, David C. A Signal Victory: The Lake Erie Campaign.
18121813. Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press. 1997.
St. John, John R. A True Description of the Lake Superior Country.
Grand Rapids, Mich.: Black Letter-Press, 1976.
Tanner, Helen H., ed. Atlas of Great Lakes Indian History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press for The Newberry Library, 1987.
Thompson, Mark L. Graveyard of the Lakes. Detroit: Wayne
State University Press, 2000.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold. The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. 73 vols. Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 18961901.
Charles C. Kolb
See also Expeditions and Explorations: French; Michigan,
Upper Peninsula of; Tribes.
Coles, Henry L. The War of 1812. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965.
Morison, Samuel Eliot. Old Bruin: Commodore Matthew C.
Perry, 17941858. Boston: Little, Brown, 1967.
Pratt, Fletcher. Prebles Boys: Commodore Preble and the Birth of
American Sea Power. New York: Sloane, 1950.
Robert W. Bingham / a. r.
See also Canadian-American Waterways; Great Lakes; Lake
Erie, Battle of; Navy, United States; Niagara Campaigns; Ships of the Line; War of 1812.
53
G R E AT L A K E S S T E A M S H I P S
54
G R E AT M I G R AT I O N
High construction and labor costs, intensied railroad competition, and the midwinter icing conditions
made owners prefer to convert to diesel fuel and install
automatic boiler controls and bow thrusters for older vessels rather than place new building orders. That changed
with a new vessel, the Stewart J. Cort, put into operation
in 1972, which was the forerunner of the 1,000-foot, selfloading vessels of capacity 58,000 gross tons, three times
that of the older bulk carriers, but operated by crews of
the same size. This shipbuilding spurt was triggered by
the Merchant Marine Act of 1970, which extended oceangoing tax and subsidy benets to lakers, demand for which
subsequently increased for transporting low-sulfur Rocky
Mountain coal for Midwest utilities and iron to meet a
projected shortage of steel.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Robert Fortenbaugh / s. b.
See also Colonial Settlements; Religious Liberty; Suffrage:
Colonial Suffrage.
Solon J. Buck / a. r.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Matthew L. Daley
See also Canadian-American Waterways; Shipbuilding; Trade,
Domestic; Transportation and Travel.
55
G R E AT P L A I N S
Jennifer L. Bertolet
See also Cambridge Agreement; Colonial Settlements; Massachusetts Bay Colony; Puritans and Puritanism.
GREAT PLAINS, a geographically and environmentally dened region covering parts of ten states: Montana,
North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Wyoming, Kansas, Colorado, Oklahoma, Texas, and New Mexico. Running between Canada and Mexico, the region stretches
from the 98th meridian (altitude 2,000 feet) to the Rocky
Mountains (altitude 7,000 feet). This eastward-sloping,
treeless, semi-arid, shortgrass plateaus annual rainfall is
56
between thirteen and twenty inches, and the regions continental climate creates an environment of extremes: excessive heat and cold, and violent weather patterns. Along
with deep, rich soils, its other valuable resource is the
Ogallala Aquifer, a large, nonrenewable water source underlying much of the region. The regions culture, its
boom and bust economy, and its importance to American
history cannot be understood apart from its environment.
Evidence suggests that the rst human occupation of
the Plains occurred at the end of the last ice age (around
10000 b.c., when the Clovis and then Folsom peoples inhabited the region). Between 5000 and 2000 b.c., a long
drought made the region uninhabitable. Around 1000
a.d. the drought receded and the Eastern Woodland culture entered the central Plains to farm stream bottoms.
The climate shifted again and many of its inhabitants
withdrew, as others took their place.
The rst documented European visit to the Plains
was made in 1540 by the Spanish explorer Francisco Vasquez de Coronado. One hundred and fty years later, the
French investigated trading opportunities with Plains
tribes in the region. American interest in the Plains was
cemented with its purchase from France in 1803. In the
twenty years after the Louisiana Purchase, three government expeditions led to the common perception of this
region as the Great American Desert. Trails were blazed
through the Plains from the 1830s, taking settlers to California and Oregon, and, by the late 1870s, the military
had forced many Indian nations such as the Arapahos,
Cheyennes, and Apaches onto reservations.
Euro-American settlement began at the close of the
Civil War. Peace, the sense of manifest destiny, technological developments, and an unusually generous period
of rainfall between 1878 and 1887 made the Plains appear
especially inviting. Relying on free access to land and wa-
G R E AT S O C I E T Y
square miles) and salinity uctuate widely with precipitation patterns. The fur trader James Bridger visited the
lake in December 1824, becoming the rst documented
non-Native to do so, though another fur trapper, Etienne
Provost, may have visited two months earlier. Native peoples had lived in the area for at least 10,000 years. Shoshone and Ute Indian territories overlapped on the eastern shore. John C. Fremont explored the lake in 1843,
followed by Howard Stansbury in 18491850. Salt, magnesium, and chlorine are extracted commercially. The
lake is an important stopover for migratory birds.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Madsen, Brigham D., ed. Exploring the Great Salt Lake: The
Stansbury Expedition of 18491850. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989.
Morgan, Dale L. The Great Salt Lake. Lincoln: University of
Nebraska, 1986. Original edition was published in 1947.
Stum, Marlin. Visions of Antelope Island and Great Salt Lake. Logan: Utah State University Press, 1999.
Steven M. Fountain
See also Utah; and vol. 9: An Expedition to the Valley of the
Great Salt Lake of Utah.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Amanda Rees
See also Archaeology and Prehistory of North America; Dust
Bowl; and vol. 9: Across the Plains to California in 1852;
Living in the Dust Bowl, 1934.
GREAT SALT LAKE in northwestern Utah is relatively shallow (about 35 feet), and its size (about 2,000
GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS, part of the Appalachian Mountains that run along the North Carolina
Tennessee boundary, are about fty miles long with sixteen peaks above six thousand feet. Originally known as
the Iron Mountains, they were inhabited by Cherokee
Indians until about 1789. Little about the Smokies was
recorded until Samuel B. Buckley, Thomas L. Clingman,
and Arnold Henry Guyot explored them in the 1850s.
Guyot published the rst comprehensive scientic study
of the whole region. The mountains are so called because
of a blue haze that looks like rising smoke, characteristic
of the region. The Great Smoky Mountains became a
national park in 1934.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hugh T. Leer / h. s.
See also Appalachia.
Great Salt Lake. A 1972 view of the east shore of this vast,
shallow lake in Utah. Library of Congress
57
G R E AT T R A I N R O B B E R Y, T H E
Richard M. Flanagan
58
Justin Cober
See also Film.
G R E E LY S A R C T I C E X P E D I T I O N
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Howard, Thomas Frederick. Sierra Crossing: First Roads to California. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.
Phillips, George Harwood. Indians and Intruders in Central California, 17691849. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1993.
Carl L. Cannon / s. b.
See also California; Fur Trade and Trapping; Hudsons Bay
Company; West, American; Westward Migration.
GREECE, RELATIONS WITH. The primary factors in Greek-American relations are American philhellenism, Greek emigration to the United States, and U.S.
foreign aid to Greece.
During the Greek War of Independence (1821
1832), the United States supported Greece, with heartfelt
speeches on its behalf delivered in the American Senate.
Over time, though, Greece came to view American support with ambivalence, as the line between support and
intervention blurred. In the nineteenth century, Greeces
foreign policy was based on the Great Idea, a neverrealized expansionist program that called for the Greek
conquest of Asia Minor. The United States, along with
the Great Powers, opposed it, lest its success lead to a
disastrous shift in the regions power balance.
In 1924 the United States passed the Johnson-Reed
Act, limiting the immigration of southern Europeans.
Greece, sunk into economic depression by the worldwide
postwar slump and a dramatically burgeoning population
(between 1907 and 1928 the Greek population went from
about 2.6 million to 6.2 million), could no longer nd
relief in emigration, as it had in past times of economic
difculty. Historically, Greece has relied heavily on the
income sent home by its Greek-American emigre population. Such receipts plunged in the interwar period.
During World War II and the Greek Civil War
(19461949), U.S.-Greek relations intensied as Greece
became a critical pawn in the emerging Cold War. Allied
with the United States during World War II, Greeces
resistance to German occupation turned to civil strife
when the two main groups of the resistanceone communist and the other royalistturned against each other.
The United States proclaimed the Truman Doctrine in 1947, funneling huge amounts of nancial and
military aid into Greece. Greece was consequently allied
with the United States during the Korean conict and
throughout the Cold War. Between 1946 and 1996, the
United States provided Greece with more than $11.1 billion in economic and security assistance. Direct aid programs ceased by 1962; military assistance continued. In
1995, for example, Greece was the fourth-largest recipient of U.S. security assistance, receiving loans totaling
$255.15 million.
In 1953 Greece and the United States signed a defense cooperation agreement and established American
military installations on Greek territory. The Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement provides for U.S. military
assistance to Greece and the operation of a major U.S.
military facility in Crete.
Toward the end of the twentieth century, links between the two countries became more economic and cultural than diplomatic. The United States is the single
largest foreign investor in Greece, with investments of at
least $900 million in 1994; more than one million Americans are of Greek origin. Diplomatic and economic ties
underwent some restructuring with Greeces integration
into the European Community at the end of the twentieth
century.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Allison, Graham T., and Kalypso Nicolaidis, eds. The Greek Paradox: Promise vs. Performance. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press,
1997.
Gallant, Thomas W. Modern Greece. New York: Arnold, 2001.
K. E. Fleming
See also Truman Doctrine.
59
G R E E N B AY
Annette Watson
See also Polar Exploration.
60
Matthew L. Daley
See also Wisconsin.
GREEN CARD. Alien registration receipt cards, colloquially called green cards, are issued to aliens who
qualify as lawful permanent residents as proof of their
status. The 2002 version of the card was actually light pink
Daniel Kanstroom
See also Immigration.
61
GREENBACK MOVEMENT
Margaret D. Sankey
See also Bennington, Battle of; New Hampshire; Ticonderoga, Capture of; Vermont.
GREENBACK MOVEMENT. To meet the enormous demands of the Civil War, the federal government
in 1863 began issuing large quantities (as much as from
$300 to $400 million in circulation between 1862 and
1879) of greenbacks, notes not redeemable for gold. At
the close of the war, scal conservatives expected a return
to the gold standard and a constriction in the monetary
supply. However, the increased cash available was attractive, not as a wartime expediency but as a monetary policy,
to a growing group of Greenbackers. Frequently westerners and southerners, they were alienated by the limited supply of specie-backed notes available through the easterndominated national banking system, and felt that the
conservative policies of the system limited their ability to
expand entrepreneurial activity, particularly in the newly
settled West. Many Greenbackers sprang from the Jacksonian tradition of agrarian and antimonopolistic politics,
and far from being the yokels and bumpkins that their
political rivals depicted, they campaigned for an imaginative and dynamic new system of scal management in
the United States.
As early as 1868, Greenbackers saw a political proposal from Ohio Democrat George Pendleton (The
Pendleton Plan), which suggested that greenbacks be
continued, tied to an incontrovertible bond scheme. The
bonds proposed would widen the supply of cash, and because the amount of money could be expanded or contracted by the number of bonds sold, make the countrys
money supply respond to the demands of the population.
Although this plan was not adopted, the bond plan remained a priority for Greenbackers until the return to the
gold standard in 1879. Greenbackers were a disparate and
organizationally dispersed group, which was both advantageous and a drawback for the Greenback Party, which
emerged as a political entity by the early 1870s. Positively,
the party could draw on the organizational resources of
various groups, such as the Grange, for meeting space and
nancial support. Negatively, as a third party, it lacked the
patronage and machinery required to compete with the
Republicans and Democrats, especially as many supporters of greenbacks were often concerned with other issueslike Reconstruction in the southern states, womens
rights, and labor problemsand divided by them as well.
Some candidates, like Daniel Russell of North Carolina,
62
Ritter, Gretchen. Goldbugs and Greenbacks: The Antimonopoly Tradition and the Politics of Finance in America. Cambridge,
U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Unger, Irwin. The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of
American Finance, 18651879. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1964.
Margaret D. Sankey
See also Gold Bugs; Granger Movement; Farmers Alliance;
Inflation.
Ritter, Gretchen. Goldbugs and Greenbacks. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Unger, Irwin. The Greenback Era. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1964.
Elmer Ellis / a. r.
See also Currency and Coinage; Resumption Act; Specie Payments, Suspension and Resumption of.
G R E E N V I L L E T R E AT Y
expensive houses. In Greenbelt, where far more unoccupied land lay within the town boundaries, residents formed
a housing cooperative and purchased the original town
and a large section of the surrounding territory. Frustrated by attempts to manage and develop the unoccupied
land, the cooperative decided to sell it to private developers, who covered the property with housing units and
commercial centers. By the year 2000 Greenbelt contained 10,180 houses and 21,456 residents. Greendale had
6,011 houses and 14,405 residents, and Greenhills had
1,639 houses and 4,103 residents. In spite of their inability
to control the postwar development of the lands surrounding their towns, the greenbelters continued to exhibit the strong sense of community spirit that characterized their actions during the New Deal era and passed
this spirit on to many of the new residents.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GREENBELT COMMUNITIES. Among the numerous public works projects undertaken by the New
Deal during the 1930s, one of the most innovative was
the three greenbelt towns: Greenbelt, Maryland, outside Washington, D.C.; Greenhills, Ohio, north of Cincinnati; and Greendale, Wisconsin, near Milwaukee. The
towns took their names from the wide belt of open land
surrounding each, separating them from adjacent suburban developments and reinforcing their sense of local
cohesion. The New Deals Resettlement Administration
constructed the towns between 1935 and 1938, giving
jobs to twenty-ve thousand unemployed workers. Exemplifying the most advanced planning ideas, Greenbelt,
the largest of the three towns, received the most public
attention. Its 885 dwellings were carefully arranged on
super blocks with generous amounts of open space. The
town center contained a municipal building, retail stores,
a movie theater, a gas station, a swimming pool, and a
public school that also served as a community center. Pedestrian paths wound through each neighborhood, passed
safely under major roads, and linked all the dwellings to
the town center. Greenhills (676 dwellings) and Greendale (572 dwellings) followed the same general plan as
Greenbelt but on more modest scales.
The greenbelt communities received widespread
praise for their innovative designs, but because inuential
private real estate interests strongly opposed such development, no others were built. Following World War II,
Congress ordered the U.S. Housing Administration to sell
the towns. Many residents of Greenhills and Greendale
purchased their dwellings. The greenbelt lands, nearly all
of which lay outside the village boundaries, were bought
by real estate developers, who covered them with more
Joseph L. Arnold
See also Resettlement Administration.
63
GREENWICH VILLAGE
64
Robert M. Owens
See also Fallen Timbers, Battle of; Indian Land Cessions; Indian Policy, U.S.: 17751830; Indian Treaties; Jays
Treaty.
G R E N A D A I N VA S I O N
Faren R. Siminoff
See also New York City.
65
GRIFFON
Richard W. Turk / a. e.
See also Caribbean Policy; Latin America, Relations with.
Gray, C. Boyden. Disparate Impact: History and Consequences. Louisiana Law Review 54 ( July 1994).
Halpern, Stephen C. On the Limits of the Law: The Ironic Legacy
of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1995.
Nieman, Donald G. Promises to Keep: African-Americans and the
Constitutional Order, 1776 to the Present. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991.
Tony Freyer / a. r.
See also Affirmative Action; Civil Rights Movement; Wards
Cove Packing Co., Inc., v. Atonio.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
M. M. Quaife / a. r.
See also Explorations and Expeditions: French; La Salle Explorations; Mackinac, Straits of, and Mackinac Island.
66
W. A. Robinson / c. w.
See also Agriculture; Cereal Grains; Corn; Elevators, Grain;
Wheat.
G R O U P L I B E L L AW S
Comstocks anti-vice campaign of the late nineteenth century, had been interpreted to ban the use of contraceptives
and the opening of public clinics, which meant that
women could not attain access to reliable contraception
unless they could afford private physicians.
The Supreme Court decision in Griswold v. Connecticut reversed the Connecticut law by extending constitutional protection to the individuals right to Privacy.
However, the Supreme Court was uncertain about the
source of this right. The plurality opinion, written by
Justice William O. Douglas, argued that several provisions
of the Bill of Rights combine to create penumbras that
is, rights not explicitly set forth but nonetheless guaranteed
by implicationand thus protected zones of privacy. A
married couples choice about parenthood lay within that
zone. Two dissenters from the right of privacy, Hugo Black
and Potter Stewart, accused the majority of writing their
personal opinions into constitutional doctrine and violating
the principle of judicial self-restraint. It was a curious decision: No one publicly opposed the legalization of birth
control, but many legal scholars agreed with the dissenters
accusations. Eight years later, Roe v. Wade (1973) revealed
the explosive potential of Griswold and other privacy decisions as precedents by ruling that the right of privacy included a limited right to elective abortion.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Judith A. Baer / a. r.
See also Birth Control Movement; Roe v. Wade.
Hair, William Ivy. The Kingsh and His Realm: The Life and Times
of Huey P. Long. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University,
1991.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Freedman, Monroe H., and Eric M. Freedman, eds. Group Defamation and Freedom of Speech. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1995.
Matsuda, Mari. Public Response to Racist Speech: Considering
the Victims Story. Michigan Law Review 87 (1989): 2357
2381.
Sunstein, Cass R. Democracy and the Problem of Free Speech. New
York: Free Press, 1993.
Kent Greeneld
R. Blake Brown
See also Due Process of Law; First Amendment.
67
G U A D A L C A N A L C A M PA I G N
GUADALCANAL CAMPAIGN. To check the Japanese advance and open the way for a strategic offensive
against Rabaul, the Allies planned to seize bases in the
southern Solomon Islands. On 7 August 1942 Maj. Gen.
Alexander A. Vandegrifts First Marine Division landed on
Guadalcanal and nearby Tulagi, scattering small Japanese
forces on both islands. The Japanese reaction was swift.
First, Japanese aircraft struck at the beachhead. Then, in a
surprise night attack against Allied naval forces early on 9
August (the Battle of Savo Island), seven Japanese cruisers
and a destroyer sank three American cruisers, an Australian
cruiser, and an American destroyer. Rear Adm. Richmond
K. Turner and Adm. Frank J. Fletcher were forced to withdraw ships from the area, leaving the marines alone to defend the Guadalcanal aireld. Undaunted by the loss of the
aircraft carrier Ryuto at the battle of the Eastern Solomons
(August 2325), the Japanese landed thousands of troops
on the island in nightly destroyer runs (Tokyo Express).
In mid-September, the Japanese, now about a division
strong, attacked the marine positions (the Battle of Bloody
Ridge), only to be repulsed with heavy losses.
For the next month, heavy air and sea battles took
place in the Guadalcanal area. While further Japanese reinforcement efforts were frustrated in a series of naval
actions, the marines were soon replaced by more than fty
thousand army troops under Maj. Gen. Alexander Patch.
The Japanese, short on supplies and weakened by disease,
fell back before heavy American attacks. In early February
1943, the thirteen thousand Japanese survivors were evacuated in night operations, leaving Guadalcanal in American hands.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stanley L. Falk / a. r.
See also Aircraft Carriers and Naval Aircraft; Bismarck Sea,
Battle of; Bougainville; Marine Corps, United States;
Rabaul Campaign; World War II; World War II, Navy in.
68
Bauer, Karl Jack. The Mexican War, 18461848. New York: Macmillan, 1974.
Drexler, Robert W. Guilty of Making Peace: A Biography of Nicholas P. Trist. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America,
1991.
Eisenhower, John S.D. So Far from God: The U.S. War with Mexico, 18461848. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
2000.
Francaviglia, Richard, and Douglas W. Richmond, eds. Dueling
Eagles: Reinterpreting the U.S.-Mexican War, 18461848.
Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 2000.
Charles M. Dobbs
See also Compromise of 1850; Gadsden Purchase; MexicanAmerican War; Wilmot Proviso.
G U AT E M A L A , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
GUANO, nitrate-rich bat dung that is an excellent fertilizer, was rst imported into the United States in 1824
by John S. Skinner, a proponent of progressive agriculture
and the editor of the rst U.S. farm journal, American
Farmer. The agricultural press, picking up on progressive
farming techniques that made use of various fertilizers
(composed of bones, seaweed, rock phosphate, night soil,
or various manures) to boost production, began to focus
attention on the value of guano as an almost magical fertilizer. Its advocates urged farmers to try it, regaling them
with fabulous stories of its productive power, but its use
was insignicant until the 1840s and never spread far beyond the relatively small, if inuential, group of progressive farmers. Its high price, owing in part to a Peruvian
monopoly of the principal source, led to declining use
after 1854.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Mathew, W. M. The House of Gibbs and the Peruvian Guano Monopoly. London: Royal Historical Society, 1981.
Skaggs, Jimmy. The Great Guano Rush. New York: St. Martins
Press, 1994.
Fred Cole / c. w.
See also Agriculture; Fertilizers.
Charles B. MacDonald / a. r.
See also Caribbean Policy; Cuba, Relations with; Treaties
with Foreign Nations.
69
G U E R R I L L A WA R FA R E
See also Alliance For Progress; Cold War; and vol. 9: Maya in
Exile: Guatemalans in Florida.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dominic A. Cerri
70
GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM
BIBLIOGRAPHY
C. K. Yearley / c. w.
See also Carter v. Carter Coal Company; Codes of Fair Competition; National Recovery Administration.
GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM. The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, located on the Upper East Side of
Manhattan in New York City, is an international showplace for twentieth-century art, that is committed to the
exhibition of nonobjective art and a movement from the
materialistic to the spiritual . . . from objectivity to nonobjectivity. The Guggenheims holdings began with the
private collection of the American mining magnate Solomon R. Guggenheim (18611949). He began actively
collecting art in 1928, after a visit to Wassily Kandinskys
studio in Dessau, Germany. Inspired by Kandinskys active, abstract style, Guggenheim spent much of the second
half of his life building a robust collection of European
and American conceptual and abstract art in collaboration
with the German avant-garde artist Hilla Rebay. Guggenheim amassed paintings, sculptures, and collages by many
of the twentieth centurys most radical artists, such as Kandinsky, Marc Chagall, Rene Magritte, Willem de Kooning,
Jackson Pollock, Alberto Giacometti, Pablo Picasso, and
Constantin Brancusi. These holdings, in combination with
important later acquisitions, such as the Thannhauser Collection of Impressionist and post-Impressionist art, serve
as the core of the contemporary Guggenheim Museums
collection.
At the Guggenheim collections rst exhibition space,
a former automobile showroom on East Fifty-fourth
Street in New York City, called the Museum of NonObjective Painting, Rebay oversaw exhibitions of revolutionary new forms of art developed by artists like
Kandinsky, Paul Klee, and Piet Mondrian. In 1943, Guggenheim commissioned Frank Lloyd Wright to design
and build a permanent home for the collection. Wright
conceived of his spiral design as a space where the visitor
could view art truthfully. He believed that the building
would force visitors to rethink their ideas about architecture in much the same way that nonobjective art forced
viewers to reconsider the denition of painting and sculpture. The planned building immediately became the locus
of considerable controversy. After signicant nancial,
political, and intellectual struggles, the museum opened
in 1959, four months after Wrights death. It remains one
of the worlds most profound architectural expressions.
In addition to the Guggenheim New York, Guggenheim museums include the Venice-based Peggy Guggenheim Collection, a rich collection of objects ranging in
style from cubism to surrealism to abstract expressionism
accumulated by Solomons niece. The Deutsche Guggenheim Berlin opened in 1997. The Frank O. Gehry
designed Guggenheim Bilbao, Spain, which also opened
in 1997, is an undulating titanium-clad structure that
further stretches the denition of the modern museum.
Special exhibitions as well as multimedia and hightechnology art are shown at the Guggenheim Las Vegas,
designed by Rem Koolhaas. Also in Las Vegas is the Guggenheim Hermitage Museum, a collaboration with the
State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, Russia.
71
G U I L F O R D C O U RT H O U S E , B AT T L E O F
Guggenheim Museum. Frank Lloyd Wright displays a model of his dramatic design for the art museums second home, 1945; it
was nally completed and opened to the public fourteen years later. AP/Wide World Photos
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Joshua Perelman
See also Architecture; Art: Painting; Museums.
Middlekauff, Robert. The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 17631789. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982.
72
GULF STREAM
W. Brooke Graves / a. r.
See also Disfranchisement; Grandfather Clause; Suffrage: African American Suffrage.
J. Garry Clifford / t. d.
See also Arab Nations, Relations with; Pan Am Flight 103;
Terrorism.
73
G U L F WA R O F 1 9 9 1
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Groves, Donald G., and Lee M. Hunt. The Ocean World Encyclopedia. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980.
74
GUN CONTROL
75
G U N B O AT D I P L O M A C Y
other states and localities enacted laws, especially restrictions on gun carrying.
The federal Gun Control Act (GCA) of 1968 greatly
tightened restrictions on rearms dealers, and created a
federal list of prohibited persons (including convicted
felons, persons dishonorably discharged from the military, and drug users) who were barred by federal law from
possessing rearms. Concerns about abusive enforcement
of the GCA led Congress in 1986 to pass the Firearms
Owners Protection Act, which invoked the Second,
Fourth, and Fifth Amendments and restricted search and
seizure powers of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco
and Firearms. The 1986 law also eased the 1968 restrictions on interstate sales of long guns and ammunition.
During this time the rst enduring national gun control groups were founded. After a series of name changes,
the groups became known as the Brady Campaign and
the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence. Several other national groups were formed in the 1980s and 1990s, as well
as many state or local afliates of the national groups.
Some celebrities became public advocates for gun control,
including the comedian Rosie ODonnell.
GUNBOAT DIPLOMACY can be dened in a general way as any aggressive diplomatic activity carried out
with the implicit or explicit use of military (usually naval)
power. However, the term is most often associated with
the activities of the Great Powers in the second half of
the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century.
In this period, the construction of steel-hulled vessels of
relatively shallow draught (gunboats) that were heavily
armed provided new opportunities for the projection of
power on the part of rival imperial powers. In the case of
the United States, gunboat diplomacy is probably most
closely associated with Washingtons diplomatic and military interventions in the Caribbean during the early decades of the twentieth century.
76
Young, David, ed. The Origin of the Second Amendment. Ontonagon, Mich.: Golden Oak, 1995.
David B. Kopel
With the promulgation of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine in 1904 by President Theodore Roosevelt, the use of naval power as an instrument
of U.S. foreign policy in the Caribbean and Latin America
was explicitly foregrounded. Roosevelt, who had fought
in the Spanish-American War (1898), wanted to make
the United States the dominant power in the circumCaribbean and across the Pacic. The U.S. Navy grew in
size by ten battleships and four cruisers during Roosevelts
presidency. Under his stewardship the United States
played a key role in Panamas break with Colombia and
the building of the Panama Canal. He also presided over
direct naval intervention in the Dominican Republic. Between 1905 and 1907, gunboat diplomacy ensured U.S.
nancial supervision and control in that nation while
avoiding, at least initially, both the costs and the enmity
that went with the establishment of a formal colony. The
use of gunboat diplomacy, including the deployment of
marines, in support of direct U.S. control over govern-
G U N B O AT S
ment nances was also central to Washingtons involvement in Nicaragua between 1916 and 1933. Meanwhile,
the United States intervened in Haiti in 1915, ostensibly
out of concern that Germany was planning to establish
submarine bases there; U.S. Marines remained in Haiti
until 1934.
The high period of gunboat diplomacy can be said
to have ended in 1933 with the adoption of the Good
Neighbor Policy by President Franklin D. Roosevelt
(19331945). In the years prior to and immediately after
World War II, the United States generally sought to exert
its inuence in Latin America and other parts of the world
without resorting to the explicit use of military force that
had characterized gunboat diplomacy.
With the onset of the Cold War, however, Washington turned increasingly to overt and covert forms of naval
and military intervention in the Caribbean, Latin America, and beyond. Although Cold War conict was governed by new imperatives, a number of Washingtons
post-1945 interventions are still regarded by some observers as updated forms of gunboat diplomacy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cable, James. Gunboat Diplomacy, 19191991: Political Applications of Limited Naval Force. 3d ed. New York: St. Martins
Press, 1994.
Challener, Richard D. Admirals, Generals, and American Foreign
Policy, 18981914. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1973.
Healy, David. Drive to Hegemony: The United States in the Caribbean, 18981917. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1988.
Langley, Lester D. The Banana Wars: United States Intervention
in the Caribbean, 18981934. Rev. ed. Lexington: University
Press of Kentucky, 1985.
Mark T. Berger
See also Caribbean Policy; Dominican Republic; Good
Neighbor Policy; Haiti, Relations with; Latin America,
Relations with; Nicaragua, Relations with.
GUNBOATS, in the simplest sense, are tiny men-ofwar that are extremely overgunned in proportion to size.
Their inuence dates to the 1776 Battle of Valcour Island
on Lake Champlain when Benedict Arnold, with fteen
green-timber boats with cannon, halted a British invasion
from Canada. (The Philadelphia, one of eleven gunboats
sunk during the battle, was raised and restored in 1935
and is exhibited in the Smithsonian Institution. Search
teams subsequently found the remaining sunken gunboats, the last being discovered in 1997.)
The gunboats sent to Tripoli during the rst Barbary
War typically carried twenty to twenty-three men and two
twenty-four- or thirty-two-pound cannons in a hull seventy feet long. The boats were effective only along a coast,
since, for them to be stable on the open sea, their crews
BIBLIOGRAPHY
77
GUNPOWDER
GYPSIES is the general term as well as a selfdesignation for a number of distinct ethnic groups that
differ from one another socially, politically, and economically. Each group maintains social distance from each other
and from non-Gypsies. A source of fascination and suspicion, itinerant Gypsies were subject to expulsion by authorities. Between 1859 and 1931, twelve states passed
laws, subsequently repealed, to tax or regulate roving
bands of nomads, commonly known as gypsies.
Tucker, Spencer. The Jeffersonian Gunboat Navy. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
R. W. Daly / a. r.
See also Barbary Wars; Navy, United States; Panay Incident;
Warships; World War II, Navy in.
Martin Blumenson / a. r.
See also Anzio; Gothic Line; Monte Cassino; Salerno.
78
Although their religious preferences were conventionally Protestant, many formed fundamentalist Christian congregations. Kindreds, identied by surnames, are
associated with distinctive cultural and psychological traits
that are important in social evaluations based on an ideology distinguishing ritually clean from unclean behavior.
Rom families emigrated from Serbia and the Russian
empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in groups as large as two hundred persons. Although
Rom occupations included horse trading, fortune-telling,
and repairing industrial equipment, coppersmithing, the
wipe tinning of copper kettles, was a specialty. When new
technologies replaced copper vessels and horses, Roma
developed urban fortune-telling businesses, using vacant
stores for both houses and businesses and contracting
with amusement parks and carnivals. Local ordinances
and Rom territoriality based on the fortune-telling business dictated population density. Driveway sealing and
paving, trade in scrap metal or used vehicles, and auto
body repair also became common occupations. During
the Great Depression, spurred by the Rom leader Steve
Kaslov and Eleanor Roosevelt, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and social service agencies in New
York City established short-lived adult education classes
and a coppersmith workshop for this group.
Rom kinship is strongly patrilineal, and household
organization is patrilocal. Conicts are resolved by juridical systems that impose nes or the threat of banishment.
Their ideology separates pure from impure, good luck
from bad, male from female, and Gypsy from non-Gypsy.
Marriages are arranged by families and include a bride
price, or couples elope. Roma generally are Roman Catholic or Eastern Orthodox, and their communal rituals
echo Serbian Orthodox practices. However, some Roma
GYPSIES
Gropper, Rena C. Gypsies in the City: Culture Patterns and Survival. Princeton, N.J: Darwin Press, 1975.
Lockwood, William G., and Sheila Salo. Gypsies and Travelers in
North America: An Annotated Bibliography. Cheverly, Md.:
Gypsy Lore Society, 1994.
Salo, Matt T. Gypsy Ethnicity: Implications of Native Categories and Interaction for Ethnic Classication. Ethnicity
6, no. 1 (1979): 7396.
Salo, Matt T., and Sheila Salo. Gypsy Immigration to the
United States. In Papers from the Sixth and Seventh Annual
Meetings, Gypsy Lore Society, North American Chapter. Edited
by Joanne Grumet. New York: Gypsy Lore Society, 1986.
. Romnichel Economic and Social Organization in Urban New England, 18501930. Urban Anthropology 11, no.
34 (1982): 273313.
Sutherland, Anne. Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. Prospect
Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1986.
Matt T. Salo
Sheila Salo
See also Ethnohistory; Immigration.
79
H
HABEAS CORPUS, WRIT OF, is a legal procedure
by which a court inquires into the lawfulness of a persons
connement. It takes the form of an order from a court
or judge requiring the custodian to produce the prisoner
in court for a judicial investigation into the validity of the
detention. In the words of Chief Justice John Marshall,
The writ of habeas corpus is a high prerogative writ,
known to the common law, the great object of which is
the liberation of those who may be imprisoned without
sufcient cause. It is in the nature of a writ of error, to
examine the legality of the commitment (Ex Parte Watkins, 1830).
Habeas corpus is celebrated as the great writ of liberty, and has a special resonance in Anglo-American legal
history, because the availability of the procedure means
that if an individual is found to have been imprisoned
illegally the court can release him or her, thus enforcing
the rule of law and frustrating governmental oppression.
Its root principle is that in a civilized society, government
must always be accountable to the judiciary for a mans
imprisonment: if the imprisonment cannot be shown to
conform with the fundamental requirements of law, the
individual is entitled to his immediate release (Fay v.
Noia, 1963).
The use of the writ against the Crown can be traced
to the fteenth century, with the judges drawing their authority both from the common law and from statutes.
The most signicant English legislation was the Habeas
Corpus Act of 1679, which was widely copied throughout
the American colonies and remained inuential well into
the nineteenth century. All states today retain the procedure in one form or another. Reecting the importance
attached to the writ, the U.S. Constitution (Article 1, section 9, clause 2) forbade its suspension unless when in
Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it, and the Judiciary Act of 1789 authorized the
federal courts to issue it. Pursuant to this authority, the
early Supreme Court ordered the release of prisoners
taken during the Whiskey Rebellion (United States v.
Hamilton, 1795) of an individual detained in the District
of Columbia for no better reason than that he was an
evil doer and disturber of the peace (Ex Parte Burford,
1806), and of two of Aaron Burrs alleged coconspirators
81
the Court ruled that the act did not repeal habeas jurisdiction over immigrants conned pending deportation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Eric M. Freedman
See also Constitution of the United States.
82
Davis, Calvin D. The United States and the First Hague Peace Conference. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1962.
. The United States and the Second Hague Peace Conference:
American Diplomacy and International Organization, 1899
1914. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1975.
Kuehl, Warren F. Seeking World Order: The United States and
International Organization to 1920. Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt University Press, 1969.
Justus D. Doenecke
Warren F. Kuehl
See also International Court of Justice; International Law;
Peace Conferences.
HAGUE V. COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION, 307 U.S. 496 (1939). Decided by the
U.S. Supreme Court in 1939 on a ve to two vote, Hague
v. Committee on Industrial Organization enjoined Frank
(Boss) Hague, mayor of Jersey City, and other city ofcials from enforcing local ordinances to harass labor
organizers. The case marked a victory for the new in-
HAIRSTYLES
William E. Forbath
See also American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations; Trade Unions.
A Line of Curls. Women show off hairstyles featuring curls and ringlets at a convention of hairdressers in Hartford, Conn. AP/
Wide World Photos
83
H A I T I , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
84
John Wyzalek
See also Clothing and Fashion.
H A I T I , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
During the early 1900s, U.S. concern with Haiti intensied. Part of the concern revolved around the increasing German economic presence in Haiti that threatened
in some instances to displace American interests. Both the
French and German governments were not above using
diplomatic pressure and threats of intervention to induce
Haiti to pay its debts or offer concessions. In 1910, the
United States attempted to blunt the Europeans penetration of Haiti by convincing the Haitian government to
accept a major loan and offer American businesses profitable economic concessions. In 1915, Haitian political
instability exploded into violence and the nations president was seized and murdered by an angry crowd. In response, President Woodrow Wilson ordered U.S. marines
into the nation to restore order and protect American interests. Thus began an American occupation of Haiti that
lasted until 1934. During those years, American control
of the Haitian economy became complete, despite occasional revolts by Haitian peasants.
By the late 1920s and early 1930s, with the Great
Depression in full swing, the costly, and sometimes bloody,
occupation of Haiti became extremely unpopular with the
American people. President Franklin Roosevelt, as part of
his Good Neighbor policy, promised to end the American
military presence. With the withdrawal of U.S. forces in
1934, the Haitian militaryarmed and trained by the
United States during the occupationlled the political
void. The key gure who emerged from the political
uncertainty in Haiti following the U.S. withdrawal was
Francois Papa Doc Duvalier, who used the military to
gain election to the presidency in 1957. Duvalier soon
proved himself to be a completely corrupt and brutal dictator, who used his secret police force (the Tonton Macoutes) to intimidate and murder his opposition. He managed, however, to maintain good relations with the United
States because of his professed tough stance against communism. In 1971, the old dictator passed away and was
immediately replaced by his teenage son, Jean-Claude.
Beginning in the 1980s, U.S.-Haitian relations began
to deteriorate rapidly. A new emphasis on human rights
by President Jimmy Carter was part of the reason, and
the American government began to hammer away at the
blatant human rights abuses in Haiti. However, other factors were also involved. Drug trafcking became a widespread problem in Haiti, and U.S. ofcials chided the
Haitian government for its ineffective measures to stem
the ow of narcotics into America. Hundreds, and then
thousands, of Haitian boat people, attempting to ee
the brutal political repression and poverty of their homeland, ooded into the United States. Most were immediately returned to Haiti, resulting in a cry of racism from
Haitian American groups who compared the cold shoulder turned to Haitian immigrants to the warm welcome
enjoyed by Cuban refugees. These and other issues increased American concerns about the security of Haiti
and fears of radical forces taking control from the Duvalier regime.
85
H A K L U Y T S V O YA G E S
Michael L. Krenn
See also Caribbean Policy; Intervention.
HAKLUYTS VOYAGES, the short title of a collection of original records of English voyages overseas before
1600. The full title is The Principall Navigations, Voiages,
and Discoveries of the English Nation (published, folio, 1589;
expanded to three volumes, 15981600). The editor was
Richard Hakluyt, clergyman, geographer, and promoter
and historiographer of the English expansion. The materials he collected after 1600 were in part included in the
more ambitious, but much less careful or complete, work
of Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes (1625, four volumes, folio).
Hakluyts American section, volume 3 of the Voyages
and part 2 of Purchas, is an admirable body of source
materials for the early history of the English in the New
World, the rst such collection published for any European nation. For virtually every voyage of importance,
Hakluyt procured a full narrative by a participant and
added many ofcial documents and private letters. He
thus preserved the original and often unique records of
the voyages of Jacques Cartier, Sir John Hawkins, Sir
Francis Drake, Sir Martin Frobisher, John Davys,
Thomas Cavendish, Sir Walter Raleigh (to Guiana), and
(in Purchas) Henry Hudson and William Bafn. He also
preserved the records of the colonial projects of French
Florida, Adrian Gilberts Newfoundland, and Raleighs
Virginia.
86
BIBLIOGRAPHY
George B. Parks / a. r.
See also Explorations and Expeditions: British.
HALF MOON, the ship the Dutch East India Company provided for the voyage of exploration made by
Henry Hudson in 1609, in the course of which the Hudson River was discovered. A vessel of eighty tons, it was
a at-bottomed two-master. Called by the Dutch a
vlieboot, a term derived from the island of Vlieland, it has
been translated into English, without reference to its der-
H A M I LT O N S E C O N O M I C P O L I C I E S
A. C. Flick / a. r.
Zuczek, Richard. State of Rebellion: Reconstruction in South Carolina. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996.
Francis B. Simkins / a. r.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Foreign Debts
The rst element called for paying off in full the loans
that foreign governments had made to the Continental
Congress during the Revolution. In 1790 the principal on
these loans amounted to roughly $10 million. The United
States owed two-thirds of these debts to France, one-third
to the Netherlands, and a small amount to Spain. In addition, unpaid interest of about $1.6 million had accrued.
Hamilton proposed that the federal government pay the
interest out of tax revenues and borrow, over a fteenyear period, enough capital to repay the principal of the
loans. No one in Congress or the administration challenged Hamiltons arguments that the United States had
a legal and moral obligation to pay off these debts, and
that it had to do so in order to establish the credit of the
United States, and its citizens, in European nancial
markets.
Domestic Debts
The second element was more controversial. This was
Hamiltons proposal for repaying the debts that the Continental Congress and the Confederation government had
incurred by borrowing domesticallythat is, from individuals and American state governments. These debts,
amounting to about $42.4 million, had resulted from the
selling of bonds to supporters of the Revolution and the
issuing of various notes to pay soldiers and farmers and
merchants who had supplied the revolutionary armies.
This proposal consisted of two parts.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Raymond P. Stearns / a. r.
87
H A M I LT O N S E C O N O M I C P O L I C I E S
Members of Congress generally agreed with Hamilton that the new federal government had a legal obligation to pay the domestic debts that the Confederation
government had incurred. Article VI of the Constitution
provides that All Debts contracted . . . before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the
United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. But many in Congress, including James
Madison, argued that the federal government ought to
negotiate down the domestic debts and take into account
the interests of those who had rst owned the securities.
Critics pointed out that the ination of the war years and
the depressed conditions of the 1780s had forced many
of the original owners, including revolutionary war soldiers, to sell them at substantial losses. The speculators,
including wealthy American merchants, Dutch investors,
and even British investors, who had bought these deeply
discounted notes, stood to reap huge windfall gains under
Hamiltons redemption program. The critics wanted
Hamilton to scale back the redemption of debts held by
speculators and provide some compensation to the original owners of the domestic debt. Madison proposed offering speculators only the highest price which has prevailed in the market and distributing the savings to the
original owners.
Hamilton, however, believed that the federal government would be unable to determine who had been the
original owners of federal securities. Moreover, he was
convinced that the best way of demonstrating the trustworthiness of the federal government was to pay back the
debts at something close to their full value. This demonstration was necessary, Hamilton was certain, in order
for the federal government to borrow in the future without having to pay excessive rates of interest. Hamilton was
persuasive, and nearly half of the members of the House
of Representatives owned the domestic debt that Hamilton sought to redeem. In February 1790, the House
voted down Madisons plan.
All of the states had debts from the war, but their
efforts to pay off the debts had varied greatly. Massachusetts and South Carolina had been sluggish in paying off
their war debts and had much to gain from assumption.
Four southern statesGeorgia, North Carolina, Vir-
88
H A M I LT O N S E C O N O M I C P O L I C I E S
89
H A M I LT O N S E C O N O M I C P O L I C I E S
90
industrial advancement. Hamilton made a case that, complementing Americas vast agricultural sector, manufacturing, and especially the introduction of machine production, would contribute to The Produce and Revenue
of the Society (Alexander Hamilton, Report on Manufactures, quoted in Cooke, ed., The Reports of Alexander
Hamilton, p. 127). He concluded that the development of
modern manufacturing in America would be difcult because of fear of want of success in untried enterprises
(Hamilton, Report on Manufactures, p. 140) and competition from European manufacturers, who had reaped
the benets of the mercantilist policies of European
governments.
To overcome these obstacles, the federal government
should, Hamilton argued, adopt a broad range of policies
that would encourage Americans to spend their money
and their energy on the advancement of technological
change in industry. The policies included, in addition to
the public nance measures that Hamilton had already
championed successfully, tariffs crafted to protect new industries; exemptions from tariffs for raw materials important to industrial development; prohibitions on the exporting of raw materials needed by American industry;
promotion of inventions; award of premiums and bonuses
for the prosecution and introduction of useful discoveries by a federal board; inspection of manufactured
goods to protect consumers and enhance the reputation
abroad of American manufacturing; and improvement of
transportation facilities.
In response, in March 1792, Congress passed most
of the tariff program Hamilton had proposed: increases
in tariffs on manufactured goods, including the iron and
steel of Pennsylvania, and reductions in tariffs on raw materials. However, Congress rejected the rest of Hamiltons
policy for manufactures. Jefferson and Madison hated the
prospect of an industrial revolution and believed that
Hamilton had already gained excessive power and might
even be plotting to replace the Republic with a monarchy.
(Their suspicion was incorrect.) In addition, prominent
merchants feared that Hamiltons industrial program
would disturb their protable trade with Great Britain.
The Aftermath
Some of Hamiltons economic policies, especially the
creation of the Bank of the United States and excise taxation, stimulated the development of organized opposition to the Washington administration and led to the formation of what became the Republican Party of Thomas
Jefferson and James Madison. Particularly troublesome to
Hamilton was the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794, in which
thousands of farmers in western Pennsylvania challenged
the legitimacy of the excise tax on distilled spirits. They
waved banners denouncing tyranny and embracing liberty, equality, and fraternity, the ideals of the French
Revolution. With Hamiltons enthusiastic support, President Washington mobilized 15,000 troops to suppress
the rebellion.
HANGING
W. Elliot Brownlee
See also Bank of the United States; Compromise of 1790;
Currency and Coinage; Mint, Federal; Revolution,
American: Financial Aspects; Sinking Fund, National.
HAMPTON ROADS CONFERENCE. In February 1865, Confederate Vice President Alexander Ste-
91
Banner, Stuart. The Death Penalty: An American History. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002.
Bedau, Hugo. The Death Penalty in America: An Anthology. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1967.
Marquart, James W., Sheldon Edland-Olson, and Jonathan R.
Sorensen. The Rope, the Chair, and the Needle: Capital Punishment in Texas, 19231994. Austin: University of Texas
Press, 1994.
Sellin, Johan Thorsten, ed. Capital Punishment. New York:
Harper and Row, 1967.
Lewis E. Lawes
Caroline Waldron Merithew
92
Havill, Adrian. The Spy Who Stayed Out in the Cold: The Secret
Life of FBI Double Agent Robert Hanssen. New York: St. Martins Press, 2001.
Richelson, Jeffrey T. A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.
Vise, David A. The Bureau and the Mole: The Unmasking of Robert
Philip Hanssen, the Most Dangerous Double Agent in FBI History. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2002.
Mary Jo Binker
See also Spies.
H A R D WA R E T R A D E
D. George Joseph
See also Epidemics and Public Health.
Donald L. Kemmerer / a. r.
See also Currency and Coinage; Inflation; Mint, Federal; Specie Circular; Specie Payments, Suspension and Resumption of; Treasury, Department of the.
93
HARLEM
Stanley C. Hollander
See also Iron and Steel Industry; Retailing Industry; Stores,
General; Traveling Salesmen.
94
Jeremy Derfner
See also African Americans; New York City; Puerto Ricans in
the United States.
HARLEM RENAISSANCE
Bliven, Bruce, Jr. Battle for Manhattan. New York: Holt, 1956.
Alvin F. Harlow / a. r.
See also Harlem; White Plains, Battle of.
means of livelihood came into contact with northern African Americans who were more often the descendants of
free blacks and, therefore, had better access to education
and employment. Additionally, black Americans moving
to the cities had much to complain about. World War I,
the so-called war to make the world safe for democracy,
had been a bitter experience for most African Americans.
The U.S. Army was rigidly segregated, race riots broke
out in many American cities during or immediately after
the war, and the North was residentially and economically
segregated like the South, despite the absence of Jim Crow
laws.
Not all of the forces driving the Harlem Renaissance
were negative, however. An inuential anthropologist of
the time, Zora Neale Hurston, observed that many white
American artists began to employ aspects of African American culture in their works; she called these people Negrotarians. Signicant among these were Frank Tannenbaum, author of Darker Phases of the South (1924), and
Paul Green, whose 1926 production of In Abrahams Bosom
with a mostly black cast won the Pulitzer Prize.
Literature
The literary works of the Harlem Renaissance were products of their writers racial consciousness but also dem-
95
HARLEM RENAISSANCE
Nella Larsen. A nurse and a writer, best known for her rst
novel, Quicksand (1928). The Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript
Library
96
Music
Black Americans during the 1920s excelled in elds other
than literature. We often remember jazz as the product
of black migration to New Orleans, but the other cities
that black artists called homeNew York, Chicago, St.
Louis, for examplewitnessed the development of jazz
music as well. Important jazz pianists such as the unofcial mayor of Harlem, Fats Waller, and Art Tatum
played music at house parties and other gatherings in
Manhattan, making music an integral part of the black
experience in the urban North. African American bandleadersDuke Ellington, Count Basie, and Fletcher Hendersonand vaudeville blues singersGertrude Ma
Rainey and Bessie Smithperformed for black and white
audiences, thereby inuencing popular music in general.
Like Jessie Fauset, composer William Grant Still
brought to the Harlem Renaissance a background in
American higher education. Trained at the Oberlin Conservatory of Music, Still used traditional African American musical idioms to create European-style symphonic
music. He was the rst black composer to have a symphony played by a major orchestra, the rst to conduct a
major orchestra, and the rst to have an opera produced
by a major opera company. In 1931, Still legitimized Afroinspired aesthetics in Western musical forms in premiering a tribute to the Harlem Renaissance aptly entitled the
Afro-American Symphony.
Visual Art
In the world of visual art, the leading graphic artist, and
illustrator for many of James Weldon Johnsons works,
was Aaron Douglas. In northern cities, black artists such
as Douglas wanted to capture their peoples movement,
energy, and soul as jazz musicians had. One of the most
successful artists to do this was Archibald J. Motley Jr.
Using vibrant color and owing shapes, Motley reected
in his work the fast-paced urban life he observed in
Chicago.
H A R P E R S F E R RY R A I D
R. A. Lawson
HARPERS FERRY, CAPTURE OF. On 9 September 1862, in Frederick, Maryland, General Robert E. Lee
issued his famous lost order. To clear the enemy from
his rear, Lee directed General Thomas J. (Stonewall)
Jackson to capture the garrison at Harpers Ferry, Virginia
(now West Virginia), and then hurry northward to rejoin
the main army. The combined forces would then move
through Hagerstown into Pennsylvania. But the lost order had come into the Union general George B. McClellans possession. The defenders of Harpers Ferry put
up unexpected resistance against Jacksons siege on September 14 and did not surrender until the following day.
Jackson rejoined Lee at Sharpsburg twenty-four hours
late, a delay that nearly led to disaster at the Battle of
Antietam.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
97
H A R P E R S F E R RY R A I D
John Brown. The wounded abolitionist lies down among his captors after his failed attempt to seize the federal arsenal at Harpers
Ferry, Va., and provoke a mass insurrection by slaves; his raid was a contributing factor leading to the Civil War, and many
Northerners came to regard him as a beloved martyr.
Background
John Brown was born in Connecticut in 1800. He was a
deceitful businessman, a defendant in litigation in twentyone separate cases. However, he was able to inspire loyalty
among low and inuential men alike. He had become an
ardent sympathizer of the slaves by the 1830s. In 1855 he
moved with ve of his sons to Kansas, where the slavery
issue was bitterly contested. On 24 May 1856, Brown led
a party on a raid of Pottawatomie Creek, a frontier community near Lawrence. In what has become known as the
Pottawatomie Massacre, Brown and his followers killed
ve proslavery men. The massacre exacerbated national
tensions over slavery by suggesting that antislavery forces
were willing to commit violence. It also suggested that
Brown saw himself as an agent of God. Murky evidence
about Pottawatomie allowed Brown to avoid arrest. From
1856 to 1859 he traveled between Kansas and New England, organizing antislavery raiding parties. In early 1858
he began seeking support for the Harpers Ferry raid.
The Plot
By 1858 Brown had cultivated support among leading
northern antislavery and literary gures. That year he approached his contacts with a plan to take an armed force
into Virginia to rally the slaves, and resist by force any
effort to prevent their being freed. Evidently Brown
98
H A R P E R S F E R RY R A I D
99
H A R R I S V. M c R A E
Timothy M. Roberts
See also Antislavery; Battle Hymn of the Republic.
100
Judith A. Baer / a. r.
See also Abortion; Medicare and Medicaid; Pro-Choice
Movement; Pro-Life Movement; Womens Health.
Stanwood, Edward. American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century. New York: Russell and Russell, 1967.
Robert Fortenbaugh / c. w.
See also Tariff; Textiles; Wool Growing and Manufacture.
H A RT F O R D W I T S
case the war had not ended and proposed a set of amendments to the federal Constitution. It also lent its prestige
to the notion of interposition, formerly associated primarily with the Republican Party.
On Christmas Eve 1814, in the midst of the convention, the Treaty of Ghent was concluded, and on 8 January 1815, Andrew Jacksons forces won their famous victory at New Orleans. Amidst the paroxysms of patriotism,
the Hartford Conventions participants found themselves
branded traitors and suspected of wanting to break
apart the Union, something none of its members had considered in 1814. The Federalist Party, which had played
a pivotal role in founding the Republic, was permanently
wrecked by the Hartford Convention. By decades end, it
virtually had ceased to exist.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
K. R. Constantine Gutzman
See also Federalist Party; Republicans, Jeffersonian; War of
1812.
101
H A RVA R D U N I V E R S I T Y
John Saillant
See also Articles of Confederation; Federalist Party; Yale
University.
102
H AT C H A C T
Ronald Story
See also Education, Higher: Colleges and Universities, Denominational Colleges, Womens Colleges; Ivy League;
Law Schools; Medical Education; Science Education.
Lawrence A. Harper / b. p.
See also Beaver Hats; Colonial Commerce; Colonial Policy,
British; Fur Trade and Trapping; Mercantilism; Navigation Acts.
103
H AT E C R I M E S
104
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David L. Porter
See also Campaign Financing and Resources; Civil Service.
H AWA I I
Jacobs, James B., and Kimberly Potter. Hate Crimes. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1998.
Symposium: Federal Bias Crime Law. Boston University Law
Review 80 (2000): 11851449.
Wang, Lu-in. Hate Crimes Law. St. Paul: West, 1993. Comprehensive reference source on federal and state hate crime law.
Kent Greeneld
See also Crime; Discrimination; Group Libel Laws.
105
H AWA I I
Calvinist missionaries in their efforts to replace all traditional culture with the Calvinists own version of acceptable diversions, laws, and institutions; (6) the introduction
of Western laws, practices, and institutions that were easily understood by the Westerners, but which increasingly
placed the Hawaiians at a disadvantage in coping with
these alien devices; (7) the blurring of class distinctions
between commoners and chiefs that resulted in the loss
of power and inuence by the traditional leadership of
the Hawaiian people, creating a vacuum increasingly lled
by the missionaries and other Westerners; and (8) the integration of Hawaii into the global economy, with the
accompanying globalization of Hawaiian culture and daily
life.
106
By the 1890s, commercialism, urbanization, and individualism had replaced subsistence agriculture and rural
communalism as the key features of life in the islands,
while large sugar plantations marketing their products in
foreign lands had largely supplanted the kuleana (small
elds) of Hawaiian farmers. The Hawaiian religion had
been replaced by Christianity, and the kapu system by Puritan law codes, while the traditional prerogatives of the
alii and of the moi had been usurped by a new white
alii ruling in the name of a Republic of Hawaii within
which the franchise of Hawaiians had been so sharply restricted that they were a minority of voters.
While there were many milestones in the march toward this fate, a major one certainly was passage by the
kingdoms legislature of the alien land law in 1850, which
made it possible for foreigners for the rst time to own
land in fee simple. Before this act, the economic penetration by foreign interests had been limited largely to commerce. Once the security of land ownership was provided,
however, foreign interests, mainly American, were willing
to undertake the investment in productive ventures like
sugar plantations and mills. As declining demand for
whale oil and whalebone caused whaling to die out in the
1860s and 1870s, the growing, processing, and exportation of sugar rose in importance. The ratication by the
United States in 1875 of a reciprocity treaty with the
Kingdom of Hawaii enormously accelerated the growth
of the sugar industry. The effect, however, was to make
the kingdom almost totally dependent on sugar for its
prosperity, and the sugar industry, in turn, almost totally
dependent on the American market. Like the tentacles of
an octopus, the sugar plantations reached out everywhere
for lands on which to grow the valuable crop.
Another effect of the reciprocity act was to accelerate
the importation of laborers (mainly Chinese and Japanese) to work on the plantations, since there were not
enough Hawaiians to do the work. The Hawaiian population, estimated at between 300,000 and 500,000 at the
time of Cooks arrival, had shrunk by the end of the 1870s
to fewer than 60,000, while between 1876 and 1890 the
sugar planters imported 55,000 Chinese and Japanese laborers. In 1876, the Hawaiians, despite their reduced
numbers, still accounted for 90 percent of the population
H AWA I I
Placed on the defensive, the planters negotiated an agreement with Prince Jonah Kalanianaole Kuhio, an heir to
the throne of the defunct monarchy, to run on the Republican ticket for delegate to Congress, thereby attracting enough Hawaiian voters to the Republican side to give
the planter-controlled Republicans effective political domination until World War II.
During the next forty years, however, conditions were
created for the political transformation of Hawaii by the
arrival of tens of thousands of new immigrants, mainly
now from the Philippines; by the coming to voting age of
the sons and daughters of these and earlier immigrants;
and by the rise of a labor movement in Hawaii. The Great
Depression and New Deal of the 1930s did not impact
Hawaii as much as they did the mainland United States,
but they did exert an inuence. Hawaii received a share
of the public-works and work-relief spending that improved its infrastructure just in time for the needs of
World War II. These programs were administered by federal ofcials from the mainland that breathed new life into
the Hawaii Democratic Party. Legislation like the National Industrial Recovery Act and the National Labor
Relations Act gave enormous stimulus to the unionization
of Hawaiis workers. At the same time, the tendency on
the part of some in the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration to deal with Hawaii as an insular possession like
the Philippines and Puerto Rico, rather than as a territory
of the United States, as in the case of the Jones-Costigan
Sugar Act, convinced many that only statehood could
provide the security that Hawaiis economy required.
World War II and Postwar Political Change
Within twenty-four hours of the Japanese attack on Pearl
Harbor on 7 December 1941, life in the islands changed,
as the territory came under a rigorous martial law that
worked closely with the white oligarchy (generally referred to as the Big Five, which consisted of Alexander
and Baldwin, American Factors, C. Brewer and Company,
Castle and Cooke, and Theo H. Davies and Company).
On the surface it appeared to be only a brief interruption
of normal conditions and that the 1930s status quo would
return after the war. But numerous new factors were introduced during the war years that accelerated the changes
already under way in the 1930s. For one, the war brought
many new workers from the mainland who brought their
union loyalties and an antipathy to the big businesses that
ruled Hawaii and the political party that represented them.
Many of these workers stayed after the war ended, as did
many servicemen who had been exposed to the islands for
the rst time. Another factor was that many of Hawaiis
minorities went off to ght in the war, most notably the
Americans of Japanese ancestry (AJAs) who made up the
famed 100th Infantry Battalion, and 442d Regimental
Combat Team. Taking advantage of their veterans benets after the war, many would go on to receive college
degrees and even postgraduate and professional degrees
and would commit themselves to bringing reforms to
Hawaii.
107
H AY B U N A U - VA R I L L A T R E AT Y
By 1954, a Democratic Party that had been reinvigorated by the leadership of former policeman John A.
Burns, working with AJAs like Daniel K. Inouye and others, was able to capture control of both houses of the
territorial legislature. (By 2002, the Democrats were still
in control of both houses.) The loss of the Big Fives political control was soon followed by the weakening of their
economic control as well. As Hawaiis delegate to Congress, Burns worked tirelessly in behalf of statehood for
the islands. He was nally successful in 1959, when Congress approved a statehood bill. On 17 June of that year
the voters of Hawaii ratied statehood by a margin of 17
1, and on 21 August, President Dwight D. Eisenhower
signed the bill admitting Hawaii as the ftieth state in the
Union.
Hawaii since Statehood
In a special 1959 election, the last appointed governor of
the territory, Republican William Quinn, became the rst
elected governor of the state, when he staged a surprising
victory over John Burns. But in 1962, Burns defeated
Quinn, ushering in an unbroken succession of Democratic governors for the remainder of the twentieth century. Meanwhile, the Democratic Partys strategy changed
from that of a working-class party to one racially oriented,
based on appeals to the descendants of Hawaiis immigrant plantation laborers of whatever class.
Statehood did not save Hawaiis sugar industry. The
combination of rising costs and foreign competition
brought the demise of the industry by the end of the
twentieth century. Left at least temporarily without a viable industry, the state of Hawaii was forced to rely almost
entirely on tourism for its prosperity, with tourists sought
from all over the world, particularly Asia. Tourism, however, was dependent on economic conditions in the source
countries. Frequent economic crises on the U.S. mainland and in Asia during these decades revealed how fragile
Hawaiis economic base had become when they triggered
severe recessions in the islands that continued into the
twenty-rst century.
Meanwhile, traditional Hawaiian culture, so long dormant that its very survival was being questioned, staged a
renaissance in the 1970s, inspired in large part by developments on the U.S. mainland including the civil rights
and ethnic studies movements of the 1960s. The Hawaiian renaissance encompassed both cultural and political
elements, with a resurgence of interest in both traditional
and more recent Hawaiian culture and language, together
with the beginnings of Hawaiian political activism in opposition to development on Oahu and the U.S. Navy
bombing of the island of Kahoolawe. Two laws passed
during the Lyndon Johnson presidency contributed to
both aspects of the renaissance. The creation of the National Foundation on the Arts and Humanities in 1965
provided money to encourage the growth and understanding of arts and humanities. With government patronage available, Hawaiians and others interested in tra-
108
H AY M A R K E T R I O T
LaFeber, Walter. The Panama Canal: the Crisis in Historical Perspective. Updated ed. New York: Oxford University Press,
1989.
Major, John. Prize Possession: The United States and the Panama
Canal, 19031979. Cambridge, U.K., and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Schoonover, Thomas D. The United States in Central America,
18601911: Episodes of Social Imperialism and Imperial Rivalry in the World System. Durham, N.C.: Duke University
Press, 1991.
Lael, Richard L. Arrogant Diplomacy: U.S. Policy Toward Colombia, 19031922. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources,
1987.
Miner, Dwight C. The Right for the Panama Route: The Story of
the Spooner Act and the Hay-Herran Treaty. New York: Columbia University Press, 1940.
Michael L. Krenn
See also Panama Canal.
Stephen B. Presser
See also Judicial Review.
Harvey Wish / a. r.
See also Anarchists; Chicago; Labor; Strikes; Wages and Salaries; Work; and picture (overleaf ).
109
H AY- PA U N C E F O T E T R E AT I E S
Haymarket Riot. An engraving published in Harpers Weekly on 15 May 1886 depicts the chaos
touched off by the fatal explosion, during a mass meeting at the Chicago square on 4 May. Library
of Congress
HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATIES. The rst HayPauncefote Treaty, signed 5 February 1900 by Secretary
of State John Hay and Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British
ambassador, modied the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of
1850, which provided for a joint protectorate by England
and the United States of any trans-isthmian canal. It permitted the construction and maintenance of a canal under
the sole auspices of the United States. The U.S. Senate
amended the treaty to have it supersede the ClaytonBulwer Treaty and to give the United States the right to
fortify the canal. Great Britain declined to accept the Senate amendments, and the second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty
was negotiated, signed on 18 November 1901. Article I
declared that it should supersede the Clayton-Bulwer
Treaty. Article II provided that a canal might be constructed under the auspices of the United Sates and that
it would have all the rights incident to such construction
as well as the right to regulate and manage the canal. Article III stipulated that the canal should be free and open
to the vessels of all nations on terms of entire equality
and that the charges of trafc should be just and equitable. The United States was virtually accorded the sole
power to assure the neutrality of trans-isthmian transit.
Fortication of the canal was not mentioned, but during
the negotiations the British foreign secretary admitted
that the United States would have the right to fortify.
This treaty made feasible the construction of a canal
through Central America by the United States and enabled it to consider the Nicaragua route as an alternative
to the Panama route. On 16 December the Senate over-
110
LaFeber, Walter. The Panama Canal: The Crisis in Historical Perspective. Updated ed. New York: Oxford University Press,
1989.
Major, John. Prize Possession: The United States and the Panama
Canal, 19031979. Cambridge, U.K., and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Schoonover, Thomas D. The United States in Central America,
18601911: Episodes of Social Imperialism and Imperial Rivalry in the World System. Durham, N.C.: Duke University
Press, 1991.
H A Z A R D O U S WA S T E
Hickok maintained order with his revolvers. The following year, he killed three soldiers in an altercation and ed
to escape execution by Sheridan. As late as 1874, residents
fought a street battle with black soldiers from the fort, in
which six of the latter were killed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paul I. Wellman / a. r.
See also Army Posts; Cow Towns; Military Service and Minorities: African Americans.
Grant, Luke. Idaho Murder Trial, Outlook, vol. 85, and The
Haywood Trial: A Review, Outlook, vol. 86.
Hayes, Arthur G. Trial by Prejudice. New York: Covici, Friede,
1933.
Gordon S. Watkins / c. w.
See also Coeur dAlene Riots; Extradition.
111
H E A D S T A RT
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Joel A. Tarr / a. e.
See also Energy, Department of; Energy Industry; Environmental Business; Environmental Protection Agency;
Times Beach; Waste Disposal; Water Pollution.
112
H E A LT H A N D H U M A N S E RV I C E S , D E PA RT M E N T O F
Myrna W. Merron / d. b.
See also Child Care; Childhood; Education; Education, Cooperative; Education, Experimental; Family; Maternal
and Child Health Care; Poverty; War on Poverty.
HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, DEPARTMENT OF. The U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services (HHS) ofcially opened on 4 May 1980
after the Department of Education Organization Act of
1979 removed the education components from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. As the federal governments chief organization for the provision
of health care and social welfare services, in scal year
2002, HHS operated through eleven divisions, employed
65,000 people, and had a budget of $460 billion. Its major
responsibilities included administering Temporary Assistance to Needy Families, a state-federal welfare program
that succeeded the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program, and the Medicare and Medicaid healthcare programs that reached about one in every four
Americans.
The Federal Security Agency
The origins of the department go back to 1937, when the
Presidents Committee on Administrative Management
recommended that President Franklin D. Roosevelt be
allowed to submit reorganization plans to Congress that
would have the effect of law if Congress failed to act in
sixty days. Although Congress refused to grant the president the power to create cabinet-level departments in
this manner, it did allow him to start subcabinet agencies.
Hence, in April 1939, Roosevelt sent Congress a reorganization plan that included the creation of the Federal
Security Agency (FSA). The agency brought together the
federal governments health, education, and welfare programs. In particular, it included the previously independent Social Security Board, which ran the nations major
social insurance and welfare programs; the public works
programs of the New Deal; the Ofce of Education from
the Department of the Interior; and the Public Health
Service from the Department of the Treasury.
President Harry Truman tried and failed to elevate
the FSA into a cabinet-level department of welfare. Congress decided not to enact the presidents proposal in part
because of fears that the FSA administrator, Oscar Ewing,
would use the new department as a vehicle to promote
the cause of national health insurance. In the meantime,
the conguration of the department changed as the Food
and Drug Administration was added from the Department of Agriculture in 1940 and the Childrens Bureau
was added from the Department of Labor in 1946.
The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
Although President Dwight Eisenhower was no supporter
of national health insurance, he nonetheless submitted
plans for the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) in March 1953 and presided over the creation of the department in April. The name for the new
department reected in part the preferences of the Republican senator Robert Taft of Ohio, who strongly opposed starting a department of welfare and believed that
an alternative, a department of human resources, sounded
too totalitarian. Oveta Culp Hobby, the former commander of the Womens Air Corps and the publisher of
the Houston Post, became the rst secretary of health, education, and welfare. Her successors have included Marion
Folsom (19551958), Arthur Flemming (19581961),
113
H E A LT H A N D H U M A N S E RV I C E S , D E PA RT M E N T O F
114
H E A LT H C A R E
Altmeyer, Arthur J. The Formative Years of Social Security. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966.
Califano, Joseph A., Jr. Governing America: An Insiders Report
from the White House and the Cabinet. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1981.
Miles, Rufus E. The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
New York: Praeger, 1974.
Strickland, Stephen P. Politics, Science, and Dread Disease: A Short
History of United States Medical Research Policy. Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972.
Sundquist, James L. Politics and Policy: The Eisenhower, Kennedy,
and Johnson Years. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1968.
Edward D. Berkowitz
See also Education, Department of; Epidemics and Public
Health; Health Care; New Deal; Welfare System.
HEALTH CARE. The term health care system refers to a countrys system of delivering services for the
prevention and treatment of disease and for the promotion of physical and mental well-being. Of particular interest to a health care system is how medical care is organized, nanced, and delivered. The organization of care
refers to such issues as who gives care (for example, primary care physicians, specialist physicians, nurses, and alternative practitioners) and whether they are practicing as
individuals, in small groups, in large groups, or in massive
corporate organizations. The nancing of care involves
who pays for medical services (for example, self-pay, private insurance, Medicare, or Medicaid) and how much
money is spent on medical care. The delivery of care
refers to how and where medical services are provided
(for example, in hospitals, doctors ofces, or various
types of outpatient clinics; and in rural, urban, or suburban locations).
Health care systems, like medical knowledge and
medical practice, are not xed but are continually evolving. In part, health care systems reect the changing scientic and technologic nature of medical practice. For
instance, the rise of modern surgery in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries helped create the modern
hospital in the United States and helped lead to the concentration of so many medical and surgical services in
hospital settings. However, the rise of minimally invasive surgery a century later contributed to the movement
of many surgical procedures out of hospitals and into doctors ofces and other outpatient locations. A countrys
health care system also reects in part the culture and
values of that society. Thus, physicians in the United
States, Canada, France, Germany, and Great Britain fol-
115
H E A LT H C A R E
TABLE 1
Specialization in Medicine
American Board of Ophthalmology
American Board of Pediatrics
American Board of Radiology
American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology
American Board of Orthopedic Surgery
American Board of Colon and Rectal Surgery
American Board of Urology
American Board of Pathology
American Board of Internal Medicine
American Board of Anesthesiology
American Board of Plastic Surgery
American Board of Surgery
American Board of Neurological Surgery
1916
1933
1934
1934
1934
1934
1935
1936
1936
1937
1937
1937
1940
116
These exceptional scientic accomplishments, together with the development of the civil rights movement
after World War II, resulted in profound changes in the
countrys health care delivery system. Before the war,
most American physicians were still general practitioners;
by 1960, 85 to 90 percent of medical graduates were
choosing careers in specialty or subspecialty medicine.
Fewer and fewer doctors were engaged in solo practice;
instead, physicians increasingly began to practice in
groups with other physicians. The egalitarian spirit of
postWorld War II society resulted in the new view that
health care was a fundamental right of all citizens, not
merely a privilege. This change in attitude was nanced
by the rise of third-party payers that brought more and
more Americans into the health care system. In the 1940s,
1950s, and 1960s, private medical insurance companies
like Blue Cross/Blue Shield began providing health care
insurance to millions of middle-class citizens. In 1965, the
enactment of the landmark Medicare (a federal program
for individuals over 65) and Medicaid (joint federal and
state programs for the poor) legislation extended health
care coverage to millions of additional Americans. Medicare and Medicaid also brought to an end the era of segregation at U.S. hospitals, for institutions with segregated
wards were ineligible to receive federal payments. Thirdparty payers of this era continued to reimburse physicians
and hospitals on a fee-for-service basis. For providers of
medical care, this meant unprecedented nancial prosperity and minimal interference by payers in medical
decision-making.
Despite these accomplishments, however, the health
care system was under increasing stress. Tens of millions
of Americans still did not have access to health care.
(When President Bill Clinton assumed ofce in 1993, the
number of uninsured Americans was estimated at 40 million. When he left ofce in 2001, that number had
climbed to around 48 million.) Many patients and health
policy experts complained of the fragmentation of services that resulted from increasing specialization; others
argued that there was an overemphasis on disease treatment and a relative neglect of disease prevention and
health promotion. The increasingly complicated U.S.
health care system became inundated with paperwork and
red tape, which was estimated to be two to four times
as much as in other Western industrialized nations. And
the scientic and technological advances of medicine created a host of unprecedented ethical issues: the meaning
of life and death; when and how to turn off an articial
life-support device; how to preserve patient autonomy
and to obtain proper informed consent for clinical care
or research trials.
To most observers, however, the most critical problem of the health care system was soaring costs. In the
fteen years following the passage of Medicare and Medicaid, expenditures on health care in dollars increased
H E A LT H C A R E
TABLE 2
U.S. Health Care Costs
Dollars
1950
1965
1980
2000
$12.7 billion
$40 billion (est.)
$230 billion
$1.2 trillion
Percentage of GDP
4.5
6
9
14
percent
percent
percent
percent
Future Challenges
The U.S. health care system has three primary goals: the
provision of high-quality care, ready access to the system,
and affordable costs. The practical problem in health care
policy is that the pursuit of any two of these goals aggravates the third. Thus, a more accessible system of highquality care will tend to lead to higher costs, while a low-
117
H E A LT H F O O D I N D U S T RY
Kenneth M. Ludmerer
See also Health and Human Services, Department of; Medicare and Medicaid.
Gray, Bradford H. The Prot Motive and Patient Care: The Changing Accountability of Doctors and Hospitals. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1991.
Beside natural foods, food supplements such as vitamins and herbal products made up a large part of the
health food industry. These supplements constituted a
form of alternative medicine for people disenchanted with
over-the-counter drugs and concerned about side effects
of pharmaceuticals. Despite Food and Drug Administration regulations prohibiting the manufacturers of food
supplements from making specic medical claims, sales of
herbal supplements rose 70 percent to $22.7 million in
supermarkets alone during 1993.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
118
H E A LT H I N S U R A N C E
tween disease and fatty foods, and on the fact that the
average consumer in the United States ate more than
sixty-ve pounds of fat each year. Many manufacturers
began to make processed foods with low-fat and lowcalorie ingredients and claimed that these products were
more healthful and more nutritious than the more standard
options. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the food industry
reduced fat content in meat, cheese, dips, dressings, and
desserts. A number of rms promoted vegetarian burgers.
Mail-order businesses for natural foods thrived. Some
rms produced natural and organic meats by raising drugfree animals; others produced meat alternatives based on
soy and wheat protein. Alternative restaurants came in
four types: vegetarian, vegan, health food, and organic.
Foods such as venison, buffalo, odorless garlic, and
quinoa became popular in these restaurants. McDonalds
Corporation experimented in the 1990s with a healthful
burger, the McLean, developed by replacing fat with an
algae product called carrageenan, a gum-like substance
used to bind ingredients. A fat substitute, Simplesse, was
developed in the form of frozen ice cream with half the
calories of regular ice cream. Another 1990s trend in fast,
healthful food was called sous-vide food, consisting of
food items sealed in vacuum-packed bags, in which they
could remain fresh for weeks and were prepared by boiling water. The use of irradiation to kill harmful bacteria
in foods was being reexamined as a result of fatalities from
tainted hamburgers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
John J. Byrne / c. w.
See also Fertilizers; Food, Fast; Food and Drug Administration; Hydroponics; Organic Farming; Vegetarianism.
groupsveterans and military servicemembers, the elderly and the poor, and Native Americans. Most Americans enroll in a plan offered by their employer. Coverage
therefore depends on both government policies and the
ability of private employers to offer job-related benets.
In the early twentieth century, most Americans
lacked health insurance. In 1915, the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL) urged state lawmakers
to provide coverage for low-income families. Fifteen
states were considering legislation before opponents of
government-sponsored insurance attacked the proposals
as un-American forms of socialism. Although critics
defeated the AALL legislation, Congress established a national hospital system for veterans in 1921.
In the 1930s the depression put medical care beyond
the reach of many middle-class Americans. The inuential American Medical Association (AMA) nevertheless
opposed both private and public insurance plans, and
AMA opposition forced President Roosevelt to exclude
health care provisions from his Social Security Act. Over
AMA objections, cash-strapped hospitals nevertheless began implementing new prepayment schemes. At Baylor
University, a plan devised by Dr. Justin Ford Kimball offered hospitalization benets in exchange for monthly
prepayments. By 1940, fty-six Blue Cross programs
were offering hospital benets to 6 million subscribers.
In 1943 the AMA itself established Associated Medical
Care Plans, the model for Blue Shield, to maintain
some control over the reimbursements paid to doctors.
After World War II, President Truman called on a
Republican-controlled Congress to enact universal health
coverage. When Congress did not act, Truman won the
1948 election, and the Democrats won back Congress.
Truman renewed his campaign for universal coverage, but
the AMA spent millions to thwart him. Weak support
among voters and political divisions among Democrats
contributed to the plans defeat. So, too, did the relative
availability of private insurance after the war. Many employers now offered benets to attract scarce workers, and
tax policies encouraged them by exempting revenues used
to pay employee premiums. Moreover, after labor unions
won the right to bargain for health insurance, many union
members gained employer-nanced coverage.
In the 1950s many elderly, unemployed, and chronically ill Americans remained uninsured. When Democrats swept Congress and the presidency in 1964, Lyndon
Johnson made government-sponsored health insurance
for the elderly a top priority. In 1965 Congress amended
the Social Security Act to create Medicare and Medicaid,
providing health coverage for the elderly and the poor.
Under Medicare, age and social security status determined eligibility; under Medicaid, income determined eligibility, and benets varied by state.
Since the 1960s, health care costs have consumed an
ever larger percentage of the gross national product, and
the problem of cost containment has dominated health
119
H E A LT H M A I N T E N A N C E O R G A N I Z AT I O N S
care discourse. President Nixon elevated health maintenance organizations, or HMOs, to the top of his health
care agenda. In 1973 Congress passed the Health Maintenance Organization Act, which nanced the creation of
HMOs (prepaid group practices that integrate nancing
and delivery of services) and required employers to offer
HMO plans. Since then, the number of Americans insured by HMOs has skyrocketed.
In 1960 fewer than 50 percent of Americans had
health insurance; at the beginning of the twenty-rst century roughly 85 percent were covered by private insurance, Medicare, or Medicaid. In 1992, 38.9 million Americans still lacked health insurance. Upon his election,
President Clinton kept a campaign promise by introducing a plan to reform health care nancing, control costs,
and extend coverage to the uninsured. Clintons Health
Security plan featured universal coverage, employer
mandates, and complex regulatory mechanisms.
Health insurance companies and other interest groups
spent millions of dollars to defeat the Clinton initiative.
Republican Party strategists feared that Democrats would
earn the condence of middle-class voters if Health Security became law. Antigovernment conservatives used
moral suasion and grassroots mobilization to undermine
the Clinton plan. Opponents successfully portrayed Health
Security as a choice-limiting takeover of the health care
system by liberals and bureaucrats. The Clinton plan
would have guaranteed every American a choice, however,
of at least three different plans, including a fee-for-service
option. From 1992 to 1997 enrollment in HMOs and
other health plans that limit ones choice of doctors soared
by 60 percent. By the beginning of the twenty-rst century, over half of all insured American workers were enrolled in employer-sponsored HMOs.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Justin Suran
See also Health Care; Health Maintenance Organizations;
Insurance; Medicare and Medicaid.
120
H E A RT I M P L A N T S
neither seller nor buyer motivated to monitor costs. Adverse selection, as those consumers most likely to need
insurance opted for more generous programs, joined moral
hazard as factors inating demand. Rapid changes in medical technology focused on doing more, not on containing
costs. The expansion in 1965 of federal government programs to provide access to medical care for the poor
(Medicaid) and the elderly (Medicare) further expanded
demand.
The term health maintenance organization originated in the 1970s and is credited to Paul Ellwood, a policy adviser to the federal government on medical care.
The term became institutionalized with the HMO Act of
1973, as the federal government struggled to control rapidly expanding medical costs. Other political and economic problems in the 1970s superseded concern for
medical care costs, but by 1980, these costs accounted for
8.8 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and were
rising rapidly. In response, both private rms that paid for
employees health insurance premiums and governments
that were nancing care for the poor and the elderly
sought mechanisms to control costs. Managed care organizations looked attractive. Managed care attempts to
manage the cost and quality of medical care directly, in
contrast to the passive role played by insurers under a feefor-service arrangement. Managed care runs a full gamut
of options, from managed indemnity to preferred provider organization (PPO) to point-of-service (POS) arrangements to a full health maintenance organization.
Thus, the HMO is a subset of managed care.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Increasingly, however, medical plans offer a continuum of plans including an HMO, PPO, and POS. HMOs
and closely related organizations do share the characteristic of providing medical care for a prepaid periodic fee.
Care comes from either medical employees of the HMO
or from medical practitioners with whom the HMO contracts. In some cases, the medical practitioners own the
organization. Typically, customers access the medical community through an oversight doctor, the primary care
physician (PCP). The PCP guides the patient via referrals
if necessary to specialists in the organization or on a list
approved by the organization.
121
H E AT I N G
122
HELICOPTERS
Beattie, Donald, ed. History and Overview of Solar Heat Technologies. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997.
Clark, John G. Energy and the Federal Government: Fossil Fuel
Policies, 19001946. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1987.
Goodwin, Crauford, ed. Energy Policy in Perspective: Todays Problems, Yesterdays Solutions. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1981.
Vietor, Richard H. K. Energy Policy in America Since 1945: A
Study of Business-Government Relations. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
Wright, Lawrence. Home Fires Burning: The History of Domestic
Heating and Cooking. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1964.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paul C. Phillips / a. e.
See also Gold Mines and Mining; Lead Industry; Mining
Towns; Montana; Prospectors; Silver Prospecting and
Mining.
123
HELL ON WHEELS
Civilian use of helicopters exploded after the Vietnam War. The same characteristicsspeed, mobility, and
vertical takeoff and landingthat made helicopters attractive to military forces also appealed to police, emergency
services, and reghting institutions. Law enforcement
helicopters from federal to local levels assisted ground units
in surveillance and pursuit operations. Emergency service
helicopters supported myriad tasks that produced dramatic
lifesaving results. Helicopters enhanced reghting efforts
whether in large-scale wildres or in combating hazardous
industrial res.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
124
Boyne, Walter J., and Donald S. Lopez, eds. Vertical Flight: The
Age of the Helicopter. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1984.
Fay, John. The Helicopter: History, Piloting, and How It Flies. 4th
ed. New York: Hippocrene, 1987.
Francis, Devon F. The Story of the Helicopter. New York: CowardMcCann, 1946.
Futrell, Robert Frank. The United States Air Force in Korea, 1950
1953. Rev. ed. Washington, D.C.: Ofce of Air Force History, 1983.
Momyer, William W. Airpower in Three Wars: World War II, Korea, Vietnam. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Air
Force, 1978.
HELL ON WHEELS, a term applied to the temporary rails-end towns, or construction camps, of the
Union Pacic Railroad. Construction westward along the
42d parallel began in 1865, laying a record-setting average
of over a mile of track a day using only picks, shovels, and
mules. The term reected the rough work camps of the
all-male, largely Irish laborers, who fought, drank, and
caused general hell along the rail as they progressed westward over the prairie and through the mountains.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bain, David Haward. Empire Express: Building the First Transcontinental Railroad. New York: Viking, 1999.
HEMP
Williams, John Hoyt. A Great & Shining Road: The Epic Story of
the Transcontinental Railroad. New York: Times Books,
1988.
Dan E. Clark / h. s.
See also Railroads; Transcontinental Railroad, Building of.
Barger, Ralph Sonny. Hells Angel: The Life and Times of Sonny
Barger and the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club. New York: Morrow, 2000.
Thompson, Hunter S. Hells Angels: A Strange and Terrible Saga.
New York: Ballantine Books, 1967.
Bob Batchelor
On 1 August 1975 leaders from the participating nations signed the Helsinki Final Act. It included three baskets. Basket I contained a Declaration on Principles
Guiding Relations between Participating States. It legitimated the present borders within Europe, outlawed the
use of force, prohibited intervention in the internal affairs
of any state, and required respect for human rights and
the self-determination of peoples.
Basket II addressed Cooperation in the Field of
Economics, of Science and Technology, and of the Environment. It sought to encourage increased East-West
trade, scientic collaboration, and industrial management,
and recognized the interdependence of societies across
Europe.
Basket III dealt with Cooperation in Humanitarian
and other Fields. It provided a basis for increased personto-person contacts between Eastern and Western Europe,
encouraged the freer movement of peoples and ideas, and
promised to facilitate the reunication of families long
separated by Cold War conict.
Critics were quick to point out that these agreements
lacked enforcement mechanisms. Moreover, they gave the
communist governments in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe legitimate standing as equals with the democratic
regimes in the West. The Helsinki Accords, however, also
legitimized human rights in the most repressive parts of
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Dissidents, like the
founders of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, used the language of the Helsinki Accords to justify their criticisms
of communist governments. Many of the dissidents inspired by the Helsinki Accords led the anticommunist
revolutions of 1989. In addition, many of the new thinkers in the Soviet Union who attained power after 1985
including Mikhail Gorbachevexplained that they hoped
to build a more humane European civilization, as outlined
in the Helsinki Accords. Seeking stability, Soviet leaders
signed the Final Act in 1975; in so doing they unleashed
domestic forces they could not control.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
English, Robert. Russia and the Idea of the West: Gorbachev, Intellectuals, and the End of the Cold War. New York: Columbia
University Press, 2000.
Garthoff, Raymond L. Detente and Confrontation: AmericanSoviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan. Washington, D.C.:
The Brookings Institution, 1994.
Maresca, John J. To Helsinki: The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 19731975. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1985.
Jeremi Suri
See also Cold War.
HEMP. Although England sought hemp from its American colonies to rig its sailing ships, and although the British government and colonial legislatures tried to encourage
125
H E N N E P I N , L O U I S , N A R R AT I V E S O F
On 11 or 12 April 1680 Hennepin and his two companions were taken prisoner by the Dakotas, who resided
in what is now Minnesota. They traveled to a major Dakota village near Mille Lacs, in central Minnesota. The
Dakotas took them bison hunting in the western prairies
and provided Hennepin with a view of their daily lives
and customs. The trio was eventually rescued by a Frenchman, Daniel Greysolon, Sieur du Luth.
Description of Louisiana, his rst narrative, was a bestseller by the standards of the day, and encouraged a dramatic increase of interest in the Upper Mississippi region.
It was translated into Italian, Dutch, and German almost
immediately. His narrative recounted the adventures of
the trip and described the geography, ora, and fauna of
the Upper Mississippi. To appeal to readers he tended to
stress the more sensational aspects of Dakota life. He was
the rst European to see Lake Pepin, and he described
and named St. Anthony Falls in what later became Minneapolis, Minnesota. It is widely believed to be a fairly
truthful account of the expedition, although there are remarkable similarities between his account and the ofcial
account of de la Salles trip written by Claude Bernou.
Hennepin went on to write at least two other narratives. New Discovery of a Very Large Country was published in 1698. In this narrative he claimed for himself the
exploration of the Lower Mississippi and the discovery of
the mouth of the great river, discoveries usually attributed
to de la Salle and Louis Jolliet. His third narrative, The
New Voyage, was also published in 1698 and was a compilation of his and others earlier works.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Nader, Ralph. Farm Aid: The DEA Should Get Out of Regulating Hemp Agriculture. San Francisco Bay Guardian, April
3, 2000. Available at http://www.sfbg.com/nader/95.html.
Victor S. Clark / c. w.
Polly Fry
See also Bounties, Commercial; Narcotics Trade and Legislation; Shipping, Ocean.
126
HEPBURN ACT
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Charles H. Ambler / a. r.
See also Donelson, Fort, Capture of; Revolution, American:
Military History; Shiloh, Battle of.
In 2000, Henry Ford Museum and Greeneld Village was Michigans leading cultural attraction with 1.6
million visitors. In 1997, the museum opened the Henry
Ford Academy, a public charter high school, serving four
hundred students from Wayne County, with classes held
in the museum and the village. Recent additions to the
complex included an operating railroad roundhouse in
Greeneld Village, Buckminster Fullers futuristic Dymaxion House, and a 400-seat IMAX Theatre in the Henry
Ford Museum. The Benson Ford Research Center opened
in 2002.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Judith E. Endelman
See also Science Museums.
127
HERMITAGE
Cooper, John Milton, Jr. Pivotal Decades: The United States, 1900
1920. New York: Norton, 1990.
Eisner, Marc Allen. Regulatory Politics in Transition. 2d ed. Interpreting American Politics Series. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2000. The original edition was published
in 1993.
Kolko, Gabriel. Railroads and Regulation, 18771916. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965.
Hobart S. Perry / c. p.
See also Elkins Act; Interstate Commerce Commission; Railroad Rate Law.
R. S. Cotterill / a. r.
See also Architecture; Jacksonian Democracy; Old Hickory.
Hermitage. An early view of the grounds of Andrew Jacksons estate near Nashville, Tenn. corbis
128
HERPETOLOGY
Drinker Cope. Leonhard Hess Stejneger of the U.S. National Museum introduced the careful designation of type
specimens and type localities into the description of new
species, produced an important treatise entitled The Poisonous Snakes of North America (1895), and later wrote with
Thomas Barbour ve editions of A Check List of North
American Amphibians and Reptiles (1917). These checklists
provided a concise synopsis of the known species of reptiles and amphibians and reference for other workers. In
The Reptiles of Western North America (1922), John Van
Denburgh of the California Academy of Sciences described new species of western reptiles and provided information on geographic distributions.
Since the 1920s, scientic investigations, centered in
American universities, have been made on every conceivable aspect of the biology of reptiles. Some of the more
important contributors have been Frank N. Blanchard,
who was a pioneer in eld studies of reptiles and developed marking techniques; and Henry Fitch, who subsequently produced some of the most complete eld studies
of reptiles to date. Clifford H. Pope and Archie Carr
greatly expanded the knowledge of North American turtles; Carr later made pioneering contributions on sea turtles and their conservation. Alfred S. Romer contributed
to the work on fossil reptiles; his Osteology of the Reptiles
(1956) was still the standard reference for that eld of
research twenty years later. Laurence M. Klauber made
many contributions on western reptiles and introduced
rened statistical techniques. His book Rattlesnakes (1956)
remained the most complete herpetological monograph
produced by the mid-1970s. Detailed lizard population
studies were published by W. Frank Blair, in The Rusty
Lizard (1960).
During the 20th century several scientists produced
semipopular works that served to generate wide interest
in reptiles. Raymond Lee Ditmars probably did more to
stimulate interest in the study of reptiles than any other
individual. He routinely lectured to a wide variety of audiences and published many books, but his Reptile Book,
rst appearing in 1907, was one of the most stimulating
to young naturalists. Karl P. Schmidt produced the Field
Book of Snakes (1941) in coauthorship with D. Dwight Davis. Roger Conant wrote the rst of the newest type of
eld guides, A Field Guide to Reptiles and Amphibians
(1958), that contained range maps, color illustrations, and
synoptic information about the organisms. Robert C.
Stebbins further improved the eld guide format with his
Field Guide to Western Reptiles and Amphibians (1966). In
addition to eld guides, herpetofaunal surveys have been
written for most of the states and have stimulated interest.
Some of the better state surveys are those by Paul Anderson, The Reptiles of Missouri (1965), and Philip W.
Smith, The Amphibians and Reptiles of Illinois (1961).
Few American reptiles have attracted more scientic
and popular attention than the rattlesnake, a venomous
snake of the pit viper family. The rattlesnake emerged as
a central revolutionary icon and appeared frequently in
129
HESSIANS
Adler, Kraig, ed. Contributions to the History of Herpetology. Oxford, Ohio: S.S.A.R., 1989.
Gillespie, Angus K., and Jay Mechling, eds. American Wildlife in
Symbol and Story. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press,
1987.
Kessel, E. L. A Century of Progress in the Natural Sciences, 1853
1953. San Francisco: 1955.
J. Frank Dobie
Richard D. Worthington / a. r.
See also Museums; Science Museums; Science Education.
130
HIDE AND TALLOW TRADE. In California under the Spanish regime, missions and ranchers depended
chiey on the sale of hides and tallow for a livelihood. In
1822 William A. Gale, a former fur trader, interested Bryant, Sturgis and Company of Boston in the products from
the regions large cattle herds, and Boston ships took over
the trade. The discovery of gold in California threatened
to destroy the trade until the coming of the railroad induced a gradual revival.
In the region east of California and west of the Mississippi River, the cattle trade boomed after the Civil War,
although few cattle were killed for hides alone. Buffalo
hide had long been an important article of commerce, and
with the coming of the railroad, buffalo were slaughtered
in huge numbers. Both whites and Indians became hide
hunters, and from Texas to Canada the plains were strewn
with carcasses, until by the mid-1880s the vast herds had
been extinguished.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of California. 7 vols. San Francisco: The History Company, 18841890. Reprint, Santa
Barbara, Calif.: W. Hebberd, 19631970.
Isenberg, Andrew C. The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 17501920. Studies in Environmental History Series. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
H I G H E R L AW
Lower or textual criticism addressed critical issues surrounding the Bibles extant manuscripts, canon, and variant readings. The other genre was called higher criticism, which, as Benjamin Jowett of Oxford University
once said, sought to investigate and interpret biblical documents like any other document of antiquity. Higher critics were interested not only in the Bibles primal literary
sources but also in the operative and undisclosed assumptions of biblical writers themselves.
Inevitably, the same intellectual energies that fueled
the burgeoning historical studies in nineteenth-century
Germany and England were applied to the biblical studies
as well. By the mid-nineteenth century the term higher
criticism was employed to describe the application of the
historical-critical method derived from other historical
disciplines to the Bible and its many authors. These newer
biblical studies were also inuenced by prevailing Enlightenment presuppositions, especially those espoused
by Kant and Hegel. For these reasons, higher criticism
came to be viewed as a radical departure from earlier biblical studies in the precritical eras. In established Catholic,
Protestant, and Jewish religious communities, the term
came to be associated with the desacralizing of the Bible.
Scholars in academic circles, however, employed the newer
critical methods while trying to free biblical studies from
the heavy hand of theological conviction.
By the 1830s American Protestant scholars in Cambridge, Andover, and Princeton were well aware of the
German higher critics. Each of these three academic centers responded differently, however, to the higher critics
writings. At Harvard, Joseph Buckminster and Andrews
Norton heeded a donors generosity and promoted a
critical knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. At Andover
Seminary, Moses Stuart and Edward Robinson cautiously
endorsed liberal scholarship from Germany. At Princeton
Theological Seminary, a young Charles Hodge returned
from studies in Germany and mounted a countermovement to higher criticism through his journal, The Biblical
Repertory and Princeton Review. Other religious communities, such as Protestant theologians in the South, conservative Jewish scholars, and traditional Roman Catholic
academics, usually responded to the higher critics with
suspicion and distaste.
By the late nineteenth century, increasing numbers
of English-speaking scholars viewed the newer critical
methods as promising, responsible, and liberating. William Rainey Harper of the University of Chicago, Charles
A. Briggs of Union Theological Seminary, Charles Bacon
of Yale, and William Robertson Smith in Scotland incorporated the higher critics revisionism into their writings
about biblical hermeneutics. In sharp and deepening opposition, conservative Roman Catholic, Protestant, and
Jewish scholars wrote feverishly to counter the growing
consensus of higher critics. At stake were contentious issues such as Julius Wellhausens hypothesis of multiple
authorship of the Pentateuch, David F. Strausss analysis
of the role of myth in the narratives about Jesus, and F. C.
John W. Stewart
See also Bible.
HIGHER LAW is that purported body of legal principles, partaking of the divine, that is eternally and universally valid in human society. As the Roman orator Cicero explained it, it is right reason in agreement with
nature . . . [it is] one eternal and unchangeable law . . .
valid for all nations and all times, and [there is] . . . one
master and ruler, that is, God, [who is] the author of this
law, its promulgator, and its enforcing judge. Christian
legal theorists, such as St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, gave similar descriptions of this all-encompassing system. Under the rubric of natural law, the jurist Sir
William Blackstone recognized it as a part of the English
common law in his famous Commentaries (17651769),
which profoundly inuenced American common law, and
its expositors such as Joseph Story and James Kent. The
nature of the American legal system, and whether it admits
of higher law, or whether it simply consists of the temporal
pronouncements of the American people and their legislatures, has been a much-mooted question throughout
American history. In the late eighteenth century, higher-
131
H I G H WAY B E A U T I F I C AT I O N A C T
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stephen B. Presser
See also Common Law.
Albert, Craig J. Your Ad Goes Here: How the Highway Beautication Act of 1965 Thwarts Highway Beautication.
University of Kansas Law Review 48 (2000): 463.
Floyd, Charles F., and Peter J. Shedd. Highway Beautication: The
Environmental Movements Greatest Failure. Boulder, Colo.:
Westview Press, 1979.
Shannon C. Petersen
See also Conservation; Great Society.
132
HIJACKING, AIRPLANE. Often known as skyjacking, airplane hijacking is a form of air piracy usually perpetrated against commercial aviation. It can range from
acts of individuals motivated by personal reasonssuch
as escaping the political, social, or economic conditions
of their homelandto violent acts of political extortion
committed by highly organized terrorist groups or criminal organizations. A distinction is usually drawn between
hijacking, involving an unauthorized person or group of
people seizing control of an aircraft, and other acts of
airplane-related terrorism such as bombing. The ability
of airplanes to traverse oceans and national borders, along
with the publics marked increase in reliance on air travel,
has led many terrorist organizations to choose airplane
hijacking as a means for publicity or extortion. This has
HINDUISM
confronted governments with a truly global security problem as authorities struggle to keep pace with the ingenuity
and brazenness of terrorist groups.
By the turn of the twenty-rst century, over one
thousand hijackings of commercial airplanes had been reported worldwide. The rst reported act of airplane hijacking was committed on 21 February 1931 in Peru. The
rst reported hijacking of a U.S. airplane occurred on 1
May 1961, when a hijacker forced a domestic ight to
detour to Cuba. Hijackings were relatively rare, however,
until the period between 1967 and 1972, when they
reached epidemic proportions, peaking in an eleven-day
period in early September 1970, when six hijackings were
reported worldwide among the eighty for the year. Although hijacking during this period was chiey identied
rst with Cuba and then the Middle East, U.S. domestic
aviation was not immune. One notable incident occurred
on 24 November 1971, when a mysterious gure known
as D. B. Cooper parachuted out of a plane after having
extorted $200,000 from the airline. Despite a massive
manhunt he was never found, although would-be emulators proved decidedly less successful.
In response to the rash of hijackings, new security
measures were implemented by the U.S. Federal Aviation
Administration (FAA), the airlines, and various government law enforcement agencies. These included searches
of passengers and their luggage prior to boarding and a
sky marshals program involving armed law enforcement ofcers aboard some ights. In 1973 metal detection and X-ray devices became mandatory at all airports.
Although the new security measures led to longer checkin times and some passenger inconvenience, they also led
to a dramatic reduction in the number of U.S. hijackings.
By the 1990s, however, death tolls worldwide were
rising. The hijacking of a domestic Chinese ight on 2
October 1990 resulted in 132 deaths. On 23 November
1996, a hijacked Ethiopian ight resulted in 123 deaths.
But by far the worst case of airplane hijacking occurred
on 11 September 2001. It was the rst hijacking in the
United States in a decade and the rst one with fatalities
since 1987. In a coordinated attack, four U.S. domestic
ights were hijacked and, without warning or demands,
two planes were deliberately crashed into the two World
Trade Center towers in New York City and another into
the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. The fourth plane
crashed in rural Pennsylvania. The 266 passengers and
crew in the planes died instantly, nearly 200 people at the
Pentagon were killed, and some 3,000 people in the
World Trade Center towers perished when the buildings
collapsed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David G. Coleman
See also Terrorism.
133
HIPPIES
Susan Haskell
See also Asian Religions and Sects.
Lee, Martin A., and Bruce Shlain. Acid Dreams: The Complete
Social History of LSD: The CIA, the Sixties, and Beyond. New
York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1992.
Perry, Charles. The Haight-Ashbury: A History. New York: Vintage Books, 1985.
Wolfe, Tom. The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test. New York: Farrar,
Straus and Giroux, 1968.
Rick Dodgson
134
H I S PA N I C A M E R I C A N S
Laura A. Bergheim
See also Cuba, Relations with; Cuban Americans; Guadalupe
Hidalgo, Treaty of; Latin America, Relations with;
135
HISS CASE
136
ocratic Party, in particular to ofcials in the RooseveltTruman administration who seemed to cherish the popular front world that had produced men like Hiss.
The Hiss case has continued to stir controversy. The
Nixon White House tapes revealed the presidents obsession with the case as Watergate spun out of control. Then,
after amendments in 1974 to the Freedom of Information
Act of 1966, Hiss received some forty thousand pages of
FBI, CIA, Justice Department, and State Department
documents pertaining to his civil service career and subsequent prosecution. These documents, particularly the
FBI les, led Hiss to le a petition in federal court for a
writ of coram nobis. His request that the perjury verdict be
overturned because of prosecutorial misconduct was denied on 15 July 1982 by Judge Richard Owen (who had
been appointed by President Nixon). Hiss carried his appeals forward to the United States Supreme Court, which
on 11 October declined to hear his suit. A few months
later, on 26 March 1984, President Ronald Reagan posthumously awarded Chambers a presidential Freedom
Medal.
In the 1990s, the Hiss case was kept alive by the National Security Agencys release of decoded Soviet mes-
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
Kenneth OReilly
See also Cold War; House Committee on Un-American Activities; McCarthyism.
HISTORIOGRAPHY, AMERICAN. Historiography refers to the history of historical writing. It also encompasses the philosophy, scope, and methods employed
in historical work.
The Colonial Period
American historical writing has a long, if sporadic, history
until the middle of the nineteenth century. Initial works
of history in the seventeenth century were often composed by men who had participated in the events described. Typical of this genre was John Smiths The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England and the Summer
Isles (1624). Captain Smith described his years in the
Jamestown wilderness, the starvation endured by the settlers, and his rescue by the Indian princess Pocahontas.
Smiths vivid descriptions and personality coexisted with
his desire to settle scores and to fabricate material.
In the colonies to the north, a group of capable
chroniclers described the early history of settlements in
New England. Between 1630 and 1650, William Bradford
wrote his History of Plimoth Plantation, although the work
was not published in full until 1856, with a denitive edition appearing in 1912. Bradford, who began his journey
to the New World from Holland and who served as governor of Plymouth Colony, covered the controversies of
the early years of the colony: the natural disasters and near
starvation of the settlers until the kindly intervention of
local Indian tribes. John Winthrops journal, covering the
Massachusetts Bay Colony for the period 16301639,
chronicled religious disputes with Anne Hutchinson and
Roger Williams, the growth of a theodicy, and the daily
life of the community.
A handful of other signicant works of history appeared in the seventeenth century, most notably Edward
137
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
138
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
139
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
140
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
141
H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y, A M E R I C A N
John Demos, to attempt to tell a story from multiple perspectives and to diminish the lines between historical fact
and ction. In its worst moments, the postmodern turn
seemed to strip historians of any special relationship to
truth claims and perhaps to turn history into an exercise
in futility.
The challenge and opportunity of diversity and postmodernism and the need for larger synthesis led, by the
end of the twentieth century, to new areas of study premised on an emphasis on the interrelatedness of groups.
Gender and queer theory are predicated upon the belief
that identity is constructed and relational. The work of
George Chauncey and Leila Rupp established new connections between outsiders and dominant society. Ann
Douglass study of the Harlem Renaissance demonstrated
how interracial relations (mongrelization, in her terminology) brought together white pragmatist theorists
and African American thinkers and artists. In the new eld
of whiteness studies, as pioneered by David Roediger,
Eric Lott, Noel Ignatieff, George Lipsitz, and Matthew
Frye Jacobson, historians have demonstrated how racial
categories were constructed and how they shifted over
time, thus allowing certain excluded groups to later be
subsumed under the designation white. Whiteness is
no longer a term of neutrality but a concept laden with
power and privilege. These works have placed the dynamic between different groups in American society at
the center of historical analysis. But grand syntheses or
compilations of historical data have not been driven from
the eld of history. In the initial volumes of the Oxford
History of the United States, begun in 1982, the historians
James McPherson, James T. Patterson, and David M.
Kennedy have attempted to bring together political and
diplomatic with social and cultural history.
The profession of history, and historiography, changes
with the times. In the age of the Internet, the scope of
the profession expands. Hypertext computer programs
may render problematic traditional historical emphasis on
linear development. The coming of the computer book
and Web publishing may allow monographic historical
studies with small readerships to become nancially feasible and easily accessible. The precise future of historical
research may be impossible to predict, but the challenges
of the Internet, popular lm histories by Ken Burns, and
142
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cotkin, George. Hyping the Text: Hypertext, Postmodernism, and the Historian. American Studies 37 (Fall 1996):
103116.
Diggins, John Patrick. Consciousness and Ideology in American History: The Burden of Daniel J. Boorstin. American
Historical Review 76 (February 1971): 99118.
Harlan, David. The Degradation of American History. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1997.
Haskell, Thomas L. Objectivity Is Not Neutrality: Explanatory
Schemes in History. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1998.
Higham, John, with Leonard Krieger and Felix Gilbert. History:
The Development of Historical Studies in the United States. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965.
Hofstadter, Richard. The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard,
Parrington. New York: Knopf, 1968.
Hollinger, David A. In the American Province: Studies in the History and Historiography of Ideas. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985.
Holt, W. Stull. Historical Scholarship in the United States and Other
Essays. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967.
Jameson, J. Franklin. The History of Historical Writing in America.
1891. Reprint, New York: Antiquarian Press, 1961.
Kraus, Michael, and David D. Joyce. The Writing of American
History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985.
Loewenberg, Bert James. American History in American Thought:
Christopher Columbus to Henry Adams. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1972.
Novick, Peter. That Noble Dream: The Objectivity Question and
the American Historical Profession. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
Ross, Dorothy. Historical Consciousness in Nineteenth-Century
America. American Historical Review 89 (October 1984):
909928.
Scott, Joan Wallach. Gender and the Politics of History. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1988.
Singal, Daniel Joseph. Beyond Consensus: Richard Hofstadter
and American Historiography. American Historical Review
89 (October 1984): 9761004.
Smith, William Raymond. History as Argument: Three Patriotic
Historians of the American Revolution. The Hague: Mouton,
1966.
Van Tassel, David D. Recording Americas Past: An Interpretation
of the Development of Historical Studies in America, 1607
1884. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960.
White, Hayden. Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in
Nineteenth-Century Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975.
HOCKEY
Wish, Harvey. The American Historian: A Social-Intellectual History of the Writing of the American Past. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1960.
George B. Cotkin
See also Ethnohistory; Progressive Movement; Romanticism;
Sociology; Womens Studies.
143
HOCKEY
144
HOGS
Falla, Jack, et al. Quest for the Cup: A History of the Stanley Cup
Finals, 18932001. Berkeley, Calif: Thunder Bay, 2001.
On 1 January 1992, lawyer and agent Bob Goodenow assumed control of the NHLPA. In April 1992, after only four months in ofce, Goodenow called the rst
players strike in league history. The strike cost NHL
president John Ziegler his job, and the NHL Board of
Governors elected Gary Bettman, the former senior vice
president of the National Basketball Association, as the
rst commissioner.
Even before Bettman assumed control of the NHL,
team owners determined to increase its exposure. That
aspiration was, in part, the rationale for expanding the
league again during the 1990s. Two new franchises, the
Tampa Bay Lightning and a second version of the Ottawa
Senators, began play in 1992, and the Board of Governors
also awarded franchises to Anaheim and Florida.
Despite its growing popularity, the NHL suffered
through a series of crises during the 1990s, including franchise relocations, the nancial and legal problems of various NHL owners, and a damaging lockout in 19941995
that shortened the regular season to 48 games. The lockout temporarily halted the momentum that Bettman had
kindled, but during the late 1990s the league still managed
to expand into new markets and attract new fans. The
Nashville Predators began play in 1998; Atlanta also received an expansion franchise, the Thrashers, in 1999. For
the 20002001 season, Minneapolis-St. Paul, which had
lost its team when the North Stars moved to Dallas in
1993, got the Minnesota Wild, while the Blue Jackets began play in Columbus, Ohio. Although continuing to
prosper, at the beginning of the twenty-rst century, the
NHL was threatened by the nancial instability of smallmarket Canadian teams, dramatically escalating player salaries, and the prospect of another protracted labor dispute.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bernstein, Ross. Frozen Memories: Celebrating a Century of Minnesota Hockey. Minneapolis: Nordin Press, 1999.
Diamond, Dan, et al. The NHL Ofcial Guide and Record Book.
New York: Total Sports Publishing, 2000.
Mark G. Malvasi
See also Recreation; Sports.
145
HOHOKAM
yards located throughout the Midwest became increasingly important, that of Chicago declined; hogs were no
longer marketed in Chicago after 1970.
The production of hogs continues as one of the major U.S. agricultural enterprises. Iowa, which was home
to fteen million hogs in 2001, easily leads the nation in
pork production. North Carolina is in second place with
9.5 million hogs. Especially in North Carolina, however,
an increasing number of American hogs are raised not on
family farms but rather on large-scale factory operations.
Promoters of the practice claim that it improves efciency
and brings jobs to economically depressed areas. Critics,
by contrast, dispute that factory hog farms are more efcient and also worry about the environmental, economic, and health implications of this style of production.
Most frequently, they argue that factory farms have yet
to discover a suitable way to deal with hog waste, which
can pollute groundwater and smell unbearably strong.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hallam, Arne, ed. Size, Structure, and the Changing Face of American Agriculture. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1993.
Horwitz, Richard P. Hog Ties: Pigs, Manure, and Mortality in
American Culture. New York: St. Martins Press, 1998.
Tansey, Geoff, and Joyce DSilva, eds. The Meat Business: Devouring a Hungry Planet. New York: St. Martins Press,
1999.
Thu, Kendall M., and E. Paul Durrenberger, eds. Pigs, Prots,
and Rural Communities. Albany: State University of New
York Press, 1998.
R. J. Davey / a. e.
See also Agriculture; Livestock Industry; Meatpacking.
146
small villages along the major river systems. The Hohokam culture emerged from this substrate. During the Preclassic (Pioneer, Colonial, and Sedentary phases), the
Hohokams lived in semi-subterranean pit house villages.
Houses were clustered together around courtyards with
associated work areas, trash mounds, and cemeteries. Public architecture included ball courts and mounds capped
with caliche. The Hohokams grew maize, squash, cotton,
beans, agave, and tobacco. They built extensive networks
of irrigation canals along the Salt and Gila Rivers. They
produced buff, brown, and red-painted pottery using the
paddle-and-anvil technique. Frogs, lizards, birds, and other
animals were commonly depicted on pottery as well as in
shell and stone. Exotic artifacts of the Hohokams include:
groundstone palettes, bowls, and gurines; baked-clay gurines; carved and acid-etched Pacic marine shell jewelry; iron pyrite mirrors; and turquoise mosaics. The Hohokams cremated their dead and sometimes placed the
remains inside ceramic vessels. The Preclassic reached its
zenith during the Sedentary phase, when Hohokam culture extended from northern Mexico in the south to Flagstaff, Arizona, in the north. Mexican inuences are seen
in the presence of ball courts, copper bells made using the
lost-wax casting technique, macaws, and cotton textiles.
Changes in settlement patterns, architecture, ceramics, burial practices, and trade relations occurred during
the Classic period. Ball courts were no longer constructed. Aboveground adobe houses were grouped into
walled compounds surrounding rectangular, earthen platform mounds. Platform mounds were built at regular intervals along river and irrigation canal systems, suggesting
these sites were administrative centers allocating water
and coordinating canal labor. Polychrome pottery appeared, and inhumation burial replaced cremation. Shell
and other exotic trade continued, but on a smaller scale
than during the Preclassic. Social and climatic factors led
to a decline and partial abandonment of the area after a.d.
1400. During the Postclassic El Polvoron phase, people
lived in dispersed ranch-style villages of shallow pit
houses. Large-scale irrigation systems were abandoned,
and farming was replaced by a mixed subsistence strategy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
HOLDING COMPANY. A holding company is characterized by its ownership of securities (generally com-
H O L D I N G C O M PA N Y
mon stock) of other companies for the purpose of inuencing the management of those subsidiary companies,
rather than for investment or other purposes.
Some holding companies, often called pure holding companies, conne their operations to owning and
managing other rms, whereas other holding companies
are themselves operating companies. This distinction was
formerly of greater signicance than it is now, because
until the passage of the rst limiting legislation in the
1930spure holding companies that controlled operating companies in several regulated industries, including
banking and public utilities, were free of state and federal
regulations imposed on operating companies. Through
acquisition of separate rms, holding companies could
enter activities and geographical areas barred to regulated
operating companies. Many loopholes in regulations governing these industries were closed by the Public Utility
Holding Company Act of 1935 and the Bank Holding
Company Act of 1956.
The holding company emerged as a common form
of business organization around 1900, some decades after
its rst use in railroads (1853) and communications (1832).
The earliest holding companies had charters granted by
special acts of state legislature that explicitly permitted
them to control stock of other corporations; the courts in
most states usually ruled that this power had to be granted
by explicit legislative enactment. However, a few early
general incorporation acts did provide for charters granting such powers. Nevertheless, the widespread use of
holding companies followed, especially upon liberalization of general incorporation acts by New Jersey and several other states starting in 1889. This development suggests that the wide use of charters in New Jersey and,
later, in Delaware stemmed from other factors, including
favorable tax treatment and the nancial, technological,
and marketing demands and opportunities of large-scale
business.
The holding company, depending upon circumstances, offers nancial, administrative, and legal advantages over other forms of business organization. It usually
has better access to securities markets than do the member operating companies individually, making it easier to
secure the capital necessary to conduct large-scale operations. It permits a combination of rms with control of a
smaller portion of voting stock than is necessary for a
merger of those rms. (One objection to the holding
company, however, is the sometimes meager protection it
provides to the rights of minority stockholders.) It affords
a convenient method of centralizing control of the policies of different businesses while leaving control of their
operations decentralized. Pyramidingthe use of a number of holding companies placed on top of each other
especially when combined with a heavy reliance on borrowed funds at each level, permits business organizers to
acquire control of a large volume of assets with relatively
little investment. Separate incorporation of properties located in different states or engaged in different activities
often simplies the holding companys accounting, taxation, and legal problems and may free the holding company of legal restrictions to which it might otherwise be
subject.
As business organizers moved to exploit these advantages toward the turn of the twentieth century, the holding company device became the dominant form of largescale business organization. Long used in the railroad
industry, it was extended there, notably with formation of
the Northern Securities Company in 1901. The formation, also in 1901, of United States Steelthen called the
worlds greatest corporationsignaled the adoption of
holding company organizations in mining and manufacturing. Somewhat later, extensive holding-company systems were formed in banking and nance and in public
utilities. Many of the latter were noted for their extensive
pyramiding and their combination of diverse, widely scattered holdings.
Under attack from the beginning, holding companies
have remained controversial and the subject of continuing
demands for public control. Those formed around the
turn of the twentieth century were enveloped from birth
in the antitrust agitation of the period. The public utility
holding companies of the 1920s were likewise attacked as
monopolistic. The attack on them, which gained intensity
and focus with the failure of a number of the systems in
the early 1930s, led to the passage in 1935 of the Public
Utility Holding Company Act. Corporations controlling
two or more banks were brought under federal control in
1956. Attention in the 1960s and early 1970s shifted to
the conglomerate (the highly diversied holding company), and to the nancial congeneric (the bank-centered
one-bank holding company, which limited its operations
to banking and other closely related nancial services).
Both were subjected to a measure of federal control in the
early 1970s: the Justice Department initiated a number of
antitrust suits to block some acquisitions of the former,
and Congress, in 1970, amended the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956 to circumscribe activities of the latter.
In the late twentieth century, federal regulators continued to scrutinize anticompetitive or monopolistic acquisitions, especially in the media and telecommunications industry. In the year 2000 alone, the government
blocked a potential merger between American Telephone
and Telegraph (AT&T) and the media giant Time Warner,
and another proposed merger between long-distance telephone providers WorldCom and Sprint.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
147
H O L I D AY S A N D F E S T I VA L S
Means, Gardiner C. The Corporate Revolution in America: Economic Reality versus Economic Theory. New York: CrowellCollier Press, 1962.
148
H O L LY W O O D
Christmas
The Puritans of Massachusetts believed that holidays
were not biblically justied, and therefore did not observe
them or allow others to do so. Christmas, for example,
was banned in Massachusetts from 1659 to 1681. It was
in the middle colonies, where Anglicanism held sway, that
Christmas developed. At rst a rowdy occasion, Christmas was in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries
a carnivalesque celebration. During the nineteenth century, however, Christmas changed into a more demure
and domestic family holiday. The Christmas tree tradition
was borrowed from Germany. Santa Claus derived from
European traditions of St. Nicholas, the British Father
Christmas, and other mid-winter gift bearers. But the
American Santa Claus also owes much to American authors such as Washington Irving, who described him in
Knickerbocker Tales (1809); Clement Moore, who is said by
some to have written A Visit from St. Nicholas; and
cartoonist Thomas Nast.
ethnic celebrations, such as St. Patricks Day, have become nationally celebrated; some, such as the Mexican
Cinco de Mayo, are growing in popularity.
Independence Day
Independence Day was celebrated from the day on which
the Declaration of Independence was adopted and read
before the population of the colonies: 4 July 1776. Before
independence and as late as 1800, British customary holidays such as Guy Fawkes Day were observed in New
England, as were ofcial commemorations in honor of
the monarchy. The Fourth of July continued the bonre
and reworks customs of those celebrations. Soon, it became an occasion for lengthy oratory, picnics, sports, and
a reading of the Declaration.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cressy, David. Bonres and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart England. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1989.
Litwicki, Ellen M. Americas Public Holidays, 18651920. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 2000.
Santino, Jack. All around the Year: Holidays and Celebrations in
American Life. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994.
. New Old-Fashioned Ways: Holidays and Popular Culture.
Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1996.
Jack Santino
See also Christmas; Flag Day; Independence Day; Kwanzaa;
Labor Day; Memorial Day; Thanksgiving Day.
149
H O L M E S V. WA LT O N
Hollywood was originally a small independent agricultural community. It merged with Los Angeles in 1910 in
order to obtain an adequate water supply. At approximately the same time, the lm industry began to locate
in the region, seeking to take advantage of natural sunlight that allowed year-round lming and a diverse southern California landscape that provided cheap scenery. In
1914, the director Cecil B. DeMille decided to locate his
studio in Hollywood permanently, and other companies
followed. By the 1920s, Hollywood had beaten out rivals
such as Culver City and Burbank as the place most associated with the lm industry, although in fact movie lots
were scattered throughout the Los Angeles area. The
growing power and romance of lm made Hollywood a
cultural icon and a major tourist attraction. In the 1950s
and 1960s, Hollywood also began to attract television studios and record companies. While still home to many
entertainment-related companies and remaining a popular destination for starstruck visitors, the areas actual role
in lm production began to lag in the 1970s. Soaring production and living costs in Los Angeles led many companies to seek opportunities elsewhere, and Hollywood
itself struggled with problems associated with urban blight.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Daniel J. Johnson
See also Film; Los Angeles.
HOLMES V. WALTON, a case decided by the Supreme Court of New Jersey in 1780. It is cited as one of
the precedents for the doctrine of judicial review. The
court declared unconstitutional a statute that provided in
certain classes of cases that a jury might consist of six men.
The legislature subsequently repealed the voided portion
of the act. Thus, the right of the courts to pass upon the
constitutionality of legislation was not denied, but the
legislature claimed the nal power to dene the functions
of each department of government.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hall, Kermit L. The Supreme Court and Judicial Review in American History. Bicentennial Essays on the Constitution.
Washington, D.C.: American Historical Association, 1985.
William S. Carpenter / a. r.
See also Hayburns Case; Judicial Review; Jury Trial.
150
H O M E O W N E R S L O A N C O R P O R AT I O N
some called an atrium from hell, windows that never allow a full view of the Mall, and elevators that transport
visitors into the cold and dark exhibition space.
The creators of the museum also struggled with issues of Holocaust representation. What is the proper relationship between Jews and other victim groups in a
museum exhibition? Do photographs taken by Nazis victimize the dead yet again? Is womens hairshorn from
victims before gassingan appropriate artifact with which
to tell the story?
Supported in part by federal funds, the museum has
become an inuential model of an activist memorial environment, seeking to awaken civic sensibilities through
the telling of a cautionary tale. The Oklahoma City National Memorial was consciously modeled after the
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Edward T. Linenthal
See also Genocide; Jews; Museums.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Leslie J. Lindenauer
See also Pennsylvania; Quakers.
151
HOME RULE
that included a home of ones own; but in the years leading up to the New Deal, only four out of every ten Americans managed to attain that status. A key reason for the
majoritys failure was the restrictive mortgage system.
Usually, borrowers were required to make down payments averaging around 35 percent for loans lasting only
ve to ten years at interest of up to 8 percent. At the end
of that brief loan period, mortgage holders had to hope
they could renance or else come up with the remaining
cost of the property. The minority of home buyers who
could manage such terms assumed the additional risk of
dealing with local institutions that did not offer loan
mortgage insurance and were often dangerously underfunded, especially in areas outside the main cities.
This shaky system was unable to withstand the shock
of the 1929 economic collapse. The number of mortgages
issued nationwide dropped from 5,778 in 1928 to a mere
864 in 1933, and many banks went under, dragging homeowners down with them. Faced with this dire situation,
the New Deal had a basic choice. It could follow the urging of the Federal Reserve Board chairman, Marriner Eccles, echoing the most inuential economist of the age,
John Maynard Keynes, that money should be pumped
into the lagging building trades in order to gain both
work for the unemployed and badly needed public housing. Or it could follow the lead of Herbert Hoover, who
in 1932 had created the Federal Home Loan Bank to provide federal funding for lenders in the private housing
market. Franklin Roosevelt, when he succeeded Hoover
as president, inclined toward the latter course, but with
government oversight and a focus on hard-pressed homeowners, rather than on the institutions controlling their
mortgages.
In June 1933, the Home Owners Loan Act, following the presidents lead, sailed through Congress. The law
authorized $200 million to set up the Home Owners
Loan Corporation (HOLC) with authority to issue $2
billion in tax-exempt bonds. The money raised would
enable the HOLC to rescue imperiled mortgages by offering nancing up to 80 percent of assessed value, to a
maximum of $14,000. There followed a rush to le
applications in 1934 by those holding 40 percent of all
mortgaged properties, of which half with lowest risk were
accepted. As intended, the main beneciaries were homeowners at the lower end of the middle class with incomes
in the $50 to $150 monthly range, persons who in the
private market would have lost their homes.
The HOLC permanently changed the prevailing
mortgage system. It offered money at 5 percent, provided
insurance for its loans through the Federal Housing Authority and the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, and allowed up to twenty-ve years for repayment. To reach far-ung clients the HOLC dispersed into
regional centers. Every loan situation was handled individually, including personal visits to prevent default. Given
wide discretion to act, agents improved the chances clients would meet their obligations by helping them nd
152
work, collect insurance claims and pensions, attract tenants for rental space, qualify for public assistance, and
even locate foster children to take in for a fee. The success
of this sympathetic outreach was best demonstrated by
the fact that the foreclosure rate for HOLCs risky mortgages was no greater than that for much safer mortgages
accepted by banks and insurance companies.
HOLC policies favored single-family homes outside
the central cities, thus setting in motion the rapid growth
of suburbs after World War II. The suburban ideal of
privately nanced housing also inclined toward segregation on the grounds that racially homogeneous areas were
most stable and thus posed the lowest credit risk. That
bias, shared by private sector bankers and realtors, excluded most minorities from much consideration. The
HOLC Loan Experience Card specied race and immigrant status as a consideration, and the records of the
agency showed that from 1933 to 1936, the period it was
authorized to issue loans, 44 percent of its help went to
areas designated native white, 42 percent to native
white and foreign, and 1 percent to Negro. Typifying
the plight of the cities, the half of Detroit where blacks
lived was excluded outright, as was a third of Chicago.
Despite its shortcomings, New Deal innovation
helped account for home ownership rising from 40 percent of the population in the prosperous 1920s to almost
70 percent by the mid-1990s, with vast new tracts outside
the cities of the Northeast and in new, sprawling urban
areas in the South and Southwest setting the most conspicuous example. The historian David Kennedy did not
exaggerate in claiming that the HOLC and the housing
legislation it set in motion revolutionized the way Americans lived.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alan Lawson
See also Building and Loan Associations; New Deal.
HOME RULE is the principle or practice of selfgovernment by localities. The U.S. Constitution makes
no mention of local jurisdictions, so a state legislature
must grant a city or county a charter, or the right to draft
its own charter, to create a structure and powers for local
government. Into the nineteenth century most American
towns and counties functioned in the English tradition of
local self-government on most matters, often by establishing municipal corporations empowered to provide
HOME SCHOOLING
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harris, Charles Wesley. Congress and the Governance of the Nations Capital: The Conict of Federal and Local Interests.
Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1995.
Krane, Dale, Platon N. Rigos, and Melvin B. Hill Jr. Home Rule
in America: A Fifty-State Handbook. Washington, D.C.: CQ
Press, 2001.
Jeffrey T. Coster
See also Charters, Municipal; Local Government.
153
While the home school movement is a nominally international one, with at least a few adherents in most
nations of the industrialized world, it is a distinctively
American invention. The basic ideas that animate home
educationthat each learner is unique, that government
schools are not doing their job well, and that educational
professionals are unnecessary for sound instructionare
in keeping with the individualism and skepticism of formal authority that have characterized the national culture
throughout its history.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Mitchell Stevens
154
sides, obtain detailed information about the product, order by punching in a credit card number, and have it delivered within twenty-four hours. The next stage in interactive television may be virtual shopping, in which
the viewer will be able to try on a garment by creating
a computerized self-image on the screen, realistic to skin
tone, color of hair and eyes, and body measurements.
By the end of the twentieth century, television home
shopping channels continued to generate a brisk trade for
retailers. However, corporate mergers between retail, media, and Internet companies had all but ensured that future innovations in home shopping would be oriented
around the information appliance, the much anticipated
marriage of television and the Internet. Moreover, in the
heated race to gain footholds in electronic commerce, the
traditional television-based home shopping networks did
not always fare well. In May 1999, investors in the profitless online portal Lycos rejected a proposal to merge
with Barry Dillers Home Shopping Network, even
though the latter made a prot.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
John J. Byrne / a. r.
See also Electronic Commerce; Internet; Mail-Order Houses;
Television: Programming and Influence.
HOMESTEAD MOVEMENT
155
HOMESTEAD MOVEMENT
156
would adversely affect the eastern economy. They contended westward migration would increase, thereby lowering land values in the East and depriving the federal
government of an important revenue source. The KnowNothing Party and other anti-alien groups opposed the
movement because it would give free land to foreign
immigrants.
In 1860, the homestead movement experienced both
a setback and a small victory. In that year, Congress passed
a bill that would have sold land for 25 cents an acre, but
President James Buchanan vetoed the bill, arguing that it
was unconstitutional. At the same time, however, the new
Republican Party demanded that Congress pass a homestead bill. A Republican victory and southern secession
enabled the party to carry out its program. On 20 May
1862, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Homestead
Act, and the goal sought by generations of westerners
since the inception of the public land policy was nally
achieved.
The Homestead Act allowed any person who is the
head of a family, or who has arrived at the age of twentyone years, and is a citizen of the United States, or who
shall have led his declaration of intention to become
such the right to claim 160 acres of land, a quartersection, for free. The claimant need only pay a small ling
fee and live on and improve the land for ve years. If he
so chose, the homesteader could buy the land for $1.25
an acre after six months. Originally, settlers could only
homestead on surveyed land, but in 1880, Congress extended the act to include the unsurveyed public domain.
Although approximately 274 million acres were
claimed and 400,000 farms were established under the
Homestead Act, the law never came close to meeting the
expectations of its supporters. The lands of the West were
too arid to support traditional farming techniques, and a
farm of 160 acres was simply too small. Congress attempted to address the problems with a series of acts
passed between 1873 and 1916. The Timber Culture Act
(1873) granted 160 acres to the head of a family who
agreed to plant and maintain forty acres of trees for ten
years. The Desert Land Act (1877) encouraged irrigation
of arid lands by granting 640 acres at $1.25 an acre to
anyone who agreed to irrigate the land within three years
of ling. In 1909, the Enlarged Homestead Act expanded
the original act to 320 acres instead of 160. The StockRaising Homestead Act (1916) authorized homestead entries of 640 acres on grazing lands. Congress even applied
the homestead principle to Indian lands with the passage
of the Dawes General Allotment Act in 1877. These acts,
however, also failed to achieve the desired results.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H O M E S T E A D E R S A N D T H E C AT T L E I N D U S T RY
Jennifer L. Bertolet
Dan E. Clark
See also Free Soil Party; Land Acts; Land Policy; Timber Culture Act; Westward Migration.
The rst shipments of dressed beef to Europe, especially Great Britain, began in 1875. Shipments steadily
increased until Europe imported more than 50 million
pounds in 1878 and more than 100 million pounds in
1881. The enormous inux of American beef so alarmed
the cattle raisers of northern Britain that a parliamentary
commission came to the United States to visit the range
area and report on conditions. Its report, publicized in
1884, told of great prots to be made in ranching, which
encouraged British investors to send huge sums of capital
to the United States for investment in ranching enterprises. Many Britons came to the cow country to give
their personal attention to ranching. By 1884 British investors had placed more than $30 million of capital into
ranching on the Great Plains. Among the large British
enterprises were the Prairie Land and Cattle Company,
the Matador, and the Espuela Land and Cattle Company.
HOMESTEADERS AND THE CATTLE INDUSTRY. Beginning in the late 1860s, cattle grazing
on the open range of the western plains from Texas to
Montana became the major industry. During the years
following the Civil War, a vast stream of cattle poured
north out of Texas to cow towns in Kansas and Nebraska.
From these towns, fat, mature animals went to market
while young steers and breeding animals traveled farther
north or west to stock new ranges.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
John Cashman
157
HOMEWORK
The invention of barbed wire and the rapid extension of its use after 1875 brought about the enclosure of
considerable tracts of pastureland. Congress enacted laws
that forbade the fencing of lands of the public domain,
and orders of the Indian Bureau prohibited the enclosure
of lands on Indian reservations. While the United States
government and its various agencies could not strictly enforce such laws and orders, they were not without effect.
Perhaps the year 1885 marks the peak of the openrange cattle industry. By that time, most of the range was
fully stocked and much of it overstocked. During the
summer of 1886, ranchers drove large herds north from
Texas and spread them over the ranges in the most reckless fashion possible. Then came the terrible winter of
188687 in which hundreds of thousands of cattle died of
cold and starvation. Spring came to nd nearly every
rancher on the central and northern plains facing ruin.
The open-range cattle industry never recovered from the
results of that tragic winter.
Moreover, homesteaders, contemptuously called nesters by ranchers, rapidly were settling the range area, including large Indian reservations. Ranchers largely had
kept homesteaders to the east between 1867 and 1885,
but on 25 February 1885, Congress passed a law that prohibited interference with settlers. On 7 August 1885,
President Grover Cleveland followed it with an enforcement proclamation. Beginning in the spring of 1886, settlers, who streamed west in covered wagons on a 1,000mile front, occupied the public domain on the plains. In
many regions, sheep were replacing cattle anyway. The
struggle between ranchers and farmers continued in some
isolated parts of the mountain states until the early twentieth century, but in most areas, the end of the open-range
cattle period arrived by 1890.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Evans, Simon M., Sarah Carter, and Bill Yeo, ed. Cowboys, Ranchers, and the Cattle Business: Cross-border Perspectives on Ranching History. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2000.
Jordan, Terry G. Trails to Texas: Southern Roots of Western Cattle
Ranching. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1981.
Massey, Sara R., ed. Black Cowboys of Texas. College Station: Texas
A & M University Press, 2000.
Patterson, Paul E. Great Plains Cattle Empire: Thatcher Brothers
and Associates, 18751945. Lubbock: Texas Tech University
Press, 2000.
Remley, David A. Bell Ranch: Cattle Ranching in the Southwest,
18241947. Albuqerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1993.
Bliss Isely / a. e.
See also Agriculture; Cattle; Cattle Brands; Cattle Drives;
Chisholm Trail; Livestock Industry; Meatpacking; Rodeos; Trail Drivers.
HOMEWORK. Schoolwork assigned to be done outside of the school hours. The history of homework in the
158
HONOLULU
Dawn Duque`s
See also Education.
HONKY-TONK GIRLS were women with no particular skill who entertained cowboys in saloons, later
called honky-tonks, during the 1800s in the state of Texas.
They would sing and dance and drink alongside any cowboy they met in the saloon. They were carefree, happy
people who made the cowboys feel important for the
evening.
The spirit of the honky-tonk has evolved into
modern-day country music. The songs of country singer
Loretta Lynn, whose rst big hit in 1960 was titled,
Honky Tonk Girl, are classic examples of honky-tonk
music. Most honky-tonk music contains stories about religion, family, and hard luck. Its roots are with the common people, similar to the roughhouse cowboy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Donna W. Reamy
159
H O O D S T E N N E S S E E C A M PA I G N
160
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Beechert, Edward D. Honolulu: Crossroads of the Pacic. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991.
Stone, Scott C. S. Honolulu: Heart of Hawaii. Tulsa, Okla.: Continental Heritage Press, 1983.
HOOVER DAM
Neil MacNeil / a. g.
See also Bureaucracy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carman, Bernard R. Hoot Toot & Whistle: The Story of the Hoosac
Tunnel & Wilmington Railroad. Brattleboro, Vt.: Greene
Press, 1963.
Cleveland, F. A., and F. W. Powell. Railroad Promotion and Capitalization. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1981.
James D. Magee / a. r.
See also Allegheny Mountains, Routes Across; Railroads;
Tunnels.
161
HOPEDALE COMMUNITY
Ruth Kaplan
See also Conservation; Hydroelectric Power.
162
Communities.
HOPEWELL
Hopewell. An aerial view of the Great Serpent Mound in southern Ohio (now in a state park): about 1,330 feet long, 20 feet wide,
and an average of 3 feet high. Library of Congress
163
HOPI
BIBLIOGRAPHY
James A. Brown
See also Archaeology and Prehistory of North America; Indian Mounds.
HOPI. The name Hopi is derived from the word Hopituh, which best translates as people who are mannered,
civilized, and adhere to the Hopi way. The Hopi way is a
marvelous and complex system of relationships, behavior,
language, industry, philosophy, and thought. Hopis believe that humankind emerged into the present world
from another place. The emergence story begins with a
covenant made with Maasaw, a deity who rst occupied
this world. The story recounts the time when Hopis asked
Maasaw for permission to live on this land. Maasaw responded, It is up to you. All I have to offer you is my
planting stick, a pouch of seeds, and a gourd of water. My
life is simple but hard. If you commit to this way of life,
you may live here with me. Maasaw laid several ears of
Hopi Pueblo. Amid typically harsh Hopi land in northeastern Arizona, 1920; the pueblo is Walpi,
the oldest settlement (c. 1700) atop First Mesa. Library of Congress
164
HOPI
165
30,000 terms and was developed by Hopi and other language specialists. Hopis speak a Shoshonean language
that is a branch of a larger language family known as UtoAztecan. The Hopi Dictionary is intended to help Hopi
speakers to write and read the language. The Hopi Tribe
publishes the newspaper Hopi Tutuveni, which uses both
English and the Hopi syllabary. In 2001, the rst Hopi
public radio station went on the air. The stations call letters, KUYI, symbolically translate to water.
The Hopi artistic expressions in jewelry, pottery,
painting, textiles, and basket making are well known to
the art market and the world of collectors. Visitors are
welcome to visit the Hopi Cultural Center on Second
Mesa and may also arrange for guided tours of some of
the villages. However, the Hopi people also desire to protect their rights to privacy and safeguard their religious
knowledge and ceremonies. The Hopi Cultural Preservation Ofce is charged with the responsibility of representing Hopi interests both within and outside the Hopi
reservation. This responsibility requires the involvement
not only of the Hopi government, but also of the Hopi
villages, clans, and religious societies, which must cooperate with each other as well. This is in keeping with the
covenant between Maasaw and Hopituh.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hopi Dictionary Project. Hopi Dictionary/Hop`ikwa Lava`ytutuveni: A Hopi-English Dictionary of the Third Mesa Dialect.
Tucson: University of Arizona Press, c. 1998.
James, Harry C. Pages from Hopi History. Tucson: University of
Arizona Press, 1994.
Ortiz, Alfonso, ed. Southwest. Vol. 9 of Handbook of North American Indians. Edited by William C. Sturtevant. Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1979.
Secakuku, Alph H. Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Kachina
Tradition. Flagstaff, Ariz.: Northland Publishing, 1995.
Hartman H. Lomawaima
Stewart Koyiyumptewa
See also Agriculture, American Indian; Indian Languages; Indian Oral Literature; Indian Religious Life; Pueblo
Revolt.
Goldstein, Judith. Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993.
James D. Magee / a. r.
See also Tariff; Trade, Foreign.
166
HORSE
See also Colonial Society; Dame School; Education; New England Primer.
167
HORSE
one-third of horses are used primarily for shows and competitions. An estimated 725,000 horses race or are used
as broodmares and studs on racehorse farms. Slightly
more than one million horses ll working roles such as
agricultural laborers and police mounts. Others are used
as rodeo stock or for polo teams.
Although horses are found throughout the United
States, Kentuckys Bluegrass region is specically identied with equines. The center of American horse racing
activity, Kentucky is home to major racing stables and
tracks. The Kentucky Horse Park and the International
Museum of the Horse were established at Lexington,
Kentucky, in 1978 to educate people about horses and to
host signicant equine-related artistic, cultural, and sporting events. This thousand-acre site includes the Hall of
Champions and the grave of the famous racehorse Man
o War. The museum is the worlds largest equestrian museum and examines the history of human-horse interactions, providing online access to exhibits via the Internet.
The daily Parade of Breeds highlights representatives of
distinctive American horse breeds.
168
Tom Fulton
Elizabeth D. Schafer
BIBLIOGRAPHY
See also Horse Racing and Showing; Indians and the Horse;
Mule; Mustangs; Pony Express; Rodeos.
HORSE MARINES is a term that refers to cavalrymen doing the work of marines or vice versa. The expression became associated with an episode in Texas in
1836, following the Battle of San Jacinto. As Maj. Isaac
Burtons Texas Rangers made a reconnaissance along the
coast to establish the extent and speed of the Mexican
withdrawal, they sighted and captured three Mexican supply ships. Burtons detachment became known as the Horse
Marines. In a broader sense the term designates, with humorous derision, almost any military or naval incongruity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Robinson, Charles M. The Men Who Wear the Star: The Story of
the Texas Rangers. New York: Random House, 2000.
Winders, Richard Bruce. Mr. Polks Army: The American Military
Experience in the Mexican War. College Station: Texas A&M
University Press, 1997.
169
170
HORSE STEALING
Judge Roy Bean. The law west of the Pecos, in western Texas, 18821902; here (seated, facing
right) he tries an accused horse thief outside his saloon (named for the English actress Lillie
Langtry, the Jersey Lily, whom he knew only from illustrations). National Archives and Records
Administration
Michael Wala
See also Horse.
171
HOSPITALS
history. Widely practiced by Ohio Valley Indians and banditti alike against eighteenth-century western settlers, it
was difcult to trace and punish. Further west and southwest, populations were even more dependent on horses
than the easterners. The culture of the Plains Indians was
a horse culture; they raided horses from Mexico, from one
another, and from settlers. Here, horse thieves were severely punished and, without benet of trial by jury, were
often hanged from the limbs of cottonwood trees. Following the Civil War, gangs of organized horse thieves
operated out of Texas, using hideouts for stolen horses
and selling them after driving them hundreds of miles
from home.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
J. Frank Dobie / h. r. s.
See also Fencing and Fencing Laws; Horse.
HOSPITALS. Hospitals are institutions in which illnesses, injuries, and disabilities are diagnosed and treated.
Deploying advanced medical technology, modern American hospitals are capable of providing medical services
beyond those available in physicians ofces or outpatient
facilities. In the United States, hospitals are operated either privately or by government entities. Some private
hospitals operate for prot; others are operated by religious or secular charitable organizations on a nonprot
basis. Hospitals may function independently or participate in multihospital systems or networks.
The rst American hospital was established in 1752.
Subsequently, sustained growth in the quantity and quality of American hospitals has been fostered by technological and educational advances, government policies, and
public and private health insurance mechanisms that
have generally shifted the burden of paying for hospital
services away from the individual patient.
The development of American hospitals may be traced
through ve historical stages. In the formative stage (1750
1850), private charitable organizations established voluntary hospitals that treated patients free of charge while,
at the same time, public almshouses (which also provided
nonmedical social services to poor, mentally ill, dispossessed, and disabled individuals) were gradually transformed into public hospitals. Next, the era of specialization (18501890) gave rise to specialized hospitals (for
example, childrens hospitals) and nursing emerged as a
trained profession. The subsequent era of surgery (1890
1930) was spurred by the introduction of anesthesia and
aseptic practices, which facilitated rapid growth in surgical practice, and thereby expanded the role of for-prot
hospitals. In the era of insurance and expansion (1930
1975), the emergence of hospital insurance, Medicare,
and Medicaid changed the way hospital care was -
172
nanced. These programs, along with expanded federal assistance for the construction of new community hospitals
and Veterans Administration hospitals, nanced a proliferation of new and expanded hospitals. Finally, in the era
of cost containment (19752000), earlier trends toward
expansion and deployment have been largely reversed and
replaced by countervailing trends towards hospital consolidation, diversication, and integration.
17501850: The Formative Era
Traditionally, care for the sick was one of many social
services that public almshouses provided to the poor and
dispossessed. In the eighteenth century, certain public
almshouses evolved into public hospitals by focusing on
caring for the sick. In this manner, Philadelphia Almshouse
became Philadelphia General Hospital, New York Almshouse became Bellevue Hospital, and Baltimore County
Almshouse became part of Baltimore City Hospitals.
In 1752, the Pennsylvania Hospital became the rst
permanent general hospital specically chartered to care
for the sick. In 1791, New York Hospital followed; in
1821 came Massachusetts General Hospital. These voluntary hospitals did not generally charge fees, but instead
were supported by charitable donations. Although most
patients admitted for treatment in voluntary hospitals
were poor, the admissions process was selective. Patients
deemed contagious, immoral, or otherwise undesirable
(alcoholics, for example) were transferred to almshouses.
Such selectivity was designed to reduce the hospitals
mortality rate and to improve its reputation. Despite
these efforts towards respectability, however, people of
means generally stayed away from hospitals.
18501890: The Era of Specialization
For several reasons, the ability of hospitals successfully to
treat illness and injury substantially improved during the
mid-nineteenth century. First, Florence Nightingales success in promoting cleanliness and proper ventilation on
hospital wards improved hospital mortality rates years before germ theory explained why. Second, nursing schools
were established during this period, graduating trained
professional nurses who made indispensable contributions
to hospital care. Third, in the 1870s, Johns Hopkins University adopted systematic clinical instruction and investigations. Consequently, hospitals became central to medical
education and scientic training as well as treatment.
As hospitals became more successful at treating illness and injury, they gradually transformed from storehouses where the impoverished could convalesce (or die)
into medical treatment centers of choice for individuals
from across the social spectrum. As part of this transformation, specialty hospitals emerged. Some were developed to pull children, mentally ill, and disabled people
out of almshouses and into institutions dedicated to serving their particular needs. In addition, specialized religious and ethnic hospitals were established by certain religious and immigrant groups. These hospitals arose in
HOSPITALS
response to actual discrimination and also to satisfy certain unique needs of group memberslast rites among
Catholics and kosher meals among Jews, for example.
During this time, ward-style hospitals in which relatively poor patients were attended by the hospitals onstaff physicians remained the norm. Slowly, however,
private rooms were added, attracting middle-class and
wealthy patients who retained their choice of physician.
18901920: The Era of Surgery
The groundwork for the era of surgery was laid by two
important mid-nineteenth-century developments. First,
in 1846, Dr. William Morton introduced anesthesia at
Massachusetts General Hospital. Then, in 1867, Dr. Joseph Lister demonstrated antiseptic surgery in London.
These two demonstrations set the stage for the emergence of surgery, which would thrust hospitals into their
central role in treating illness and injury.
Dr. Listers method of performing antiseptic surgery
was soon superseded by aseptic surgery, which involves
creating a sterile surgical eld rather than sterilizing at
various points during a procedure. As aseptic surgery proliferated, surgical mortality rates plummeted. However,
sterile surgical elds required a more complex environment than most home kitchens or doctors ofces could
provide. Consequently, by 1900, almost all surgery was
performed in hospitals. Pressure on hospital bed space
caused by the increase in surgical admissions forced hospitals to admit sick patients only during the acute phase
of their illness rather than for their entire treatment. With
sicker patients in residence for shorter periods, the costs
of providing hospital care predictably increased.
As mortality rates fell and positive results emerged,
more people were willing to pay for surgery. Accordingly,
patient fees gradually replaced charitable donations as
hospitals primary source of revenue. This shift generally
enabled physicians to wrest control over hospital admissions away from hospital board members. However, not
every physician was able to obtain hospital admitting
privileges. In response, some physicians built their own
hospitals or increased pressure on existing hospitals to
open their facilities to all physicians.
1930s1960s: The Era of Insurance and Expansion
Until 1929, private hospitals were nanced exclusively by
charitable contributions, patient fees, or both. In 1929,
however, Baylor University Hospital successfully introduced prepaid hospital care when it offered fteenhundred schoolteachers the opportunity to purchase up
to twenty-one days of hospital inpatient care per year
(whether used or not) for six dollars per person. Other
hospitals followed suit, some issuing joint offerings that
allowed subscribers to preserve greater choice among
hospitals and physicians.
The need for prepaid hospital care became more
acute during the Great Depression, when private voluntary hospitals faced a crisis of declining occupancy and
173
HOSTAGE CRISES
Linda Dynan
174
David G. Coleman
See also Iran Hostage Crisis; Iran-Contra Affair; Persian Gulf
War; Terrorism; and vol. 9: Interrogation of an Iran
Hostage.
HOTELS AND HOTEL INDUSTRY. The primary purpose of hotels is to provide travelers with shelter,
food, refreshment, and similar services and goods, offering on a commercial basis things that are customarily furnished within households but unavailable to people on a
journey away from home. Historically hotels have also
taken on many other functions, serving as business exchanges, centers of sociability, places of public assembly
and deliberation, decorative showcases, political headquarters, vacation spots, and permanent residences. The
hotel as an institution, and hotels as an industry, trans-
H O T E L S A N D H O T E L I N D U S T RY
175
H O T E L S A N D H O T E L I N D U S T RY
176
HOUMA
in foreign countries also served as exemplars of the benets and vitality of capitalism. Conrad Hilton in particular
spoke of his companys overseas properties, particularly
those along the Iron Curtain, as valuable assets in the
ght against communism. In a world simultaneously divided by politics and connected by transportation, hotels
were important symbolic sites.
The American hotel industry beneted greatly from
the uneven prosperity of the 1980s and 1990s and entered
the twenty-rst century as a large and fast-growing segment of the national economy. The hotels of the United
States employed well over 1.4 million people and collected more than $100 billion per year in receipts. They
formed a dense network of 53,000 properties comprising
some 4 million guest rooms nationwide. Internationally,
the industry operated more than 5,000 overseas hotels
with over half a million rooms.
From its beginnings as an experimental cultural form,
the American hotel became a ubiquitous presence on the
national landscape and developed into an immense and
vital national industry. The hotel system transformed the
nature of travel, turning it from an arduous and uncertain
undertaking of the few into a predictable and commonplace activity of the many. On the way, the hotel became
instrument, ornament, symptom, and symbol of Americas continental and international empire.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. K. Sandoval-Strausz
See also Resorts and Spas; Taverns and Saloons; Transportation and Travel.
Bowman, Greg, and Janel Curry-Roper. The Houma Indian People of Louisiana: A Story of Indian Survival. Houma, La.:
United Houma Nation, 1982.
Davis, Dave. A Case of Identity: Ethnogenesis of the New
Houma Indians. Ethnohistory 48 (2001): 473494.
HOUMA. The Houmas (Ouma) are an American Indian tribe of the Muskogean language family rst encountered in 1682 by Rene-Robert Cavalier de la Salle
on the east bank of the Mississippi River, opposite from
the mouth of the Red River. Their population in 1699
177
178
Kenneth OReilly
See also Anticommunism; Blacklisting; Cold War; Hiss Case;
and vol. 9: The Testimony of Walter E. Disney before
the House Committee on Un-American Activities 24
October 1947.
HOUSE DIVIDED. When he accepted the Republican nomination to the U.S. Senate at Springeld, Ill.,
on 16 June 1858, Abraham Lincoln paraphrased a sentence from the Bible (Mark 3:25) in order to emphasize
his belief that eventually slavery had to be extinguished:
A house divided against itself cannot stand. Lincoln
continued, I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolvedI do not expect the house to fall
but I do expect it will cease to be divided. Lincolns
opponent, Stephen A. Douglas, favored allowing the people of each state to determine whether to allow slavery
within their midst.
HOUSING
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Foner, Eric. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the
Republican Party Before the Civil War. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1995 (orig. pub. 1970).
Johannsen, Robert W. Lincoln, the South, and Slavery: The Political
Dimension. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1991.
Oates, Stephen B. With Malice Toward None: The Life of Abraham
Lincoln. New York: Harper & Row, 1977.
Theodore M. Whiteld / c. p.
See also Antislavery; Equality, Concept of; Irrepressible Conflict; Lincoln-Douglas Debates; Republican Party; and
vol. 9: A House Divided.
Michelle M. Mormul
See also Assemblies, Colonial; Chesapeake Colonies; Virginia.
United States.
Charles M. Dobbs
Stephanie Gordon
See also Literature: Native American Literature.
HOUSING
Native American and Colonial Housing
Native Americans built a wide variety of houses on the
North American continent thousands of years before European colonization. Some were simple triangular tipis,
engineered to resist the wind and keep out the cold but
easily moveable; others were earthen, wood and covering,
stone, or adobe houses. Often the shapes of these dwellings reected the features of the land around them as their
builders sought a safe accommodation with nature. Native Americans lived in single-family structures, extendedfamily structures, and multiunit structures. In the midsixteenth century Spaniards explored the Southwest, where
they found Native Americans living in remarkable cliff
dwellings and pueblos. The Europeans added their own
179
HOUSING
Aleut House. An early-twentieth-century Indian shelter in Alaska: a hole in the earth, covered by
a framework of driftwood that is held up with whalebone. Library of Congress
180
HOUSING
181
HOUSING
182
lobbies, and tenant services such as guest screening, message and package reception, and security features. In addition to rental units, condominium and cooperative
apartments, which had some of the features of home ownership, became popular.
Seeking the American Dream
Despite the energy crisis of the mid-1970s and decreasing
family size, houses became larger as they were recognized
as the best hedge against ination and the most important
source of wealth creation for families. Three bedrooms
and two bathrooms became standard. Total housing starts,
including shipments of mobile homes, reached an astonishing 21,482,000 in the 1970s. This production level was
at the rate of approximately one new dwelling unit for
every ten people in the country. The median price of new
conventional single-family dwellings rose from $23,400
to $62,900 during the decade. Economist Alan Greenspan
estimated in 1977 that the market value of the nations
entire stock of single-family, owner-occupied houses was
increasing at an annual rate of $62.2 billion, almost all of
which was being converted to cash through mortgages.
This money was recirculating in the economy, bringing
the United States out of the mid-1970s recession and
spurring more housing production. Capital gains from
housing outstripped by three to one the gains taken by
private investors in the stock market at this time.
In the late 1970s builders began to create new types
of housing clusters including duplexes, triplexes, and
four-plexes. Large landscaped developments often included a mix of detached houses, apartment buildings,
and townhouses around a central feature such as a golf
course or other recreational facility. Eventually the more
expensive of these developments would become socially
segregated gated communities with access limited to
residents and their guests.
By the 1980s the national homeownership rate was
nearly 65 percent, with the highest rate among people
from ages fty-ve to sixty-ve. The incidence of new
two-story houses increased, and all new houses had more
bedrooms, bathrooms, and replaces. At the other end of
the scale were the homeless whose numbers reached an
estimated 500,000 to 750,000 during the 1980s.
By 1999 the average new house had two or more
stories, three bedrooms, 2.5 bathrooms, central heating
and air conditioning, a working replace, and a two-car
garage. Its average size was 2,250 square feet, 50 percent
larger than the average new house in 1970.
The number of housing units in the United States at
the end of the twentieth century was nearly 116 million,
with 91 percent of these occupied on a full-time basis.
Approximately one-third of the remaining 9 percent were
seasonal, recreational, or occasionally used dwellings, an
indication of the housing prosperity of Americans. More
than 66 percent of the units occupied on a full-time basis
were occupied by their owners; in 1900 only 36.5 percent
of dwelling units were owner occupied. The average
H O U S I N G A N D U R B A N D E V E L O P M E N T, D E PA RT M E N T O F
Judith Reynolds
See also Apartment Houses; Architecture; Architecture,
American Indian; Electrification, Household; Greenbelt Communities; Plumbing; Suburbanization; Tenements; Urbanization; and vol. 9: In the Slums, 1890.
encourage growth while retarding the decay of the expanding urban centers throughout the country. It was a
vision that was originally introduced by President John F.
Kennedy in his 1961 State of the Union address. In 1966,
the statutory objectives of HUD were translated into the
Model Cities and Metropolitan Development Act, and
then in 1968 the Housing Act was passed, followed in
1970 by the Housing and Urban Development Act.
From Kennedy and Johnsons vision of the federal
governments participation and cooperation in providing
adequate housing and urban development that protects
and promotes opportunities of diverse ethnic populations
and the poorest families in the country, HUD made signicant strides during its rst three years. It made the
Federal Housing Administration a key part of HUDs
mission to develop low-income housing, initiated crosscommunication between programs so that related issues
could be addressed in a coordinated way, involved neighborhood groups in spearheading inner-city rehabilitation
through the Model Cities program, and looked for innovative ways to fund private housing for lower-income
families. Unfortunately HUD has failed to capitalize on
its strong beginnings. Since the Johnson presidency, HUD
has proven to be a department that has become the poor
cousin within the cabinetunderfunded and racked with
scandal, fraud, and abuse. Virtually all of the presidents
since Johnson have disagreed with the fundamental aims
and purposes for which HUD was established and have
attempted to undermine both the power and prestige of
the department. Even those who have supported HUDs
goals have been unable to overcome its now long history
of failure.
President Nixons HUD secretary from 1969 to 1973,
George Romney, actually placed a moratorium on all federal housing programs in 1973, and during Nixons abbreviated second term, James T. Lynn, Romneys successor, oversaw HUDs decline to a second-tier position
within the cabinet.
During the administrations of Gerald Ford and
Jimmy Carter, HUD was not able to overcome this reputation. Fords administration was caught up in postWatergate caretaking, and Jimmy Carters administration
was quickly besieged by the Iran hostage crisis that came
to dene his presidency. Carters post-presidency commitment to and activist role in the nonprot organization
Habitat for Humanity suggests that signicant opportunities for strong presidential leadership on the issues of
community renewal, fair housing, and innovative programs
for nancing low-income housing were missed during his
administration.
In 1981, President Reagan appointed Samuel R.
Pierce Jr., a New York attorney, to be the new secretary
of HUD. Pierces termlasting the full eight years of the
Reagan presidency, the longest of any HUD secretary
since its inceptionresulted in the appointment of an independent counsel to investigate corruption within the
agency. This led ultimately to seventeen criminal convic-
183
HOUSTON
184
Karenbeth Farmer
M. H. Hoeich
Broadus Mitchell
See also City Planning; Corruption, Political.
HOUSTON
gressive business leadership and impressive record of economic growth. Houstons phenomenal development ranks
as one of the most astonishing examples of urban growth
in United States history.
In 1836, only John and Augustus Allen, the visionary
New Yorkers who founded the city on the coastal prairies
of southeast Texas, fty miles inland from Galveston Island, glimpsed Houstons potential. Hampered by its location on Buffalo Bayou, a scarcely navigable, sluggish
little stream, Houston was overshadowed in importance
by the seaport of Galveston. Southeast Texas itself was
only a peripheral area of the Deep South whose longdominant urban entrepot was New Orleans.
Named after Sam Houston, hero of the ght for
Texas independence, the city served briey as capital of
the Texas Republic (18371839), but its future did not lie
in becoming a seat of government. Like other southern
inland cities Houston specialized in rail development,
serving as a railhead for Galveston and as a collection and
shipment point for cotton and other agricultural goods
produced in the region. Before the Civil War, Houston
became a regional railroad center with ve rail lines fanning out in all directions. Postbellum expansion linked
the city to the national rail network in 1873.
After the Civil War, Houston businessmen determined to make Houston a major port city. Buffalo Bayou
was difcult to navigate even for small boats, so Houston
boosters began a drive to dredge a navigable channel toward the Gulf of Mexico. Charles Morgan, a Gulf Coast
shipowner, headed the project, which resulted in the opening of a twelve-foot-deep waterway to Clinton. Houston
entrepreneurs enlisted federal assistance to resume the ship
channel project in 1881 until the waterway cut through
Galveston Bay and Buffalo Bayou to a turning basin above
Harrisburg in 1914. The Houston Ship Channel, subsequently widened and deepened, made Houston a major
inland port.
Houston was spared the fate of Galveston, which was
completely destroyed by a hurricane in 1900. With the
elimination of its rival to the south, the path was clear for
Houston to develop into the dominant urban center in
southeast Texas. The cornerstone of the citys bid for regional dominance and national prominence was set with
the advent of the Texas oil boom that followed the discovery of oil at nearby Spindletop in 1901. The oil boom
led to the formation of three of the worlds major oil companies: Texaco (originally the Texas Company), Gulf, and
Exxon (originally Humble). Houston became the national
capital of an integrated industry consisting of energy business headquarters, drilling operations, producing wells,
pipelines, reneries, and port facilities. The Houston
Ship Channel developed into a major world petrochemical industry corridor.
The citys extraordinary growth, interrupted by the
Great Depression of the 1930s, resurged with the onset
of World War II. As wartime industrial production ex-
185
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kemp, Giles, and Edward Clain. Dale Carnegie: The Man Who
Inuenced Millions. New York: St. Martins, 1989.
Conrad L. Rein
See also Petrochemical Industry; Petroleum Industry; Texas.
186
Patrick N. Allitt
See also Psychology; Self-Help Movement.
Kellogg, Louise Phelps. Old Fort Howard. Wisconsin Magazine of History 18 (1934).
Prucha, Francis P. A Guide to the Military Posts of the United States,
17891895. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1964.
HUBBLE SPACE TELESCOPE. Although astronomer Lyman Spitzer rst suggested the idea of a spacebased telescope in 1946, it was not until 24 April 1990
that one was placed in orbit around the earth. Named
after the pioneering astronomer Edwin P. Hubble, it
promised to overcome distortions caused by the earths
atmosphere. The forty-three-foot-long telescope could
look seven times farther into space than the most powerful terrestrial observatories.
Computer problems in 1982 thwarted the $2 billion
telescopes initial launching. Rescheduled for October
1986, its launch was again delayed by the tragedy in January 1986 that killed the crew of the space shuttle Challenger. Four years later, the Hubble Space Telescope nally was lifted into space. Two months after the telescope
was placed in orbit, scientists announced that its 94.5-inch
primary mirror, polished to incredible smoothness, was
awed, resulting in blurred images. Ironically, the telescope was myopic. Investigation showed that engineers
easily could have detected this problem prior to launch.
Scientists had to delay or cancel experiments.
In December 1993 the crew of the space shuttle Endeavour tted the telescope with corrective optics and
HUDSON RIVER
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fischer, Daniel, and Hilmar Duerbeck. The Hubble: A New Window to the Universe. Translated by Helmut Jenkner and
Douglas Duncan. New York: Copernicus, 1996.
Peterson, Carolyn Collins, and John C. Brandt. Hubble Vision:
Further Adventures with the Hubble Space Telescope. 2d ed.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Brent Schondelmeyer / a. r.
See also Challenger Disaster; Observatories, Astronomical;
Space Program.
James Varn
187
Hudson River. Steamboats like Robert Fultons Clermont, launched in 1807, revolutionized transportation and accelerated New
York States economic growth. UPI/corbis-Bettmann
the literary works of such American writers as Washington Irving and James Fenimore Cooper.
The river has paid a price for progress and development. By the twentieth century, the Hudson had become
a polluted waterway. The river was the focal point for
conservationists when, in 1962, Con Edison made a proposal to build a hydroelectric plant on the river at Storm
King Mountain. Opposition to the plant prompted the
U.S. Court of Appeals to insist that the planners consider
the effects of the plant on the environment. In the ensuing
battle, the pressure brought by environmental groups led
Con Edison to drop the Storm King project in 1980. A
later environmental battle concerned the dumping of over
one million pounds of the carcinogenic substance polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) in the Hudson by major corporations situated on its banks. In 2001, the Environmental Protection Agency ordered General Electric to
begin a $500 million dredging operation of the Hudson
River to remove the PCBs.
188
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Early in the nineteenth century, much of the American concept of good painting took its denition from the
American Academy of Fine Arts, which drew on formal
European composition. The National Academy of Design, founded in 1825, was an instrument for the propagation of the Romantic venture. Practitioners traveled
into remote regions to make sketches; much of their nished work took place in studios in New York City. Albert
Bierstadt drew on western scenery, notably in his Rocky
Mountains, Landers Peak (1863) and his Lower Yellowstone
Falls. Frederic Edwin Church mined landscape in Ecuador, including an active volcano. Others included Thomas
Doughty, Thomas Cole, George Inness, and Asher Brown
Durand. Adherents to the new aesthetic had faith in the
instruction given by nature on its own terms. Some of the
Hudson River paintings do not depict an exact geographic
scene but one heightened by the painters imagination.
However, they were generally of a mind with Henry David Thoreau, whose writings depict spiritual patterns in
nature yet describe them in the most exquisitely precise
detail of a veined leaf, a colony of ants, a rivulet of water
tracing downhill. The result, or at least the effort of such
an apprehension of nature, therefore brought together
enterprises that coexist uneasily: an intellectual construct
in Romanticism, scientic inquiry, and artistic execution.
In the mid-1830s, the British immigrant Cole carried
out a more abstract and idealized work in his ambitious
series The Course of Empire, an essay on canvas describing
through stages the hope and folly of human endeavor. It
goes from the violent landscape Savage State through Pastoral or Arcadian and Consummation of Empire to Destruction to Desolation, depicting ruined colonnades amid a reasserted nature. Such explicit instruction in the evils of
overcivilization was the exception. More common were
presentations of a nature of commanding force yet lifegiving to humanity if it will accept it in itself. Durands
familiar Kindred Spirits, painted in 1849, puts the gures
of Cole and William Cullen Bryant atop a crag looking
over a rugged yet benign wilderness. Their communion
with each other and their surroundings catches the transcendentalist perception of a oneness between mind and
nature.
By the centurys last quarter, artistic aims and techniques were changing. Part of the reason, doubtless, was
a decline in Romanticism in its transcendentalist American form, which intellectuals had for a time adopted as
virtually a reigning American ethos. A new aesthetic developed in France, the Barbizon school, was competing
with the manner of the Hudson River painters. One artist,
George Inness, bridged the shift. Artists continued to seek
majesty and refreshment in nature; but they sought a freer
and more personally experimental rendering of natural
scenery.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
189
H U D S O N S B AY C O M PA N Y
Howat, John K. The Hudson River and Its Painters. New York:
Penguin Books, 1972.
Lassiter, Barbara Babcock. American Wilderness: The Hudson River
School of Painting. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1977.
David Burner
See also Art: Painting.
190
MacKay, Douglas. The Honourable Company: A History of the Hudsons Bay Company. Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill, 1936.
Newman, Peter C. Company of Adventurers. New York: Viking,
1985.
Rich, E. E., ed. The History of the Hudsons Bay Company 1670
1870. London: Hudsons Bay Record Society, 19581959.
Bosher, John F. Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century. William and Mary
Quarterly, 3d ser., 52 ( January 1995): 77102.
Butler, Jon. The Huguenots in America: A Refugee People in New
World Society. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1983.
Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand. The Huguenots of Proprietary
South Carolina: Patterns of Migration and Settlement. In
Money, Trade and Power: The Evolution of South Carolinas
Plantation System. Edited by Jack P. Greene, Rosemary
Brana-Shute, and Randy J. Sparks. Columbia: University of
South Carolina Press, 2001.
Leslie Choquette
James Elliott Walmsley
See also New Amsterdam; Walloons.
HUMAN GENOME PROJECT. The Human Genome Project (HGP) is an ambitious international effort
to understand the hereditary instructions that make each
human being unique. Its original goal was to locate the
100,000 or so human genes and read the entire genetic
scriptall three billion bits of informationby the year
2005, although technological advances moved up the expected completion date to 2003 and allowed the project
to release a working draft of the human genome sequence in June 2000.
Launched in 1990, the project is supported in the
United States by the National Institutes of Health and
the Department of Energy. The HGP expects to identify
the genes involved in both rare and common diseases,
perhaps enabling early detection and treatment of disease
and new approaches to prevention. In addition, gene discovery might predict someones likelihood of getting a
disease long before symptoms appear. In some cases, preventive actions can then be undertaken that may avert
disease, as with familial breast cancer; or they can detect
disease at its earliest stages, when treatment tends to be
more successful. Errors in human genes cause an estimated three thousand to four thousand clearly hereditary
diseases, including Huntingtons disease, cystic brosis,
sickle-cell anemia, neurobromatosis, and Duchenne muscular dystrophy. Moreover, altered genes play a part in
cancer, heart disease, diabetes, Alzheimers disease, and
many other common illnesses.
The HGP is designed to provide tools and techniques to enable scientists to nd genes quickly. The rst
of these tools are maps of each chromosome. The ultimate goal is to decode, letter by letter, the exact sequence
of all 3 billion nucleotide bases that make up the human
genomea daunting task that spurred researchers from
many elds (biology, physics, engineering, and computer
science, to name a few) to develop automated technologies to reduce the time and cost of sequencing. The ability
to probe genes could be a double-edged sword, however.
For some diseases, for example, ability to detect a nonfunctional gene has outpaced doctors ability to do anything about the disease it causes. Huntingtons disease is
a case in point. Although a test for high-risk families has
been available for years, only a handful of individuals have
decided to be tested. The reason seems to be that, because
there is no way to cure or prevent Huntingtons disease,
some would rather live with uncertainty than with the
knowledge that they will be struck some time in midlife
with a fatal disease. There is also the uncertainty of what
might happen if a health insurance company or a potential
employer learns that an individual is destined to develop
Huntingtons disease. Might that person be denied coverage or turned down for a job? Because of such concerns,
the HGP has, since its inception, devoted about 5 percent
191
HUMAN RESOURCES
Leslie Fink / c. w.
See also DNA; Energy, Department of; Genetics; Medical Research; National Institutes of Health.
192
forth in the Declaration of Independence and was codied in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. The
United States has long regarded international human
rights standards as universal. It has rejected the arguments
of nations such as China, which claim that such standards
can be discounted as mere Western concepts and argue
that human rights should be viewed through the prism of
each nations history and culture. Unlike many governments, the United States acknowledges that some human
rights problems persist within its territory despite its generally good record and accepts that universal human rights
standards involve study and criticism of such matters.
Initiatives since World War II
World War II (19391945) gave impetus to the modern
development of basic principles of human rights and to
the general acceptance of the idea that the human rights
practices of individual countries toward their own citizens
are legitimate matters of international concern. The 1945
United Nations Charter included a general commitment
to respect for human rights, but it was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (adopted by the UN General
Assembly in 1948) that provided the basic statement of
what have become widely accepted international human
rights standards. The former rst lady Eleanor Roosevelt
played a key role in the formulation of the Universal
Declaration.
Human rights principles, policy, and practices became an increased focus of popular and public attention
in the United States during the last quarter of the twentieth century. Several inuential nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were formed during this period to
monitor and report on human rights matters. For example, both Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers
Committee for Human Rights were formed in 1978, and
Physicians for Human Rights was formed in 1986. In addition, both the legislative and the executive branches of
the U.S. government took signicant steps during this
period to make the promotion of human rights a government priority.
The new emphasis on human rights led to a congressional requirement for the annual submission by the
Department of State of a full and complete report on
the status of human rights practices around the world.
The rst of the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices was submitted in 1977 (covering 1976). It surveyed
the situation in eighty-two countries in less than 300
pages. By 2000, 194 individual reports were included,
covering virtually every country in the world, and the
overall report was more than 5,000 pages. The Country
Reports evolved and expanded over the years, covering
many of the rights included in the Universal Declaration
and multilateral accords to which the United States is a
party, as well as some rights in internationally accepted
covenants to which the United States is not a party. Over
time, the Country Reports added coverage of specic
problems that became matters of public concern. For ex-
HUMAN RIGHTS
ample, in the 1990s, Congress mandated coverage of children, indigenous people, refugees, and worker rights, and
the State Department itself expanded coverage of womens
rights, people with disabilities, and religious, national, racial, and ethnic minorities. Problems noted in the Country Reports can lead to the denial of aid and trade preferences. The Country Reports were initially subject to
criticism as biased in some cases by policy concerns, and
for many years the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights
published an annual critique. However, by the late 1990s,
the Country Reports were widely acknowledged to be a
comprehensive and credible account of global human
rights practices, and the Lawyers Committee had ceased
publishing its critique.
In 1976, Congress established within the State Department a coordinator for human rights and humanitarian affairs; in 1977, under the Carter administration,
which established human rights as a foreign policy priority, this position was upgraded to assistant secretary. In
1994, the Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian
Affairs was reorganized and renamed the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, to reect both a
broader scope and a more focused approach to the interlocking issues of democracy, human rights, and worker
rights.
Broadening Human Rights Concerns
American efforts to encourage respect for human rights
increased signicantly during the 1990s. The United States
ratied the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) in 1992 (however, by the early twentyrst century it had not yet ratied the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, or a
number of other key international conventions). While
the Universal Declaration did not entail any legal obligations, the ICCPR bound nations to respect its provisions and report on their observance; the United States
submitted its rst report under the ICCPR in 1994.
Also in 1994, Congress created the position of senior
adviser for womens rights in the State Department, and
womens rights became a major focus of U.S. activity. In
1995, First Lady Hillary Clinton played a leading role in
equating womens rights and human rights at the Fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing. In 2000, the
focus on womens rights was reected in the Victims of
Trafcking and Violence Protection Act, which required
a State Department report to Congress; the rst report
was submitted in 2001. Trafcking in personsparticularly women and childrenis a signicant transnational
human rights problem, which became the focus of increased international attention in the late 1990s.
In the mid-1990s, growing public and congressional
concern about religious persecution abroad led to calls for
increased government action and reporting about such
abuses. In 1996, Secretary of State Warren Christopher
established the Advisory Committee on Religious Freedom Abroad to advise the secretary and the president on
integrating the protection and promotion of religious freedom into U.S. foreign policy. In 1998, Congress passed the
International Religious Freedom Act, which provided for
an ambassador-at-large, a bipartisan U.S. Commission on
International Religious Freedom, an annual State Department report, and possible sanctions against nations
that restricted religious freedom.
During the 1990s, the United States placed increasing emphasis on encouraging democratization, promoting justice and accountability, and assisting the development of civil society. Through both direct assistance and
the work of the National Endowment for Democracy, the
United States promoted the development of key institutions and processes that provide the foundation for democratic governance, including support for free elections,
free media, and free trade unions, training in the rule of
law and the administration of justice, the empowerment
of women, and the creation of NGOs and other institutions of civil society.
The United States also worked extensively with
NGOs and international organizations to promote and
protect human rights. The development of transnational
human rights networks and a global human rights community, particularly after the 1993 World Conference on
Human Rights in Vienna and the Beijing Womens Conference, facilitated international debate over issues of democratization and justice. The 1998 arrest of General Augusto Pinochet in London at the request of a Spanish
judge who wanted to try Pinochet in Spain for torture
and political killings during his seventeen-year rule in
Chile marked a watershed development. Although the
British government ultimately allowed Pinochet to return
home, his sixteen-month detention was a precedent for
the globalization of efforts to assure justice and accountability. His near extradition helped generate a worldwide
movement to hold heads of state accountable for human
rights abuses committed while they were in power.
The U.S. government has played an active role in
multilateral forums such as the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva, pressing for resolutions critical of human rights abuses in countries such as China and Cuba.
The United States has supported the efforts of regional
bodies such as the Organization of American States and
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and has worked to build multilateral coalitions for
human rights sanctions, monitoring, and relief efforts.
The United States also has worked to build new institutions to advance the protection of human rights. It
supported the creation of the ofce of the UN high commissioner for human rights in 1993. Abuses and atrocities
in Europe and Africa in the 1990s, including genocide in
Rwanda and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, led to sustained
efforts to further accountability and justice. In response
to these crises, the United States played a key role in the
establishment of the International Criminal Tribunals for
the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The United States
also supported the establishment and efforts of national
193
H U M P H R E Y S E X E C U T O R V. U N I T E D S T AT E S
or international truth commissions, where internal conicts and the transition from authoritarian rule made
them an essential part of the peace process. Such truth
commissions can provide a forum for victims to detail
atrocities committed and discredit the perpetrators, particularly if prosecution is impractical or impossible, as in
South Africa.
194
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andreopoulos, George J., and Richard Pierre Claude, eds. Human Rights Education for the Twenty-First Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.
Brown, Peter G., and Douglas MacLean, eds. Human Rights and
U.S. Foreign Policy: Principles and Applications. Lexington,
Mass.: Lexington Books, 1979.
Claude, Richard Pierre, and Burns H. Weston, eds. Human
Rights in the World Community: Issues and Action. 2d ed.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992.
Dunne, Tim, and Nicholas J. Wheeler, eds. Human Rights in
Global Politics. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University
Press, 1999.
Hannum, Hurst, ed. Guide to International Human Rights Practice.
3d ed. Ardsley, N.Y.: Transnational, 1999.
Human Rights Watch World Report 2000. New York: Human
Rights Watch, 1999.
Koh, Harold Hongju, and Ronald C. Slye, eds. Deliberative Democracy and Human Rights. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999.
Meron, Theodore, ed. Human Rights in International Law: Legal
and Policy Issues. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984.
Marc J. Susser
See also Bill of Rights in U.S. Constitution; United Nations;
and vol. 9: Human Rights Not Founded on Sex, October
2, 1837.
H U N T I N G T O N L I B R A RY A N D M U S E U M
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Herring, E. Pendleton. Public Administration and the Public Interest. New York: Russell and Russell, 1967. The original
edition was published in 1936.
Leuchtenburg, William E. The Case of the Contentious Commissioner: Humphreys Executor v. U.S. In Freedom and
Reform: Essays in Honor of Henry Steele Commager. Edited by
Harold M. Hyman and Leonard W. Levy. New York: Harper
and Row, 1967.
HUNDRED. The hundred was a colonial administrative unit based on its English counterpart: an area occupied by one hundred families and served by local ofcials.
In Virginia, the hundred began as a settlement of one
hundred families but soon became a strictly territorial
unit for judicial, military, and political purposes. In Maryland, hundreds were territorial units for elections, public
levies, and preservation of the peace. In Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, the establishment of larger administrative units such as boroughs and counties diminished
the function of hundreds, although they remained important subdivisions and continued to exist in many places
in the early 2000s.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Shelby Balik
Percy Scott Flippin
See also Borough; Colonial Settlements.
HUNKERS, the name applied to the conservative faction of New Yorks Democratic Party in the 1840s. The
Hunkers favored spending state surpluses on canals, making internal improvements, and liberally chartering state
banks. They supported James K. Polk for president, and
they deprecated antislavery agitation. Patronage disputes
promoted discord with the progressive element of the
party, known as the Barnburners. The Barnburners withdrew from the state Democratic convention in 1847 and
the national convention in 1848. A coalition formed in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Philip G. Auchampaugh / a. g.
See also Barnburners.
195
H U R O N / W YA N D O T
Hurons. Members of this now widely scattered Indian confederation pose in tribal costume on a reservation near Fredericton,
New Brunswick, Canada. University of Pennsylvania Museum Archives
196
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cannon, Carl L. American Book Collectors and Collecting from Colonial Times to the Present. New York: H. W. Wilson, 1941.
Dickinson, Donald C. Henry E. Huntingtons Library of Libraries.
San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1995.
Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. The Huntington
Art Collections: A Handbook. San Marino, Calif.: Huntington
Library, 1986.
Schad, Robert O. Henry Edwards Huntington: The Founder and
the Library. San Marino, Calif.: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1931.
Thorpe, James. Henry Edwards Huntington: A Biography. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.
Joshua Perelman
See also Collecting; Libraries; Museums.
HURON/WYANDOT. The Hurons were a confederation of four or ve tribes, whose foundation originated
in the fteenth or sixteenth century. At the time of European contact, there were twenty thousand Hurons living close to the banks of Georgian Bay in the modern
province of Ontario, Canada, in semi-sedentary farming
communities, which relocated every fteen to twenty
HURRICANES
Barbeau, Marius. Huron and Wyandot Mythology. Ottawa, Canada: Government Printing Bureau, 1915.
Heidenreich, Conrad. Huronia: A History and Geography of the
Huron Indians, 16001650. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971.
Trigger, Bruce G. The Children of Aataentsic. A History of the Huron People to 1660. 2 vols. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1976.
Denys Delage
See also Warfare, Indian.
HURRICANES, intensely powerful storms that originate at sea in tropical waters. Hurricanes are characterized
by circular wind patterns, in which violent winds spiral
around the eye of the storm, and they can be hundreds of
miles wide. Hurricanes travel great distances and most
never reach land, but those that do often devastate coastal
areas. The combination of high winds, torrential rains,
and tidal surges can cause many deaths and massive property damage. By denition, a tropical storm becomes a
hurricane when its sustained winds reach 74 miles per
hour. Hurricane winds have reached 150 and even 200
miles per hour, but the most deadly aspect is the tidal surge.
Sea levels can rise 15 or even 20 feet, with storm surges
ooding low-lying areas and drowning many people.
Scientists use the term tropical cyclone to describe
these violent storms. The word hurricane is derived
from the languages of native peoples of the Caribbean,
and refers to Western Hemisphere storms. Tropical cyclones also occur in the Eastern Hemisphere, developing
in the Pacic Ocean, where they are called typhoons or
cyclones. The term tornado, however, describes a different phenomenon; tornadoes originate over land and
are typically 700 yards in diameter.
Because warm water is their energy source, tropical
cyclones are seasonal. Hurricane season in the Atlantic
lasts from June through November. Most storms occur
between August and October, and early September is the
riskiest period for major storms. Hurricane season is a
serious matter throughout the Caribbean and Central
America, and nations from Cuba to Honduras have suffered terrible losses. The high-risk areas in the United
States lie along the Gulf Coast from Texas to Florida, and
the Atlantic coast from Florida to the Carolinas, but New
England has also experienced deadly storms.
Hurricanes are classied by intensity: category 1
storms have sustained winds of 7495 mph, while category 5 storms have winds over 155 mph and tidal surges
over 18 feet. Scientists believe that two category 5 storms
hit the modern United States, the most intense being the
1935 Florida Keys storm, when barometers dropped to
26.35 inches. This powerful hurricane was neither the
deadliest nor the costliest in American history. There
have been several storms of greater national signicance.
Of course, every town that experiences a hurricane is
changed, and the storm becomes part of local history.
197
H U R T A D O V. C A L I F O R N I A
Most communities buried their dead, rebuilt their buildings, and moved forward. Certain hurricanes, however,
rose beyond local signicance and are considered national
tragedies with relief efforts much like San Franciscos
earthquake and Chicagos re.
The Galveston storm ranks rst among American
hurricanes. The hurricane that struck Galveston, Texas,
in September 1900 killed over 8,000 people, including
6,000 in the island city, and remains the deadliest natural
disaster in U.S. history. The tidal surge rose rapidly,
ooding much of the barrier island. Galvestons highest
elevation was only 8.7 feet above sea level, and when the
waves receded, a wall of wreckage and bodies remained.
The nation rallied to Galvestons relief, and Galvestonians
adopted the new city commission form of government to
manage the recovery. Galveston constructed a massive sea
wall and pumped in sand to raise the entire citys grade.
In 1915, another category 4 hurricane hit Galveston, but
the seawall held and the rebuilt city survived.
In one decade, three major hurricanes battered southern Florida, arriving in 1926, 1928, and 1935. The September 1926 storm directly hit Miami, as the eye of the
storm passed over the young city. Scientists estimate that
if this hurricane followed the same path today, it would
cause an astounding $70 billion of property damage. The
storm surge ooded Miami Beach and ravaged Moore
Haven, an agricultural settlement on Lake Okeechobee.
Well over 300 people drowned, and the response included
stronger building codes for southern Florida. The 1928
storm struck near Palm Beach, but also did its deadliest
work in Floridas low-lying interior. Lake Okeechobee
rose 15 feet, devastating Belle Glade, a community of
black migrant farm workers. This natural disaster was
Americas second deadliest, and estimates range from
1,800 to 2,500 dead. Relief came slowly, but eventually
included a vast canal system and a huge rock levee to prevent Lake Okeechobee from overowing. This federal
ood control program dramatically altered the Everglades ecosystem. The third major hurricane in this era
was the category 5 storm that hit the Florida Keys in
1935. Hundreds of war veterans were building highway
bridges between these islands on a federal work relief program. Winds rose to 200 miles per hour and the tidal
surge topped 18 feet. The train sent to evacuate the workers arrived too late, and over 400 people died, including
250 veterans. Many Americans were outraged that the
veterans were left in harms way, and pressure grew for
better hurricane warnings.
There were other deadly storms between 1935 and
1960, including the unusual 1938 hurricane that killed
600 people in New England. Radar became a tool for
tracking tropical storms in the 1950s, and hurricanes were
given womens names starting in 1953. Few large hurricanes struck the United States in the 1960s, 1970s, and
1980s. But in 1989, a category 4 hurricane pounded the
Carolinas. This storm was named Hugo (mens names
were added in 1978) and it caused more property damage
198
than any prior hurricane. But Hugos record did not stand
long. In August 1992, Hurricane Andrews 16-foot storm
surge hit southern Florida, setting a new record with
property losses of $2530 billion. Andrew battered Homestead, Florida City, and Miamis outskirts, killing nearly
fty people and seriously damaging over 100,000 homes.
Hugo and Andrew exposed a new generation to the deadly
threat of hurricanes.
While property damage has increased in recent hurricanes, fatalities have fallen due to earlier warnings by
the National Hurricane Center, better evacuations, and
safer buildings. However, many more Americans have
moved to coastal locations, and areas like the Florida Keys
are increasingly difcult to evacuate. Gulf and Atlantic
coast communities remain at risk each hurricane season,
and a direct hit on Miami, New Orleans, or Houston
could be catastrophic. Tropical storms remain unpredictable, and there is no more deadly example of natures
power than the hurricane.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
William C. Barnett
See also Disasters; Galveston; Mexico, Gulf of; Miami; Tornadoes; Weather Service, National.
Leonard C. Helderman / a. r.
See also Due Process of Law; Jury Trial.
HYDROELECTRIC POWER
HUTCHINSON LETTERS, between Massachusetts Governor Thomas Hutchinson and ofcials in Londonparticularly Thomas Whatelydiscussing colonial
unrest and urging abridgment of colonial liberties. For
the rest of his life after the publication of these letters
which effectively destroyed his careerHutchinson doggedly pursued the mystery of who had turned the letters
over to colonial agent Benjamin Franklin, who in turn
sent them to Massachusetts. Between 1768 and the end
of 1771, Hutchinson wrote Whately at least thirteen letters, six of which were published in America in 1773. Although the letters were for the most part restrained and
merely cautionary, and contained little that the public had
not heard Hutchinson express before, their publication
provided a catalyst for colonial protest.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Leslie J. Lindenauer
See also Colonial Policy, British.
199
HYDROELECTRIC POWER
in response to the dramatic expansion of consumer demand and industrial production throughout the decades
of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, many new electric generating facilities, including hydroelectric developments,
were constructed.
200
HYDROELECTRIC POWER
Shasta Dam. In Russell Lees 1942 photograph, workers hose away dirt and rock during
construction of the dam, which opened in 1945 on the Sacramento River in Northern California.
Library of Congress
201
HYDROELECTRIC POWER
202
HYDROGEN BOMB
Barnes, Marla. Tracking the Pioneers of Hydroelectricity. Hydro Review 16 (1997): 46.
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. Hydroelectric Power Resources of the United States: Developed and Undeveloped. Washington, 1 January 1992.
. Report on Hydroelectric Licensing Policies, Procedures, and
Regulations: Comprehensive Review and Recommendations Pursuant to Section 603 of the Energy Act of 2000. Washington,
May 2001.
Foundation for Water and Energy Education. Following Natures
Current: Hydroelectric Power in the Northwest. Salem, Oregon,
1999.
Idaho National Engineering Laboratory and United States Department of EnergyIdaho Operations Ofce. Hydroelec-
tric Power Industry Economic Benet Assessment. DOE/ID10565. Idaho Falls, November 1996.
. Hydropower Resources at Risk: The Status of Hydropower
Regulation and Development 1997. DOE/ID-10603. Idaho
Falls, September 1997.
United States Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration. Annual Energy Review 2000. DOE/EIA-0384
(2000). Washington, August 2001.
United States Department of EnergyIdaho Operations Ofce.
Hydropower: Partnership with the Environment. 01-GA50627.
Idaho Falls, June 2001.
Richard T. Hunt
See also vol. 9: Power.
203
HYDROPONICS
John Townes / c. w.
See also Agriculture; Gardening; Organic Farming.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Richard G. Hewlett
David Rezelman
See also Arms Race and Disarmament; Nuclear Weapons.
HYDROPONICS, a method of growing plants in nutrient solutions, without soil. Under normal conditions,
soil captures and stores nitrogen, potassium, and other
mineral nutrients, which plant roots absorb gradually.
Hydroponics, in contrast, immerses roots directly in liquid nutrient solutions. Plants are either suspended above
water with their roots submerged, or they are placed in
sand or in sterile growing mediums and regularly ooded
with liquid nutrients. Proponents say this minimizes nutrient loss and allows more precise control over the nutrients the plants receive.
The principles of hydroponic gardening have been
used since ancient times. They were brought to popular
204
HYGIENE
thusiastic recommendation of Benjamin Rush in Philadelphia, an English edition of Fausts book was published
in New York.
Faust had lived in a political system that championed
effective health care. Ofcials in the absolutist states of
western Europe believed that an enlightened government
should protect the health of its people. Several of these
governments established systems of medical police that
regulated the personal lives of their citizens from the cradle to the grave with a plethora of laws and administrative
agencies. Most nineteenth-century political leaders in the
United States rejected the rigid paternalism of these systems. Nevertheless, with the lobbying of interested physicians, health legislation did appear in numerous states
before the Civil War.
Thomas Cooper (17591839), trained as a lawyer
and physician, saw a need for regulation of such nuisances
as gambling, swearing, public drunkenness, lth and sewerage, vagrants and beggars, careless and desperate drivers of stagecoaches, and the ring of guns in the streets.
Two outstanding New York City physicians, David Hosack and John Griscom, encouraged politicians to adopt
legislation relating to epidemic diseases, constructing
houses, locating cemeteries, and protecting sources of
water. By 1832, most of the larger American cities had
created boards of health that enacted various kinds of regulations, and twenty states had adopted licensure regulations for practitioners.
However, in caring for patients, American practitioners as a profession did not honor traditional attention to
hygienic practices. Only a few individual physicians, beginning with Benjamin Rush, evinced a special interest
in hygiene. These physicians acknowledged new British
works on health and translated some key European treatises. Elisha Bartlett (18041855), John Bell (17961872),
and Robley Dunglison (17981869) prepared original
monographs on personal hygiene. An underlying theme,
expressed succinctly by Bell, was the belief that rules for
the preservation of beauty were the same rules to be
followed for the support of health, both physical and
mental; these rules were also in entire harmony with
those by which each individual was required to maintain
his ethical and religious relations with his fellow men.
Like other physician-authors of the period, Bell discussed
skin care, dress, exercise, diet, longevity, and certain aspects of public hygiene. Encouraged by such physicians,
a democratization of health education occurred and some
citizens, at Boston in 1837, founded the American Physiological Society in order to learn that part of Human
Physiology which teaches the inuence of air, cleanliness,
exercise, sleep, food, drink, medicine, etc., on human
health and longevity. Although short-lived, this group
reected the growing concern among American citizens
for an understanding of human physiology and appropriate hygienic practices.
By 1876, there was still no comprehensive American
treatise on hygiene. The situation changed abruptly with
the emergence of a preventive medicine based on the bacteriological discoveries begun by Louis Pasteur and continued by many others during the last quarter of the century. These discoveries offered a rational basis for many
of the sanitary reforms that legislatures began to enact
and provided justication for new kinds of specic hygienic practices, both personal and public. Although public
health workers were primarily concerned with the control
of contagious and epidemic diseases well into the rst decades of the twentieth century, the National Committee
for Mental Hygiene was organized in 1908. Eight years
later ( June 1916), the Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene
and Public Health incorporated mental hygiene into its
original prospectus. An emerging interest in occupational
hygiene reinforced attention to mental hygiene.
Although a few doctors studied health problems associated with the work of miners, metalworkers, shoemakers, bakers, and numerous other craftsmen during the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it was not until the
turn of the twentieth century that American physicians
and other health professionals began to give signicant
attention to occupational hygiene and the prevention of
diseases associated with particular occupations.
Between 1870 and 1930 bacteriological discoveries,
statistical surveys of disease, health regulations of industrial workers, and other forms of health legislation led to
a conceptualization of hygiene as a public concern rather
than a strictly private matter. The rst texts on hygiene
and public health were written, and the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology established the rst school of
public health in 1912. In medical schools, hygiene became
part of the curriculum in public health or preventive medicine courses. Most authorities considered personal hygiene primarily a matter of infectious disease control.
A redenition of health began to emerge in the midnineteenth century, reected in the World Health Organizations view of health as a complete state of physical,
mental, and social well-being. With the mushrooming demand for medical care among citizens who saw health
care as a right rather than a privilege, the emergence of
multiple new groups of professionals providing health
care, and the surge of scientic knowledge about ways to
prevent disease and maintain health, hygiene resumed its
original position as an integral component of medical and
liberal education.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
205
H Y LT O N V. U N I T E D S T AT E S
Chester R. Burns / c. w.
See also Epidemics and Public Health; Health Care; Johns
Hopkins University; Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Medicine, Occupational; Mental Illness.
HYLTON V. UNITED STATES (1796). The question of whether a tax on carriages imposed by an act of
Congress (5 June 1794) was a direct tax and therefore
subject to the constitutional rule of apportionment to the
states, was decided in the negative. Three justicesSamuel Chase, William Paterson, and James Iredellsitting
without their colleagues, decided unanimously that the
tax was an excise or duty and not a direct tax. The case is
chiey important for the implied assumption that the
Court had the authority to review the constitutionality of
an act of Congress.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Phillips Bradley / a. r.
See also Income Tax Cases; Judicial Review; Taxation.
HYMNS AND HYMNODY. The separatist Mayower Pilgrims brought to Plymouth a book titled The
Booke of Psalmes: Englished both in Prose and Metre (1612),
by Henry Ainsworth. The Massachusetts Bay Puritans
brought with them a version of the 150 psalms by Thomas
Sternhold and John Hopkins. Eventually perceived as too
inaccurately translated, in 1636 the Puritans began creating a psalmbook more suited to their ideology. In 1640,
The Whole Book of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English
Metre, eventually known as The Bay Psalm Book, became
the rst book printed in British America, and marked the
beginnings of American psalmody. No tunes were included in the book until the ninth edition, printed in
1698, which had fourteen tunes.
Isaac Wattss Hymns and Spiritual Songs (1707) was
reprinted in America in 1739, while his The Psalms of
David Imitated (1719), with Wattss free translation of the
psalms, was reprinted there in 1729. In 1712, the Reverend John Tufts published his Introduction to the Art of Singing Psalm Tunes, the rst music instruction book printed
in America. The second edition contained thirty-seven
tunes and was bound with The Bay Psalm Book. The Reverend Thomas Prince, pastor of the Old South Church
of Boston, signicantly revised it; he included fty hymns,
all but eight attributed to Isaac Watts. American hymns
206
sin and sorrow. Gospel songs had fewer stanzas than camp
meeting songs, and were always sung in a major key.
Frances Jane Crosby was a prolic gospel hymnist, producing more than nine-thousand texts. During the latter
half of the twentieth century, gospel hymnody became
more popular along with the rise in fundamentalism and
Pentecostalism.
At the turn of the twenty-rst century, churches have debated traditional versus contemporary styles of worship,
a debate encompassing the types of music used in worship
services.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bealle, John. Public Worship, Private Faith: Sacred Harp and American Folksong. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997.
Christine E. Hoffman
See also Bay Psalm Book; Camp Meetings; Music: African
American, Gospel.
207
I
I LOVE LUCY, a television program that aired weekly
on the CBS network from 1951 to 1957. This half-hour
situation comedy was among the most popular shows in
television history, ranking rst in the Nielsen ratings for
four of its six seasons. Reruns have continued to air since
the late 1950s, making this one of the best known of
American television series. The program was created and
produced by Jess Oppenheimer, who also wrote for the
show with Madelyn Pugh Davis and Bob Carroll Jr.
Desi Arnaz starred as Cuban American bandleader
Ricky Ricardo, who worked in a New York City nightclub. Lucille Ball, Arnazs wife on the show and off, played
Robert Thompson
See also Television: Programming and Influence.
209
I C E S K AT I N G
Ice Skating. In this 1875 print, recreational skaters move together in New Yorks Central Park. Bettmann/corbis
210
IDAHO
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Deirdre Sheets
See also Olympic Games, American Participation in.
Bittner, Donald F. The Lion and the White Falcon: Britain and
Iceland in the World War II Era. Hamden, Conn.: Archon
Books, 1983.
Neuchterlein, Donald E. Iceland, Reluctant Ally. Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 1961.
John J. Hunt / e. m.
See also North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
211
IDAHO
212
Clearwater Timber Company by Frederick Weyerhaeuser in 1900, and by 1903, most private timberland was in
the hands of the big timber companies. In 1904, production had reached 350 million board feet and by 1925,
1,100 million board feet.
Building a Transport Network
Mining, lumbering, and wheat growing companies required an effective railroad network to transport their
products. In 1882, Pocatello, in the southeast, became a
major railroad center, with a complex of railroad shops
that was more unionized and ethnically diverse than other
parts of the state, and far less Mormon than most towns
in the east. The expansion of the network continued into
the twentieth century, and by 1918, there were 2,841
miles of track in Idaho. Railroad stations were a matter
of community pride and stimulated town growth, even
though they also created dependency on the railroad
timetable.
Immigration and Anti-Mormonism
The changes of the 1880s brought newcomers to Idaho.
These included the Basques, who were known to work as
shepherds but often worked in mining and dam construction; they developed their own hotels and boardinghouse
culture. The 1880s also saw the rise of anti-Mormonism,
because of the perception of the Latter-day Saints as outsiders who tended to vote as a bloc for the Democratic
Party. Under the leadership of Fred Dubois, a campaign
was waged against the Mormon practice of polygamy, and
the legislature passed a measure in 1882 that barred Latterday Saints from voting, holding ofce, or serving on a
jury, although most of these restrictions were abandoned
in 1893.
IDAHO
213
ILLINOIS
Arrington, Leonard J. History of Idaho. 2 vols. Moscow: University of Idaho Press, 1994.
Ashby, LeRoy. The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972.
Ewert, Sara E. Dant. Evolution of an Environmentalist: Senator Frank Church and the Hells Canyon Controversy.
Montana: The Magazine of Western History 51, no. 1 (Spring
2001): 3651.
Fahey, John. The Inland Empire: Unfolding Years, 18791929. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1986.
Malone, Michael P. C. Ben Ross and the New Deal in Idaho. Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1970.
May, Dean L. Three Frontiers: Family, Land, and Society in the
American West, 18501900. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Schwantes, Carlos A. In Mountain Shadows: A History of Idaho.
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991.
Wells, Merle W. Gold Camps and Silver Cities: Nineteenth Century
Mining in Central and Southern Idaho. Moscow: Idaho Department of Lands, Bureau of Mines and Geology, 1983.
Jeremy Bonner
See also Coeur dAlene Riots; Oregon Trail; Silver Prospecting and Mining; Tribes: Northwestern.
214
ILLINOIS
215
ILLINOIS
216
ganizations choose candidates, make key decisions on issues, and dole out favors and patronage. The Democrats
and Republicans have generally shared power on a fairly
equal basis throughout the states history. In pre-Civil
War Illinois the slavery issue gave Democrats an edge
over Whigs and, later, Republicans. However, between
the Civil War and the Great Depression, Republicans
maintained the upper hand, largely due to the partys
strength in the prosperous and rapidly growing northern
and central regions of the state, and to its successful efforts to defeat reapportionment of the state legislature.
Viewing with alarm the rise of Chicago with its huge and
largely ethnic population (mainly Irish and eastern European), downstate Republican politicians successfully
fought off all reapportionment schemes that would have
appropriately recognized Chicagos rapidly growing population, which was 12 percent of the states total in 1870,
35 percent in 1900, and 44 percent in 1930. Illinoiss outmoded constitution of 1848 was replaced in 1870 by a
poorly crafted document that neglected to provide home
rule for cities, left the ofce of governor relatively weak,
and set up an unorthodox system of cumulative voting
that allowed voters to cast a ballot for one, two, or three
candidates for the state House of Representatives, thus
assuring at least one Republican or Democrat from every
district.
Political rivalries in Illinois have traditionally been
bitter and complex. Despite the efforts of reform-minded
leaders such as Democratic governor John Peter Altgeld
(18931897) and of a number of Progressives during the
early twentieth century, political reform came slowly, and
corruption and party patronage have characterized the
states political history. When congressional districts were
redrawn, following the 1940 census, Chicago still had less
than its correct share of districts. The courts had to force
the state legislatures reapportionment in the 1960s; and
when no agreement could be hammered out by 1964, all
177 members of the Illinois General Assembly were elected
at large. A new state constitution in 1970 nally provided
home rule to municipalities, established more equitable
tax policies, and strengthened the governor and the state
supreme court; but the unorthodox system of cumulative
voting was not abandoned until 1981. Political patronage
remained a scandal throughout most of the twentieth century in both Chicago and Springeld; and a U.S. Supreme
Court decision in 1990 (Rutan v. Republican Party of Illinois) only altered rather than eliminated the practice. Illinois has more than thirty-six thousand elected ofcials,
and some observers believe politics is so pervasive because
so many political units comprise the complex fabric of
Illinois government. There are 102 counties in Illinois,
1,300 cities and villages, 1,400 townships, and over 2,500
special governmental districts responsible for such diverse
matters as libraries, airports, community colleges, water
and sanitation, parks, and mosquito abatement. Illinois
also has 960 elected school boards.
ILLINOIS
217
ILLINOIS (INDIANS)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bridges, Roger D., and Rodney O. Davis. Illinois: Its History and
Legacy. St. Louis, Mo.: River City, 1984.
Davis, G. Cullom. Illinois: Crossroads and Cross Section. In
Heartland: Comparative Histories of Midwestern States. Edited
by James H. Madison. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1988.
Howard, Robert P. Illinois: A History of the Prairie State. Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1972.
Nardulli, Peter F., ed. Diversity, Conict, and State Politics: Regionalism in Illinois. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1989.
Michael J. Devine
Blasingham, Emily J. The Depopulation of the Illinois Indians. Ethnohistory 3 (1956): 193224, 361412. A most reliable examination of the depopulation of the Illinois tribe.
Illinois. The tribe was given its current name by the French, whom the Indians rst encountered in 1666. Library of Congress
218
I M M I G R AT I O N
Callender, Charles. Illinois. In Handbook of North American Indians. Edited by William C. Sturtevant et al. Vol. 15: Northeast, edited by Bruce G. Trigger. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1978. A useful and authoritative account
by an anthropologist.
Raymond E. Hauser
Paul M. Angle / a. e.
See also Canals; Erie Canal; Lakes-to-Gulf Deep Waterway.
Paul M. Angle / t. d.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kraditor, Aileen S. Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 18341850. New
York: Pantheon Books, 1969.
Mayer, Henry. All On Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the
Abolition of Slavery. New York: St. Martins Press, 1998.
The best biography of Garrison and his philosophy of
immediatism.
Stewart, James B. Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American
Slavery. New York: Hill and Wang, 1976.
Timothy M. Roberts
See also Antislavery.
219
I M M I G R AT I O N
TABLE 1
Immigration by Centuries
16th18th century
19th century
20th century
Total (legal or legalized)
Illegal Immigration (at least)
Total
1,000,000
19,000,000
47,000,000
67,000,000
3,000,000
70,000,000
220
I M M I G R AT I O N
Until well into the twentieth century, scholars believed that African immigrants were stripped of their culture and brought nothing but their labor to the United
States. It is now clear that African contributions to early
221
I M M I G R AT I O N
TABLE 2
Immigration to the United States, 18011900
Period
18011820
18211830
18311840
18411850
18511860
18611870
18711880
18811890
18911900
Total
Number
Fewer than 100,000*
151,824
599,125
1,713,251
2,598,214
2,314,824
2,812,891
5,246,613
3,687,564
c. 19,200,000
*No statistics were collected prior to 1819. The data are taken from official
sources.
222
TABLE 3
Rate of Immigration per 1,000, 18211900
18211830
18311840
18411850
18511860
18611870
18711880
18811890
18911900
1.2
3.9
8.4
9.3
6.4
6.2
9.2
5.3
TABLE 4
Foreign Born as a Percentage of Total Population,
18501920
1850
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900
1910
1920
9.7
13.2
14.0
13.3
14.7
13.6
14.7
13.2
I M M I G R AT I O N
trade and made their way north by river boat and then
railroad. Those in the cities worked largely at artisanal
and mechanical pursuits, while one industrythe production of lager beerwas dominated by German producers and, for a time, consumers. Large numbers of German immigrants settled in rural areas, and some German
American groups have shown very high levels of persistence in agriculture over several generations.
Although seventeenth- and eighteenth-century German migration was almost all Protestant, and although
Protestants have probably been a majority of German immigrants in every decade except the 1930s, very sizable
numbers of those since 1800 have been Catholics, and a
signicant minority of them have been Jewish. Among the
German Protestants the majority have always been Lutherans, even during the colonial period, when a considerable number were Mennonites of various persuasions.
One of the most impressive aspects of German immigration was the vast cultural apparatus German Americans created: newspapers, magazines, theaters, musical
organizations, and schools proliferated throughout the
nineteenth and into the twentieth century. Some of these
institutions, particularly the German kindergartens, had
great inuence on the national culture. The Germans
were largely Republican in politics. On one of the great
cultural issues of the eraProhibitionmost took the
wet rather than the dry side.
223
I M M I G R AT I O N
Huddled Masses . . . Breathe Free. After a view of the welcoming Statue of Liberty, new immigrants arrive at Ellis Island in
New York Harbor, the primary gateway to America in the early twentieth century. Library of Congress
224
its 1911 report that was a stimulus for immigration restriction, described such immigrants as having no intention of permanently changing their residence, their only
purpose in coming to America being to temporarily take
advantage of the greater wages paid for industrial labor
in this country.
The charge of sojourning had been raised rst against
two non-European groups: the 250,000 Chinese who had
begun to immigrate to California and the West Coast
about the time of the gold rush of 1849, and the perhaps
500,000 French Canadians who poured into New England mill towns in the postCivil War decades. While
most Chinese immigrants were barred by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, French Canadian immigrants remained unrestricted. The antisojourner argument ignored
both the positive economic contributions that each group
made and the fact that many Chinese and perhaps most
French Canadian immigrants made permanent homes in
the United States. The 1920 census identied some
850,000 rst- and second-generation French Canadians,
and some 60,000 Chinese.
I M M I G R AT I O N
225
I M M I G R AT I O N
TABLE 5
Annual Immigration and Emigration, 19051914*
Year
Immigrants
Emigrants**
Net Migration
1905
1906
1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914
1,026,499
1,100,735
1,285,349
782,870
751,785
1,041,570
878,587
838,172
1,197,892
1,218,480
395,073
225,802
202,436
295,666
333,262
308,190
303,338
387,797
525,983
839,134
582,291
504,910
889,702
915,142
Total
10,121,939
226
I M M I G R AT I O N
TABLE 6
Immigration and Emigration, 19211945
Period
19211924
19251930
19311940
19411945
Immigration
Average
Emigration
Average
Net Immigration
Average
2,344,599
1,762,610
528,431
170,949
586,150
293,768
52,843
34,190
604,699
440,377
459,738
42,696
151,168
73,396
45,974
8,540
1,739,930
1,322,233
68,693
128,253
439,982
220,372
6,869
25,650
TABLE 7
Immigration and Foreign Born, 19512000
Years
Immigration
(millions)
Foreign Born*
(millions)
Percentage of
Foreign Born
2.5
3.3
4.5
7.3
8.4
9.7
9.6
14.1
19.8
29.3
5.4%
4.7%**
6.2%
8.0%
10.4%
19511960
19611970
19711980
19811990
19912000
TABLE 8
Sources of Immigration to the United States,
19511998 (in millions)
Years
Europe
Asia
Americas
Africa
Other
Total
19511960
19611970
19711980
19811990
19911998
1.32
1.12
0.80
0.76
1.30
0.15
0.42
1.59
2.74
2.63
1.00
1.72
1.98
3.62
4.10
.01
.03
.08
.18
.31
.01
.03
.04
.05
.07
2.5
3.3
4.5
7.3
8.4
Total
5.30
7.53
12.42
.61
.20
26.0
which had always dominated American immigration, accounted for only one immigrant in ve during the second
half of the century.
Prior to the 1930s, almost all of the immigrants had
come in at or near the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, and this remained true for a majority of immigrants
during the rest of the twentieth century. But, beginning
with some of the distinguished refugees who ed from
Hitlers Europe, a growing minority of immigrants came
with educational credentials that surpassed those of most
American natives. The so-called brain drain intensied
during the latter decades of the century, as engineers and
computer scientists were attracted to the various Silicon
Valleys of America. At the other end of the spectrum, even
larger numbers of immigrants came not to build America
but to serve it. The service sector and agriculture, not the
227
I M M I G R AT I O N
shrinking manufacturing sector, were the major employers of immigrant labor, legal and illegal. California farms,
Arkansas chicken processors, fast food shops, and hotels
and motels everywhere were among the largest employers.
Immigration policy since World War II. The shifts in
American immigration policy that made the renewal of
large-scale immigration possible are often attributed solely
to the Immigration Act of 1965. As the foregoing suggests, this is a serious error. Between the 1943 repeal of
the Chinese Exclusion Act and centurys end, twenty-eight
new substantive public laws revamped immigration and
naturalization. Only a handful of the most signicant can
be noted here. Beginning with the hotly contested Displaced Persons Acts of 1948 and 1950which brought
some 400,000 European refugees, mostly gentiles, to the
United Statesa series of acts made taking refugees a part
of the American consensus. By the end of the Eisenhower
administration, the Fair Share Refugee Act symbolized
the changed perception of American responsibility. Particularly noteworthy was the Carter administrations Refugee Act of 1980, which for the rst time put the right to
claim asylum into American law.
Two general statutes, the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act
and the 1965 Immigration Act, transformed American
immigration policy. While the most obvious innovation
of the 1952 act was the ending of statutory racism in naturalization and immigration, it also eliminated overt gender bias in immigration. It seemed to continue the quota
228
I M M I G R AT I O N
gram seemed all but inevitable. However, the terrorist destruction of New York Citys World Trade Center on 11
September 2001 and the economic recession that had begun six months earlier put at least a temporary damper
on such plans. Most students of American immigration
expected that the same forces that had created the post
Great Depression boom in immigrationan expanding
economy and an aging populationwould, in the long
run, create conditions in which large-scale immigration
would continue.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berlin, Ira. Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998. An account of the varieties of the slave
experience.
Bukowczyk, John J. And My Children Did Not Know Me. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987. A brief history of
Polish immigration.
Butler, Jon. Becoming America: The Revolution before 1776. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. A striking
analysis of the acculturation process.
Curtin, Philip D. The African Slave Trade: A Census. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1969. A pioneering survey.
Daniels, Roger. Coming to America: Immigration and Ethnicity in
American Life. 2d ed. New York: Harper Collins, 2002. An
analytic narrative text.
Daniels, Roger, and Otis Graham. Debating American Immigration, 1882Present. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littleeld,
2001. Dual approaches to twentieth-century immigration.
Diner, Hasia R. Erins Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant
Women in the Nineteenth Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1975. A gendered analysis.
Dolan, Jay P. The Immigrant Church: New Yorks Irish and German
Catholics, 18151865. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1975. An analysis of the civic functions of the Roman
Catholic Church.
Garcia, Maria Cristina. Havana USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban
Americans in South Florida, 19591994. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1996. A discriminating account of the
Cuban American community.
Goodfriend, Joyce. Before the Melting Pot: Society and Culture in
Colonial New York City, 16641730. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992. An analysis of the most polyglot
American colony.
Higham, John. Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 18601925. 2d ed. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers
University Press, 1988. The classic account of American
Nativism.
Kitano, Harry H. L., and Roger Daniels. Asian Americans: Emerging Minorities. 3d ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice
Hall, 2001. A survey of most Asian American ethnic groups.
Miller, Kerby A. Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus
to North America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
The standard account.
Morgan, Edmund S. The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John
Winthrop. Edited by Oscar Handlin. Boston: Little, Brown,
1958. An accessible biography of a seventeenth-century immigrant leader.
229
I M M I G R AT I O N A C T O F 1 9 6 5
Reimers, David M. Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes
to America. 2d ed. New York: Columbia University Press,
1992. The standard account of the structural change in
American immigration in the postWorld War II decades.
Sanchez, George J. Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 19001945. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1993. The formative years
of this community.
Wokeck, Marianne S. Trade in Strangers: The Beginnings of Mass
Migration to North America. University Park: Pennsylvania
State University Press, 1999. An account of the transportation of German immigrants before the American Revolution.
Yung, Judy. Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in
San Francisco. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.
A gendered analysis.
Roger Daniels
See also Chinese Exclusion Act; McCarran-Walter Act; Proposition 187; Refugee Act of 1980; Refugees; and vol. 9:
Maya in Exile: Guatemalans in Florida.
IMMIGRATION ACT OF 1965. Although technically just a group of amendments to the existing Immigration and Nationality Act, the Immigration Act of
1965, also known as the Hart-Celler Act, in actuality
fundamentally reshaped American immigration for the
remainder of the twentieth century and beyond. It abol-
230
ished the national origins system set up in the Immigration Act of 1924 and modied by the Immigration Act of
1952. While seeming to maintain the principle of numerical restriction, it so increased the categories of persons who could enter without numerical limitation as
to make its putative numerical caps170,000 annually for
the Eastern Hemisphere with a maximum of 20,000 per
nation plus 120,000 annually for the Western Hemisphere
with no national limitationsvirtually meaningless within
a few years. Its expansion and modication of the existing
preference systems is shown in the Sidebar. Although
little noticed at the time and virtually ignored in most
general histories of the period, it can be seen as one of
three major legislative accomplishments of 1965, the highwater mark of late-twentieth-century liberalism, along with
the Voting Rights Act and the establishment of the Medicare and Medicaid system.
The nal passage of the 1965 act was somewhat anticlimactic. The struggle to scrap the 1924 national origins formula had been going on in earnest since the end
of World War II. Liberal immigration policy goals were
established by President Harry S. Trumans Commission
on Immigration and Naturalization in its 1953 report,
Whom We Shall Welcome. That report was highly critical
of the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act, which was passed over
Trumans veto. The reforms it urged and all attempts at
systemic change were frustrated in Congress, although a
number of statutes and executive branch actions added
I M M I G R AT I O N A C T O F 1 9 6 5
TABLE 1
Legal Immigration to the United States by Decade and
Region, 19412000 (in millions)
Decade
19411950
19511960
19611970
19711980
19811990
19912000
Number
%
European
%
Asian
%
New World
%
Other
1.0
2.5
3.3
4.5
7.3
c. 9.6
60.0%
52.7%
33.8%
17.8%
10.4%
15.9%
3.6%
6.1%
12.9%
35.3%
37.3%
31.3%
34.3%
39.7%
51.7%
44.1%
49.3%
48.8%
2.1%
1.5%
1.6%
2.8%
3.0%
4.0%
231
I M M I G R AT I O N R E S T R I C T I O N
Roger Daniels
See also Immigration Restriction.
232
passed a bill suspending the immigration of Chinese laborers for twenty years, which President Chester A. Arthur vetoed. He stated that he would approve a shorter
experiment. Congress responded with a bill suspending
the immigration of Chinese laborers, skilled and unskilled, for ten years, which Arthur signed in May 1882.
This misnamed Chinese Exclusion Actit did not
exclude Chinese merchants and their familieswould,
with fourteen subsequent statutes, bar most Chinese from
immigrating to the United States until all fteen laws
were repealed in 1943. It represented a kind of legislative
Rubicon and began an era of immigration restriction that
continues to the present. That era can be divided into two
parts. The rst, stretching from 1882 until 1943, was one
of increasing restriction, based largely on race and ethnicity, but also encompassing ideology, economics, and
morality. Since 1943 immigration restriction has been
lessened. It is important to note that statutes involving
only Chinese were, in both 1882 and 1943, the hinges on
which the golden door of American immigration both
narrowed and widened.
General Immigration Restrictions
In August 1882, the rst general immigration law set up
a system whereby the federal government paid states to
supervise incoming immigrants, levied a head taxinitially fty centson each incoming alien passenger to nance the cost of supervision, and added an economic
restriction by barring persons likely to become a public
charge. This LPC clause, originally interpreted as barring persons who, because of age or inrmity, could not
support themselves, was later interpreted to bar the poor.
A spate of subsequent laws over the next twenty-ve years
barred successively contract laborers (1885 and 1887);
idiots, insane persons, those with a loathsome or
contagious disease, persons convicted of a variety of nonpolitical crimes, and polygamists (1891); and anarchists or persons who believe in or advocate the overthrow by force and violence the Government of the
United States (1903). Then, on the eve of American entry into World War I, Congress enacted the Immigration
Act of 5 February 1917 over President Woodrow Wilsons
veto. It codied all previous exclusion provisions, imposed a much-debated literacy test that required the ability to read a passage in any recognized language, including
Hebrew and Yiddish, expanded the grounds for mental
health exclusion, and created a barred zone that was
intended to keep out all Asians originating in nations east
of Iran except for Japanese. However, the courts soon
made an exception for Filipinos, who, it was ruled, were
not aliens but nationals and thus could not be excluded
from entry even though they, along with other Asians, were
ineligible for citizenship. Japanese laborers, but not other
Japanese, had been previously excluded by the Gentlemens
Agreement of 19071908 and thus were not included in
the barred zone, which mentioned no nations but was
expressed in degrees of latitude and longitude.
I M M I G R AT I O N R E S T R I C T I O N
During these years organized opposition to immigration grew, but, except for the short-lived American
Protective Association, an anti-Catholic group that
ourished in the 1890s, it consisted of pressure groups
devoted to propaganda and lobbying rather than mass
political organizations. The most signicant of these was
the Immigration Restriction League founded by Harvard
graduates in 1894, which was the chief proponent of the
literacy test. These forces were greatly strengthened by
the general xenophobia of the World War I and postwar
eras.
The lame duck session of Congress in 1921 overwhelmingly passed the rst bill to impose numerical limits
on immigration, but Wilson killed it with a pocket veto.
This Quota Law was reenacted as a temporary measure
in the rst weeks of Warren G. Hardings administration.
It kept all of the existing restrictions, placed an annual cap
or quota on immigration of about 350,0003 percent of
the number of foreign-born in the 1910 censusmeted
out largely to the nations of northern and western Europe, based on the presumed number of American residents born there. However, this and all subsequent bills
limiting total immigration contained categories of persons
designated as not subject to numerical limitation. In the
1921 act, the chief of these were persons from the Western
Hemisphere, to which were added, in its more permanent
1924 successor, alien wivesbut not husbandsof U.S.
citizens and their children under eighteen.
The Immigration Act of 1924 based its quota allocation not on 3 percent of the newly available 1920 census
numbers, which showed a signicant increase in the
foreign-born from southern and eastern Europemostly
Italians, Poles, and eastern European Jewsbut on 2 percent of the 1890 census, when the incidence of such persons had been much smaller. This resulted in an initial
annual quota of 164,667. Other provisions of the 1924
law included a bar on the immigration of aliens ineligible
to citizenship, which unilaterally abrogated the Gentlemens Agreement by ending Japanese immigration, and
the establishment of a consular control system that required visas of European immigrants. It also established
a national-origins quota system, which went into effect
on 1 July 1929. That system required a group of specialists, mostly academics, to determine the national origins
of the American people and nd out what percent of the
entire American population in 1920 came from each eligible country. The experts, under the auspices of the
American Council of Learned Societies, were instructed
to exclude from their calculations immigrants and their
descendants from the New World and Asia, as well as the
descendents of slave immigrants and American aborigines. The result ensured that quota immigration was not
only white but largely British: the United Kingdoms
allocation went from 34,007 to 65,721, almost 44 percent
of the new quota, and most other national quotas were
substantially reduced. This system, with increasingly signicant modications over time, remained the general ba-
sis for the allocation of quota visas until 1965, but by that
time, quota spaces were a minority of annual admissions.
Relaxing Restrictions
The repeal of Chinese exclusion in 1943 was followed by
similar exceptions for Filipinos and natives of India in
1946. The otherwise reactionary McCarran-Walter Act
of 1952 ended all ethnic and racial bars to immigration
and naturalization and stopped overt gender discrimination as well. That act continued the national-origins system, but, beginning with the Displaced Persons Acts of
1948 and 1950, which admitted more than 400,000 European refugees outside of the quota system, a series of
special legislative and executive actions for refugee admissions weakened its restrictive effect.
The passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, although technically a group of amendments to the 1952
act, greatly revamped and liberalized immigration law. It
did away with national quotas by substituting numerical
hemispheric caps (ending the Western Hemispheres advantage) and expanded the annual number of visas and
increased the percentage of visas reserved for family
members of American residents. Spouses and minor children continued to be eligible without numerical limitation. Under its regime, total legal immigration increased
steadily throughout the rest of the twentieth century. By
2000, for the rst time in decades, the percentage of
foreign-born in the population had reached 10 percent
but still trailed the 13 to 14 percent levels that had prevailed between 1860 and 1920.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Roger Daniels
233
IMPEACHMENT
234
IMPEACHMENT
pointed to investigate. The Independent Counsel Law required that Starr submit to Congress any evidence he
found of impeachable offenses.
After an investigation that cost more than $50 million, Starr found no clear evidence of any wrongdoing
with regard to nancial manipulations or misuse of the
White House. Nevertheless, Starr referred to Congress
evidence he had discovered in connection with a private
lawsuit brought against Clinton alleging sexual misconduct. The evidence demonstrated the president lied under
oath in a deposition, sought to get others to le false afdavits, sought to conceal evidence, lied to a grand jury
investigating these events, and sought through other means
to obstruct justice in the case. To the end Clinton denied any wrongdoing, but the evidence of his perjury and
obstruction of justice was clear and strong enough for the
civil trial court judge to ne him for contempt. Clinton
lost his license to practice law in Arkansas for ve years.
A majority of the House of Representatives, following some exceptionally stormy hearings before the House
Judiciary Committee, in December 1998 voted articles of
impeachment against the president for his perjury and
obstruction of justice. Virtually all of the House Republicans voted for the measure, and as they controlled the
chamber and only a majority is required for impeachment, they prevailed. No witnesses appeared before the
Senate, a rst in impeachment trial proceedings, and the
House managers were severely restricted in the evidence
they were allowed to present. The Senate voted on 12
February 1999. Not one Senate Democrat voted to remove the president, though many criticized his misconduct. Fifty Republicans voted to convict on one of the
charges and forty-ve voted to convict on the other,
numbers far short of the two-thirds majority, so Clinton
served his remaining two years in ofce.
The great constitutional question in the Clinton proceedings was whether or not the presidents conduct in a
private lawsuit was proper grounds for impeachment and
removal from ofce. If Clinton was guilty of the misconduct with which he was charged, and few reasonable observers doubted that he was guilty of the commission of
many felonies, his detractors said this was intolerable in
the only federal ofcial who takes a constitutional oath to
take care that the laws are faithfully executed. Further,
the Republicans maintained that this evidence of bad
character was sufcient to prove Clinton should not continue as president. Clintons Democratic defenders argued that, even if he had done the things alleged, these
were essentially private matters, that such personal peccadilloes were not disqualications for public ofce. It
was true that earlier impeachment cases seemed to involve
grave matters of state or abuse of ofce and that Clintons
misdeeds seemed different in kind. Nevertheless, some
scholars supporting the impeachment pointed out that
the framers considered personal virtue important and
wrote that impeachment was a tool to ensure that only
t characters served the nation. Clintons acquittal and
235
Berger, Raoul. Impeachment: The Constitutional Problems. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973.
Gerhardt, Michael J. The Federal Impeachment Process: A Constitutional and Historical Analysis. 2d ed. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 2000.
Hoffer, Peter Charles, and N. E. H. Hull. Impeachment in America, 16351805. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1984.
Kutler, Stanley I. The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard
Nixon. New York: Knopf, 1990.
Presser, Stephen B. Would George Washington Have Wanted
Bill Clinton Impeached? George Washington University Law
Review 67 (1999): 666681.
Whittington, Keith E. Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers
and Constitutional Meaning. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1999.
Stephen B. Presser
See also Constitution of the United States; Impeachment
Trial of Andrew Johnson; Impeachment Trial of Bill
Clinton; Impeachment Trial of Samuel Chase; and
vol. 9: Constitutional Faith.
IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF ANDREW JOHNSON. President Andrew Johnson had been elected vice
president on the Union Party ticket and succeeded Abraham Lincoln upon his assassination in 1865, and his impeachment in 1868 grew out of the struggle over Reconstruction after the Civil War. Johnson insisted that, as
commander in chief of the armed forces, he had nal authority over Reconstruction. Congress insisted that Reconstruction required legislative action. This conict over
who had nal authority was exacerbated by differences
over the terms of Reconstruction. The president insisted
upon a speedy restoration of the southern states with generous amnesty and pardons for former Confederates and
no provision for protecting the rights of African Americans beyond their emancipation. As part of this policy, he
suspended the operation of some of Congresss wartime
laws, convinced they were inappropriate in a time of
peace. Without congressional authority, he reestablished
state governments in the South and insisted that Congress
must recognize their rights in the Union. Most Republicans demanded more radical political, social, and economic change in the South to foreclose future challenges
to the Union and to protect the rights of southern Unionists and African Americans. They denied that the president alone could enact a Reconstruction policy. After
more than a year of conict, Congress nally passed a
236
mittee chairman, James F. Wilson, who argued that impeachment lay only for an indictable violation of a specic
law. Despite Johnsons aggressive course, on 7 December
a majority of Republicans joined Democrats to defeat the
resolution.
Emboldened by his victory, Johnson redoubled his
efforts to disrupt the Reconstruction process, removing
two more military commanders who enforced the law vigorously with more conservative replacements. However,
he was frustrated when the Senate refused to agree to
Stantons removal and Grant returned the ofce of the
secretary of war to him. Johnson was determined to force
the issue, and on 21 February 1867 ordered Stantons removal in apparent violation of the Tenure of Ofce Act;
Stanton refused to give his ofce up to Johnsons temporary replacement. Faced now with what appeared to be
a clear violation of law, on 24 February, the House passed
an impeachment resolution without a dissenting Republican vote. On 2 March, it voted nine articles of impeachment and chose a committee to manage the impeachment
before the Senate; it added two more articles the next day.
The Trial
Nearly all the articles of impeachment centered in one
way or another on the removal of Stanton. Some impeached him for attempting to remove Stanton in violation of the Tenure of Ofce Act, others the attempt to
name an ad interim replacement without rst securing
Senate conrmation as both the Constitution and the act
required, and others repeated the same charges as part of
a conspiracy to violate the Constitution and the act. The
tenth article charged Johnson with attempting to stir hatred and contempt of Congress with the intent of setting
aside its authority. The eleventh article restated all the
charges in the general context of the struggle over Reconstruction. This was the only article that clearly placed
Johnsons attempt to remove Stanton in the context of a
general abuse of power rather than relying primarily on
the violation of a specic statute.
The managers of impeachment were John A. Bingham and James F. Wilson, who had led the opposition to
impeachment the previous December, and George S.
Boutwell, Benjamin F. Butler, Thaddeus Stevens, Thomas
Williams, and John A. Logan, with Bingham as chairman.
President Johnsons lawyers included the former Supreme
Court justice Benjamin R. Curtis; William M. Evarts, future attorney general, secretary of state, and U.S. senator
from New York; the former attorney general Henry Stanbery; William S. Groesbeck of Ohio; and the Tennessee
judge Thomas A. R. Nelson.
Despite the efforts of the managers and Radical Republicans in the Senate to speed the proceedings, the trial
did not begin in earnest until 23 March. As the Constitution requires, the chief justice of the Supreme Court,
Salmon P. Chase, presided. Supported by Democratic and
conservative Republican senators, Chase stressed the legal
aspects of the proceedings, over the objections of more
The Senate also rebuffed the managers urgent requests to speed up the trial. As weeks of testimony and
argument wore on, the sense of crisis receded, further
helping the presidents counsel to separate the articles
from the bitter political and constitutional struggle of
which they were a part. Johnson helped his cause by ending his interference in the South and proposing an ac-
237
ceptable replacement for Stanton as secretary of war. Public support for the impeachment began to wane.
The presidents lawyers made somewhat inconsistent
arguments, some of which could be persuasive only if one
ignored the context in which he had tried to gain control
of the army. They argued that the president had removed
Stanton merely to create a court case in which he could
challenge the constitutionality of the Tenure of Ofce
Act. Even if the Tenure of Ofce Act was constitutional,
which they denied, the president could not be removed
merely for attempting to raise a court case on the question. On the other hand, Johnsons lawyers argued that
the Tenure of Ofce Act did not cover Stanton because
his term had ended one month after the death of Lincoln,
the president who had appointed him. Even if Johnson
had been wrong in this understanding, he could not be
removed for a mere mistake. Johnsons lawyers never explained how the president could have intended to challenge the constitutionality of the Tenure of Ofce Act by
removing an ofcer he did not believe was covered by it.
The impeachment managers argued that the presidents intent to violate the law was clear and that the Senate had already decided it was constitutional by passing
it. They argued that Stanton was protected from removal
by the law, either because he was still serving the term to
which Lincoln had appointed him, or if he were not, because he must then fall into the general category of government ofcers who could not be removed without Senate consent. Johnsons intent when he violated the act was
irrelevant as long as he knowingly violated the law, the
managers insisted. They also argued that the Constitution
barred the appointment of a government ofcer without
the conrmation of the Senate. The law permitted temporary appointments, such as Johnson had made when he
attempted to remove Stanton, only when a position became vacant due to a death, illness, or resignation.
By May, as the trial wound to its conclusion, it was
clear that Johnson might escape conviction. A number of
Republican senators had joined Democrats to support the
presidents position on procedural issues and acceptance
of testimony. Republican congressmen and constituents
pressed wavering colleagues to vote to convict. To maximize the chances for conviction, the Senate voted rst on
the eleventh article, which had emerged as the strongest.
On 16 May, senators divided 35 to 19 in favor of conviction, one vote short of the necessary two-thirds. The majority then forced an adjournment of ten days, during
which the seven Republicans who had refused to convict
came under renewed pressure. However, when the Senate
resumed voting on 26 May, they reached the same result
on the second and third articles. Knowing that there was
even less support for conviction on the other articles, the
Senate adjourned the entire proceeding.
Nearly all the Republicans who voted against conviction did so because they did not believe Stanton was
within the terms of the Tenure of Ofce Act. It is also
clear that they were worried about the effect of a convic-
238
Michael L. Benedict
See also Impeachment; Reconstruction.
Meanwhile, Starr had broadened his Whitewater inquiry to probe a host of issues, including Clintons sex
life. Through back-channel contacts with Joness lawyers,
Starr learned of the Lewinsky affair. On 12 January 1998,
Tripp gave Starr her tapes of Lewinsky disclosing the affair and suggesting that Clinton had encouraged her to
deny it. Four days later Starr secured permission from
Attorney General Janet Reno and a three-judge panel to
investigate the affair.
On 17 January, Clinton, unaware of these developments, testied in the Jones case. Carefully parsing his
language, he sought to avoid admitting to any extramarital sexual activity while also truthfully describing his behavior. His evasive answers, however, revealed the futility
of his task. When asked, for example, if he had ever been
alone with Lewinsky, he said, I dont recall. It seems to
me she brought things to me once or twice on the weekends. Such comments (and similar ones in Clintons later
testimony) became the bone of contention in the impeachment case. Clintons critics would assert that they
constituted perjury and required his ouster. The president
would maintain that, although often ambiguous, they
were literally truthful. Other supporters of the president
would argue that, whatever their technical veracity, such
statements were designed to conceal a private affair and
did not warrant the removal of a president for just the
second time in history.
By the time of Clintons testimony, Newsweek was
preparing to run its story, but at Starrs request, it agreed
to wait. On 18 January the Drudge Report, an Internet
gossip site, reported that Newsweek had held its story
thus publicly disclosing for the rst time the news of Clinton and Lewinskys affair. Mainstream news outlets began
investigating the matter. On 21 January several news organizations reported the allegations, along with the fact
After a brief dip, Clintons popularity quickly rebounded. By February his approval rating hovered at
about 70 percent, where it remained throughout the year,
despite intense criticism. For roughly the next six months,
as Starr called witnesses before a grand jury, a stalemate
ensued. Because Starr would not grant Lewinsky immunity from prosecution, she refused to testify. The inquiry
stalled.
Starrs case suffered a blow on 1 April 1998, when
U.S. District Court Judge Susan Webber Wright dismissed Joness sexual harassment suit. The dismissal raised
the prospect that Clintons testimony in the Jones case,
even if false, might be immaterial and technically not
perjurious. Starr also drew re for leaking grand jury testimony to sympathetic reporters in order to mobilize public pressure against the president.
In June, Lewinsky hired new lawyers, and on 27 July
she ipped. She met with Starrs staff for the rst time
and presented the details of her relationship with Clinton.
Starr granted her immunity. Lewinsky also turned over a
dress that was stained with semen, the DNA from which
proved that Clinton and Lewinsky had been intimate.
The next day, Clinton, whom Starr had subpoenaed to
come before the grand jury, agreed to appear.
On 17 August, Clinton testied by closed-circuit
television from the White House. He admitted his affair
with Lewinsky while insisting he had not lied in his Jones
testimony. He continued to use evasive language, for
which he would later be impeached. That night, he delivered a televised address in which he apologized for a
relationship with Lewinsky that he described as not appropriate and wrong.
Most Americans said they were satised with the
speech, wanted Clinton to stay in ofce, and hoped the
investigation would be dropped. Many commentators in
the media, however, joined the presidents political foes
in attacking his response as inadequate. In the following
weeks, Clinton offered numerous additional apologies,
239
240
On 12 and 13 December the House Judiciary Committee, voting along party lines, approved four articles of
impeachment. Two charged Clinton with perjury, a third
with obstruction of justice, and a fourth with abuse of
power. The House of Representatives heard arguments
from both camps and planned to vote on impeachment
on 16 December. But that day American and British
forces attacked Iraq, hoping to thwart its development of
weapons of mass destruction. Some Clinton critics, including Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, accused the
president of trying to divert attention from the impeachment vote, which was postponed until 18 December.
Then, on the morning of 19 December, Representative
Bob Livingston of Louisiana, whom Republicans planned
to elect as Speaker, admitted that he too had committed
adultery and was resigning from Congress. (House Judiciary chairman Henry Hyde and Georgia congressman
Bob Barr faced similar exposures during the impeachment
saga.)
That afternoon, the House approved two articles of
impeachment. The rst, charging Clinton with perjury in
his 17 August grand-jury testimony, passed 228-206. Another, charging obstruction of justice, passed 221-212.
The two other articles, charging perjury in the Jones case
and abuse of power, failed by votes of 229-205 and 285148, respectively.
After the votes, Congress adjourned, leaving the Senate trial for the next session. Despite ongoing but futile
efforts to broker a censure compromise, the outcome was
a foregone conclusion. Although the Republicans had a
55-45 majority, a two-thirds majority was needed to convict, and all but a few Democratic Senators had indicated
they would not support the presidents ouster.
Proceedings began on 7 January 1999. They followed
the model of the 1868 impeachment trial of President
Andrew Johnson. Supreme Court Chief Justice William
Rehnquist presided as senators heard several days of testimony, rst from the House Judiciary Committee Republicans who had voted for impeachment and then from
Clintons lawyers. A motion to dismiss the trial failed on
27 January, with one Democrat joining the Republicans
in opposition. Then, three witnesses, including Lewinsky,
gave additional testimony. The Senate hearings concluded
on 9 February through 11 February with several days of
debate among the Senators themselves.
Baker, Peter. The Breach: Inside the Impeachment and Trial of William Jefferson Clinton. New York: Scribner, 2000.
Toobin, Jeffrey. A Vast Conspiracy: The Real Story of the Sex Scandal
That Nearly Brought Down a President. New York: Touchstone Books, 1999.
David Greenberg
See also Impeachment; Impeachment Trial of Andrew Johnson; Political Scandals; Scandals; and vol. 9: Rose Garden Statement.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stephen B. Presser
See also Impeachment; Supreme Court.
241
IMPENDING CRISIS OF THE SOUTH, by Hinton Rowan Helper, was one of the most sensational books
ever published in the United States. Appearing in the
spring of 1857 as the nation was sliding toward civil war,
the book became the centerpiece of an intense debate on
the oor of the U.S. Congress. Helper, an obscure yeoman farmer from North Carolina, claimed that slavery
was an economic disaster for the South and an insurmountable barrier to the economic advancement of the
regions slaveless farmers. There was nothing new about
this argument. Political economists had long claimed that
slavery inhibited economic development and undermined
small farmers, craftsmen, and manufacturers. Much of
The Impending Crisis was a tedious recitation of dull statistics designed to prove this familiar argument. But
Helper also added a shockingly inammatory threat: If
the southern planters did not voluntarily dismantle the
slave system, he warned, the small farmers would launch
a sustained class war across the South. Helper even hinted
at a slave rebellion, although he himself had racist proclivities and little or no sympathy for the plight of the
slaves. Coming at such a sensitive moment in national
politics, it was no wonder southern leaders denounced
Helpers northern supporters with such vehemence.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
James Oakes
See also Slavery; and vol. 9: The Impending Crisis of the
South: How to Meet It.
242
IMPERIALISM
243
IMPERIALISM
In the case of the Philippines, the United States initially went to war with Spain in 1898 for the purpose of
acquiring an informal naval coaling station. Native resistance to U.S. interests and a growing recognition in
Washington that the archipelago would serve as an ideal
point of embarkation for trade with the Chinese mainland
led President William McKinley to declare the Philippines a permanent U.S. colony on 21 December 1898.
America fought a bloody forty-one-month war to secure
possession of the entire archipelago. During this Philippine Insurrection, the United States created an occupation army that waged total war on local resistance.
Forty-two hundred Americans died in battle for possession of this colony. As many as twenty thousand Filipino
insurgents also died. As never before, the United States
had established direct control over a foreign society
seven thousand miles from North Americathrough brute
force. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the evidence
of American imperialism was unmistakable.
Liberal Imperialism
During the rst half of the twentieth century, the United
States was both an advocate of democracy and a practitioner of imperialism. The two are not necessarily contradictory. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow
Wilson both believed they had an obligation to spread
American ideas and interests across the globe. As a new
world power, the United States had an apparent opportunity to remake the international system in a way that
would eliminate the old ravages of war and corrupt alliances. Roosevelt and Wilson sought to replace militaristic
aristocracies with governments that promised economic
development and, eventually, democracy. International
change of this variety would, they assumed, best serve
Americas long-term interests.
In the short run, however, the new diplomacy of
Roosevelt and Wilson required more extensive American
imperialism. When societies refused to follow the alleged
tide of modern economic development and democracy
symbolized by the United States, Washington felt an urge
to intervene. On a number of occasions, U.S. leaders went
so far as to force societies to be free on American terms.
This was the rationale behind a series of early twentiethcentury U.S. interventions in the Western Hemisphere
that included, among others, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Mexico. In each case, the United
States asserted strategic and economic interests, and a
long-term commitment to the betterment of the society
under Washingtons control. When U.S. military forces
left their foreign areas of occupation, the threat of their
redeployment served to intimidate those who wished to
challenge U.S. inuence.
In Europe and Asia, the United States pursued a consistent policy of informal imperialism during the rst decades of the twentieth century. Contrary to the image of
American diplomatic isolation before and after World
War I, U.S. businesses worked with Washingtons ex-
244
IMPERIALISM
245
IMPLIED POWERS
Cooper, John Milton, Jr. The Warrior and the Priest: Woodrow
Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
University Press, 1985. A superb comparative study that
analyzes the politics and foreign policy of early twentiethcentury America.
Gaddis, John Lewis. Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal
of Postwar American National Security Policy. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982. The best analysis of the
sources and implications of Americas anticommunist containment policy during the Cold War.
Gardner, Lloyd C. Pay Any Price: Lyndon Johnson and the Wars
for Vietnam. Chicago: Elephant Paperbacks, 1997. A provocative analysis of how American liberal imperialism contributed to the Vietnam War.
Hahn, Peter L., and Mary Ann Heiss, eds. Empire and Revolution:
The United States and the Third World since 1945. Columbus:
Ohio State University Press, 2001. A useful survey of
American imperialism in the third world during the Cold
War.
Hogan, Michael J. The Marshall Plan: America, Britain, and the
Reconstruction of Western Europe, 19471952. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1987. A penetrating account
246
Jeremi Suri
See also Anti-Imperialists; China, Relations with; Cuba, Relations with; Hawaii; Intervention; Japan, Relations
with; Philippines; Spanish-American War; Vietnam
War; and vol. 9: Anti-Imperialist League Platform.
IMPLIED POWERS. At the end of Section 8 of Article I of the U.S. Constitution, which enumerates the
IMPLIED POWERS
247
I M P R E S S M E N T, C O N F E D E R AT E
Loren P. Beth / c. p.
See also Education; Federal Government; General Welfare
Clause; Hamiltons Economic Policies; Investigating
Committees; Judicial Review; McCulloch v. Maryland.
248
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Henry T. Shanks / a. e.
See also Army, Confederate; Civil War; Confederate States
of America.
IN RE DEBS
Black, Jeremy, and Philip Woodne, eds. The British Navy and
the Use of Naval Power in the Eighteenth Century. Leicester,
England: Leicester University Press, 1988.
Buel, Richard, Jr. In Irons: Britains Naval Supremacy and the
American Revolutionary Economy. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1998.
Perkins, Bradford. Prologue to War: England and the United States,
18051812. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961.
Zimmerman, James Fulton. Impressment of American Seamen.
Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, no. 262.
Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1966. The original
edition was published in 1925.
Honor Sachs
Richard W. Van Alstyne
See also Chesapeake-Leopard Incident; War of 1812.
Schwartz, Theodore. A History of United States Coinage. San Diego, Calif.: A. S. Barnes, 1980.
Thomas L. Harris / a. r.
See also Evangelicalism and Revivalism; Treasury, Department of the.
249
I N R E G A U LT
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H. U. Faulkner
Eric J. Marser
See also Habeas Corpus, Writ of; Injunctions, Labor; Pullman Strike; Railroads; Strikes.
Terry as Terry made a murderous assault on Field in California. Arrested by state authorities and charged with
murder, Neagle was brought before the federal circuit
court on a writ of habeas corpus and released on the
ground that he was being held in custody for an act done
in pursuance of a law of the United States. His release
was upheld by the Supreme Court.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kens, Paul. Justice Stephen Field: Shaping Liberty from the Gold
Rush to the Gilded Age. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997.
P. Orman Ray / a. r.
IN RE GAULT, 387 U.S. 1 (1967), addressed the question of whether the criminal justice provisions of the Bill
of Rights applied to minors. Chief Justice Earl Warren
predicted this decision would become the Magna Carta for
juveniles. The case involved Gerald Gault, a fteen-yearold probationer, who had been arrested for making an
obscene telephone call. Gault was held by the police while
he was interrogated for several days, and, following the
sort of informal proceeding then typical in juvenile courts,
was sentenced to a state school until he turned twentyone.
Justice Abe Fortas viewed Gaults case as a vehicle for
reforming what he regarded as a failed juvenile justice
system. The way to improve a system that simply bred
criminals, Fortas believed, was to insist that juveniles be
given many of the same rights that the Constitution guaranteed to adults. His Gault opinion declared that the Due
Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment required
giving juveniles written notice of the charges against them,
allowing them to confront their accusers, and informing
them that they had a privilege against self-incrimination
and a right to be represented by an attorney (an appointed
one if they were indigent). The effect of Gault was to
afrm that children have constitutional rights, although
their rights are somewhat more limited than the rights of
adults.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Michal R. Belknap
See also Due Process of Law; Juvenile Courts.
250
INAUGURATION, PRESIDENTIAL. The presidential inauguration is the term used to designate the
ceremony in which the duly elected president of the
United States assumes the power and prerogatives of that
ofce. According to the Constitution of the United
States, only one thing is required for the inauguration
of a president: Article II, Section 1, provides that before
he enter on the Execution of his Ofce, he shall take the
following Oath or Afrmation:I do solemnly swear
(or afrm) that I will faithfully execute the Ofce of President of the United States, and will to the best of my
Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of
the United States.
Tradition has expanded the ceremony of taking the
oath into a day-long festival attended by throngs of citizens and political partisans of the president. The ceremony begins with the taking of the oath of ofce by the
president on a platform at the east front of the Capitol
at Washington, D.C. The oath is usually administered
by the chief justice of the Supreme Court. The president
then delivers his inaugural address, which adumbrates the
themes of the new administration. The ceremony is witnessed by hundreds of dignitaries and thousands of spectators, while additional millions watch it on television.
The afternoon is devoted to a parade from the Capitol,
down Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House, led by
the president and the rst lady. In the evening the celebration concludes with several inaugural balls attended by
the new president and his ofcial party.
The ofcial date for the inauguration was rst set as
4 March by the Twelfth Amendment of the Constitution,
passed in 1804. The date was changed in 1933 when the
Twentieth Amendment set 20 January as the end of the
presidential term, to shorten the period between the election of a new president and his inauguration.
George Washington took his oath of ofce on the
balcony of Federal Hall in New York City on 30 April
1789 because the new government was not sufciently
organized for an earlier inauguration. He then delivered
Inaugural Address. After taking the oath of ofce, President John F. Kennedy delivers his
memorable Ask not . . . speech on 20 January 1961. Getty Images
Boller, Paul F., Jr. Presidential Inaugurations. New York: Harcourt, 2001.
Margaret Klapthor / a. g.
See also Connecticut Compromise; Corrupt Bargain; Electoral College; Lame-Duck Amendment; Majority Rule;
Midnight Judges; Republic.
251
INDEMNITIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The injured persons nation may also face thorny political issues attendant to indemnities. Notably, the president of the United States can agree to extinguish claims
when it is in the national interest. This happened in 1981,
when the American embassy hostages in Iran were released only after President Jimmy Carter waived their individual claims against the Iranian government. Subsequent recompense by the U.S. government in such cases
is never certain. The Tehran embassy hostages were compensated by act of Congress in 1986. Conversely, claimants heirs and insurers were still petitioning Congress for
redress in 1915 with respect to certain spoliation claims
against France that President John Adams had waived in
1800.
Arnold M. Paul
Andrew C. Rieser
See also Hylton v. U.S.; In Re Debs; Pollock v. Farmers Loan
and Trust Company; Populism; Springer v. United States.
252
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Charles F. Bethel
See also Alabama Claims; Iran Hostage Crisis.
I N D E N T U R E D S E RVA N T S
Indentured Servants. Female convicts transported from England arrive at Jamestown, Va., in this nineteenth-century colored
engraving. The Granger Collection, Ltd.
heavily on indentured servants, and in the eighteenth century more lived there than in any other region.
Most of the colonies regulated the terms of indentured service, but the treatment of individual servants differed widely. Some were mistreated; others lived as members of a family. It was commonly required that they be
provided with clothing, a gun, and a small tract of land
upon which to establish themselves after their service
ended. These requirements applied especially to those
who were unwilling servants. There was no permanent
stigma attached to indentured servitude, and the families
of such persons merged readily with the total population.
Children born to parents serving their indenture were
free. Terms of an indenture were enforceable in the
courts, and runaway servants could be compelled to return to their masters and complete their service, with additional periods added for the time they had been absent.
When the prospects for upward mobility dimmed, as
they did in the late-seventeenth-century Chesapeake region, indentured servants proved willing and ready to participate in violent rebellions and to demand wealthier colonists property. The threat posed by great numbers of
angry indentured servants might have been one of the
253
INDEPENDENCE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Galenson, David W. White Servitude in Colonial America: An Economic Analysis. New York: Cambridge University Press,
1981.
Morgan, Edmund S. American Slavery, American Freedom: The
Ordeal of Colonial Virginia. New York: Norton, 1975.
Salinger, Sharon. To Serve Well and Faithfully: Labor and Indentured Servants in Pennsylvania, 16821800. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
O. M. Dickerson / t. d.
See also Apprenticeship; New Smyrna Colony; Slavery; and
vol. 9: The History and Present State of Virginia; Indentured White Slaves in the Colonies.
254
INDEPENDENCE, MO.
In town and county meetings, the American population mobilized to protest these measures, which demonstrated what allowing Parliament to legislate in all
cases whatsoever could mean. Deputies from every colony but Georgia gathered in a Continental Congress at
Philadelphia in September, and agreed to a program of
opposition combining a commercial boycott of Britain
with a demand that Parliament repeal its offensive legislation. In response to the British military occupation of
Boston, Congress instructed the people of Massachusetts
to take only defensive measures, but when the delegates
adjourned in October, they understood that hostilities
might erupt before they reconvened in May.
Armed Conflict and the Failure of Reconciliation
When war broke out at Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts during April 1775, a second Congress reviewed
the American position but did not inch, organizing the
Continental Army that it named George Washington to
command. Congress sent a new petition seeking redress
to the crown, but the latter did not modify the positions
it had taken in 1774. For its part, the government of Lord
North, rmly backed by King George III, was committed
to a policy of repression, believing that a decisive show of
force would convince the Americans to retreat. New parliamentary acts declared the colonies in a state of rebellion
and subjected their commerce to seizure.
Jack Rakove
See also Committees of Correspondence; Common Sense;
Continental Congress; Declaration of Independence;
Revolution, American: Political and Military History.
Prospects for reconciliation dwindled with every passing month and independence became increasingly a matter of timing. Many Americans still resisted taking the
nal step of renouncing allegiance to the king. Even in
Congress, moderates desperately hoped that Britain would
send commissioners authorized to conduct serious negotiations. But the publication in January 1776 of Thomas
Paines electrifying pamphlet Common Sense made independence a legitimate subject of debate. In the spring, local
meetings started to endorse the idea, as did the provincial
convention of Virginia in May. Reports that Britain had
begun contracting for Hessian mercenaries conrmed that
the government was uninterested in negotiations.
In mid-May, Congress adopted a resolution authorizing the provincial conventions to establish new legal
governments, resting on popular consent, to replace the
old colonial governments that drew their authority from
the crown. Three weeks later, it appointed committees to
draft articles of confederation, a plan for foreign treaties,
and a declaration of independence. A handful of delegates,
led by John Dickinson, urged greater patience, but when
the decisive vote came, Congress and the bulk of the politically active population supported the break with Britain. Seven years passed before their desires were secured.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
255
I N D E P E N D E N C E D AY
Fourth of July in Centre Square. A painting by John Lewis Krimmel, c. 18101812, part of a
series he created over several years to show the changing celebrations in front of Independence
Hall in Philadelphia. The Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts
256
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Matthew L. Daley
INDEPENDENCE DAY. The adoption of the Declaration of Independence on 4 July 1776 has caused that
day to be taken as the birth date of the United States of
America. Strangely, the commemoration of the Fourth of
July received its rst big impetus and had the pattern set
for its celebration before the event even came to pass. On
3 July, John Adams wrote to his wife:
The second day of July, 1776, . . . I am apt to believe
. . . will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the
great anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized
with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports,
guns, bells, bonres, and illuminations, from one end
of this continent to the other, from this time forward
forevermore.
Adams was thinking of the resolution of independence adopted on 2 July as the pivotal event, but the Declaration of Independence soon completely obscured
the resolution.
INDEPENDENCE HALL
Bodnar, John, ed. Bonds of Affection: Americans Dene Their Patriotism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996.
Edmund C. Burnett / a. g.
257
INDEPENDENCE ROCK
John D. R. Platt / a. r.
See also Continental Congress; Declaration of Independence;
Independence; Liberty Bell; Preservation Movement;
Revolution, American: Political History.
INDEPENDENCE ROCK is a giant granite outcropping, polished smooth by wind, rising only 136 feet
above the surrounding terrain but measuring more than
a mile in circumference. Located on the north bank of
Wyomings Sweetwater River, the rock was a landmark
on the Oregon Trail. Migrants heading for California
and the Pacific Northwest stopped here for fresh water
and trail information, and many families carved their
names into the granite to commemorate their passing.
The rock was approximately two-fths of the way from
the trails origin near Independence, Minnesota, to its terminus in Oregons Willamette River Valley.
Donald L. Kemmerer / c. w.
See also Bank of the United States; Jacksonian Democracy;
Jeffersonian Democracy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ellison, R. S. Independence Rock and the Oregon Trail. Midwest Review (1927).
Lavender, David S. Westward Vision: The Story of the Oregon Trail.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963.
Robert S. Thomas / w. p.
See also Covered Wagon; Migrations, Internal; Oregon Trail;
Wagon Trains; Westward Migration; Wyoming.
INDEPENDENT TREASURY SYSTEM, an alternative to a central bank. Critics of the rst and second
banks of the United States were legion. Jeffersonians and
258
I N D I A A N D PA K I S T A N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
259
I N D I A A N D PA K I S T A N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
260
INDIAN AGENTS
Mark T. Berger
See also Cold War; Southeast Asia Treaty Organizations.
261
I N D I A N A RT
Robert M. Owens
See also Bureau of Indian Affairs.
262
Perry Miller / s. b.
See also King Philips War; Marthas Vineyard; Massachusetts; Puritans and Puritanism.
INDIAN BOARDING SCHOOLS. In 1769, Eleazar Wheelock established an Indian college in Hanover,
New Hampshire, to convert the Natives to Christianity
and civilization. While the founding of Dartmouth College predated the formation and growth of Indian boarding schools, the notion of civilizing the Indian was a
robust construct that ourished for more than 150 years
and became the cornerstone of federal policy on Indian
education. The practice of removing Indian children from
the corrupt inuences of the Indian camp and placing
them in boarding schools conducted by the federal government and various religious denominations became ofcial policy after the Civil War and continued to varying
degrees into the 1950s.
The number of Indian boarding schools grew rapidly
after the Civil War in response to a new policy that
emerged after President Ulysses S. Grant announced his
new peace policy, which placed the Bureau of Indian
Affairs under the direction of various religious denominations who appointed agents, represented Indian interests, and established schools on the reservations. The federal government provided per capita payments and the
land required to achieve the educational objectives of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs and prepare a new generation of
Indians for the realities of private land ownership and
gradual assimilation into the dominant American culture.
The ideas of cultural destruction, forced assimilation, and
military regimen were popularized by Richard Henry
I N D I A N C H I L D W E L FA R E A C T
James T. Carroll
See also Dartmouth College; Education, Indian; Indian Policy, U.S., 18301900.
Abel, Annie Heloise. The American Indian in the Civil War, 1862
1865. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992.
Hauptman, Laurence M. Between Two Fires: American Indians in
the Civil War. New York: Free Press, 1995.
263
INDIAN CITIZENSHIP
Martha L. Chaatsmith
Frank Rzeczkowski
INDIAN CITIZENSHIP. Some early Indian treaties, such as that of 1830 with the Choctaw, provided for
grants of citizenship to individual Indians. The Kickapoo
Treaty of 1862 made citizenship dependent on acceptance
of an allotment of land in severalty. Other treaties of the
Civil War period, including that with the Potawatomi in
1861, required submission of evidence of tness for citizenship and empowered an administrative body or ofcial
to determine whether the Indian applicant conformed to
the standards called for in the treaties.
Following ratication of the Fourteenth Amendment
in 1868, several Indian naturalization acts were passed by
Congress. Most of them were similar to an 1870 law relating to the Winnebago of Minnesota. Section 10 of the
Winnebago Act provided that an Indian might apply to
the federal district court for citizenship, but had to prove
to the satisfaction of the court that he was sufciently
intelligent and prudent to manage his own affairs, that he
had adopted the habits of civilized life, and that he had
supported himself and his family for the preceding ve
years.
The most important nineteenth-century legislation
conferring citizenship on Indians was the Dawes General
Allotment Act of 1887. The Dawes Act gave citizenship
to Indians born within the United States who had received allotments, as well as to those who had voluntarily
moved away from their tribes and adopted the habits of
civilized life. The following year, Congress extended citizenship to Indian women marrying persons who were
already U.S. citizens.
Approximately two-thirds of the Indians of the United
States had become citizens by 1924; in that year Congress
passed a general Indian citizenship act, as a result of which
all native-born Indians received full citizenship status.
However, some states, citing the special relationship between the federal government and Native Americans, as
well as a lack of state jurisdiction over them, denied Indians the right to vote until 1957.
Although in the past citizenship had been tied to the
abandonment of tribal afliation, by the early 2000s a Native American could be a U.S., state, and tribal citizen
264
INDIAN CLAIMS COMMISSION. The U.S. Congress established the Indian Claims Commission (ICC)
in August 1946 to adjudicate Native Americans claims
against the federal government for a centurys worth of
treaty violations, fraudulent land cessions, and nancial
mismanagement. Expected to last ten years, the threemember ICC operated until September 1978, when the
U.S. Court of Claims reassumed jurisdiction over outstanding cases.
The impetus to create the ICC came from three main
sources. Native Americans and white political leaders had
been calling for a commission separate from the backlogged U.S. Court of Claims since 1910. Assimilationists
intent on terminating federal guardianship of Native
Americans hoped to eliminate a nal legal and moral hurdle by wiping the slate clean of Indian demands for redress. Finally, federal ofcials wanted to address Native
Americans grievances as a reward for their contributions
during World War II and to create a positive record of
dealing fairly with Americas minorities in the increasingly
competitive atmosphere of the Cold War.
Nearly all of the 176 federally recognized Indian nations led at least one claim before the ICC prior to the
1951 deadline. These lings produced 370 petitions combined by the court into 611 dockets. In most cases, Indian
nations claimed the federal government had provided either inadequate or no compensation for land taken from
them. Nearly a third of the petitions focused on the governments mismanagement of natural resources or trust
funds. Ultimately, the ICC cleared 546 dockets and named
John Low
265
I N D I A N C O U N T RY
Paul C. Rosier
See also Indian Land Cessions; Indian Policy: U.S.: 1900
2000.
INDIAN COUNTRY is a multifaceted term that historically has been used as a geographical designation, as
a legal term, and as a cultural concept that encompasses
the past, present, and future of American Indian people.
266
John Low
See also Indian Land Cessions; Indian Policy; Indian Removal; Indian Reservations; Indian Treaties.
prevalent than they would have been without human intervention. Indians of the Northeast woodlands practiced
shifting agriculture as they rotated across the landscape,
clearing the forest for elds of corn, beans, and squash
around villages that moved every thirty to fty years. Although they cultivated crops, they used the forest to restore soil productivity. In the desert Southwest, several
large societies utilized irrigated agriculture; these societies went through cycles of growth and retreat as a result
both of environmental and social changes.
Several areas developed sufciently productive economies to support elite classes that controlled the economy
and political system. In the Pacic Northwest, a titleholding class arose based on control and management of
lucrative salmon runs. In the Mississippi Valley, an elite
also developed, based in several large cities, of which Cahokia near present-day St. Louis is the most well known.
At its height (in the thirteenth century), it had a population between 20,000 and 50,000.
These complicated local economies utilized longdistance trade for further enrichment; centers of trade
were located throughout the continentexamples are on
the Columbia River and the Dalles, at Cahokia on the
Mississippi River, along the St. Lawrence River, and in
the Southwest. The use of trade goods such as shell beads,
stone tools, copper, int products, and pottery has been
conrmed in archaeological records; biodegradable goods
were probably also traded, including hides, dried meat,
canoes, cotton cloth, and baskets. Dried sh, oil, and
human slaves were traded in the Pacic Northwest. Although markets and regional prices probably existed in
the trading networks, actual exchange most likely invoked
reciprocity rules that dominated in local economies.
Local economies were organized by many types of
systems based on reciprocity and tied closely to the ecosystems in which the economies functioned. Leaders in
most societies were expected to collect property and food
that would be available for distribution to other members
of the society, especially in times of need. Most well
known of the reciprocity systems were the feasts used in
the Pacic Northwest for distribution and governance,
called potlatches by Europeans. The elite classes hosted
feasts annually in order to celebrate family events (marriage, accession to titles) and simultaneously to generate
recognition of property ownership and leadership authority. Fishing sites, small river drainages, and hunting
grounds were held by houses, groups of related kin who
followed the directions of the men and women holding
titles in the houses. Once the salmon harvesting and storing technology became linked to the house system two
thousand years before contact, societies in the Pacic
Northwest maintained their high population level and
their way of life relatively unchanged until contact.
In the Northeast, Europeans after contact found that
they had to enter into gift-giving relationships in order
to conduct trade and make treaties with the indigenous
people. The diplomatic and trade practices of the Iro-
267
268
I N D I A N E D U C AT I O N
many Indian communities and much of the Mexican hacienda system that had provided Native people with employment. Even as Indians in the Plains found that a reservation, once made, could be unmade, Indians in the
Pacic Northwest were signing treaties that dened new
reservations. Relying on salmon shing and hunting, many
of these tribes reserved their right to harvest sh and
game outside of the reservations. These rights became
compromised when open-access rules of harvest were also
applied to those resources late in the nineteenth and early
in the twentieth centuries. Salmon harvesting became industrialized as many salmon canneries were established on
the Columbia River and in Puget Sound. On the reservations established from 1850 to 1890, Indians developed agriculture, as they were restricted from harvesting game
outside of the reservations. For Indians in the Plains, open
access to buffalo had led to the near-extinction of the species, and they had little choice but to nd new sources of
food.
The third main period of Indian economic history
began with the division of reservations into individual
landholdings, or allotments. This process accelerated following the passage of the Dawes General Allotment Act
in 1887. Initially, the Indians allotments were not to be
sold, but by 1917 they were being sold in great numbers.
On many reservations, lands not allotted were opened for
non-Indian homesteading. On other reservations, the Bureau of Reclamation built irrigation projects, and on most
of these reservations the best-irrigated land, often predominately Indian in ownership, quickly was purchased
by non-Indians. Indians survived by working for wages or
carrying out diminished subsistence activities, and through
government support.
Early in the twentieth century, Indian ownership and
control of resources fell to their historical low. Although
the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 ended land cessions, other policies accompanying the act allowed access
to minerals and timber on Indian lands. After World
War I, the few tribes that had built successful economies,
based on timber and other resources, became the main
targets for termination of their already diminished reservations. Some avoided termination, but many did not.
Revival in Late Twentieth Century
Fighting against termination began to create a resurgence
of Indian political activity, which in turn lead to resurgence in economic activity. The 1960s brought both the
end of the termination policy and the emergence of Indian activism, a process that was also encouraged by the
civil rights movement. Throughout the 1970s, tribes began enterprises, and federal programs supported expanding reservation economies both with direct aid and indirectly through large housing programs. Under President
Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, the supply of capital and
resources from Washington to Indian Country shrank,
but, simultaneously, some tribes were able to establish
community-owned bingo and, later, casino gambling. This
Ronald L. Trosper
See also Agriculture, American Indian; Buffalo; Dawes General Allotment Act; Fur Trade and Trapping; Indian
Removal; Indian Reorganization Act; Indian Reservations; Indian Territory.
269
INDIAN INTERMARRIAGE
270
Russell Thornton
See also Creoles; Miscegenation.
With the rise of the United States after 1800, this key
Indian negotiating tactic became more difcult to adopt.
Early Treaties
During the American Revolution, the United States negotiated a number of treaties with Indian nations, usually
involving either alliance or armistice. Many of these early
treaties reected Native negotiating styles. But the treaty
with the Delawares, 17 September 1778, proved a watershed. Utilizing legal language and enumerated articles, it
set the pattern for most future treaties between the United
States and Indians. It specied cession boundaries, annuity payments, and the roles of Indian agents and chiefs,
and it was negotiated with an eye to European legal forms.
This and subsequent U.S. treaties with Indians would be
recognizable and enforceable.
In the years immediately after the Revolution, the
rather weak United States had trouble controlling its western territory. Particularly troublesome to Indians was the
assertion of settlers and government ofcials that the lands
of the trans-Appalachian west, especially the Ohio Valley,
belonged to the new nation by right of conquest from
Britain. Britain had not consulted its unconquered Indian
allies there before negotiating with the Americans, and
these Native nations resisted American claims of hegemony. Indian military victories at Kekionga (modern Fort
Wayne, Indiana) in 1790 and the upper Wabash (near
modern Edgerton, Ohio) in 1791 forced American leaders
to abandon the claim of conquest and instead to seek
peaceful land purchases through treaties. Indian reluctance made it essential that the United States win a military victory to get the proud nations of the Old Northwest to negotiate. In 1794, the United States won the
tactically small but strategically crucial victory at Fallen
Timbers (near modern Toledo, Ohio). The victory, coupled with Britains agreement ( Jays Treaty, nalized the
following year) to evacuate its forts in the Great Lakes
region, nally allowed the Americans to act. The result
was the American triumph with the Greenville Treaty in
1795.
Negotiated in the summer of 1795 by General Anthony Wayne, the victor of Fallen Timbers, and hundreds
of representatives from the Great LakesOhio Valley tribes
who had opposed him, Greenville set the precedent for
subsequent U.S.-Indian treaties in the Old Northwest.
The treaty required the cession of most of modern-day
Ohio to the United States, in return for annual payments
(or annuities) to the Indians. The treaty successfully inaugurated a general peace in the Old Northwest for the
next fteen years. It demonstrated that Indian lands would
have to be purchased by the United States. Bribes and
veiled threats of force, however, were prominent in
Waynes negotiations. The treaty also gave the United
States a permanent method to use in later negotiations
with these Indians, as annuities promised could always be
withheld to obtain further concessions. Waynes use of
tough negotiating tactics and the ability to play one tribes
271
(often for lands they did not even occupy), Harrison could
use them to put pressure on other tribes or chiefs who
resisted. Whereas Indians formerly used the rivalries of
European nations to their own advantage in treaty negotiations, by the nineteenth century the Americans could
exploit the rivalries between different tribes. Harrisons
councils and tactics established patterns for future U.S.Indian treaties.
Removal
While conrming the boundary between Britain and the
United States, the War of 1812 also did much to redene
and clarify U.S.-Indian relations east of the Mississippi.
The Shawnee chief Tecumseh died facing Harrisons army
during the invasion of Canada. General Andrew Jackson
crushed the Red Stick Creeks, Tecumsehs numerous allies in the Southeast. With these twin blows, Indians in
the eastern half of the United States ceased to be military
threats and became obstacles to be removed. As commercial agriculture came to dominate the economies of
the midwestern and southern states in the postwar era,
Indians came to be dened as marginal gures in American life. President Jeffersons old dream of integrating
Indians into American society vanished, and the racialized
ideal of separating Indians and Americans took hold.
The removal period of the 1830s, most commonly
associated with Andrew Jacksons presidency, offers the
clearest example of the newly racialized concept of Indian
relations and produced a new generation of land cessions.
Most of the Five Civilized Tribes of the Southeast, the
Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, and Seminoles, had not opposed the United States during the War
of 1812, and some had actively aided the United States
against the Red Stick Creek faction. By the 1820s, the
majority of them lived on small farms not unlike those of
their white neighbors, and some had even adapted to
plantation agriculture and owned slaves. The Cherokees,
in particular, seemed civilized, having drafted their own
constitution and developed their own alphabet. The citizens of Georgia, however, remained determined to acquire Cherokee lands, and Jackson (president from 1829
to 1837) sympathized with Georgia. Further, he feared
antagonizing other southern states in the midst of the
budding nullication crisis with South Carolina, and supported the states claims against the Cherokees. President
Jackson approved the Removal Act of 1830, which authorized the chief executive to negotiate with all eastern
tribes to secure their removal to lands west of the Mississippi. The Cherokees fought this act in court but they
were unsuccessful.
By 1840, removal treaties (and subsequent forced relocations) had affected the Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles in the Southeast, and the Miamis,
Potawatomis, Kickapoos, and others in the Midwest. After the Cherokees attempts at legal redress had failed, the
other Civilized Tribes had little hope of resisting the pressure to cede their lands. The poorly organized, inade-
272
negotiated by the army, rather than the Peace Commission, it reected the civilizing goals of peace, the creation
of an Indian reservation, and annuity payments in goods
and livestock rather than in cash.
By the 1870s, many reformers sought to do away with
the treaty system, arguing that the balance of power between the United States and Indian tribes was now too
skewed to allow for fair negotiations. In a rider to the
Indian Appropriations Bill of 1871, the House of Representatives ofcially abandoned the practice of treating
with Indian nations. Existing treaties, however, remained
in effect. While 1871 marked the end of ofcial treaties,
these were simply replaced by agreements, or treaties
by another name. The last major such document, the
Great Sioux Agreement of 1889, split and reduced the
Sioux reservations in North and South Dakota.
Allotment
In 1887, the Dawes General Allotment Act became law.
Named for Senator Henry L. Dawes, chair of the Senates
Committee on Indian Affairs, the act authorized the president to allot each Indian head of household a section of
land, usually 160 acres, and the new landholder would
become a U.S. citizen. Once all Indian households were
allotted their lands, the government could sell the surplus
land to the public. Initially hailed by well-meaning reformers, the Dawes Act proved a disaster for Indians.
Tribes were unable to slow the pace of allotment, and they
had little inuence on the price they were paid for their
surplus lands. Following the Supreme Courts Lone Wolf
decision in 1903, Congress could act unilaterally to seize
these lands without compensation. In the allotment era,
those who could not or would not become independent
farmers suffered miserably. Revisions in the law allowing
Indians to lease their lands helped briey, but did nothing
to encourage economic development among them. While
Indians had held 155,632,312 acres of land in 1881, by
1900 they held just 77,865,373. Designed to make Indians
independent, the Dawes Act instead cut them off from
many traditional, communal means of support. The allotment system was largely dismantled in the 1930s under
the leadership of President Franklin D. Roosevelts commissioner of Indian affairs, John Collier.
Indian Land Claims
Since World War II, Indian tribes have successfully asserted their claims to land in several parts of the country.
Many have been successful in reclaiming their collective
rights, including those to land and the natural resources
contained therein. The Indian Claims Commission Act
of 1946 provided for a special tribunal to whom Indians
might (within a ve-year window) bring legal grievances
against the U.S. government. The commission was not
authorized to return lands to Indians, but $818 million
was awarded to the tribes in compensation for past misdealing before the tribunal was dissolved in 1978.
273
INDIAN LANGUAGES
Robert M. Owens
274
See also Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act; Cherokee Nation Cases; Dawes General Allotment Act; Greenville
Treaty; Indian Claims Commission; Indian Policy, U.S.:
17751830, 18301900, 19002000; Indian Removal; Indian Reservations; Indian Treaties; Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock; Removal Act of 1830; Trail of Tears; and vol. 9: Fort
Laramie Treaty of 1851; Life of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kaikiak, or Black Hawk.
INDIAN LANGUAGES. Language is central to Indian identity. Although there are exceptions, in general,
aboriginal group identity corresponded to the language
that its members spoke. This tradition continues in that
tribal designations often refer to language, even though
in some cases few if any of its members may know the
language.
At the time of the European contact, some 300 languages are estimated to have been in use among the indigenous habitants of the area north of Mexico and a surprisingly large number of these survive to the present day.
In the 1990 U.S. census, 136 such languages were identied as household languages by respondents. Although
census gures may involve overreporting and underreporting of both languages and their numbers of speakers,
by adding in a conservative additional gure for languages
found only in Canada, it can be asserted that perhaps half
of the estimated number at the European contact are still
in use.
Classification and History
The starting point for discussions of Indian languages is
usually their relationships to one another or their classication. The primacy of this concern grows out of the
tradition of historical and comparative linguistics, particularly with respect to many European languages in the
Indo-European family. The success of the Indo-European
tradition is based to some extent on the availability of data
over time (as much as four thousand years) in some of the
languages. Since no comparable record exists for Indian
languages, however, their relationships and their classication have been more problematical.
Early students of Indian languages included Thomas
Jefferson, who engaged in eldwork and asked Meriwether Lewis and William Clark to bring back information on the languages of the tribes they encountered on
the 18041806 expedition. Albert Gallatin, Jeffersons
secretary of the Treasury, is also credited with later making the rst serious attempt at a comprehensive classication. The denitive classication of Indian languages
was produced by the Bureau of American Ethnology under the leadership of John Wesley Powell in 1891 and
recognized fty-eight distinct language families. Since
then, generally accepted modications of the Powell classication have been made that involve mergers of languages and groups with other groups and other rearrangements. However, the view of a large number (more
than fty, including isolates) of distinct language groups
INDIAN MISSIONS
American English has been greatly enriched by borrowing from Indian languages. Aside from the many place
names, the two most commons types of borrowing are
terms for native ora and fauna and for objects and concepts of the Native culture.
Prospects
At the start of the twenty-rst century, all North American indigenous languages were classied as endangered.
Navajo had by far the largest number of speakers, about
150,000, while most had fewer than 1,000, and many had
only a very small number of elderly speakers. The most
devastating inuence was the pressure of the anglophone
milieu in which Indians lived, under which only a small
percentage of Indian children learned to speak their Native language at home. This led tribes to introduce ambitious programs of language maintenance and renewal as
they took control of their education systems from preschool through graduate school.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Campell, Lyle. American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1997.
Campbell, Lyle, and Marianne Mithun, eds. The Languages of
Native America. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979.
Ives, Goddard, ed. The Handbook of North American Indians. Vol.
17, Languages. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution
Press, 1995.
Mithun, Marianne. The Languages of Native North America. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
Silver, Shirley, and Wick R. Miller. American Indian Languages:
Cultural and Social Contexts. Tucson: University of Arizona
Press, 1997.
Gary Bevington
See also Ethnology, Bureau of American; Education, Indian;
Indian Oral Literature; Indian Oratory.
275
INDIAN MISSIONS
The close relationship between the Protestant missionary societies and the federal government reached a
pinnacle during the Peace Policy, which President Ulysses
S. Grant established in 1869. It essentially turned the Bureau of Indian Affairs over to Christian missionaries.
Using the Society of Friends, or Quakers, as the leaders,
Grant hoped that the policy would both reduce frontier
problems and end missionary complaints against government policy. However, corruption continued and missionary groups fought over policy within the bureau.
(Largely ignored, the Catholics formed their own Indian
mission organization.) By 1876, the Peace Policy was dead
and missions to the Indians were in decline.
The East
More competition for souls existed in the East. French
Catholic and English Puritan missionaries invaded eastern North America with quite different approaches to the
Natives and the mission system. The French Catholics
lacked state sponsorship, while the Puritan state sponsored its missions. The French missionaries dealt with a
vibrant mixed blood community of French trappers and
Native women, both of whom often eschewed Catholicism. Without French military backing, Jesuits relied on
the patience and support of the Indians they were trying
to convert. The Jesuits tenaciously clung to their missions, in some cases for several hundred years, slowly
achieving converts. While more tolerant of Native culture
than the Protestants, the Jesuits emphasized the importance of the Madonna, given the importance of women
in Native society.
The English Puritans worked with a Native population under attack by both the English and other Indian
groups. Disease and warfare had decimated the Northeast
276
INDIAN MOUNDS
the federal government. Several of these missionaries became involved in policy, including Riggs of Minnesota and
S. D. Hinman of the Dakotas. They acted as Indian agents
and treaty negotiators, using their language skills to help
settle the Indians on reservations, which the missionaries
viewed as a necessary step toward Christianization.
Berkhofer, Robert. Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response, 17871862.
Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carol L. Higham
See also Indian Policy, Colonial; Indian Policy, U.S.: 1775
1830, 18301900, 19002000; Indian Religious Life;
Jesuits; Mission Indians of California; and vol. 9: A
Dialogue between Piumbukhou and His Unconverted
Relatives; Letter Describing Catholic Missions in California.
277
INDIAN MOUNDS
278
I N D I A N O R A L L I T E R AT U R E
Timothy R. Pauketat
See also Archaeology and Prehistory of North America.
INDIAN ORAL LITERATURE nurtures and explores the connections native peoples see in the entire
web of living and inert members. Rooted in both the land
and the language, stories, in all their forms, relate people
and species to their places of abode. These stories provide
entertainment and education; they include informal accounts of personal events and nightly bedtime and justso stories about how animals got their present colors,
tails, behaviors, and such, as well as formally recited epics,
which depict the creation of the world and other events,
and take days or months to complete. In ancient times,
the crippled and the blind earned food and lodging by
telling stories and spreading news in camps and villages.
Their repertoire included foibles, tales, fables, stories, and
myths, as well as epics of great formal complexity. While
the word myth connotes the imaginary in contemporary English, literary studies dene it as a kind of cultural
explanation, and native people accord it the weight of scientic proof and cosmic rationale.
279
I N D I A N O R A L L I T E R AT U R E
280
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, C O L O N I A L
Thompson, Stith. Tales of the North American Indians. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966. Reprint of 1929 rst
edition.
Jay Miller
See also Indian Languages; Indian Oratory; Literature: Native American Literature.
Robert M. Owens
See also Indian Oral Literature; Indian Political Life.
281
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, C O L O N I A L
282
des bois (runners of the woods) who often took native wives
and adopted the trappings of native life. French Catholic
missionaries were also present. The missions became particularly important because they were placed strategically
so as to form a kind of human border between the English
New England and New York colonies. One of the hallmarks of these missions, particularly those founded by the
Jesuits, was that they tolerated the use of native languages
and many of the indigenous peoples traditional beliefs and
lifestyles. Thus, what developed between the French and
their native allies was a policy that combined political,
military, social, and cultural reciprocity. Surprisingly, however, the French never formally recognized native title to
their lands and did not enter into the types of deeds and
treaties for land that characterized the Dutch and English
policies.
Spanish Policy
Spanish imperial policy in colonial America was perhaps
the most complicated and varied of any of the European
powers. This was due to the vast geographic expanse of
Spanish colonial holdings, which at their height covered
territory in North America within the modern-day
United States, as well as all of modern Mexico, most of
Central and South America, and even much of the Caribbean Islands. This article looks only at Spanish Indian
policy during the colonial era in what is today the United
States. While the boundaries of colonial Spanish America
were quite uid, it most consistently comprised Florida,
Texas, much of the southwest, and California, and is often
referred to as the Spanish borderlands.
In general it can be said that Spanish policy was based
on military force and depended on overt cultural coercion. The most commonly used tools of this policy were
military conquest and the planting of presidios (military
garrisons) to secure a region; Catholic missions designed
to bring native communities within daily Spanish cultural
and social control; and the settlement of pueblos (towns)
and haciendas (plantations) to bring territory under the
dominion of Spanish colonists. Along with such colonization went two uniquely colonial Spanish American institutions known as the encomienda and repartimento.
The encomienda system involved the forced assignment
of natives to work in mines and on plantations. Theoretically, in exchange for this labor the recipients were to pay
taxes and provide their workers with instruction in the
Catholic faith. The reality was usually far different. The
most prevalent institution, however, in the Spanish borderlands was the repartimento, which mandated indigenous communities to supply a labor force to meet local
colonial labor needs.
Typical of Spanish rule in the borderlands was the
experience of the Pueblos in the Southwest, an agricultural people famous today for their apartment-like dwellings. In 1598, the Pueblos were invaded by a military
expedition led by the Spanish conquistador, Juan de
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, C O L O N I A L
English Policy
During the English colonial era, Indian policy was a complicated mix of colonial and imperial initiatives. Before
1755, local colonial authorities often took the lead in setting policy for each British colony. After 1755, this balance began to tip in favor of imperial-formulated policy.
In that year, the British created two Indian departments
in an attempt to regulate and control Indian policy and
affairs. Unlike the French and Spanish, the English never
focused on the conversion of native peoples to Christianity. Instead, despite some English missionary activity, the
English were deeply inuenced by the conviction that
God had ordained America for the English.
The English made wide use of the treaty process.
Very early in their dealings with native peoples, the English recognized title to the lands Indians historically possessed, and as with the Dutch, most individual colonies
required some formal extinguishment of native title to
perfect English title. By 1761 the British placed responsibility for such extinguishment with the British home
government. The British Royal Proclamation of 1763
formalized this policy in the former French colonial domains. The ultimate English objective in their North
American activities was to place ever-greater quantities of
native lands under English possession and dominion.
The rst permanent English settlement, Jamestown,
Virginia (1607), pursued a policy of human and territorial
conquest towards its native neighbors, the Powhatan
Confederacy. This Confederacy consisted of some
15,000 Algonquian-speaking people living under the
leadership of the werowance Powhatan. Relations between the two communities quickly deteriorated when
the Jamestown settlers attempted to coerce their native
neighbors to provision them with food and labor. From
1609 to 1610, the Powhatans nearly succeeded in starving
the settlers out of existence. Only the timely arrival of
reinforcements from England prevented the colonys demise. The two communities wavered between peace and
war for almost fteen years. However, by 1644, following
a nal and unsuccessful uprising, the Powhatans, ravaged
by epidemics and warfare, nally submitted to the growing English settlement. From that time onward, the English settlers inhabiting the southern coastal regions pursued a policy of Indian removal, extermination, and
enslavement. This policy was also replicated in large part
in southern New England. In 1637, following their loss
to the English settlers at the end of the Pequot War, the
once-powerful Pequots were nearly annihilated and many
of the survivors sold into slavery.
The Iroquois Confederacys experience with the British, however, was somewhat different. In 1664 the English
stepped into the shoes of the Dutch by virtue of their
conquest of New Netherland. Almost immediately New
Yorks colonial governor Sir Edmund Andros entered into
an alliance with the Iroquois Confederacy called the
Covenant Chain. The Iroquois referred to this as a
chain of silver. The relationship between the English
and Iroquois was an economic as well as a political one.
By the mid-seventeenth century the Iroquois had become
essential to the fur trade and their inuence over other
native groups extended as far west as the Ohio and even
into the upper south. The Iroquois, particularly the Mohawks, assisted the English in suppressing many local native communities. They played this role in the New England conict known as King Philips War (16751676)
and assisted the Virginia settlers in subduing the Susquehannocks after Bacons Rebellion. They also served as a
buffer between British America and New France, and despite minimal English military assistance engaged in intermittent warfare with New France until the Grand Settlement in 1701.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Faren R. Siminoff
See also Fur Trade and Trapping; Indian Land Cessions.
283
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, U . S . : 1 7 7 5 1 8 3 0
17751830
U.S. Indian policy during the American Revolution was
disorganized and largely unsuccessful. At the outbreak of
the war, the Continental Congress hastily recruited Indian agents. Charged with securing alliances with Native
peoples, these agents failed more often than they succeeded. They faced at least three difculties. First, they
had less experience with Native Americans than did the
long-standing Indian agents of the British Empire. Second, although U.S. agents assured Indians that the rebellious colonies would continue to carry on the trade in
deerskins and beaver pelts, the disruptions of the war
made regular commerce almost impossible. Britain, by
contrast, had the commercial power to deliver trade goods
on a more regular basis. And third, many Indians associated the rebellious colonies with aggressive white colonists who lived along the frontier. Britain was willing to
sacrice these colonists in the interests of the broader empire (as it had done in the Proclamation of 1763), but for
the colonies, visions of empire rested solely on neighboring Indian lands. Unable to secure broad alliances with
Indian peoples, U.S. Indian policy during the Revolution
remained haphazard, formed by local ofcials in response
to local affairs.
Origins of the Civilization Policy, 17831800
At the conclusion of the American Revolution, the United
States announced that it had conquered hostile Indian nations. In theory, all that remained was to settle treaties in
which the defeated parties yielded to the demands of the
victor. (The 1783 Treaty of Paris established peace between Britain and the United States and granted the new
nation sovereignty over eastern North America, but made
no mention of Native Americans.) The nancial needs of
the young Republic in part shaped this policy decision,
for the United States hoped to use Indian lands to pay off
the federal debt. Between 1784 and 1786, it signed a series
of treaties with Ohio Indians that provided for massive,
unremunerated land cessions. The treaties were disastrous
for all involved. Indians protested vehemently against the
cessions and made their point by attacking white colonists
who moved aggressively onto their lands.
In light of these conicts, Secretary of War Henry
Knox reshaped U.S. Indian policy in 1786. Knox believed
that the policy of conquest was both immoral and impractical. The United States had no right to take Indian
lands without purchasing them, he said, and any attempt
to seize lands would stain the reputation of the Republic.
Moreover, the United States did not have the resources
to ght Indian wars in the West. Knox instead developed
a two-part plan. First, the United States would purchase
284
Indian lands, which would be far less expensive than ghting for them. Second, the federal government would civilize Indians by instructing them in the economic and
social practices of white Americans, thereby making them
more willing to part with their vast hunting territories.
Subsequent treaties in both the South and the Old
Northwest recognized Indian land title, but Knoxs policy
did not end hostilities. White colonists continued to
stream onto Indian lands in Ohio Country, precipitating
frequent and violent encounters. In 1790 and 1791, punitive expeditions undertaken by the United States ended
in great victories for the Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis,
and Algonquians in the Old Northwest. The defeat of
Arthur St. Clairs forces in 1791 produced more American
casualties than any other similar encounter in U.S. history
(900 men killed or wounded). Nevertheless, in 1794, Anthony Wayne defeated the Indian alliance at the Battle of
Fallen Timbers. The following year, the Treaty of Greenville opened all but the northwestern third of what later
became Ohio to white colonization.
The Indian Policy of Thomas Jefferson, 18011824
Upon assuming ofce in 1801, Thomas Jefferson rened
the plan of civilization. In what later became known as
Jeffersonian Indian policy, the third president proposed
to lead Indians from savagery to civilization by instructing
men in agriculture and women in the domestic arts (household tasks such as spinning and weaving cloth). According
to Jefferson, Indianswhen versed in English, arithmetic,
and Christianitycould eventually be incorporated into
the Republic. His policy revealed an Enlightenment faith
in progress and human reason; excepting Africans, he asserted, all humans had the innate ability to reason and to
improve themselves. This apparently benevolent policy
presumed the inferiority of indigenous cultures and predictedin fact, encouragedthe disappearance of Native
Americans as separate and distinct peoples.
Jeffersonian Indian policy ultimately failed. Its failure
is best measured by the emergence of the Shawnee leader
Tecumseh in the early nineteenth century. Drawing on a
Native tradition of visionary revivalism, Tecumseh and his
brother Tenskwatawa began urging Ohio Native Americans to return to their traditional ways. In 1810, Tecumseh traveled south to ask the Creeks and others to join
him in a united attack against white colonists. Although
most leaders rejected his plea, thousands of common
Creeks and Seminoles, disillusioned with the plan of civilization, launched their own resistance to white authority.
In the Old Northwest, Tecumsehs movement ended with
the British and Indian defeat in the War of 1812. In the
Southeast, it culminated in the Creek War of 1813 and
1814, in which U.S. troops put an end to radical resistance
in the region.
Prelude to Removal
The Indian wars in the Old Northwest and the South,
coupled with a rising demand by planters for southern
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, U . S . : 1 8 3 0 1 9 0 0
cotton lands, led to more virulent attitudes toward Indians in the 1810s and 1820s. These attitudes would culminate in the 1830s with a formal government program
to remove all Indians living east of the Mississippi River
to territories in the West. Knox and Jefferson had insisted
that the social and physical distinctions between Native
peoples and whites were purely a product of environmental differences. They believed that, if raised in a patriarchal household in a democratic republic, clothed in European garb, and fed on a diet of domesticated beef,
Indians would eventually look and behave like white
Americans. By the 1820s, however, some Americans began asserting that there were immutable racial differences
between Indians and whites. Since racial differences were
immutable, these Americans argued, the plan of civilization was nave at best and cruel and destructive at worst.
Backed by the weight of science, they argued that removal
would better serve Native peoples.
In fact, removal was rst proposed by Jefferson in
1803, when he suggested that the Louisiana Purchase
might provide eastern Indians with a new homeland. But
it was not until the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828
that removal received the full support of the federal government. Jackson, a Tennessee frontiersman, a southerner,
and an old Indian ghter, showed great consideration for
the demands of his white compatriots and little sympathy
for Native peoples. The combination did not bode well
for Indians. In his rst State of the Union address in 1829,
Jackson outlined his plan to remove Native Americans to
lands west of the Mississippi River. A year later, Jacksons
removal policy became law. The law did not appear to
condone coercion, but no matter; where Indians refused
to relocate, federal troops drove them westward at gunpoint. By the end of the 1830s, tens of thousands of Indians had been forced off their eastern homelands.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
. Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1999.
Claudio Saunt
See also Creek War; Fallen Timbers, Battle of; Greenville
Treaty; Indian Land Cessions; Indian Removal; Indians
in the Revolution; Tippecanoe, Battle of.
18301900
Between 1830 and 1900, Indians in the United States experienced dramatic change, such that by the turn of the
century, most Indians were conned to impoverished reservations or on allotments carved out of those lands, where
government ofcials exerted profound inuence over many
aspects of their lives. While policy in and of itself did not
always produce this dramatic reversal in fortune, government initiatives consistently favored non-Indian interests
and consistently undermined tribal ambitions.
Removal
Debates over Andrew Jacksons plan for Indian removal
dominated policy discussions in 1830. Scarcely a novel
idea, given generations of dispossession, Jacksons proposal broadened the pace and intensity of removal by relocating eastern Indians to western lands acquired via the
Louisiana Purchase. Supported by settlers, as well as humanitarians who considered migration, the Indians best
hope for survival, the Indian Removal Act passed Congress in 1830 over the strong objections of critics who
considered it a stain on the national honor.
But Indian removal proved quite complicated when
applied to the Five Civilized Tribes (Cherokees, Creeks,
Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles) of the Southeast,
whose populations included elite classes of educated
individuals who had embraced many aspects of AngloAmerican culture. Shocked by Jacksons removal bill and
Georgias determination to extinguish by legislative at
their recently founded republic, Cherokee leaders like
John Ross lobbied Congress and appealed to the United
States Supreme Court. This effort bore mixed results that
proved highly signicant for Indian peoples over the
longer term, but were of little practical value to the Cherokees of the 1830s. In a pair of landmark decisions, Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831) and Worcester v. Georgia
(1832), the Court ruled that Cherokeesand by extension all Indian nationsstood in a position of domestic
dependency to the United States government. But while
this constituted a reduced sovereignty, the Court also
ruled that these same Indian nations lay outside the authority of individual states.
The Worcester decision declared Indian tribes an exclusively federal responsibility, and therefore should have
protected the Cherokees, but Jackson refused to enforce
the Courts will, and the resulting settler pressure moved
tribes to sign removal agreements. Between 1831 and
1845, 45,000 of 60,000 eastern Indians endured painful
relocation. Cherokees suffered famously, losing perhaps
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286
dian Commissioners to oversee the conduct of Indian policy, and, in 1871, the formal end of treaty making.
Inaugurated with great fanfare, the peace policy
foundered almost immediately. Religious denominations
proved no more effective in managing Indian agents than
their civilian or military counterparts, corruption and
mismanagement remained rampant, and, most signicantly, the peace policy simply failed to keep the peace.
In fact, the 1870s witnessed the last major surge of Indianwhite violence, as Indians, predictably, rejected the governments demand that they surrender their way of life
and relocate to reservations. They succumbed only after
the destruction of bison herds and continued harassment
at the hands of the military rendered independent life
impossible.
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, U . S . : 1 9 0 0 2 0 0 0
19002000
A complex mixture of forces shaped federal Indian policy
in the twentieth century including the reform impulse
among many humanitarians, regional economic pressures,
Congress, federal agencies, missionaries, and Indian leaders. The relative weight of these forces varied throughout
the decades.
The Allotment Policy
Federal Indian policy of the twentieth century cannot be
understood without examining land allotment in the late
nineteenth century. The basic feature of allotment was the
assignment of tribal land to individual Indians. Although
some 11,000 allotments were made prior to 1885, the
Dawes General Allotment Act of 1887 guided the allotments afterward. The statute authorized the president
to order the assignment of allotments to all enrolled Indians on reservations. Plots of 160 acres went to family
heads; unmarried individuals eighteen or older and orphans received eighty acres; and those under eighteen
were assigned forty acres. To guard against their sale, the
law placed allotments under federal trust for twenty-ve
years, which meant the land could not be encumbered or
sold. Allottees automatically gained U.S. citizenship.
The allotment policy was primary the work of eastern
reformers who believed that education, Christian conversion, and allotment would end tribalism and traditional
life, and Indians would quickly assimilate. Unfortunately,
allotment caused huge land losses. In 1881, Indians held
155,632,312 acres of land, and by 1900, the gure had
fallen to 77,865,373 acres. Despite these staggering losses,
allotment and assimilation remained the centerpieces of
Indian policy until 1933.
Brian C. Hosmer
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western territories became states, senators and representatives from the region dominated the Senate and House
committees on Indian Affairs. Westerners also held many
key positions in the Department of Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Finally, federal agencies
such as the Bureau of Reclamation and the Forest Service,
which served powerful vested interests in the West, made
sure that their constituents needs were served. The weak
BIA could seldom protect Indians against white pressures.
The policy of forced patenting during Commissioner Cato Sellss administration (19131921) epitomized Progressives drive to free Indians from government control. Instead of Indians applying for competency,
Sells and Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane established competency commissions that toured reservations screening Indians and forcing those deemed competent to take fee simple titles to allotments. In 1917,
Sellss Declaration of Policy in the Administration of Indian Affairs ended trust protection for all allottees under
one-half Indian blood and boarding-school graduates.
Forced patenting left thousands of Indians landless.
1920s Reform Agitation
After World War I the allotment-assimilation policy came
under attack. John Collier, a young social worker, strongly
opposed legislation that threatened Pueblo land titles in
the Rio Grande Valley. Even though Congress approved
a compromise measure in 1924, Collier took up other
complaints, including Indians poor oil revenues, lack of
religious freedom on reservations, inferior education in
Indian schools, and mismanagement of Indian nances.
Unlike earlier reformers, Collier challenged the assimilation philosophy that had been central to Indian affairs for
four decades. Colliers approach stressed cultural pluralism
and encouraged Indians to retain their own traditions.
Colliers agitation produced a major investigation. In
19261927, the Institute for Government Research carried out an extensive survey of BIA eld administration.
The groups report, The Problem of Indian Administration
(1928), blamed allotment and forced patenting for widespread poverty and condemned woeful education and
health services. Major recommendations included upgrading BIA employees, increased funding, and adding a
division of planning and administration to the BIA. Although the Herbert Hoover administration made several
improvements, it never added the new division.
The Indian New Deal and World War II
The appointment of John Collier as Indian commissioner
(19331945) caused marked changes in Indian policy.
Early on, Collier demonstrated a more dynamic approach
by arranging cooperative agreements with emergency programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps and the
Public Works Administration. These programs brought
unprecedented expertise, funds, and employment opportunities to reservations. Colliers policy of cultural pluralism was reected largely in the Indian Reorganiza-
288
I N D I A N P O L I C Y, U . S . : 1 9 0 0 2 0 0 0
289
Donald L. Parman
See also Education, Indian; Indian Civil Rights Act; Indian
Political Life; Indian Reservations; Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act; Wounded Knee
(1973); and vol. 9: Land of the Spotted Eagle.
290
death. Powhatan helped maintain his own political position by frequently selecting wives from among the young
women of neighboring towns, taking some two-dozen in
all. After they had given birth, the young women were
sent back to their towns, where they lived an almost royal
existence, being maintained by the chief. A similar political royalty emerged among the Natchez Indians of the
central Mississippi River valley. Here, the honored people, headed by the Great Sun, or absolute ruler, sat at
the top of the kin structure, followed by commoners and
so-called slaves. This theocracy, while clearly an exception
among matrilineal societies, still operated as a chieftainship, with a council that represented the various surrounding villages. The royalty that controlled the society
derived its power from the clan mothers, as these women
married commoners, who in turn produced children who
became royalty. Male members of the royalty, who by
contrast had to marry commoners, ended up having children who became commoners, thus preserving the female
matrilineal line. The priesthood helped sanction the class
structure and maintain the political authority of the honored people.
In the Southwest, religion played a key role in determining political leadership in Pueblo societies. While
adopting a bilineal social structure (that is, tracing families through men and women), authority in Pueblo towns
came directly from the various kin-ordered religious clans.
Each town remained autonomous and, for direction,
looked inward to its various ceremonies (many of which
related to agriculture) and the clans that organized them.
The Navajo Indians, to the north, while of Apachean origin, maintained more traditional matrilineal organization, as did most of the Northwest Coast Indians. When
societies placed less emphasis upon farming, such as those
in California or the Colombian Plateau, matrilineal systems generally gave way to patrilineal clan organization.
Here, leadership emerged from the male members of the
most successful clans. Councils, likewise, became assemblies of the most respected elders of the patrilineal clans.
The European Impact
Whether patrilineal or matrilineal, most indigenous societies in America at contact were intensely organized. Few
were egalitarian, if the term is dened as one in which most
members of the general society had a say in affairs. Young
members of these societies, either male or female, had little
political power. Given this political organization, one
might expect that Europeans and American Indians could
have established peaceful, mutually respectful relations.
Unfortunately, much the opposite happened, for almost
from the beginnings of contact, Europeans failed to understand the values and loyalties that held Indian societies
together and failed to see the havoc that disease and war
would have on traditional institutions.
The disruption of Native American political orders
can be seen almost from the rst entry of the earliest Europeans. In the Southwest, Spaniards used the sword and
291
war chiefs became all powerful. When they were successful, they could preempt the power of the tribal council.
When they failed, the people usually abandoned them. The
new Plains Indian societies, then, lacked the political order
and traditions of the earlier, matrilineal-based societies.
As Europeans settled various portions of the Southwest and the East Coast, and then pushed into the interior, Native Americans often found it necessary to alter
their political institutions. Acculturation, or the willing
acceptance of change, led most southeastern tribes to
adopt constitutional systems by the early 1800s. Increasingly, this led to more male-dominant political behavior,
as matrilineal systems declined. By the 1830s and 1840s,
the families of many Choctaws, Cherokees, and Creeks
identied themselves by the name of the male patriarch,
rather than the female. This meant men in tribal councils
were given more political control, while women faced declining inuence. After the removal policies of the Jackson Era were implemented, some southeastern societies
even abandoned reinforcement of the reciprocal kinship
relationships.
As the Plains Wars came to a halt after the American
Civil War, Indians faced more forced political change.
The federal government created the reservation as an
institution designed to destroy all Indian custom and belief, including traditional political systems. Federal Indian
agents replaced tribal law with federally funded and supported Indian judges and police. Tribal councils were
largely ignored and agents used their massive control of
food resources to reward younger men who traditionally
would not have dared challenge traditional authority.
Protestant and Catholic churches added to the dismantling of tribal political traditions by working to undermine
Indian religion and promoting the nuclear rather than the
extended Indian family. The federal government did the
same after it passed the allotment law in 1887. By the early
decades of the twentieth century, most vestiges of the
older tribal political systems had disappeared in North
America.
The Indian New Deal of 1934 allowed some return
to tribal autonomy as it allowed tribes to reorganize their
governments as corporations. Slowly by the 1960s and
1970s, tribes took back control of school and police systems. Yet, government strings, in the form of nancial
support, still remained and complete political selfdetermination had yet to materialize. When serious crime
cannot be dealt with by the tribe, for example, the federal
government still reserves the right to invade reservations
and administer law and order; and health care systems are
administered totally by the federal government.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
292
293
294
I N D I A N R E M O VA L
Joel W. Martin
See also Indian Bible, Eliots; Nativist Movements (American
Indian Revival Movements); and vol. 9: A Dialogue between Piumbukhou and His Unconverted Relatives;
Land of the Spotted Eagle; A Letter from Wovoka.
INDIAN REMOVAL. Indian removal, which involved transferring lands in the trans-Mississippi West to
Native American groups who gave up their homelands
east of the Mississippi, dominated U.S. government Indian policy between the War of 1812 and the middle of
the nineteenth century. This practice, although not without detractors, had the support of several very important
groups: speculators who coveted Indian lands, uneasy
eastern settlers who feared Indian attacks, and missionary
groups who felt that relocation would save the Indians
from the degrading inuences of their white neighbors.
Development of the Policy
The seeds of a removal program were sown in the series
of negotiations with southeastern tribes that began with
the rst Treaty of Hopewell in 1785. Many citizens of the
southeastern states, especially Georgia, believed that the
federal government too often made concessions to powerful, well-organized tribes such as the Creeks and the
Cherokees. In 1802, when Georgia was asked to cede the
lands from which the states of Alabama and Mississippi
would later be created, it did so only after extracting a
promise from federal ofcials to peaceably obtain, on
reasonable terms, the Indian title to all land within
Georgias borders. In 1803, President Thomas Jefferson
saw an opportunity to both appease Georgia and legitimize his controversial Louisiana Purchase by drafting a
constitutional amendment authorizing Congress to exchange lands in the West for eastern lands occupied by
Indians. While this amendment was never submitted for
ratication, Congress enacted legislation the following
year authorizing the president to administer such a removal and exchange policy provided that participating Indians continued their allegiance to the United States.
In ensuing years, several attempts were made to persuade the Cherokees and other major tribes to remove
voluntarily to the West. While some groups favored escaping white harassment through resettlement, many more
opposed the idea of leaving their ancestral homes. Their
desire to stay was reinforced by the unhappy experiences
of small groups of Cherokees, Delawares, Shawnees, and
others who had accepted a land exchange and gone westward between 1785 and 1800. After the War of 1812 and
295
I N D I A N R E M O VA L
296
I N D I A N R E S E RVAT I O N S
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Green, Michael D. The Politics of Indian Removal: Creek Government and Society in Crisis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1982.
Prucha, Francis Paul. The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians. 2 vols. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984.
. American Indian Treaties: The History of a Political Anomaly. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. The Long, Bitter Trail: Andrew Jackson
and the Indians. New York: Hill and Wang, 1993.
Michael Sherfy
See also Cherokee Nation Cases; Indian Land Cessions; Indian Territory; Removal Act of 1830; Trail of Tears; and
vol. 9: A Century of Dishonor.
to accept the IRA and 78 tribes, including the Crow, Navajo, and Seneca, rejected it.
Despite its aws and limitations, the IRA did represent a new recognition of Indian rights and culture. Although many of Colliers policies were altered in subsequent decades, both as a result of government-sponsored
programs to terminate federal services to Indians and as
a result of indigenous demands for greater sovereignty,
the IRA and IRA-created governments remain inuential
in shaping U.S. Indian policy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Frank Rzeczkowski
See also Bureau of Indian Affairs; Dawes General Allotment
Act.
297
I N D I A N R E S E RVAT I O N S
policy of Indian administration by Constitutional mandate. The Constitution granted Congress plenary powers
over Indian affairs in trade, treaties, warfare, welfare, and
the right to take Indian lands for public purposes.
After 1778, Congress established federal Indian reservations by federal treaty or statute, conferring to the
occupying tribe(s) recognized title over lands and the resources within their boundaries. Despite government
promises of protection in exchange for land cessions, Secretary of War Henry Knox in 1789 lamented, that all the
Indian tribes once existing in those States, now the best
cultivated and most populous, have become extinct . . . in
a short period, the idea of an Indian on this side of the
Mississippi will only be found in the page of the historian. Policymakers in the early republic believed that the
attrition of Native Americans and the extinguishing of
their reservations was an inevitable consequence of civilizations progress.
Indian Removal, 18161846
After the War of 1812, increasing conicts between Native Americans and expanding Euro-American settlements demanded a solution. In 1830, Congress acted to
create a policy of removal that would relocate Native
Americans to reserved lands west of the Mississippi.
President Andrew Jackson was the principal advocate of
this policy, declaring in 1830 that Humanity has often
wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country, . . .
but its progress has never for a moment been arrested,
and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared
from the earth. . . . What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranges by a few thousand
savages to our extensive republic . . . occupied by more
than 12,000,000 happy people, and lled with all the
blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion?
Between 1828 and 1838, more than 80,000 Native
Americans, particularly from the Southeast and the Old
Northwest, were removed west of the Mississippi River.
After relocation, the U.S. government acquired 15,355,767
acres of Indian lands for its citizens. Tribes suffered population losses when they were forced west and many tribal
governments were weakened and disrupted as they attempted to create new governments on their western territories. The removal of Native American societies continued until 1877, although most relocations occurred before
1846.
Reservation Period, 18511880
While the removal created temporary space between
American civilization and Indian Territory, that space
quickly disappeared. As Euro-America pushed beyond the
Mississippi river, policymakers had to devise new ways of
alienating indigenous societies from their lands. To accomplish this task, on 3 March 1849 Congress created
the Department of the Interior to manage public land,
Indian land, and Indian affairs. The Indian Ofce moved
quickly to address the Indian problem. Under pressure
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I N D I A N R E S E RVAT I O N S
299
I N D I A N R E S E RVAT I O N S
Waiting for Rations. This 1890 photograph by George Trager shows Indians conned to the Pine Ridge Reservation, S.D.,
where they depended on meager U.S. government rations; starvation and resentment of white corruption led to the Sioux breakout
that year, ending in the massacre at nearby Wounded Knee. National Archives and Records Administration
300
I N D I A N R E S E RVAT I O N S
301
I N D I A N R I G H T S A S S O C I AT I O N
Berkhofer, Robert F., Jr. The White Mans Indian: Images of the
American Indian from Columbus to the Present. New York:
Knopf, 1978.
Bureau of the Census. We the . . . First Americans. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1993.
Bureau of the Census. American Indian Reservation Households Crowded in 1990. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1995.
Champagne, Duane, ed. Chronology of Native North American
History: From Pre-Columbian Times to the Present. Detroit:
Gale Research, 1994.
Debo, Angie. The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek
Indians. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941.
Dippie, Brian W. The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and
U.S. Indian Policy. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1982.
Drinnon, Richard. Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating
and Empire Building. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1980.
Foreman, Grant. Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1953.
Green, Michael D. The Politics of Indian Removal: Creek Government and Society in Crisis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1982.
302
Gregory Campbell
See also Bureau of Indian Affairs; Dawes General Allotment
Act; Indian Policy, Colonial; Indian Policy, U.S; Indian
Political Life; Indian Removal; Indian Reorganization
Act; Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act; Indian Territory; Removal Act of 1830;
Westward Migration.
The advent of John Collier as commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933 ended the IRAs dominance over
American Indian reform. The groups agenda has been
modied during the twentieth century to include advocacy of global human rights. The IRA has continued its
support of American Indian land rights, championing the
Senecas in the Kinzua Dam controversy of the 1950s and
1960s, and helping the Pequot Indians to recover land in
1976. In the early twenty-rst century its membership
included prominent American Indians, and it supported
American Indian education with nancial assistance and
public education.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Castile, George Pierre. To Show Heart: Native American SelfDetermination and Federal Indian Policy, 19601975. Tucson:
University of Arizona Press, 1998.
Rebecca McNulty
Cobb, Daniel M. Philosophy of an Indian War: Indian Community Action in the Johnson Administrations War on Indian Poverty, 19641968. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 22, no. 2 (1998): 71102.
Daniel M. Cobb
See also Education, Indian; Indian Policy, U.S., 19002000;
Indian Political Life; Indian Reservations.
INDIAN SOCIAL LIFE. Although European contact affected Native people, adaptation and change have
long characterized Indian communities. It can be difcult
303
to differentiate recent changes from precontact trends already in process. In addition, new elements, such as the
introduction of the horse by the Spanish, often altered
lifestyles well before Native people came into direct contact with Euro-Americans. Across time and space, ongoing processes of indigenous adaptation and change complicate how we assess the transformations traditionally
associated with the intrusion of Euro-Americans.
Northeastern Woodlands
The Northeast was a region of small, sedentary agricultural villages where women raised corn, squash, and beans.
Summer wigwams were adjacent to seasonal food supplies
and here families harvested berries and nuts, and hunted
and shed. Village life was communal and emphasized
generosity, loyalty, and bravery. The region was highly
populated, so it suffered signicantly from the rst shock
waves of epidemic disease associated with European encounter. Smallpox, chicken pox, measles, whooping cough,
and typhus decimated coastal village populations by as
much as 95 percent. Villages that persisted often did so as
isolated settlements within a colonized English landscape.
The Iroquois were the regions most powerful confederacy, uniting the Cayugas, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and Senecas. The Iroquois called themselves
Haudensaunee, people of the longhouse. They lived in
elongated elm-bark structures, twenty-ve feet wide and
less than 100 feet long with some extending to 200 feet.
Three to six families or hearths from the same maternal
lineage lived in one dwelling. Marriage was a contract
between two groups of kin, rather than a contract between individuals. Parents as well as elder relatives inuenced the selection of marriage partners. However, the
compatibility of the prospective couple remained important since newlyweds were incorporated into established
longhouses. Noncompatible couples were permitted to
divorce.
Cultural practices were altered by disease, warfare,
and the continual incorporation of strangers. Among the
matrilineal Seneca, the women of a longhouse might demand that the community go to war to replace a fallen
male warrior. This cycle of retribution and replacement
disrupted the eighteenth-century Iroquois, who were often a minority in their own villages while a majority were
adoptees and slaves. The arrival of Jesuit missionaries further disrupted village life. Few Iroquois found Christianity an appealing alternative until Handsome Lake, a Seneca religious prophet, blended Christian practices with
many of the traditional religious beliefs of the Seneca in
the early nineteenth century. Handsome Lakes religious
middle ground transformed gender and familial roles:
men became agriculturalists, women became housewives,
and the nuclear family displaced the familial networks of
the longhouse. Longhouse churches have preserved the
traditional feast calendar and traditional Iroquois behaviors have acquired the form of Christian commandments.
304
Southeastern Woodlands
During the precontact period large palisaded towns exerted political authority over this region. People lived in
urban areas dominated by extensive ceremonial centers
and large mound-like structures topped by temples and
the houses of rulers and priests. Trade likely linked these
towns to those of Mesoamerica.
Sometime between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, political power became less centralized in southeastern towns and people dispersed into smaller communities. However, southeastern population centers remained
larger and more complex in social organization than those
of the Northeast. Towns housed interrelated families,
linked through matrilineal descent. Each person was born
into the mothers clan and the male relatives of ones
mother often proved far more important than ones biological father. These hierarchically structured towns included chiefs whose power ranged from advisory to absolute. Ceremonial sites brought towns together for ritual
feasts and housed competitive sports events, such as lacrosse. The importance of feasts and ceremonies speaks
to the resiliency of indigenous tradition because they continued to bring people together. The Green Corn Ceremony, a four-day ceremony of Thanksgiving celebrated
in early summer, has been followed for centuries. British
defeat in the War of 1812 brought the rst forced removals. Resettlement in Indian territory west of the
Mississippi transformed most southeastern people into
Oklahoma residents, but many communities retained
their town focus and social structure.
Plains
Until the onset of the reservation period, plains life was
inextricably linked to the buffalo hunt and to farming.
Buffalo meat was dried, stored, and eaten during the winter months. Hides covered tipis, robes provided bedding,
and sinew became thread. For Indians like the Blackfeet,
the buffalo was processed into one hundred different
items of daily use. Another group of tribes farmed the
bottom lands of the Missouri River and its tributaries.
These plains farmers lived in large villages of earth
lodges, dirt-covered structures that could house as many
as forty people.
Following the acquisition of horses in the eighteenth
century, most Plains Indians became nomadic. Successful
buffalo hunting required exible living conditions. People
resided in small groups known as tiospaye, which generally
included extended families. Interrelated families camped
together and joined other, more distantly related families
to form bands.
Male work focused on hunting, warfare, and ceremonial life. The task of butchering was shared by men
and women, but the drying and storing of meat, roots,
and prairie fruits were womens work, as was the production of clothing, lodge covers, and robes. The woman
generally owned the tipi. Over time, decimating epidemics and persistent raiding undermined the Plains Indians
farming villages and caused them to disappear as a signicant part of the regions social life.
Kinship terminology tended to be generational, so
the children of parents siblings were referred to as brothers and sisters. Most Plains Indians practiced some system
of avoidance and this usually affected afnal kin of the
opposite sex. For instance, the Gros Ventre categorized
relatives as those entitled to respect or those to whom
avoidance was practiced. Interaction was often conned
to siblings of the same sex and in-laws of the same
generation.
The arrival of the horse introduced wealth differentials, but social divisions were lessened by community traditions of gift giving, which redistributed both food and
horses. A prominent man with a large herd of horses usually had the largest tipi, which housed his wives and the
young male relatives that lived with him. The other tipis
clustered around him might include elderly women with
their granddaughters or nieces whom they trained in
womens tasks. Less prominent men lacking horses had
smaller households. Authority on the plains was legitimated by participation in a ceremonial system based on
ones relationship to the supernatural. Medicine power
was essential to successhuman gures seen in dreams
or visions changed into animals, birds, insects, and snakes
that bestowed power. Ceremonial practices differed among
tribes but most practiced some form of the Sun Dance.
Leadership tended to be age based with respected elders
acting as guides and teachers. Elders were also responsible
for generating consensus and resolving conict.
A series of nineteenth-century treaties relocated the
various bands to reservations. There rules were established that forbade horse raids, scalp and war dances, and
the Sun Dance. But, even after being settled on reservations the Plains tribes continued to view the generous
distribution of property as a means to maintain authority
and validate status.
Southwest
The Southwest is the longest area of continuous human
habitation, outside of Mesoamerica. Local and communitybased enclaves have long resisted assimilation, remained
tenuously on their homelands, and have successfully maintained their lands, languages, and religions. Southwestern
Indians maintain complex annual ceremonies that have
been practiced for over 2,000 years.
Northwest Coast
The natural landscape has long structured the cultural life
of the Northwest, providing raw materials for everything
from food to clothing, housing, and transportation. Rich
sh harvests, particularly salmon, and large red cedar forests shaped this region of hierarchically ranked communities, where status was inherited. Class divisions were
rigid with rights and privileges as well as shing and hunting areas determined by kinship. Marriage was an outgrowth of social organization. The lowest class of people
were slaves, who were either purchased or captured. Unless freed, their status was permanent and hereditary.
Marriage of a free person with a slave was considered
disgraceful.
305
INDIAN TECHNOLOGY
306
Susan Sleeper-Smith
See also Agriculture, American Indian; Art, Indian; Indian Intermarriage; Indian Political Life; Indian Religious
Life; Indian Reservations; Tribes; and vol. 9: Land of the
Spotted Eagle.
INDIAN TECHNOLOGY
b.c.). The oily seeds of these plants supplemented the diets of hunter populations. Another important plant was
the bottle gourd, which was used for containers rather
than food. Scholars debate, however, whether the gourd
was domesticated or simply gathered in the wild.
The traditional triad of foods raised by Native American populationscorn, beans, and squashwere introduced from Mesoamerica, and they gradually came to
dominate the diets of Indian communities. They were
generally planted in a form of intensive cropping. The
corn plants provided support for climbing beans, while
squash plants formed a ground cover that conserved moisture and kept soil temperatures moderate. Beans xed nitrogen in the soil, necessary for healthy growth of the
corn. Indian agriculturists took full advantage of the complementary nature of these three crops. The genetic variability of corn led to the development of specialized varieties. The Hopis in central Arizona developed a variety
with a seed that produces a very long root and a very long
shoot. The seed can be planted at a depth of about a foot,
and the root grows down to reach ground moisture while
the shoot pushes up through the soil. The Senecas in New
York planted three different varieties that ripened at different times, had different uses, and represented three basic types of corn: dent, our, and int.
Irrigation Systems
A crucial aspect of technology in the arid Southwest was
the control of water resources, both for agriculture and
to meet the needs of daily life. The remains of extensive
irrigation canals indicate that the Hohokams in the lower
Arizona desert had a sophisticated water management system by about a.d. 800. The canals drew water along about
500 miles of the Salt River in the basin where Phoenix
now sits. The canals represent a remarkable expenditure
of energy. Some are as broad as 75 feet and nearly 100
miles long.
At Chaco Canyon in northeastern New Mexico, nine
major Pueblo dwellings lined the banks of the lower Chaco
River during a period beginning about a.d. 920. These
and a number of smaller outlying pueblos housed nearly
10,000 people. The Pueblos thrived because of their ability to husband and control available water supplies. Pueblo
Bonito, rising to a height of ve stories in parts and containing about 800 rooms, is probably the best-known
dwelling in this complex. Prior to a.d. 900, the Chaco
River ooded seasonally, and crops were planted on the
oodplain. Water also collected in natural basins along
the rim of the canyon, and in heavy rains there was runoff
from the rim down the sides of the canyon. By about 900,
however, the river cut its way deeply into the canyon bottom and became so entrenched that it would not ood.
Irrigation became necessary. Earthen dams were built to
contain the streams waters. Diversion walls and canals
brought the water to the elds, and sluice gates controlled
the ow. Diversion walls were built along the slopes of
the main and side canyons to channel runoff water into
307
INDIAN TECHNOLOGY
308
Blackburn, Thomas C., and Kat Anderson, eds. Before the Wilderness: Environmental Management by Native Californians.
Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Prucha, Francis Paul. The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians. Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1995.
Paul W. Gates / j. h.
See also Indian Policy, U.S., 17751830; Indian Territory;
Passamaquoddy/Penobscot; and vol. 9: Fort Laramie
Treaty of 1851.
309
310
traded, earning reputations for adventure and exploration, and often compromising national interests for personal gain. Across every fur trade frontier, small concerns
were absorbed by medium- and large-sized companies,
whose workforces were under contract for specic terms
of engagement and for set annual salaries.
Many major cities developed because of this nascent
Indian trade. They include Albany and New York City
(Dutch); Detroit, Mobile, Natchez, and Montreal
(French); Charleston, Philadelphia, and Savannah (English); Pensacola, Santa Fe, and St. Louis (Spanish); Wilmington, Delaware (Swedish); and Kodiak, Alaska, and
Fort Ross, California (Russian).
The Indian trade by itself did not result in total economic dependency of Native peoples on white suppliers
of guns, blankets, kettles, knives, and other utilitarian
items that made life more comfortable. Every tribe engaged in this European-supplied trade to a degree, some
ourishing under the new formula of Indian-white trade,
others suffering hardship and loss of economic position.
Throughout the eighteenth century, most tribes of eastern and southeastern North America were locked into the
Indian trade as way of life and expected French, British,
and Spanish traders to protect their respective trade
spheres from outside aggressors and internal rebellion.
Trade after the American Revolution
In the aftermath of the American Revolution, the Indian
trade continued under different ags and more restrictive
rules. Congress regulated Indian trade under a series of
Trade and Intercourse Acts beginning in 1790, establishing government factories in the heart of Indian territories in 1796 with the intent of keeping settlers and alcohol out of Indian country. This segregationist approach
was abandoned in 1822, allowing large and small companies to compete for Indian furs and favors in the western
territories. In both Canada and the United States, independent traders and smaller rms were historically leveraged out of business by oligarchies such as the Montrealbased North West Company; the Philadelphia rm of
Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan; and Spanish, Indian,
and English traders working for the British rm Panton,
Leslie, and Company, based in Florida. Two nearmonopoliesthe London-based Hudsons Bay Company
(which absorbed the North West Company in 1821) and
the New York-based American Fur Company (formed by
John Jacob Astor in 1808) with its St. Louis-controlled
Western Department (organized in 1822)emerged in
Canada and in the United States, respectively, up through
the American Civil War.
As smaller, fur-bearing habitats were trapped out or
settled, a new economic Indian trade prevailed from 1840
to 1890 on the western plains and prairies. This buffalohide trade supplied water- and steam-powered factories
demand for leather belts as well as military overcoats,
rugs, and blankets. Once the buffalo were gone, economic
dependency on reservations in Canada and the United
INDIAN TRAILS
States gripped Indian communities, now reliant on annuities and the need to become herders and farmers.
Still, the Indian trade and the Indian trader, part of
an international fur industry, continued in Alaska and in
Canadas remote Yukon and Northwest Territories, where
it remains important, as well as in the eastern Arctic.
Across North America, Indians themselves have continued to function as Indian traders, many dealing in arts
and crafts, others in horse breeding and trading; others
in restoring buffalo, trading calves for other livestock and
goods from one reserve to another; and still others in mitigating violations of treaties by swapping further litigation
for restoration of tribal lands or monetary compensation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
William R. Swagerty
See also Charleston Indian Trade; Fur Companies; Fur Trade
and Trapping; Indian Economic Life; Missouri River
Fur Trade; Mountain Men; Pacific Fur Company.
INDIAN TRADING HOUSES were governmentowned and operated stores that existed from 1795 to 1822
as part of the federal governments effort to regulate trade
with Native Americans. During this period, twenty-eight
trading posts were established, but only seven or eight
were extant at any given time. The rst stores were established at Coleraine, Georgia, and Tellico, Tennessee.
The most important ones were located at Green Bay and
Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin; Detroit and Mackinac,
Michigan; Chicago, Illinois; Fort Wayne, Indiana; Chickasaw Bluffs, Mississippi; and Natchitoches, Louisiana.
The idea of winning the goodwill of the Indians by
supplying them with goods from ofcial stores originated
in the colonial period. Massachusetts and South Carolina
maintained such stores at different times; in 1753, Benjamin Franklin recommended that Pennsylvania establish
a similar system. In 1775, the Continental Congress appointed a committee to devise a trading house system,
also called a factory system. In 1793, President George
Washington recommended the establishment of a series
of trading posts at which Indians could secure goods at
cost, and Congress established the rst such posts with
the Trading Houses Act in 1796. Congress intended the
trading house system to strengthen military policy, pro-
Prucha, Francis P. The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984; 1986; 1995.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate
of the First Americans. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, 1999.
Edgar B. Wesley / j. h.
See also Fur Trade and Trapping; Indians and Alcohol; Indian
Policy, U.S. 17751830; Indian Trade and Traders.
311
I N D I A N T R E AT I E S
gear made stony ground less favorable. Major trails followed important mountain passes to connect river drainages, and trails traveling across rather than along rivers
usually followed the fall line. Major trails crossed tribal
boundaries, although long-term warfare would cause paths
between some tribes to become overgrown. Numerous
minor trails branched off from principal trails in much
the same way as todays highways feed local roads. Indians sometimes blazed trees along a trail so that seasonal
changes might not confuse them should they or others
see t to make a return journey.
One of the great trails of the North American Indians
was the Iroquois trail from Albany, up the Mohawk River,
through the site of Rochester, and on to the site of Buffalo
on Lake Erie. Also, there was the Great Warrior Path that
connected the mouth of the Scioto to Cumberland Gap
and Tennessee Country. Both of these trails followed important routes through the Appalachian Mountains. The
trail through Cumberland Gap led early colonial migrations into Kentucky and middle Tennessee. The route
eventually became known as Boones Trail, or the Wilderness Road. The Chickasaw-Choctaw Trail became
the noted Natchez Trace between Nashville and Natchez.
The Occaneechi Trail, from the site of Petersburg, Virginia, southwest into the Carolinas, followed the Atlantic
coast fall line.
Trails following the Missouri and Yellowstone River
crossed the Rocky Mountains and followed the Columbia
River, connecting the Mississippi Valley with the Pacic
Northwest. Along the Columbia River was an important
crossroads known as the Dalles. From this junction other
trails headed south. Trails following the Pacic Coast or
the valleys on either side of the Cascades and Sierra Nevadas provided communication between tribes in Puget
Sound and Baja California. Heading west from California, trails passed through the towns of the Pueblos and
eastward down the Canadian and Red Rivers to return to
the Mississippi, Santa Fe, and Taos. They became important junctions in the trading paths of the Southwest. Only
in sparsely settled regions like the Great Basin were there
few major trails.
Few individuals followed these trails for their entire
transcontinental extent, but exchange along the routes
transported valuable materials great distances. Copper
from the Upper Great Lakes reached Georgia and the
Rocky Mountains; conch shells from the Gulf of Mexico
have been found in Oklahoma. Later explorers, traders,
and colonists followed these major routes. When future
generations laid rails and asphalt for their own transportation networks, they frequently followed paths that had
been trodden for centuries.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
312
ited by William C. Sturtevant et al. Vol. 4: History of IndianWhite Relations, edited by W. E. Washburn. Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1988.
Tanner, Helen H. The Land and Water Communications Systems of the Southeastern Indians. In Powhatans Mantle:
Indians in the Colonial Southeast. Edited by Peter Wood, et
al. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989.
Samuel C. Williams / j. h.
See also Portages and Water Routes; Roads; Transportation
and Travel.
I N D I A N T R E AT I E S
Englishmens ongoing desire for new farmlands undermined these efforts, however. The parties maintained a
fragile peace during Powhatans lifetime (a peace sealed
with the marriage of his daughter Pocahontas to an English planter), but after his death the chief s brother, Opechancanugh, reignited warfare with the English.
In New England, Pilgrim settlers on Cape Cod negotiated informal agreements with local Wampanoags
that allowed them to settle at Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Their Puritan brethren followed a similar path when they
settled in Boston in 1630. Eventually, however, the English crowded members of the Nipmuck, Narragansett,
and Wampanoag tribes onto reservations in Massachusetts. In 1675 the Wampanoag leader Metacomet, known
to the English as King Philip, launched a war against the
Puritans. Metacomet led warriors from all three groups
against the English in the two-year struggle. Puritans
won, but only after losing one-sixth of their male population. Ironically, while the English victory meant the end
of an era of peaceful treaty making, it was made possible
by the assistance of Hudson valley groups who refused to
come to Philips assistance because of their treaty commitments to the British.
Historical Development
During the eighteenth century, the strength of Indian
confederacies, imperial threats from other nations, and a
renewed interest in empire and mercantilism by the Crown
(joint-stock companies had arranged early English settlements with little or no interest from the Crown) convinced England to rely more on diplomacy and treaties in
relations with Indians. King Georges War (17441748),
which saw England and France vying for control of the
Ohio River valley (and subsequently North America), was
an example.
The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ended King Georges
War, but in truth it decided nothing. Both France and
England jockeyed for position in preparation for renewed
warfare. Native Americans, however, did not understand
military truces, for once they proclaimed themselves enemies of another they intended to stay that way. French
colonists capitalized on that confusion in an attempt to
draw some of the Iroquois Confederacy (the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks who had earlier laid claim to the Ohio valley) away from their ally,
England. To the south, at the mouth of the Mississippi
River in New Orleans, French agents scored treaties with
Creeks, Chickasaws, and some Cherokees.
Pennsylvania traders, led by George Croghan, realized that the British Navy had so devastated French trade
routes that French Indian allies could not get the trade
goods they wanted. In August 1748, Croghan and fellow
traders signed the Treaty of Logstown with leaders of the
Delawares, Shawnees, Iroquois, and Wyandotte Indians.
It established a perpetual trade and defensive alliance between England and the Indians.
313
I N D I A N T R E AT I E S
314
I N D I A N T R E AT I E S , C O L O N I A L
cock seemed to seal its fate. In a case involving the dissolution of the Kiowa reservation in Oklahoma, the Court
declared that Congress had the power to abrogate treaties, even ones that promised that its terms could not be
altered without the consent of the tribe. But at centurys
end, the courts upheld the sovereign power of treatyguaranteed tribal courts and councils and struck down
state attempts to regulate hunting and shing rights established in treaties. The existence of treaties has also
been an important argument in favor of modern tribal
sovereignty within the context of the United States.
The exact fate of treaty guarantees in the twenty-rst century remains to be determined.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Billington, Ray Allen, and Martin Ridge, eds. Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier. 5th ed. New York:
Macmillan, 1982.
Brinkley, Alan, Richard N. Current, Frank Freidel, and T. Harry
Williams, eds. American History: A Survey. 8th ed. New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1991.
Bonds, Ray, ed. The Illustrated Directory of Native Americans: Their
History, Dress, and Lifestyles. London: Salamander, 2001.
Holm, Tom. Indian Treaties and Congresses and Native
Americans, U.S. Military Relations With. in The Oxford
Companion to American Military History. Edited by John
Whiteclay Chambers, II. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1999.
R. Steven Jones
See also Indian Policy; Indian Reservations; Indian Removal;
Wars with Indian Nations; and vol. 9: Fort Laramie
Treaty of 1851; Treaty with the Six Nations, 1784.
315
I N D I A N T R I B A L C O U RT S
It was a case of necessity being the mother of adjustment. For the Europeans, it was the necessity of Indian
help for survival in a strange land and for Indian allies in
their ongoing struggles with each other. For the Indians,
it was the necessity of a reliable supply of weapons and
trade goods and for European allies in their ongoing
struggles with each other.
Thus, each party adjusted to the other, and a rich
multilateral, multicultural treaty system took shape. The
system continued as a potent force for control and cooperation until the American Revolution ended the competition of European powers that had given the Indians
room to maneuver and freedom to seek the best diplomatic bargains they could. In that competitive environment even the Spanish felt compelled to make treaties
with the southeastern Indians, unlike their practice in areas where they had no such competition.
The most prominent component of the colonial
treaty system was the covenant chain of northeastern
America. The six nations of the Iroquois and various
groups of British colonists had created this set of relationships, but the imagery and style were strictly Iroquois.
The ritual smoothing of the road to peace, the symbolic
casting away of weapons, and the exchange of wampum
belts to validate each item of an agreement reected the
Iroquois, not the European, worldview. Nor was this a
case of style without substance. Agreements were made
the Iroquois way or they were not made at all, a state of
affairs that no one wanted. Both the British and the Indians hoped to use the covenant chain to extend their
inuencethe Iroquois over the Shawnees and Delawares to the south and west, the British over the French
and the Hurons to the north. Meanwhile, through conferences and formal and informal agreements, the partners managed their relations with each other.
The covenant chain is only one example of the different sets of treaty relationships that developed in colonial America. There the Indian inhabitants and the European newcomers created a new kind of diplomacy that
provided a means for exchanges of mutual benet in a
multicultural setting.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
316
Dorothy V. Jones
See also Indian Policy, Colonial; Indian Treaties; Iroquois.
INDIAN TRIBAL COURTS constitute the frontline American Indian tribal institutions that most often
confront issues of self-determination and sovereignty,
while at the same time providing reliable and equitable
adjudication in the many and diverse matters that come
before them. In addition, they constitute a key tribal
entity for advancing and protecting the rights of selfgovernment. The work of the courts has also become a
way to assess the current status of tribal self-determination
and reservation well-being.
Tribal courts are established either by tribal constitutions or by tribal legislation. They usually consist of a
trial court and an appellate branch. In criminal matters
they have jurisdiction over American Indians for offenses
where the penalty does not exceed one year in jail or a
$5,000 ne or both. In civil cases they have wide-ranging
authority over both Indians and non-Indians for matters
that take place on the reservation, such as commercial
activities, actions involving negligence, and actions involving important matters such as elections and civil
rights. Many tribal courts use respected elders and peacemakers to resolve disputes in a traditional way.
Some smaller reservations have courts that operate
under the authority of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Established in the nineteenth century as instruments of federal authority, these courts are referred to as Courts of
Indian Offenses.
During the late twentieth century the jurisdiction
and procedures of tribal courts began to undergo change.
They heard more cases of greater complexity and impact
than ever before. As part of this process of signicant
change, tribal courts crafted a unique jurisprudence of
vision and cultural integrity. In other words, tribal courts
responded competently and creatively to federal oversight
pressures and cultural values, synthesizing the best of
both traditionsas in National Farmers Union Insurance
Companies v. Crow Tribe of Indians and the work of the
Navajo Peacemaker Courts, for example.
Despite the weight of history and the attendant legal
complexity that often surround tribal courts, they also address a more basic and profoundly human concern. The
key to a more benign and morally coherent era is based
on the core values of respect and dignity. The basic unity
of important purpose and commitment dominates the
daily workings of tribal courts, demonstrating both the
tenacity and the hope that underpin the struggle to ourish. The struggle takes place in small tribal courthouses
throughout Indian country as reservation inhabitants in-
INDIANA
Frank Pommersheim
See also Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Early Statehood
With the opening of U.S. land ofces at Vincennes
(1804), Jeffersonville (1807), Terre Haute (1817), and
Brookville (1819), almost 2.5 million acres of Indiana land
were sold to speculators and settlers through 1820. Later,
additional ofces opened at Fort Wayne (1822), Crawfordsville (1823), and La Porte (1833). With the territorys
population reaching 24,520 in 1810, agitation for statehood gained momentum, and on 11 December 1816, Indiana was admitted to the Union as the nineteenth state.
The location of its rst capital, Corydon, in south-central
Indiana reected the fact that the overwhelming majority
of the states population resided close to its border with
the Ohio River. On 7 June 1820, the capital was relocated
to Indianapolis, a site chosen for its location in the geographical center of the state.
In its rst decade as a state, Indianas population
surged as migrants from the Carolinas, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia bought newly opened federal lands;
later, arrivals from Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York
joined them. Although slavery was prohibited by the 1816
state constitution, other legal restrictions kept some African Americans from settling in Indiana. By 1830, just
over 1 percent of the states 343,031 inhabitants was African American, a gure that remained steady until well
after the Civil War. A surge in the number of foreignborn immigrants, particularly German-speaking arrivals
317
INDIANA
its commitment to the Unions cause. With so many recent migrants from southern states, support for the Confederacy ran high during the conicts early days. However, a majority of residentsespecially antislavery Quaker
migrants from the Carolinas who came to the state in the
1810s and 1820seventually made the state a stalwart
supporter of the Union. After the war, political allegiance
shifted back once again, and the state remained roughly
divided between the Democratic and Republican parties,
a trait it retained through succeeding generations.
318
INDIANA
ern American Culture (1929), typical Hoosiers valued consensus and conformity, even as they embraced modern
conveniences at home and at work. Although Middletowns residents respected differences in religion and politics, they were suspicious of beliefs deemed foreign or
strange. The source of both the states strength and weakness, these dichotomous characteristics were the basis for
some of the best literary works produced by Indiana writers, including native sons such as Booth Tarkington, James
Whitcomb Riley, and Theodore Dreiser.
Increasingly, the white, Anglo-Saxon character of
small-town Hoosier life became more heterogeneous in
the twentieth century. In 1920, a bare majority of the
states almost three million residents lived in urban areas.
Foreign-born residents represented over 5 percent of the
population; the Great Migration of African Americans
northward after World War I increased their presence to
almost 3 percent. These demographic changes, along with
a conservative reaction to the spread of Jazz Age culture
in the 1920s, fueled a rebirth of the Ku Klux Klan in
Indiana. The state became the midwestern center of the
organization in the 1920s. Under the banner of patriotism, combined with directives against Roman Catholics,
the foreign-born, and African Americans, the Klan attracted upwards of 300,000 Hoosier members by 1923 in
urban and rural areas alike. By the following year, Klanendorsed candidates controlled the Indiana legislature
and the governors ofce as well. Only in 1925, after the
conviction of Klan leader D. C. Stephenson for murder
and rape, did the organization relinquish its hold on Indiana politics. A 1928 Pulitzer Prizewinning campaign
by the Indianapolis Times against the Klan nally purged
it from legitimate political circles.
Industrial Strength
Aside from the conservative politics of the decade, the
driving force in Hoosier life was the states continuing
industrialization that linked it rmly with the national
economy, especially the automobile industry. By the end
of the 1920s, steel production was the states largest industry, with automobile and auto parts manufacturing and
electrical component production ranked just behind it.
Most northern and central Indiana cities were tied to the
auto industry with at least one automobile or parts production factory employing their citizens, while the Calumet cities continued to expand their steel output. To the
south, Evansville became a major center of refrigeration
unit production. The states natural resources also continued to make Indiana a center of limestone, sand, and
coal output, particularly throughout the southern part of
the state.
Given the economys growing dependence on durable goods manufacturing by 1930, the onset of the Great
Depression hit the state hard. Industrial employment
plunged to almost half its pre-Depression level by 1932,
as employers such as U.S. Steel, which had doubled its
production capacity in the 1920s, shut down. In the midst
319
I N D I A N A C O M PA N Y
Critchlow, Donald T. Studebaker: The Life and Death of an American Corporation. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1996.
At the millennium, Indiana had 6,080,485 inhabitants, making it the nations fourteenth most populous
state. African Americans comprised the states largest minority group, with 8.4 percent of the total population;
87.5 percent of Hoosiers identied themselves as white.
Indianapolis had a population of more than 750,000 people, but no other city other than Fort Wayne had more
than 200,000 residents. Indeed, Indianas reputation remained rooted in a small-town, Hoosier identity. Steve
Tesichs portrait of town-and-gown relations in Bloomington, the subject of the coming-of-age movie Breaking
Away (1979), won an Academy Award for best screenplay.
Hammond resident Jean Shepherds wry reminiscences
of the 1940s served as the basis for the movie A Christmas
Story (1983). The movie Hoosiers (1986), based on the basketball team from the town of Milan that won the state
championship in the 1950s, also thrilled audiences who
rooted for the underdog team. Few other states follow
high school and college sports teams so avidly. Basketball
remains the top Hoosier pasttime, and Indianapolis
waged a successful campaign to become the home of the
National Collegiate Athletic Association in 1999. The
NCAA Hall of Champions museum, along with the annual ve-hundred-mile race at the Indianapolis Motor
Speedway, has added to the citys popularity as a tourist
destination.
While the ascendancy of Dan Quayle to vice president in 1988 led some observers to herald a period of
Republican dominance in the state, Indiana voters remained steadfastly centrist in their habits. The Indiana
legislature typically was evenly split between Republicans
and Democrats. After a twenty-year run of Republican
governors, the Democrat Evan Bayh in 1989 began the
rst of two terms as governor. In 1998, Bayh went on to
the U.S. Senate in a landslide victory with 63 percent of
the vote. He was replaced by another Democrat, Frank
OBannon, who in 2000 won another term in ofce with
57 percent of the vote. Like Bayh, the states senior senator, Republican Richard Lugar, was regarded as a political centrist, holding conservative views on scal matters
while avoiding stridency on foreign relations or public policy issues. Avoiding the political extremes, both senators
embodied the central values of their Hoosier constituents.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
320
Timothy G. Borden
See also Indianapolis; Iron and Steel Industry; Miami (Indians); Midwest; Northwest Territory.
Max Savelle / s. b.
See also Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan; Colonial Commerce;
Frontier; Indian Land Cessions; Trading Companies.
Since the early 1970s, the citys leaders have endeavored to link the Circle City with sports, creating the Indiana Sports Corporation to coordinate efforts to bring
competitive events to the city, spending more than $400
million between 1979 and 2001 for sporting venues and
related structures with the help of private organizations,
and eagerly seeking to host professional sports teams. Indianapolis remains best known for automobile racing
and the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, with the Indianapolis 500, the Brickyard 400, and the U.S. Grand Prix
the highest attended events for each racing series. Approximately 2 million visitors per year travel to Indianapolis for
the various sporting events and conventions, making tourism a major factor in the citys economy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bodenhamer, David J., and Robert G. Barrows, eds. The Encyclopedia of Indianapolis. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994.
Bodenhamer, David J., Lamont Hulse, and Elizabeth B. Monroe. The Main Stem: The History and Architecture of North
Meridian Street. Indianapolis: Historic Landmarks Foundation of Indiana, 1992.
Taylor, Rich. Indy: Seventy-Five Years of Racings Greatest Spectacle.
New York: St. Martins Press, 1991.
Bradford W. Sample
See also Capitals.
INDIANS AND ALCOHOL. Most of the indigenous peoples of North America possessed no alcohol before Europeans arrived in the Western Hemisphere. Only
the Native peoples of the modern-day southwestern
United States and Mexico consumed alcohol in any form.
Thus, the majority of Native Americans were exposed to
alcohol at the same time that they had to cope with the
far-reaching changes in their lives brought about by European colonization. The enduring stereotype of the
drunken Indian suggests a common belief that Indians
have suffered more than others from liquor.
321
322
I N D I A N S A N D S L AV E RY
the fact that many Native Americans avoided liquor, alcohol also played an enormous role in homicides, suicides, and accidental deaths caused by motor vehicles and
exposure. Although alcohol-related problems in indigenous communities were widespread, no single pattern of
drinking existed.
Ever since the seventeenth century, observers of Indian alcohol use have suggested that something about the
indigenous peoples of the Americas made them particularly susceptible to alcohol abuse. Some have claimed that
their problems stem from a genetic trait that makes them
more likely to become alcoholics. At the beginning of the
twenty-rst century, there was no evidence that Native
Americans possess any greater genetic predisposition to
alcoholism than the general population. Alcohol, however, continued to take a devastating toll in Indian country, a tragic legacy of the European colonization of the
Western Hemisphere.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dorris, Michael. The Broken Cord. New York: Harper and Row,
1989.
Kunitz, Stephen J., and Jerrold E. Levy. Drinking Careers: A
Twenty-Five-Year Study of Three Navajo Populations. New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1994.
Mancall, Peter C. Deadly Medicine: Indians and Alcohol in Early
America. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995.
. Men, Women, and Alcohol in Indian Villages in the
Great Lakes Region in the Early Republic. Journal of the
Early Republic 15 (1995): 425449.
Taylor, William B. Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion in Colonial
Mexican Villages. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 1979.
Unrau, William E. White Mans Wicked Water: The Alcohol Trade
and Prohibition in Indian Country, 18021892. Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 1996.
Waddell, Jack O., and Michael W. Everett, eds. Drinking Behavior among Southwestern Indians: An Anthropological Perspective. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980.
Peter Mancall
See also Alcohol, Regulation of; Indian Religious Life; Indian
Social Life; and vol. 9: Life of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kaikiak, or Black Hawk.
323
ing campaigns against Indian populations and greatly encouraged intertribal slaving, particularly in the hinterlands of colonial societies. From California to Florida the
Spanish enslaved captives directly, bought slaves from Indian groups, and institutionalized slave hierarchies within
colonial society. Wealth, the Spanish believed, came from
Indian labor and tribute. Despite the protests of the
church, Indian slavery ourished. In New Mexico, detribalized Indian captives became known as genizaros and
formed a distinct ethnic and racial group within colonial
society. Similar hybrid racial and ethnic social relations
characterized portions of French colonial societies along
the Mississippi River, particularly at New Orleans and St.
Louis. Most captives in these colonial societies were
young children, especially girls, whose domestic and sexual labor became integral to colonial economies and demographic stability.
As the Indian slave trade remade colonial hinterlands
throughout the North American continent, Indian groups
often responded in kind to European and intertribal slaving. Groups migrated away from slaving societies, joined
with neighboring groups for protection, and increasingly
became erce slavers themselves. In the Northeast and on
the southern Plains the Iroquois and Comanches built
large empires in which captive taking and slavery became
important institutions. Along with the escalation of violence and disease, Indian slavery became a clear indicator
of the disruptive and traumatic inuences engendered by
European contact and colonization. Although often
grafted onto existing intertribal divisions and antagonisms, postcontact Indian slavery held little resemblance
in scope or scale to pre-Columbian practices.
In English colonies, Indian slaves often labored for
whites, but bonded laborers from England and later from
Africa formed the majority of the servile labor force along
the Atlantic Coast. In the Southeast, Indian captives were
forced to labor on Carolina plantations, but increasingly
Indian slaves were sent away from the continent to other
colonies in the Caribbean. Creeks, Choctaws, and Cherokees enslaved each other and sold captives to the British
in exchange for guns, ammunition, and supplies. As African American slavery grew and swept throughout the
South, Indians incorporated runaways into their societies,
returned slaves to white owners, and bought black slaves
for their own slaveholding purposes. Desperate to maintain access to their homelands, Indians such as the Cherokees constructed plantation economies in an attempt to
maintain viable livelihoods within southern society. Upon
their eventual removal from the South to Indian Territory, slaveholding Indians took many black slaves with
them. Other groups, particularly the Seminole and Creek
Nations, offered former slaves community rights and
privileges within their new societies.
Following emancipation, many African Americans
moved west into Indian Territory and settled among Indian nations, where they developed extended kinship and
community networks. The mixture of Indians and Afri-
324
Ned Blackhawk
See also Slavery.
Holder, Preston. The Hoe and the Horse on the Plains: A Study of
Cultural Development among North American Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1970.
Iverson, Peter. When Indians Became Cowboys: Native Peoples and
Cattle Ranching in the American West. Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1994.
. Riders of the West: Portraits from Indian Rodeo. Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1999.
Peter Iverson
See also Indian Economic Life; Indian Social Life; Warfare,
Indian.
Indian on Horseback. Chief Looking Glass, a Nez Perce
military strategist, photographed in the 1870s. National
Archives and Records Administration
325
I N D I A N S I N T H E C I V I L WA R
326
Robert F. Spencer / j. h.
See also Agriculture; Indian Religious Life; Indian Technology; Medicine, Indian; Tobacco Industry.
I N D I A N S I N T H E M I L I T A RY
Phil Bellfy
See also Cherokee; Civilized Tribes, Five; Indian Brigade; Indian Policy, U.S., 18301900; Indian Removal; Indians
in the Military; Sand Creek Massacre; and vol. 9: Head
of Choctaw Nation Reaffirms His Tribes Position.
327
I N D I A N S I N T H E M I L I T A RY
war, the Continental Congress authorized George Washington to recruit 2,000 Native American warriors. The
rst ratied U.S.-Indian treaty was in effect a military
alliance with the Delawares. After this pact, Native Americans began to serve with the U.S. armed forces in everincreasing numbers. When in the early 1790s the federal
government had two armies destroyed in a war against a
tribal confederacy on the northwest frontier, it sent General Mad Anthony Wayne, accompanied by Choctaw
scouts, to crush the tribes. Thereafter, Native American
contingents fought in American campaigns in the War of
1812 and aided the United States against rebellious Native Americans throughout the nineteenth century.
When the Civil War erupted in 1861, the Confederacy actively sought alliances with several Native nations,
including the Five Civilized Tribes of Indian Territory as
well as the Comanches, Osages, and Quapaws. On the
Union side, loyal Cherokees, Creeks, and others formed
independent battalions that eventually assisted in retaking
Indian Territory, a strategic area on the border of Arkansas and Texas. The Union also recruited a company of
Chippewa sharpshooters who served in the siege of Petersburg and helped chase the Army of Northern Virginia
to its nal surrender. The Seneca general Ely S. Parker,
later promoted to brigadier general, is remembered as the
staff ofcer who drafted the terms of surrender at Appomattox. A Cherokee, Stand Watie, became the last Confederate general to surrender to the United States.
Following the Civil War, the primary military foe of
the United States was the various Native nations located
in the West. Once again American military leaders recognized that ghting Indians required the aid of other
Indians. In 1866, Congress authorized the army to establish a special Indian scouting corps. Indian scouts served
throughout the Indian wars of the latter half of the nineteenth century and gained an unparalleled reputation for
bravery in action. The Indian scouting corps was not disbanded until the 1940s.
Eventually, Native Americans were fully integrated
into the regular army divisions. In 1891, the War Department formed a few infantry and cavalry companies
made up entirely of Native American personnel. The Indian companies were strictly segregated and commanded
by white ofcers. This experiment did not last, however,
and the all-Indian companies were disbanded in 1895. A
few Native Americans served in some of the units in the
Spanish-American War, most notably in Theodore Roosevelts Rough Rider regiment. The Indian scouting corps
was kept active, and General John J. Pershing took a contingent of Apache scouts with him during the American
incursion into Mexico in 1916.
The U.S. entrance into World War I essentially
changed the military outlook toward Native Americans.
While the scouting corps remained, white political leaders insisted that Natives be fully integrated into the divisions that made up the American Expeditionary Forces.
At the same time, Native Americans who had been made
328
U.S. citizens under the General Allotment Act were subject to the draft. About 12,000 Native Americans served
in World War I, and a large number distinguished themselves in the trenches. Notably and perhaps prophetically,
the army began using Choctaw and Cherokee speakers to
send messages over telephone lines from the edge of nomans-land to command posts in the rear. The Germans
who tapped into these telephone lines could not understand what was being said, thus ensuring the security of
secret transmissions.
In the course of World War II, about 44,000 Native
Americans, now all citizens, joined or were drafted into
the military servicesa number far out of proportion to
their relative population in the United States. Three Native Americans, Van Barfoot, Jack Montgomery, and Ernest Childers, won Medals of Honor for their valor and
leadership against the Germans. Native Americans fought
in every branch of the armed forces and in every theater
of war. The Marine Corps recalled the use of Native
American speakers to secure lines of communications
during World War I and recruited a body of Navajos, who
in turn created a code from their language that was never
broken. The Navajo Code Talkers served in every marine campaign in the Pacic. The U.S. Army likewise re-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tom Holm
See also Indians in the Civil War; Indians in the Revolution;
Warfare, Indian.
329
I N D I G O C U LT U R E
Robert M. Owens
See also Wars with Indian Nations: Colonial Era to 1783.
330
Francis B. Simkins / a. e.
See also Agriculture; Bounties, Commercial; Colonial Commerce; Enumerated Commodities; Navigation Acts;
Plantation System of the South; Slavery; South, the:
Antebellum; South Carolina.
INDIVIDUALISM
is not being articulated. Even more bewildering, the student of American culture is likely to nd that individualism is rst highly praised and then roundly condemned
in nearly the same breath. Everyone, it seems, nds something to dislike about individualism, but rarely the same
thing. Conservatives may be severe critics of individualism in the moral and expressive spheres, but tend to be
staunch supporters of individualism in the economic
sphere. By the same token, liberal critics of individualism
are likely to restrict their criticism to economics and distributive justice, preferring instead to celebrate the very
moral and expressive individualism that conservatives
deplore.
Alexis de Tocqueville also employed the term critically, albeit much more moderately so, in his classic study
Democracy in America (18351840), a locus classicus for
the consideration of the terms American career. Individualism is, he argued, a characteristic pitfall for all societies
that are democratic, by which he meant societies lacking any legally sanctioned distinctions of rank or status
among their members. Indeed, he concluded that the
American propensity for individualism was characteristic
of all modernity, because America, as the rst great republic, represented the avant-garde of human history,
and therefore served as a pioneering exemplar of what the
future would likely bring to Europe.
Tocquevilles complaint was very different from
Maistres, however. Egotism, he thought, was a mere
emotional disorder, the passionate and exaggerated selflove one could nd manifested throughout human history. But individualism was also something else. It was a
more or less self-conscious social philosophy, a mature
and calm feeling, which disposes each member of the
community to sever himself from the mass of his fellowcreatures: and to draw apart with his family and friends:
so that . . . he willingly leaves society at large to itself.
In other words, individualism was a conscious and calculated withdrawal, not from all human contact, but more
specically from the responsibilities of citizenship and
public life. For Tocquevillewho was, unlike Maistre, a
qualied friend of democracy, which he believed to be the
God-ordained direction of human historythere was no
greater threat to the health and stability of this new order
than such a tendency toward privatism.
331
INDIVIDUALISM
332
tist Barry Alan Shain has made the case that it was not
Enlightenment liberalism but a very constrained form of
communitarian Reformed Protestantism that best represented the dominant social and political outlook of early
America. The political theorist Michael Sandel has argued that, until the twentieth century, Americas public
philosophy was based largely on the republican assumption that the polity had a formative, prescriptive,
soulcraft function to perform in matters of the economy, the family, church-state relations, personal morality,
free speech, constitutional law, privacy, productive labor,
and consumption. Like so much else about the early
American milieu, that assumption has been so completely
erased by the individualistic liberalism of our own day that
we have forgotten it was ever there.
In retrospect, however, it is hard not to see those
earlier perspectives as fatally fragile. Certainly by the middle of the nineteenth century, gures such as Ralph Waldo
Emerson and Walt Whitmanromantic American nationalists and prophets of the unconstrained selfwere
already trumpeting the note that would have the most
lasting resonance in the American imagination. It was
Emerson who declared famously that a society is a conspiracy against the manhood of every one of its members, and that nothing is at last sacred but the integrity
of your own mind. And it was Whitman who declared
that the Great Idea is the idea of perfect and free individuals, and that nothing, not God, is greater to one
than ones-self is. One could hardly deny that such driving, self-interested ambition was itself a logical corollary
to the spirit of unrestrained self-development, although
both men would live long enough to be disappointed in
the crass materialism that seemed to take hold of American society in the postCivil War years. So, too, there is
the irresistible story of Mark Twains Huckleberry Finn,
the semi-noble, semi-savage boy who lit out for the territory rather than enduring the phony rigors of civilization. Indeed, one sure index of the hold that individualism
has had on American thought and expression is the cultures richness in gures of heroic individualityand its
relative poverty in providing convincing representations
of community or social obligation.
There have always been a few important countercurrents, however, to this pervasive celebration of individuality. One such current emerged from women writers,
both inside and outside the nascent feminist movement.
Individualism being a game still reserved largely for
males, the ction and domestic economy literature produced by such nineteenth-century writers as the sisters
Catharine Beecher and Harriet Beecher Stowe often had
a very different tone, emphasizing the satisfactions of settlement, family life, nurture, and human connectedness
all the things that Henry David Thoreau and Huck Finn
sought to escape. Such arguments were carried to a high
pitch by the southern anti-suffragist Louisa McCord,
who urged women to stand at a critical distance from the
coarse individualism of the male public world. To be sure,
INDIVIDUALISM
333
INDUSTRIAL MANAGEMENT
Arieli, Yehoshua. Individualism and Nationalism in American Ideology. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964.
Brown, Gillian. Domestic Individualism: Imagining Self in
Nineteenth-Century America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.
Curry, Richard O., and Lawrence B. Goodheart, eds. American
Chameleon: Individualism in Trans-National Context. Kent,
Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1991.
334
. The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics. Reprint, New York: Norton, 1991.
Lukes, Steven. Individualism. Reprint, Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell,
1985.
McClay, Wilfred. The Masterless: Self and Society in Modern America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994.
Morris, Colin. The Discovery of the Individual, 10501200. Reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995.
Sandel, Michael. Democracys Discontent: America in Search of a
Public Philosophy. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1996.
Taylor, Charles. Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern
Identity. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989.
Wilfred McClay
I N D U S T R I A L R E L AT I O N S
Boone, Louis E., and Donald D. Bowen, eds. The Great Writings
in Management and Organizational Behavior. Tulsa, Okla.:
PPC, 1980.
Dertouzos, Michael L., et al. Made in America: Regaining the Productive Edge. New York: HarperPerennial, 1990.
Lacey, Robert. Ford: The Men and the Machine. Boston: Little,
Brown, 1986.
Russell, Roberta S., and Bernard W. Taylor III. Operations Management. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,
2000.
Zuboff, Shoshana. In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of
Work and Power. New York: Basic Books, 1988.
Patricia Nemetz
See also Industrial Revolution; Scientific Management; and
vol. 9: Demings Fourteen Points for Management.
335
I N D U S T R I A L R E L AT I O N S
336
I N D U S T R I A L R E L AT I O N S
tile, as reected in the ring of the striking air trafc controllers and the pro-management rulings of the National
Labor Relations Board.
In the 1970s American companies started to introduce these new employment practices into selected plants
and facilities, culminating in the development of what is
often called a high-performance work system. Since the
1970s this system, and individual parts of it, have spread
widely. A high-performance work system is a package of
employment practices that include self-managed work
teams, gainsharing forms of compensation, promises of
employment security, formal dispute resolution systems,
and an egalitarian organizational culture. These work systems not only boost productivity but also typically increase employee job satisfaction, leading to reduced in-
337
INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
338
Bruce Kaufman
See also Labor; Trade Unions.
INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
339
INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
14
Startup
Seed
12
10
0
1987
SOURCE:
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
National Science Board. Science and Engineering Indicators2000. Arlington, Va.: National Science Foundation, 2000.
companies it spawned than to its parent. Xerox Corporations Palo Alto Research Center made stunning contributions to the economy in the area of the personal computer, local area networks, and the graphical user interface
that became the basis of Apples Macintosh computer.
Xerox shareholders were well served too, but most of the
benets ended up in the hands of Xeroxs competitors.
Emergence of the Distributed Approach to
Industrial R&D
Different modes of organization and different funding
priorities were needed. The distinctive competence of
rms was understood to depend upon knowledge diffused
throughout the rm and embedded in new products
promptly placed into the marketplace, rather than being
conned to the R&D laboratory. A new way of conducting R&D and developing new products was needed.
By the 1980s and 1990s, a new model for organizing
research became apparent. First, R&D activity came to
be decentralized inside large corporations themselves,
with the aim to bring it closer to the users. Intel, the world
leader in microprocessors, was spending over $1 billion
per year on R&D, but did not have a separate R&D laboratory. Rather, development was conducted in the manu-
340
1993
INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
TABLE 1
Industrial R&D Expenditures by Funding Source:
19531997 (millions of 1998 U.S. dollars)
Calendar year*
Total
Federal Governmenta
Industryb
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
3,630
4,070
4,517
6,272
7,324
8,066
9,200
10,032
10,353
11,037
12,216
13,049
13,812
15,193
15,966
17,014
17,844
17,594
17,829
19,004
20,704
22,239
23,460
26,107
28,863
32,222
37,062
43,228
50,425
57,166
63,683
73,061
82,376
85,932
90,160
94,893
99,860
107,404
114,675
116,757
115,435
117,392
129,830
142,371
155,409
1,430
1,750
2,057
2,995
3,928
4,436
5,217
5,604
5,685
6,008
6,856
7,257
7,367
7,977
7,946
8,145
7,987
7,306
7,175
7,469
7,600
7,572
7,878
8,671
9,523
10,107
11,354
12,752
14,997
17,061
19,095
21,657
25,333
26,000
28,757
28,221
26,359
25,802
24,095
22,369
20,844
20,261
21,178
21,356
21,798
2,200
2,320
2,460
3,277
3,396
3,630
3,983
4,428
4,668
5,029
5,360
5,792
6,445
7,216
8,020
8,869
9,857
10,288
10,654
11,535
13,104
14,667
15,582
17,436
19,340
22,115
25,708
30,476
35,428
40,105
44,588
51,404
57,043
59,932
61,403
66,672
73,501
81,602
90,580
94,388
94,591
97,131
108,652
121,015
133,611
Note: Data are based on annual reports by performers except for the
nonprofit sector; R&D expenditures by nonprofit sector performers have
been estimated since 1973 on the basis of a survey conducted in that year.
*These calendar-year expenditure levels are approximations based on fiscal
year data.
(a) For 19531954, expenditures of industry Federally Funded Research
and Development Centers (FFRDC) were not separated out from total
federal support to the industrial sector. Thus, the figure for federal
support to industry includes support to FFRDCs for those two years.
The same is true for expenditures of nonprofit FFRDCs, which are
included in federal support for nonprofit institutions in 19531954.
(b) Industry sources of industry R&D expenditures include all non-federal
sources of industry R&D expenditures.
SOURCE:
not a substitute, to in-house R&D.) Outsourcing and codevelopment arrangements had become common by the
1980s and 1990s (for example Pratt & Whitneys codevelopment programs for jet engines) as the costs of product development increased, and as the antitrust laws were
modied to recognize the benets of cooperation on
R&D and related activities. The National Cooperative
Research Act of 1984 and its amendment in 1993 provided greater clarity with respect to the likely positive
treatment of cooperative efforts relating to technological
innovation and its commercialization. Cooperation was
also facilitated by the emergence of capable potential partners in Europe and Japan.
These developments meant that at the end of the
twentieth century, R&D was being conducted in quite a
different manner from how it was organized at the beginning of the century. Many corporations had closed their
central research laboratories, or dramatically scaled back,
including Westinghouse, RCA, AT&T, and Unocal to
name just a few. Alliances and cooperative efforts of all
kinds were of much greater importance.
Importantly, a transformation in industry structure
brought about through venture capital funded start-ups
was well under way. New business enterprises or startups were in part the cause for the decline of research
laboratories; but in many ways the start-ups still depended
on the organized R&D labs for their birthright.
The Role of Start-ups and Venture Capital
Beginning in the late 1970s, the organized venture capital
industry, providing funding for new enterprise development, rose to signicance. This was particularly true in
industries such as biotech and information services. While
venture capital in one form or another has been around
for much of the twentieth centurythe Rockefellers, Morgans, Mellons, Vanderbilts, Hillmans, and other signicant
families had been funding entrepreneurs for quite some
timeinstitutional sources of money, including pension
funds and university endowments, had become signicant
sources by the 1980s. This dramatically increased the funds
that were available, as well as the professionalism by which
the money provided guidance to a new breed of entrepreneurs, eager to develop and market new products.
As a result, venture funded start-ups have proliferated in many sectors. Thus while in the 1970s Apple
Computer bootstrapped itself into the personal computer industry, in the 1980s Compaq and others received
large infusions of venture capital to get started in the
computer industry. In biotechnology, venture funding has
also grown to great signicance. However, it is extremely
unusual for venture funds to support the efforts of companies making investments in early stage research. Rather,
venture funding tends to be focused on exploiting research, not doing it. Successful start-ups frequently begin
with an idea, and often personnel, that has been incubated
to some level in a research program of an already established rm. Absent incumbent rms and their research
341
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
342
David J. Teece
See also AT&T; Bell Telephone Laboratories; Capitalism;
Laboratories.
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. The industrial revolution can be dened as a drastic transformation both of
the processes by which American (and European) society
produced goods for human consumption, and of the social attitudes surrounding these processes. The rst nonambiguous use of the term is attributed to the French
economist Adolphe Blanqui in 1837, but the idea of a
revolution in the industrial sphere showed up in various
forms in the writings of many French and British intellectuals as early as the 1820s. The expression underlines
the depth and speed of the changes observed, and the
fact that they seemed to derive from the introduction of
machine-based factories. Although in Great Britain the
slow process of industrial transformation has led historians there to question the very notion of an industrial
revolution, the speed and radical character of the change
that took place in the United States in the nineteenth
century largely precludes any such discussion.
An Economic and Social Revolution
The spread of new, powerful machines using new sources
of power (water, then coal-generated steam) constituted
the most obvious aspect of this process of change. Alexander Hamiltons Report on Manufactures (1791) made explicit reference to the extension of the use of machinery,
especially in the British cotton industry, and in 1812,
Tench Coxe, a political economist and career ofcial in
the Treasury Department, peppered his Report on the State
of Manufactures in the United States with paeans to laborsaving machinery. Factories built around new machines
became a signicant element in the urban landscapes of
several eastern cities in the 1830s, while railroads brought
steam-powered engines into the daily life of rural areas.
The new industrial order included productivity increases
that made available a wealth of new, nonagricultural goods
and activities. Three out of four American male workers
accounted for in the census of 1800 worked full time in
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
Textile Mill. Workers in 1869 leave a mill in Lawrence, Mass., one of the worlds leading manufacturing centers for woolen
textiles. Archive Photos, Inc.
agriculture; by 1900 more than two-thirds of the workforce was employed in the manufacturing and service sectors. Another, less visible evolution was even more momentous: in 1800 virtually all Americans were working in
family-sized units of production, based on long-term or
permanent (slaves, spouses) relationships and included
such nonquantitative characteristics as room and board
and moral rules of behavior. When wages were paid,
their amount was a function of these moral customs
(some historians even speak of a moral economy) and
the prosperity of the business as much as of the supply
and demand of labor. A century later, wages determined
by the labor market were becoming the norm, with little
attention paid to custom or the moral imperative of
fair wages. Moreover, employers and employees lived
increasingly disconnected lives, both socially and spatially.
Among many other consequences, this shift eventually led
to a reevaluation of womens work, hitherto left unpaid
within the household, and made untenable rst slavery,
then the segregation with which southern white supremacists hoped to create their own racist version of the labor
market. It is thus impossible to overstate the social and
political impact of the industrial revolution.
343
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
Child Labor. In this photograph by Lewis W. Hine, c. 1910, two young boys climb up on the spinning frame to do work in a
textile mill in Macon, Ga. Library of Congress
with the English machines by the end of the 1810s. Moreover, Waltham, which combined under one roof all the
processes of textile production, particularly spinning and
weaving, was the rst wholly integrated textile factory in
the world. Still, despite the development of a highpressure steam engine by inventor Oliver Evans in Philadelphia in 1804, American cotton manufacturers, and
American industry in general, lagged in the use of steam.
In 1833, Secretary of the Treasury Louis McLanes federal
survey of American industry reported few steam engines
outside of the Pittsburgh area, whereas James Watts
steam engine, perfected between 1769 and 1784, was used
throughout Great Britain by 1800.
However, in 1807, the maiden run of Robert Fultons
rst steamboat, the Clermont, on the Hudson River
marked the rst commercial application of steam to transportation, a eld in which Americans were most active.
The rst commercial railroad in the United States, the
Baltimore and Ohio, was launched in 1828, three years
after its rst British counterpart. In 1829, the British inventor George Stephenson introduced his Rocket engine;
the New Jersey transportation magnate John Stevens
344
bought one two years later and had built three improved
(and patent-infringing) copies by 1833. His son, Robert
L. Stevens, added his own contribution by creating the
modern T-rail. John Stevens also gave technical information to young Matthias Baldwin of Philadelphia, who
launched what would become the Baldwin Locomotive
Works with his rst engine, the Ironsides, built in 1832.
With the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825, and the
ensuing canal craze, a spate of canal construction extending into the 1840s, all the ingredients of the so-called
transportation revolution were in place.
Between the 1820s and the Civil War, American machinery surpassed that of their British competitors, a superiority made public at the Crystal Palace Exhibition
in London in 1851. For instance, under the impulse of
John Hall, a machinist who began working at the Harpers
Ferry federal gun factory in 1820, American gun makers
developed a production process precise and mechanized
enough to produce standardized, interchangeable gun
parts; such an approach would make the fortune of gun
maker Samuel Colt in the 1850s. Standardized production was eventually applied to other goods, starting with
Isaac Merritt Singers sewing machines, sold commercially from 1851 on. The biggest advance in communications technology since the railroad greatly improved
mail delivery, was the telegraph, an American innovation
introduced by Samuel F. B. Morse between Washington,
D.C., and Baltimore in 1844. The 18301860 period is
most important, however, for its organizational innovations. Up to then, cotton manufacturers, steamboat promoters, and railroad administrators alike were less concerned with productivity than with turning a quick prot
through monopolies, cartels, and niche markets. Accounting was sloppy at best, making precise cost control
impossible. Subcontracting was the rule, as well as piecework rather than wages. In this environment, technical
innovations that sped production could lessen costs for
the manufacturer only if piece rates were cut accordingly.
This began to occur in American cotton factories from
1828 on (leading to the rst modern industrial conicts
in Manayunk and other factories around Philadelphia, six
years before the better-known strikes in Lowell and other
New England centers in 1834). It was not until the 1840s
and 1850s that modern business procedures were introduced. These included the accounting innovations of
Louis McLane, at this time president of the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad, and his chief engineer, Benjamin Latrobe, and the organizational overhaul of the Pennsylvania Railroad launched by its president, J. Edgar Thompson, in 1853.
By the Civil War, competent technicians and
productivity-minded administrators were revolutionizing
one industry after another, a process that became generalized after 1870. Organizers and inventors systematically
allied with each other; in Pittsburgh, Alexander L. Holley
built for Andrew Carnegie the most modern steel mill in
the world, the Edgar Thomson works, which opened in
1875. Sometimes organizer and inventor were one and
the same, as in the case of Thomas Edison, who set up an
experimental laboratory in Menlo Park, New Jersey, in
1876, developed the rst electric lightbulb in 1879, and
went on to build what became General Electric. In other
elds, the pioneers were superseded by outsiders. Colonel
Edwin Drake was the rst person to successfully use drilling to extract oil from the earth, which he did in Titusville, Pennsylvania, in 1859, but John D. Rockefeller was
the man who succeeded in gaining control over 90 percent of American reneries between 1865 and 1879, creating with Standard Oil the rst modern monopoly in
America. The systematized search for productivity led to
systematized research and development through the combined use of applied research and funding from large corporations, university-based science, and federal subsidies.
From oil and electricity to chemistry, the pace of innovation became such that the period has been called a second industrial revolution (actually a misnomer, since
rates of growth were not signicantly higher than in the
previous period). Similarly, the search for economies of
scale led to giant factories, great concentrations of workers, and widespread urbanization. The search for new
outlets for constantly increasing output led to mass consumption and advertisement. And the search for lower
costs prompted bloody battles with workers. Compromise in this area was slowly reached; in 1914, Henry Ford
introduced the idea that high wages meant efcient workers and useful consumers, and Roosevelt and the New
Deal, from 1933 on, set up a social security system giving
those same workers a safety net in hard times. Thus, much
of the history of the late-nineteenth and the twentieth
centuries is the history of the struggle to come to terms
with the economic, political, and social consequences of
the new forms of organization of human production developed before the Civil War and systematized in the
Gilded Age. More generally, the industrial revolution inaugurated trends that perpetuated themselves into the
twenty-rst century and can properly be described as the
matrix of the contemporary world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chandler, Alfred D., Jr. The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap
Press, 1977.
Cochran, Thomas C. Frontiers of Change: Early Industrialism in
America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981.
Cohen, Isaac. American Management and British Labor: A Comparative Study of the Cotton Spinning Industry. New York:
Greenwood Press, 1990.
Hounshell, David A. From the American System to Mass Production, 18001932: The Development of Manufacturing Technology in the United States. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984.
Jeremy, David J. Transatlantic Industrial Revolution: The Diffusion
of Textile Technologies between Britain and America, 1790
1830s. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981.
Licht, Walter. Industrializing America: The Nineteenth Century.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995.
Scranton, Philip. Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industrialization, 18651925. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997.
Zunz, Olivier. Why the American Century? Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1998.
Pierre Gervais
See also Embargo Act; Railroads; Standard Oil Company;
Steam Power and Engines; Steamboats; and vol. 9: Mill
Workers Letter on the Hardships in the Textile Mills.
345
346
347
348
INDUSTRIES, COLONIAL
Bird, Stewart, Dan Georgakas, and Deborah Shaffer, comps. Solidarity Forever: An Oral History of the IWW. Chicago: Lake
View Press, 1985.
Conlin, Joseph Robert. Bread and Roses Too: Studies of the Wobblies.
Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974.
, ed. At the Point of Production: The Local History of the
IWW. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981.
Dubofsky, Melvyn. We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial
Workers of the World. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1988.
Foner, Philip S. ed. Fellow Workers and Friends: IWW Free Speech
Fights as Told by Participants. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood,
1981.
Hall, Greg. Harvest Wobblies: The Industrial Workers of the World
and Agricultural Laborers in the American West, 19051930.
Corvalis: Oregon State University Press, 2001.
Werstein, Irving. Pie in the Sky: An American Struggle: The Wobblies and Their Times. New York: Delacorte, 1969.
Mark A. Lause
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations; American Railway Union; Knights
of Labor; Labor; Lawrence Strike; Socialist Labor Party;
Steel Strikes; Strikes; Trade Unions; Western Federation of Miners.
foreign countries. Boston, Salem, New Haven, Portsmouth, and Philadelphia became shipbuilding centers.
Shipbuilding created or stimulated many other industries.
Among these were the making of sails, rope, nails, spikes,
anchors, and chain plates, as well as caulking and painting.
Coastal shing and whaling were carried on in most
colonies, but in New England shing the banks for cod,
mackerel, bass, herring, halibut, hake, sturgeon, and other
ocean sh developed into a leading industry. Allied to the
shing industry, and often considered a part of it, was
whaling. By the close of the seventeenth century, Plymouth, Salem, and Nantucket, Massachusetts, and villages
on the eastern end of Long Island were doing a protable
business in supplying the demand for spermaceti, sperm
oil, whalebone, and ambergris. After the opening of the
eighteenth century, whaling expanded to a remarkable extent, as whalers often pursued their prey to Arctic waters.
Before the colonial period ended, several hundred vessels
were engaged in this perilous industry.
The fur trade was also important from the time the
rst settlements were founded. The abundance of furbearing animals provided opportunities for trapping, frequently as an occupation supplemental to farming. The
trade in furs, large quantities of which were secured from
the Indians, provided a valuable source of income. Signicant in its industrial and commercial aspects, the fur
trade was also of great importance in pointing the way to
349
I N F L AT I O N
the West, as trappers and traders pressed after the retreating fur-bearing animals. Like the sheries, the fur trade
was an important factor in colonial rivalries, especially
between England and France, and was partly responsible
for many of the intercolonial struggles.
Arthur C. Bining / h. s.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McCusker, John J., and Russell R. Menard. The Economy of British America, 16071789. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1985.
Perkins, Edwin J. The Economy of Colonial America. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1988.
Shepherd, James F., and Gary M. Walton. Shipping, Maritime
Trade, and the Economic Development of Colonial North America. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1972.
Tunis, Edwin. Colonial Craftsmen and the Beginnings of American
Industry. Cleveland, Ohio: World Publishing, 1965.
350
Measuring Inflation
The measurement of the price level is a difcult task and,
therefore, so is the measurement of the ination rate. For
example, many economists believe that the consumer
price index has overstated the rate of ination in recent
decades because improvements in the quality of goods
and services are not adequately reected in the index. An
index that held quality constant, according to this view,
would show a smaller rate of price increase from year to
year, and thus a smaller average rate of ination.
I N F L AT I O N
it circulates in the economy has increased or, holding velocity constant, because the stock of money per unit of
output has increased.
This leads to another question: What factors determine the rate of growth of the money supply relative to
money demand? The demand for money depends on the
overall scale of economic activity, along with interest
rates, which measure the opportunity cost of holding
money balances. The supply of money depends on the
so-called monetary regimethe institutional framework by which money is created.
During the nineteenth century and part of the twentieth, the United States adhered to the gold standard and,
at times, a bimetallic (silver) standard. Under the gold
standard, the money supply was backed (guaranteed) by
holdings of gold, so the supply of money could grow only
as rapidly as the governments holdings of specie. If these
holdings increased more slowly than the demand for
money, the price level would fall. Conversely, if holdings
of specie increased more rapidly than the demand for
money, the price level could rise. Generally, the latter
would occur with the discovery of new deposits of gold
(or silver) in the United Statesor elsewhere, because
gold owed across international bordersas occurred in
California in the late 1840s, or in South Africa in the late
1890s.
During periods of war the money supply was augmented with paper money. For example, during the Civil
War, both the Union and Confederate governments issued greenbacks as legal tender. The price level rose
sharply during the war years. Real wages fell, producing
an ination tax that both sides used to help pay for the
war effort.
In the contemporary United States, the main institutional determinant of the money supply is the Federal
Reserve. The Fed can affect the growth of the money
supply in several ways. First, it can engage in open market
operations, the buying and selling of government securities. When the Fed buys securities, it injects money into
the system; conversely, when it sells securities, it pulls
money out. Second, the Fed can alter certain features of
the banking system that affect the ability of banks to create money. Banks take in deposits, from which they make
loans. The supply of loanable funds, however, is larger
than the stock of deposits because banks are required only
to keep a fraction of deposits as reserves. The Fed can
alter the reserve ratio, or it can alter the rate of interest
that it charges itself to lend money to banks.
Most economists believe that the Federal Reserve,
when deciding upon monetary policy, faces a short-run
trade-off between ination and unemployment. In the
long run, unemployment tends toward a natural rate
that reects basic frictions in the labor market and that is
independent of the rate of ination. If the goal in the
short run is to reduce unemployment, the Fed may need
to tolerate a moderate ination rate. Conversely, if the
351
I N F L AT I O N
goal is to lower the ination rate, this may require a slowdown in economic activity and a higher unemployment
rate. Since World War II, the Federal Reserve has sought
to keep ination at a low to moderate level. This is because a high or accelerating rate of ination is typically
followed by a recession. Some economists believe that,
rather than trying to ne-tune the economy, the Fed
should grow the money supply at a steady, predictable
pace.
It is sometimes argued that ination is good for debtors and bad for creditors, and bad for persons on xed
incomes. A debtor, so goes the argument, benets from
ination because loans are taken out in todays dollars,
but repaid in the future when, because of ination, a dollar will be worth less than today. However, to the extent
that ination is correctly anticipatedor rationally expectedthe rate of interest charged for the loanthe
nominal ratewill be the real rate of interest plus the
expected rate of ination. More generally, any xed income contract expressed in nominal terms can be negotiated in advance to take proper account of expected ination. However, if ination or deation is unanticipated,
it can have severe distributional effects. During the Great
Depression millions of Americans lost their homes because their incomes fell drastically relative to their mortgage payments.
Inflation in American History
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and, indeed,
in the rst half of the twentieth century, ination was
uncommon. Major bouts of ination were associated with
wars, minor bouts with short-term economic expansions
(booms). The booms usually ended in nancial panics, with prices falling sharply. During the nineteenth
century this pattern played itself out several times, against
a backdrop of long-term deation.
The rst wartime experience with ination in U.S.
history occurred during the American Revolution. Prior
to the Revolution ination did occur periodically when
colonial governments issued bills of credit and permitted
them to circulate as money, but these were banned by
Parliament between 1751 and 1764. When war broke out,
bills of credit were again circulated in large numbers. Because the increase in the money supply far exceeded the
growth of output during this period, the price level rose
sharply.
Wartime inations in American history have typically
been followed by severe deations, and the Revolution
was no exception. After dropping by two-thirds between
1781 and 1789, prices rebounded and eventually stabilized. The next big ination occurred with the War of
1812. Briefer and less intense than its revolutionary counterpart, prices fell sharply after peaking in 1814. The price
level continued to trend downward in the 1820s but reversed course in the mid-1830s during a brief boom. A
nancial panic ensued, and the country plunged into a
severe downturn accompanied by an equally severe dea-
352
INFLUENZA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Donald, David Herbert, ed. Why the North Won the Civil War.
New York: Touchstone Books, 1996 (orig. pub. 1960).
Frederick A. Bradford / c. p.
See also Civil War; Confederate States of America; Inflation;
Prices; Taxation.
Robert Margo
See also Business Cycles; Consumer Purchasing Power; Cost
of Living; Economic Indicators; Price and Wage Controls; Prices; Stagflation.
353
INFOMERCIALS
354
Duffy, John. Epidemics in Colonial America. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1953.
Frost, W. H. The Epidemiology of Inuenza. Journal of the
American Medical Association, 73 (1919): 313318.
Kolata, Gina Bari. Flu: The Story of the Great Inuenza Pandemic
of 1918 and the Search for the Virus that Caused It. New York:
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999.
John Duffy / c. w.
See also Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Epidemics and Public Health; Microbiology.
INFRASTRUCTURE
periods that were once used for public affairs and local
programs.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Robert Thompson
See also Advertising; Television: Programming and Influence.
355
INFRASTRUCTURE
356
sewage into the Hudson River. The Clean Water Act and
its amendments also mandated improvement of the efuents emitted by industries, commercial enterprises, and
even major private residential construction sites. The National Environmental Protection Act of 1969 (NEPA) introduced sweeping measures for cleaning up the American natural environment, making the thirty years between
1970 and 2000 a historic period in the environmental and
infrastructure history of the country and of the world.
The solid waste collection and disposal system was
also radically improved between 1970 and 2000. Gone are
the casual solid waste dumps at the outskirts of the cities,
replaced by sanitary landlls. Almost gone, thanks to air
pollution regulations, are the solid waste incinerators in
some central parts of cities, built there to minimize the
transport costs of collected waste. In their place are either
electrolytic burners or sophisticated trash-to-energy installations where high-temperature burners generate electricity for local electric utilities. Solid waste collection and
disposal has been improved with new trucks designed to
carry compacted waste. Such trucks bring the waste to
special stations where further compacting produces uniform, high-density cubes that are transported to far-away
sanitary disposal sites and used as landll in natural cavities, excavation sites, or abandoned surface-mining sites.
On the other side of the spectrum, extensive recycling of
paper, glass, plastics, and aluminum had in some cities
reached the level of 30 percent of the total volume of
municipal solid waste by the beginning of the twenty-rst
century, creating new markets for such materials and extending the useful life of the basic product.
Libraries and Medical Facilities
Infrastructural improvements also include the extensive urban and rural library systems in operation today throughout the country, a far cry from the typical unitary central
library of the past. Branch libraries in almost every neighborhood or community are a common practice, with
computerized data systems that permit almost instant service and control of the operations. Similarly, most major
U.S. cities have networks of community clinics, with
readily available rst-aid service backed up by additional
ambulatory transport service and connections with major
hospitals.
Public Transportation
Improvements in urban transportation in the last half of
the twentieth century took the form of new and expanded
heavy and light rail systems, an improved bus service system, and a paratransit system serving special population
groups and communities.
Six heavy rail systems were introduced (Washington,
D.C., Atlanta, Baltimore, Miami, Los Angeles, and San
Francisco) in addition to the four systems already in place
since before World War II (New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Boston). Ten light rail systems were introduced (Miami, Detroit, San Diego, Buffalo, Pittsburgh,
INFRASTRUCTURE
Portland, Sacramento, Denver, Hoboken, and CamdenTrenton). Several systems also have undergone continuous expansion (San Francisco and Los Angeles, for example). In all cases the budget and the effort has been
enormous. For example, the Washington Metropolitan
Area Transit Authority took more than thirty-four years
to complete its 103-mile system, which began in 1967
with a projected cost of $2.5 billion and concluded in
2001 with an actual cost of about $10 billion.
At the beginning of the twenty-rst century almost
all major urban regions were planning major new transit
systems and extensions of older ones. In Boston, the Big
Dig of Central Avenue was expected to require more
than $15 billion to accommodate all the transit and highway facilities. In the New York metropolitan region, the
Regional Plan Association advanced plans that would require an expenditure of at least $20 billion in mass transit
systems alone. In Philadelphia three major proposals for
heavy rail would require a budget exceeding $7 billion.
During this period there were vastly expanded budget revisions of the 1991 Interstate Surface Transportation Efciency Act ($156 billion) and the 1998 Transportation
Equity Act ($216 billion), but these federal funds were
clearly not enough to accommodate the need for new
mass transit systems projected throughout the country.
Planning for the Future
Infrastructure needs in the early twenty-rst century were
based on three major considerations. The rst was the
nationwide anti-sprawl campaign calling for substantive
improvements in mass transit and limitation of other infrastructure systems in suburban areas so that development could be signicantly curbed. The second was the
aging of many infrastructure systems of most older cities
(such as sewerage systems), which were built in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with minimal dimensions and impermanent design and materials. The
third factor was the rapid growth of American urban areas
and the constantly evolving technology of almost all urban infrastructure systems, including telecommunications
(ber optics), steam distribution systems (heat-resistant
pipes), sewerage systems (chemical-resistant reinforced
concrete), and transportation systems (automated people
movers).
Specialists in the eld considered the need of improvements and renovations in the infrastructure system
of the country as the greatest challenge for the United
States in the early 2000s. Many systems were simply too
old to continue without major renovations (water systems,
sewage networks) while others were functionally obsolete
in terms of size or operations (schools, hospitals, solid
waste disposal projects). The complex juxtaposition of old
city centers, decaying early suburbs, expanding new suburbs, and a narrowing envelope of environmental constraints in and around the metro areas of the United
States (as of many other countries of the world) produced
major policy dilemmas.
357
INHERENT POWERS
national investment program in which the federal government establishes the goals, the process, the standards,
and the states and localities roles and nancial participation. The funds for many types of infrastructure projects are distributed by a formula for each state or region
or on a project-by-project basis. In addition, both the
1993 Interstate Surface Transportation Efciency Act and
the Transportation Equity Act included provisions for the
states and regions to exercise discretion and choice on
some proportion of the funds on the basis of their local
priorities and preferences. In all cases the proportion of
local contribution (by state, by region, or by specic locality) is determined by the federal legislation, and it is a
precondition for any further action.
Environmental Impacts
The matter of protecting the physical environment during construction and operation of infrastructure systems
is an increasingly challenging issue. Most of the major
environmental battles of the past have revolved around
highway projects, major sewage systems, solid waste disposal sites, and water containment projects, with the conict extending to include school sites, hospital expansion,
and even mass transit lines and stations.
Environmental concerns focus on all three parts of
the environmentair, land, and waterand involve concerns for human health and species retention as well as
aspects of aesthetics, culture, and history. Conicts arise
over the use of nonrenewable energy resources for infrastructure operations and the sustainability of a given metropolitan region. In many cases, the arguments reach a
pitch that prevents reasonable discussion and an unbiased
search for solutions.
Even after all available solutions for minimizing the
environmental impact of a given project have been explored, however, circumstances may require that either a
major intervention on the environment will have to take
place or the project must be canceled. Such has been the
case on a number of solid waste disposal projects, water
conservation projects, and highway projects, such as the
West Side Expressway project on Manhattan Island.
Nevertheless, in many other locations pressure from
community and environmental groups has produced admirable solutions and very agreeable completion of infrastructure projects. Such an example is the Vine Street Expressway in Philadelphia, which was constructed as a
depressed expressway with green parapets on both sides,
with reasonable construction costs and very important
neighborhood-friendly impacts. Still, environmental issues will continue to loom large in the future, underscoring the need for development of new and appropriate
public policy guidelines and design options.
Anthony R. Tomazinis
See also American System; City Planning; Environmental
Protection Agency; Interstate Highway System; Railways, Interurban; Railways, Urban, and Rapid Transit;
Urbanization; Waste Disposal; Water Pollution; Water
Supply and Conservation.
Robinson, Donald L. Inherent Powers. In The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court. Edited by Kermit L. Hall. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abbott, Carl. Portland: Planning, Politics and Growth in a Twentieth Century City. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1983.
358
Stephen B. Presser
See also Constitution of the United States.
I N I T I AT I V E
Robert Whaples
See also Income Tax Cases; Taxation.
359
INJUNCTIONS, LABOR
Jeffrey T. Coster
See also Proposition 13; Proposition 187; Proposition 209.
360
The substantive law governing the bounds of workers collective action changed little from the beginning of
the nineteenth century until the rst and second decades
of the twentieth century. Strikes to improve wages and
working conditions at individual workplaces were legal,
but boycotting or striking to gain union recognition or
to support fellow workers in unfair shops was outlawed.
What changed, then, was not the substantive law but its
application.
Until the late nineteenth century, conspiracy trials
were the chief way that courts enforced this body of law;
and they were rare. By 1895, conspiracy prosecutions for
strike activities had dwindled to a handful each year, while
labor injunctions were multiplying. By a conservative
reckoning, at least 4,300 injunctions were issued between
1880 and 1930by the 1920s 25 percent of strikes were
limited by injunctions. While capital consolidated and individual plants and rms merged into large-scale, nationwide corporations, workers ability to join together to enlarge their economic might was sharply curtailed.
The switch in form from conspiracy trial to injunction also signied an enormous increase in the pervasiveness of judicial regulation. Every injunction represented
a new, particularized set of legal commandsa kind of
custom-made criminal statuteaddressed to strikers and
often to whole working-class communities, or to all the
members of a national union. A single injunctions language often ranged from the broadest proscriptions against
interfering with a plaintiff-employers business to prohibiting the aiding or abetting of a strike or boycott down to
the most minute tactics and customs. The appeal of the
labor injunction from an employers perspective lay not
only in this breadth, but also in the ease and swiftness of
obtaining and enforcing it. The criminal process was slow;
but one could appear before an equity judge with a handful of afdavits and obtain a temporary decree against a
strike in a matter of hours; one did not even have to notify
the defendants until after the order was issued. Local juries, moreover, often stymied criminal prosecutions against
strikers, but strikers accused of violating an injunction
were tried by the judge who issued the decree. Juries often
acquitted, lending popular legitimacy to the underlying
labor action, whereas judges almost always meted out jail
sentences. Injunction proceedings circumvented more than
just local juries. An injunction suit could be used to override the judgments of local mayors, sheriffs, and police
chiefs, whom courts as well as employers constantly accused of siding with strikers.
Thus, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the labor injunction enabled hostile employers and
public ofcials to depict peaceful protest and mutual aid
as the acts of outlaws. From the 1890s until the New Deal,
the chief political goal of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) was repealing this judge-made law. Repeatedly,
trade unionists brought to state and federal lawmakers
their stories of broken strikes and their claims of constitutional wrongs by the nations courtsof judicial viola-
William E. Forbath
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations; Collective Bargaining; Labor Legislation and Administration; Picketing; Right-to-Work
Laws; Strikes; Taft-Hartley Act; Yellow-Dog Contract.
Bourne, Russell. Floating West: The Erie and Other American Canals. New York: Norton, 1992.
Shaw, Ronald E. Canals for a Nation: The Canal Era in the United
States, 17901860. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1990.
Alvin F. Harlow / a. e.
See also Canals; Erie Canal.
garded development of the nations waterways as an integral component of conservation policy. In 1907 President
Theodore Roosevelt appointed the Inland Waterways
Commission to prepare a comprehensive plan for the
improvement and control of U.S. river systems. In 1908
the commission submitted a bulky preliminary report on
rivers, lakes, canals, and railroad competition, urging that
future plans for navigation improvement take account of
water purication, power development, ood control, and
land reclamation. Congress created the National Waterways Commission in 1909 to carry on the work of the
Inland Waterways Commission.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hull, William J., and Robert W. Hull. The Origin and Development of the Waterways Policy of the United States. Washington,
D.C.: National Waterways Conference, 1967.
Hunchey, James R., et al. United States Inland Waterways and
Ports. Fort Belvoir, Va.: U.S. Army Engineers Institute for
Water Resources, 1985.
William J. Petersen / c. p.
See also River and Harbor Improvements; Waterways, Inland.
361
INSIDER TRADING
362
cluding wheat, oats, and corn. By the late 1950s, herbicides such as paraquat and diquat, which killed all
herbaceous plants, had been introduced. These herbicides
had the added advantage of being deactivated when they
touched the ground, leaving the soil ready to accept the
next crop. During the 1950s and 1970s, researchers tested
combinations of equipment, chemicals, and growing methods. The Farm Bill of 1985 gave no-till and other forms
of reduced tillage, known collectively as conservation tillage, a boost. The law required that farmers who received
assistance from the Department of Agriculture, including
price support payments, had to reduce erosion on highly
erodible land to an acceptable level. Conservation tillage
utilizing herbicides was the most cost-effective way for
many farmers to meet the requirements. Farmers utilized
conservation tillage methods on 73 million acres in 1990,
98 million acres in 1995, and 108 million acres in 2000.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Douglas Helms
See also Agricultural Price Support; Agriculture.
INSPECTION, GOVERNMENTAL
Chernow, Ron. The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise of Modern Finance. New York: Atlantic
Monthly Press, 1990.
Gordon, John Steele. The Great Game: The Emergence of Wall
Street As a World Power, 16532000. New York: Scribner,
1999.
Holbrook, Stewart H. The Age of Moguls: The Story of the Robber
Barons and the Great Tycoons. New York: Doubleday, 1954.
Stewart, James B. Den of Thieves. New York: Simon and Schuster,
1991.
Bob Batchelor
See also Stock Market.
363
364
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Eisner, Marc Allen. Regulatory Politics in Transition. 2d ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.
Goodwin, Lorine Swainston. The Pure Food, Drink, and Drug
Crusaders, 18791914. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 1999.
Mintz, Joel A. Enforcement at the EPA: High Stakes and Hard
Choices. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995.
Rosenberg, Charles E. The Cholera Years: The United States in
1832, 1849, and 1866. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1987.
Jeremy Derfner
See also Food and Drug Administration; Muckrakers; Pure
Food and Drug Movement.
INSTALLMENT BUYING, SELLING, AND FINANCING refers to the use of short- and intermediateterm credit to nance the purchase of goods and services
for personal consumption, scheduled to be repaid in two
or more installments. Statistics supplied by the board of
governors of the Federal Reserve System show the
amounts of credit extended and outstanding to nance
automobiles, mobile homes, and other consumer goods.
Data on home repair and modernization loans and personal loans reect the use of cash installment loans to
acquire consumer goods and services.
The origin of installment sales credit lies in the openbook credit provided consumers by retailers in colonial
times. Although there were no formally scheduled payments, business proprietors expected consumers to pay
when funds were available. In agricultural areas, this arrangement meant that retailers extended credit from crop
to crop. In 1807 the furniture rm of Cowperthwaite and
Sons rst introduced consumer installment selling. In
about 1850, the Singer Sewing Machine Company began
to sell its products on the installment plan. After the Civil
War, manufacturers of pianos, organs, encyclopedias, and
stoves were quick to broaden their markets by providing
for installment payments.
The single largest component of consumer installment credit is automobile credit. Installment nancing
of consumers automobile purchases began in 1910. Sales
nance companies formed to purchase the installment
notes of consumers from automobile dealers. In 1915 the
Guarantee Securities Company began buying consumers
installment notes from Willys-Overland dealers. Other
rms that entered the eld were the Commercial Credit
Company of Baltimore, the Commercial Investment Trust
of New York, and the National Bond and Investment
Company of Chicago. By the end of 1917 as many as
twenty-ve companies were nancing automobiles. By
1925 this number swelled to a peak of about 1,700. After
1930, commercial banks became active in nancing automobiles and gradually came to dominate the market. In
the mid-1970s the major automobile sales nance companies were factory-owned subsidiaries: General Motors
The development of installment selling was an accompaniment to, and prerequisite of, the growth of the
mass production of a variety of consumer durable goods,
of which the automobile was the most signicant. As they
gained experience, rms providing installment credit gradually lowered required down payments and lengthened
the maturities of contracts, thus making credit available
to more and more consumers. In 1924 the National Association of Finance Companies adopted standards of a
minimum down payment of one-third of the cash price
for a new car and two-fths for a used car, with a maximum maturity of twelve months for both classes. By 1937
maturities had generally lengthened to eighteen months
and by 1952 to twenty-four months on new cars. During
1955, a further lengthening to thirty-six months fostered
a rapid growth in new-car sales, and in the early 1970s,
some contracts allowed for repayment over forty-two and
even forty-eight months. By 2002, sixty-month loan periods were common in the auto industry, as higher car
prices made it necessary to extend repayment periods.
A later innovation in credit selling was the development of bank charge credit plans, rst inaugurated in
1951 by the Franklin National Bank of New York. A plastic credit card issued by a bank provided participating retailers with evidence that the bank has granted the consumer a line of credit. After making a sale, the retailer
deposited the sales slip with the bank and receives a credit
to his or her account, less a discount from the face of the
sales slip. The bank then billed the consumer monthly for
his or her accumulated purchases on the credit card. As
in the case of retail revolving credit, if the consumer pays
within a specied grace period, there is no nance charge.
After that point the nance charge levied monthly parallels that assessed by retailers. In the early 2000s, the use
of credit cards had reached almost epidemic proportions in the United States. Nearly every person in the
country had at least one card, and credit companies had
started targeting younger and younger consumers, usually
those of college age. Interest rates also became much
higheras high as the mid-20 percent rangeas more
and more people overextended and defaulted on their
credit card debt.
365
I N S T I T U T E F O R A D VA N C E D S T U D Y
Robert W. Johnson / a. e.
See also Automobile Industry; Consumer Protection; Economic Indicators; Financial Services Industry; Sewing
Machine.
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INSURANCE
British interests at the expense of the colonists. Such instructions, however, were issued to nearly all of the royal
governors until the American Revolution.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Gabriel J. Chin
Diana Yoon
See also Guam; Hawaii; Puerto Rico; Territories of the
United States.
Leslie J. Lindenauer
See also Board of Trade and Plantations; Colonial Policy,
British; Privy Council; Royal Disallowance.
Kerr, James. The Insular Cases: The Role of the Judiciary in American Expansionism. Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press,
1982.
367
INSURANCE
368
INSURANCE
fore, aviation underwriters must rely on their own judgments in determining rates.
Fire Insurance
Fire insurance is a direct descendant of marine insurance.
It developed in the American colonies from ideas brought
by English settlers. American merchants realized the need
for protection from loss from re after the Great Fire of
London in 1666 destroyed three-fourths of the citys
buildings. Like the rst marine insurance company, the
rst re insurance company in America began in Philadelphia, and, like the earliest marine companies, that
company provided policies based on mutual agreement
rather than stock subscription. Largely through the efforts of Benjamin Franklin, Americas rst re insurance
company and its oldest mutual insurance company formed
in 1752the Philadelphia Contributionship for Insurance of Houses From Loss by Fire. Experiencing difculty in ghting res at houses surrounded by trees, the
Philadelphia Contributionship decided, in 1781, not to
insure houses that had trees in front of them. Out of opposition to this policy grew the Mutual Assurance Company in 1784, popularly known as the Green Tree because
of the circumstances of its founding and because of its re
mark. Then, in 1794, the Insurance Company of North
Americaprimarily a marine underwriterbecame the
rst company to market insurance coverage on a building
and its contents and to underwrite re risk beyond the
city limits.
The success of Philadelphias mutual re insurance
companies inspired the formation of mutual companies
in other cities. The history of large res in the growth of
American cities and seaports gave rise to improvements
in re underwriting. The 1835 re in New York, in which
almost the entire business district burned to the ground,
ruined most New York companies. Because of state discriminatory taxes, much of the risk had been underwritten by small local companies that had too little surplus
to meet the $18 million loss. Subsequently, the underwriting business grew throughout the nation to spread
the risk.
The Factory Mutual Fire Insurance Company made
its appearance in New England in 1835. The rm was
pioneered by Zachariah Allen, who, along with other mill
ownerswho had been refused re insurance for their
factories by the mutual companies and found the high
premiums of stock companies excessiveformed their
own company. Skillful underwriting kept the costs low
and, as the system grew, it had an effect far beyond that
eld, forcing stock companies to reduce their rates. At the
same time, the factory mutuals expanded with the growth
of American industry until they underwrote the risks of
the wide industrial eld created by the expansion of
American business and extended coverage to include loss
from other damage such as lightning. In 1866 the re
companies formed the National Board of Fire Underwriters, which disseminated information on the compen-
369
INSURANCE
cent was covered. Workers compensation, the third largest individual line of insurance, had premiums of $23.2
billion in 2000.
Automobile Insurance
The rst automobile insurance policy was issued by the
Travelers Insurance Companies in 1898, and since then
more and more of Americas 120 million motorists have
recognized its value. In 1973 automobile insurance premiums reached $17.15 billion ($69.46 billion in 2002 dollars) and accounted for 42.3 percent of total propertyliability premium volume. Because of ination, increasing
claims frequency, and larger claim settlements, automobile premiums have increased rapidly, and, in 1973, were
more than double those of 1965. By the end of the 1970s,
most states had made the purchase of automobile insurance by car owners compulsory.
Following consumer unhappiness over automobile
insurance rates in the late 1980s and 1990s, some states
instituted no-fault automobile insurance to reduce litigation. Typical state no-fault insurance laws permit accident victims to recover such nancial losses as medical
and hospital expenses and lost income from their own
insurance companies and usually place some restrictions
on the right to sue.
Life Insurance
Early colonists were skeptical of life insurance. Benjamin
Franklin said that men were willing to insure their homes,
their goods, and their ships, yet neglected to insure their
livesthe most important asset to their families and the
most subject to risk. Many considered life insurance a
form of gambling and therefore against their religion. As
late as 1807, the Massachusetts legislature argued against
the morality of life insurance.
The earliest life insurance policies in America were
written as a sideline by marine underwriters on the lives
of sea captains for the duration of a voyage. The tontine,
a life insurance lottery, formed by a group who insured
themselves together, rst appeared in 1790. When one
died, the others divided his assets. Subscribers to the Universal Tontine used their funds to form an insurance company in 1792; the tontine policy was not used again until
1867.
The climate in which the life insurance business operated between 1890 and 1905the peak of the trustbusting periodwas one of severe public criticism of
business and nance. New York legislators could not ignore the dubious practices any longer. In July 1905 the
Assembly and Senate concurred in a resolution directing
a committee to investigate and examine the business and
affairs of life insurance companies operating in the state.
With Sen. William W. Armstrong as chairman and Charles
Evans Hughes as counsel, the committee issued its report
in 1906. Although it declared the life insurance business
to be fundamentally sound, it brought to light numerous
practices detrimental both to policyholders and to the
national economy. The committees recommendations
led to state legislation prohibiting these practices and
strengthened the industry.
In 1855 Massachusetts became the rst state to establish an insurance department. Elizur Wright, insur-
The professional approach to life insurance was important to its growth. Between 1890 and 1906, several
370
INSURANCE
professional associations were formed, including the Actuarial Society of America, the National Association of
Life Underwriters, the American Life Convention, and
the Association of Life Insurance Presidents. Ownership
of U.S. government life insurance by young men entering
the military service in World War I caused their families
to reappraise their own need for life insurance and stimulated salesa situation that repeated itself during World
War II. The Great Depression of the 1930s also favored
the growth of life insurance, and American insurance companies outperformed most businesses during that time.
In the late 1930s the Temporary National Economic
Committees investigations into the sources of economic
power in the country endorsed the soundness of the life
insurance industry and disclaimed any disposition toward
governmental regulation of the industry. However, in
United States v. South-eastern Underwriters Association et al.
(1944), the Supreme Court held that no commercial enterprise that conducts its business across state lines is
wholly beyond the regulatory power of Congress. Subsequently Congress passed the McCarran-Ferguson bill
in 1945, which stated that continued regulation and taxation of the insurance industry by the states was in the
public interest and that silence on the part of Congress
did not stand as any impediment to state regulation. The
bill thereby strengthened state regulation and helped to
guarantee more qualied insurance management.
Entry into mutual funds and variable annuities by life
insurance companies made them subject to the federal
securities laws, since these products are considered securities. Agents for the variable annuity and mutual funds
must meet the requirements of both state and federal
regulation. Simultaneously, changes in nancial enterprises began affecting the marketing of life insurance
products. Members of the Midwest stock exchange began
selling life insurance in 1970, and other exchanges permitted their members to follow this lead. Thus, large life
insurance companies began to enter the property and liability insurance eld.
Liability insurance became a political issue in the
1980s, when businesses, manufacturers, and physicians
fought to reform liability laws to reduce what they considered extensive jury awards. Life insurance also underwent a major change. Once sold only to wage-earning
males to provide comfort to would-be widows, new-style
life insurance policies became opportunities to accumulate tax-free savings, causing life and annuity insurance
sales to boom from $63.2 billion ($137.78 billion in 2002
dollars) in 1980 to $216.5 billion ($277.12 billion in 2002
dollars) in 1992. Brokerage houses began selling life insurance with good returns and long-term growth, attracting money from banks and savings and loans. In 1995 the
Supreme Court agreed with the position of the U.S. comptroller of the currency that annuities were investments
rather than insurance, opening the door to bank participation in the $72-billion-a-year annuity market.
Group Insurance
Group insurance is a phenomenon of the twentieth century. The Equitable Life Insurance Company issued the
rst group life insurance policy, covering employees of
the Pantasote Leather Company, in June 1911. Since then
group insurance has expanded rapidly. By the end of the
twentieth century, low-cost group life, health, and disability coverages were available through companies with
twenty-ve or more employees and through many professional associations. More than two-thirds of all employed persons in the United States are covered by some
form of group insurance.
Health Insurance
Health insurance had its start in the mid-nineteenth century. Accident insurance came rst, and then the policyholder began to be protected against loss of income from
a limited number of diseases. Although stemming from
accident insurance, life insurance companies are the primary marketers of modern health insurance. These companies are committed to group life insurance, which pairs
naturally with health insurance.
Rail and steamboat accidents in the mid-nineteenth
century precipitated the rst demand for an insurance
policy to protect against loss of income because of accident. The Franklin Health Assurance Company of Massachusetts is credited with being the rst insurer to write
accident insurance in America in 1850. However, the
Travelers Insurance Company, founded in 1863, was the
rst company in America to write health insurance, providing a schedule of stated benets payable to the insured
for each illness or injury. The Fidelity and Casualty Company of New York issued the rst contract to protect
against loss of income from accident and from certain
diseases (1891).
Workers compensation laws, rst effectively enacted
by the federal government in 1908, stimulated an interest
in group health insurance contracts for illness and nonwork-related injuries not covered by the law; in 1914 the
Metropolitan Life Insurance Company issued the rst
group health contract, covering its home ofce employees. The economic depression of the 1930s engendered a
wide concern for individual and family security, stimulating group health insurance sales. What became Blue Cross
in 1948 began when a group of schoolteachers entered an
agreement with Baylor Hospital in Dallas, Texas, to provide hospital care on a prepayment basis. In response, traditional insurance companies also developed reimbursement policies for hospital and surgical care.
During World War II the fringe benet became a
signicant element in collective bargaining, and group
health insurance became an important part of fringebenet packages. Sharply escalating costs for health care
after the war prompted continued improvement of health
insurance. Perhaps most signicant was the development
of major medical insurance in response to the familys
need for protection against serious and prolonged illness.
371
INSURRECTIONS, DOMESTIC
372
Brent Schondelmeyer
Edmund Zalinski / c. w.
See also Banking; Disasters; Earthquakes; Fires; Floods and
Flood Control; Health Care; Health Insurance; Health
Maintenance Organizations; Hurricanes; Medicare and
Medicaid; Social Security.
I N T E G R AT I O N
more of the same: the Ludlow Massacre of 1914 in Colorado and the Detroit Sitdown Strike of 1936 are two
examples.
Political insurrection against a broad array of governmental authorities was always in season. In colonial
America, for example, Leislers Rebellion in New York
in 1689 and rent riots in New Jersey in the 1740s were
but two examples of many, precursors of the widespread
upheavals that accompanied the coming of the American
Revolution. The opening shots of that revolution were
heard in the Stamp Act Riots of 1765 and 1766 in Boston, New York, and elsewhere. These were followed by,
among many possible examples, the Regulator Wars in
North Carolina from 1769 to 1771 and the Boston Tea
Party of 1773. In the immediate postwar era, more violence marred the American landscape; the most serious
upheaval was Shayss Rebellion in western Massachusetts in 1786. No generation escaped: widespread political
upheavals deriving from a variety of causes in 1834 and
1835, the Astor Place Riot of 1849 in New York City,
and the Native-American Partyled Know-Nothing Riots
in the 1850s in Baltimore, New York, and Louisville,
among many other places, attest to this fact.
In the twentieth century, insurrectionary political
causation was inherent in all of the many race riots, but
purely political rioting was evident as well: the suppression following the Red Scare of the 1920s, and the repression of World War I veterans in Washington, D.C.,
following their Bonus March at the height of the Great
Depression offer up well-known examples. The days of
rage of the radical group the Weathermen was but one
of many insurrections in the tumultuous 1960s. The same
era gave rise to antiwar demonstrations, some violent, everywhere in America, directed at the nations military involvement in Vietnam. No section of the country was
spared the largely urban anti-abortion rioting that began
in the mid-1980s and continued at the start of the twentyrst century.
The above is but a partial catalog of ubiquitous
American insurrectional activity. To some American historians of the subject, rioting is as American as apple pie;
to others, it is violence against civil society and the
broadly protective laws of the land guaranteed by the First
Amendment. Historians on both sides of the question
count and catalog domestic insurrections endlessly. As
they have done so, they have developed a body of theory
about the role of rioting and violence in the shaping of
the American Republic. While these historians and other
social scientists differ on the constructiveness and validity
of insurrection, they nevertheless all accept certain ideological touchstones.
First, of course, the very presence of First Amendment rights (the freedoms of speech, the press, and assembly) has underpinned claims that crowd actions in
general have a quasi-legal standing (or at least debatable
legal standing) in the American political process. Americans have always voted with their feet, some historians
Carl E. Prince
See also Bonus Army; Chicago Riots of 1919; Detroit Riots;
Los Angeles Riots; Radicals and Radicalism; Riots; Riots, Urban; Riots, Urban, of 1967.
INTEGRATION. During the colonial and antebellum periods, the southern slave codes were draconian and
the slave regimen was harsh, yet chattel slavery was basically incompatible with racial segregation. Although the
civil and social status of blacks was rigidly subordinate,
blacks and whites often worked side by side, and racial
mingling and miscegenation in the South were wide-
373
I N T E G R AT I O N
374
I N T E L L E C T U A L P R O P E RT Y
launched a yearlong boycott (19551956) that accomplished the desegregation of the citys bus system. College
students who mobilized sit-ins at southern lunch counters and recreational facilities formed the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in 1960,
which subsequently organized projects to register black
voters in the rural Deep South.
Cold War politics also entered into the issue of segregation. Foreign foes as well as allies of the United States
called attention to the contradiction between Americans
claims to advocate freedom, democracy, and equality
while subjecting citizens and foreign visitors to racial discrimination. White-only hotels, apartments, and restaurants that denied entry to foreign ofcials of color insulted the visitors and, some critics argued, threatened to
harm U.S. foreign relations.
The wide-ranging Civil Rights Act of 1964, which
created the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 represented
the fruits of decades of activism. Yet by the time Congress
passed this legislation, some activists doubted that integration was the ultimate solution for achieving racial
equality. Black separatists advocated building communities apart from whites, whom they believed would never
accept African Americans as equals. In this view, blackonly communities would most effectively foster the social
and economic progress of their members, and also would
allow African Americans to dene themselves according
to their own values, rather than futilely striving to conform to white society. Critics also contended that integration was a goal of members of the black middle class,
who would benet the most from incorporation into
white-dominated capitalist society, and that integration
would not solve the economic problems of poorer African
Americans. Such ideas inuenced SNCC members, whose
1966 election of Stokely Carmichael as chairman over the
more moderate John Lewis marked SNCCs shift away
from integration as a primary goal and toward radicalism
and separatism.
Since the 1960s, integration in the South proved
most successful in public schools. The proportion of African American children in the South attending all-black
schools dropped from two out of three in 1960 to one out
of ten in 1972. In contrast, de facto segregation characterized schools and housing in the North and West during
the 1970s and beyond as whites moved out of neighborhoods increasingly populated by people of color. In 1971,
the Supreme Courts controversial decision (Swann v.
Charlotte Mecklenburg Board of Education) on busing to integrate public schools riled parents who considered it an
extreme means to achieve racial equality. Into the twentyrst century, colleges and universities, the government,
public transportation, professional sports, and other venues experienced varying degrees of integration, although
concerns persisted about social and economic inequalities
that perpetuated racial separation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Banner-Haley, Charles T. The Fruits of Integration: Black MiddleClass Ideology and Culture, 19601990. Jackson: University
Press of Mississippi, 1994.
Beals, Melba Pattillo. Warriors Dont Cry: A Searing Memoir of
the Battle to Integrate Little Rocks Central High. New York:
Pocket Books, 1994.
Brooks, Roy L. Integration or Separation? A Strategy for Racial
Equality. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996.
Fairclough, Adam. Better Day Coming: Blacks and Equality, 1890
2000. New York: Viking, 2001.
King, Desmond. Separate and Unequal: Black Americans and the
U.S. Federal Government. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995.
Romano, Renee. No Diplomatic Immunity: African Diplomats,
the State Department, and Civil Rights, 19611964. Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (Sept. 2000): 546579.
Sitkoff, Harvard. The Struggle for Black Equality, 19541992. Rev.
ed. New York: Hill and Wang, 1993.
Donna Alvah
See also Civil Rights and Liberties; Civil Rights Movement;
Desegregation; Discrimination: Race; Race Relations;
Segregation.
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY describes the interests protected by the laws of patents, copyrights, trademarks, and trade secrets. It is a phrase of convenience
rather than a term of art; its precise boundaries are not
agreed upon, or crucial. Patents, copyrights, and trademarks all predate the term intellectual property, which,
though known in the nineteenth century, was not widely
used until the 1960s. Historically, property was divided
into two classes, real and personal. Real property consisted of interests in land; personal property consisted of
everything else. Personal property included not only tangibles, such as goods, but intangibles such as shares of
stock, rights to receive payment, and copyrights and patents. It was understood by the eighteenth century that
patents and copyrights were socially desirable because potential inventors and authors, unless rewarded, would underinvest in inventing and writing. Patents and copyrights
provide rewards proportional to the value of the work. By
exploiting monopolies over patentable and copyrightable
subject matter, creators can charge amounts sufcient to
recapture their capital investment plus make a prot; this
is comparable to granting farmers the exclusive rights to
harvest crops that have required labor to plant and tend.
Patents are granted after examination by the Patent
Ofce and confer twenty (previously seventeen) years of
monopoly rights in works that have the characteristics of
utility, novelty, and nonobviousness. Copyrights arise
upon embodiment of works of authorship in a tangible
medium and now last for much longer than previously;
today, in most cases, they endure for the life of the author
plus seventy years. Registration, though desirable, is not
essential.
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I N T E L L I G E N C E , M I L I T A RY A N D S T R AT E G I C
Trademarks are usually counted as intellectual property but have quite a different rationale and arise differently from either patents or copyrights. The reason for
protecting trademarks is not to promote investment in
their creation but to protect consumers from being deceived as to the origin of goods bearing them. Trademark
rights develop as consumers associate the marks on the
goods with a single source. Courts have often said trademark rights are not property rights but are part of tort
law (though recent developments arguably render trademarks more propertylike). Whatever the theory, the practice persists of calling trademarks a species of intellectual
property, if only because the same lawyers who do patent
and copyright work also advise on trademark questions.
Trade secret law confers on those who manage to
keep valuable information to themselves the competitive
advantage of exclusive access to that information. It is arguably tort law, rather than property law, but since the
subject matter of the secret is often identical to the subject
matter of the patent or copyright, its designation as intellectual property is not surprising.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chisum, Donald S., and Michael A. Jacobs. Understanding Intellectual Property Law. New York: Matthew Bender, 1992.
Halpern, Sheldon W., Craig Allen Nard, and Kenneth L. Port.
Fundamentals of United States Intellectual Property Law: Copyright, Patent, and Trademark. The Hague, Netherlands:
Kluwer Law International, 1999.
John A. Kidwell
See also Copyright; Patents and U.S. Patent Office;
Trademarks.
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY AND STRATEGIC. Military and strategic intelligence includes the
collecting, processing, analyzing, evaluating, integrating,
and interpreting openly or covertly acquired information
about foreign countries and areas, regions of actual or
potential military operations, and hostile or potentially
hostile forces. Military intelligence has to be related to
and signicant to military operations and planning; strategic intelligence is used in formulating policy on national
and international levels. The intelligence community in
the United States consists of the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA); the National Security Agency (NSA);
the Defense Intelligence Agency; the State Departments
Bureau of Intelligence and Research; the National Reconnaissance Ofce; the intelligence agencies of the army,
navy, and air force; and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The Department of the Treasury and the
Department of Energy have limited intelligence capabilities and missions as well. Almost exclusive reliance on
data collected by human sources (HUMINT) was superseded in importance in the last decades of the twentieth
century by signals intelligence (SIGINT), communica-
376
I N T E L L I G E N C E , M I L I T A RY A N D S T R AT E G I C
quired, must be collated, scrutinized, and processed; technically procured data may require translation, decryption,
interpretation, and computer analysis. The National Intelligence Estimate is the highest form of nished national intelligence. It usually reects the consensus of the
intelligence community and often attempts to predict a
potential adversarys course.
During most of the Cold War, intelligence focused
on the Soviet Union. Since the 1990s it has shifted to
international arms and drug trafcking, to transnational
crime and concentrated on so-called rogue state (Iran,
Iraq, and North Korea among them). After the terrorist
attacks on the United States in September 2001, international terrorism has received increased attention by the
intelligence community.
Failures and Oversight
Intelligence estimates, however, have hardly been foolproof. In 1962, the American intelligence community
failed to predict the movement of Soviet missiles into
Cuba. The CIAs large-scale involvement in Vietnam resulted in a major dispute in 1967 between the army command in Vietnam and CIA analysts about the number of
enemy troops. Coupled with the CIAs pessimism about
long-term prospects for military success, it undermined
the armys claim to be winning the war. CIA appraisals
did not alert government ofcials to the fall of the shah
of Iran in 1979 or to the collapse of the Soviet Union in
1991. In the 1980s, CIA Director William Casey was suspected of slanting CIA estimates for political reasons, especially with regard to the Soviet Union and Nicaragua.
Given Caseys belief and that of President Ronald Reagan
that the Soviet Union was bent on subjugating the world,
it is not surprising that the CIA or the intelligence community rarely argued that Soviet capabilities were much
lower than projected.
Oversight of U.S. intelligence began with the establishment of a permanent Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in 1976 and the creation the following year of
the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
These committees were established following the investigations of previous congressional committees into intelligence community abuses including domestic spying
and illegal and unethical programs, such as kidnappings
and assassinations of foreign leaders. Both committees reviewed budgets, programs, and covert activities. The
Iran-Contra investigations of 1986 and 1987, which revealed an elaborate Reagan administration plan to sell
arms to Iran in exchange for the release of U.S. hostages
in Lebanon and the diversion of funds from these transactions to support the Contras in Nicaragua, shattered
whatever progress the intelligence community had made
toward regaining the trust of Congress. The Reagan administration promised a new era of cooperation with
Congress, and the administrations of George H. W. Bush
and Bill Clinton attempted to maintain cooperative relations. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s also
Andrew, Christopher M. For the Presidents Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency from Washington to
Bush. New York: HarperCollins, 1995.
Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. Cloak and Dollar: A History of American
Secret Intelligence. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University
Press, 2002.
May, Ernest R., ed. Knowing Ones Enemies: Intelligence Assessment
before the Two World Wars. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984.
Watson, Bruce W., Susan M. Watson, and Gerald W. Hopple,
eds. United States Intelligence: An Encyclopedia. New York:
Garland, 1990.
Gerald Haines
Michael Wala
377
INTELLIGENCE TESTS
INTELLIGENCE TESTS. Although the tests created specically to gauge intelligence were introduced to
the United States in the early twentieth century, their
roots go back much farther, even to exams in ancient
China. The American tests, however, emerged directly
from the work of nineteenth-century English scientists
who were laying the foundation for the eld of psychometrics: the scientic approach to measurement of psychological characteristics.
Early European Testing and the
Stanford-Binet Test
Sir Francis Galton produced the rst systematic investigations of the concept of intelligence. Galton seemed
uniquely qualied for this task, as he was known for collecting and quantifying massive amounts of data. Galtons
statistical analyses included seemingly random and subjective assessments. Nonetheless, his groundbreaking pronouncement endures: that intelligence is a trait normally
distributed among populations. A normal distribution
means that most people were of average intelligence,
while a minority fell above or below this middle range.
Plotting this distribution resulted in the formation of the
now familiar bell curve.
Reecting popular nineteenth-century theories of
evolution, including those of his cousin, Charles Darwin,
Galton viewed intelligence as a single, inherited trait. His
landmark 1869 publication, Hereditary Genius, established
the parameters of the scientic investigation of mental
processes for years to come; his understanding of intelligence as a xed and predetermined entity would remain
largely unchallenged for nearly a century.
Eager to further explore Galtons ideas, psychologist
James McKeen Cattell returned from his studies in Europe
to the University of Pennsylvania in the late 1880s and
began his own work. Cattells mental tests, a term he
introduced, reected his skills at statistical analysis. Similar
to Galtons, however, his tests ultimately failed to show any
real correlation between scores and demonstrated achievement. Still, Cattells work earned growing recognition and
respect for the emerging eld of psychology.
The earliest intelligence tests to move beyond the
theoretical and into the practical realm were the work of
the French researcher Alfred Binet. The passage of a 1904
law requiring that all children attend school prompted the
French government to decide what to do with children
who could not keep up with classroom work. Binet and
his colleague, Theodore Simon, set out to devise a test as
a means of identifying these students, who would then
receive tutoring or be placed in alternative classes.
Binets rst test was published in 1905. Like its subsequent revisions, this early version asked students to
demonstrate prociency at a variety of skills. Starting with
the most basic and increasing in difculty, they were designed to measure childrens vocabulary and their ability
to understand simple concepts and identify relationships
between words. An age level or norm was assigned to
378
INTELLIGENCE TESTS
379
INTEREST GROUPS
ativityto form his triarchic theory of intelligence. Sternbergs theory has advanced the notion that psychological
assessments move beyond the written test toward those
that seek measures of practical knowledge that guide our
day-to-day experiences. Also believing that traditional
IQ tests ignore critical components of intelligence, Howard Garner has introduced what he calls multiple intelligences, which range from musical ability to selfawareness. Not surprisingly, Gardner is among those who
advocate more expansive interpretations of intelligence,
suggesting decreased reliance on the standardized tests of
the past and more emphasis on real-life performance.
Experts continue to explore the concept of intelligence. New lines of inquiry widen the scope of investigation and questions abound. Should traits of character
and morality be examined? Should the ability to form
emotional bonds and display musical talent be considered? Will more comprehensive approaches replace shortanswer tests? And does the ability to determine ones IQ
necessarily dene how this score should be used? Studies
are moving beyond the realm of psychological inquiry.
Increasingly sophisticated ways of measuring brain activity suggest new modes of interpretation while technological advances have produced an articial intelligence
that previous generations of researchers could barely
imagine. While we may be no closer to nding a universally accepted denition of intelligence, clearly the quest
to do so remains.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
380
INTEREST GROUPS
ufacturers, the Business Roundtable, the National Federation of Independent Business, and the Chamber of
Commerce have all claimed to be the voice of business; a
similar competitive situation could be described among
farmers organizations (the National Farmers Union, the
American Farm Bureau, the National Farmers Organization, plus numerous organizations representing producers of a single commodity) and environmental groups
(the Sierra Club, Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace,
World Wildlife Fund, and many others).
Throughout American history, different types of interest groups have been brought to prominence as the
products of socioeconomic changes, social movements,
and government policies. The recurring economic crises
of American agriculture from the late nineteenth century
onward prompted the creation of a succession of agricultural interest groupsthe Grange, the American Farm
Bureau Federation, and the National Farmers Union.
Craft unions representing skilled workers became established in the late nineteenth century; not until the 1930s
did industrial unions representing less skilled workers
reach a secure footing, largely through the help of the
federal government. The major social movements of the
late twentieth century also left an impact. Civil rights
groups came to prominence in the 1960s, followed by
groups representing women (especially the National Organization for Women [NOW]), consumers, and environmentalists. Business interest groups, seeking to counter
the inuence of unions and public-interest groups, set the
pace in terms of fund-raising and organization in the
1980s and 1990s. While some of these interest groups
have since seen their inuence decline, all retain an important presence in American politics today. The interestgroup landscape thus reects a complex geology in which,
like different rocks, different interest groups are created
by a variety of forces.
Interest groups have used a wide array of tactics over
the years, ranging from campaigning in elections to bribery. The most obvious tactics used today are lobbying
and making campaign contributions. All major interest
groupssuch as the American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO),
the Business Roundtable, and individual companies such
as Exxon Mobil or DuPontemploy professionals whose
job is to persuade legislators and executive-branch ofcials of the wisdom and justice of the groups case. Most
studies of lobbyists have concluded that the most effective
lobbyists are those who have established a long-term relationship of trust and condence between themselves
and the legislators with whom they deal. Most lobbyists
feel that they are more likely to gain a hearing for their
arguments if their interest group makes campaign contributions to the politicians with whom they deal. Since
1974, campaign contributions made directly to candidates
(known as hard money) must be made through political
action committees (PACS) that are linked to the interest
group but legally separated from its general funds. Con-
381
I N T E R E S T L AW S
Goldstein, Kenneth M. Interest Groups, Lobbying, and Participation in America. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University
Press, 1999.
Hamilton, Alexander, James Madison, and John Jay. The Federalist Papers. Edited by Isaac Kramnick. Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1987.
Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. Edited by J.P.
Mayer. New York: Harper and Row, 1988.
Wilson, Graham K. Interest Groups. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.
Graham K. Wilson
See also Lobbies.
382
I N T E R I O R , D E PA RT M E N T O F T H E
383
I N T E R M E D I AT E C R E D I T B A N K S
384
The Bureau of Indian Affairs fullls its responsibilities to, and promotes self-determination on behalf of,
American Indians and their tribal governments. The BIA
provides an array of services comparable to most of those
provided by county and local governments. The BIA was
created in 1824 as part of the War Department and transferred to the DOI in 1849.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Babbitt, Bruce. Science: Opening the Next Chapter of Conservation History. Science 267, no. 5206 (1995): 1954.
Ofce of the Federal Register, National Archives and Records
Administration. United States Government Manual. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Ofce, 20012002.
I N T E R N AT I O N A L B R O T H E R H O O D O F T E A M S T E R S
Kris Mitchener
INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF
TEAMSTERS began on 27 January 1899, when the
American Federation of Labor (AFL) issued a charter to
the 1,700 members of the Team Drivers International
Union (TDIU). While today teamsters are associated
with trucks, the term originally referred to those who
drove teams of horses. Organizations other than TDIU
still represented teamsters, including the Teamsters National Union, which included team owners as well as drivers, and Chicagos International Team Drivers Union,
which formed in 1903 to exclude owners. Competing un-
385
I N T E R N AT I O N A L B R O T H E R H O O D O F T E A M S T E R S
Labor Troubles. Violence during the 1934 Teamsters strike in Minneapolis, Minn. About 200
were injured in clashes with the police and National Guard.
386
million mark in 1976. Deregulation of the trucking industry began in 1980, which created a steady decline in
Teamster membership. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s
attacks by business and government, along with economic
globalization, severely impacted the labor movement, and
the Teamsters. IBT President Roy Williams was convicted of bribing a U.S. senator in 1982, and President
Jackie Presser was indicted for embezzling union funds.
The IBT sought shelter under the AFL-CIO umbrella,
and rejoined the organization in 1988. IBT President
William McCarthy signed a 1989 consent decree settling
a federal government racketeering suit, and a court-appointed trustee supervised the rst direct election of union ofcers in 1991. Won by Ronald R. Carey, a former
United Parcel Service (UPS) worker and New York City
local union president, the union again changed its name,
reverting to the original International Brotherhood of
Teamsters. Carey won reelection in 1996 and led a successful national strike at UPS in 1997, providing a boost
to the sagging labor movement. One signicant national
issue Carey addressed was the use of part-time workers.
The victory was short lived, as the government overseer
controlling the union ruled that Carey participated in a
plan to funnel dues money into his 1996 reelection campaign. Carey was barred from running in a special election, and James P. Hoffa Jr., son of the former IBT leader,
became president. By 1998 membership stabilized at 1.4
I N T E R N AT I O N A L C O U RT O F J U S T I C E
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archive Photos/Films
Tony Freyer / a. r.
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
John Cashman
See also Labor; Trade Unions.
387
I N T E R N AT I O N A L G E O P H Y S I C A L Y E A R
(3) by advance consent to the so-called compulsory jurisdiction court on terms specied by the state concerned.
The court also has the power to render advisory opinions
at the request of international institutions such as the UN
General Assembly.
Located in The Hague, the ICJ is the successor to
the Permanent Court of International Justice, an organ
of the League of Nations, which itself was the culmination
of earlier international movements to promote international arbitration as an alternative to armed conict. After
World War II, the United States became party to the statute and accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the court
on terms specied by the Senate, including the famous
Connally amendment, in which the United States declined to give its consent to disputes with regard to matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction
of the United States of America, as determined by the
United States of America. Over the subsequent decade
and a half the United States unsuccessfully initiated a series of cases against the USSR, Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
and Bulgaria concerning aerial incidents in Europe. The
court as a whole had relatively few cases on its docket
during the 1960s, but the United States successfully appealed to the ICJ to vindicate its position as a matter of
legal right during the Iranian hostage crisis.
A case initiated by Nicaragua in 1984 challenging
U.S. support of the Contra militias and the mining of
Nicaraguan ports proved to be a watershed in U.S. dealings with the court. After vigorously and unsuccessfully
contesting the courts jurisdiction in a preliminary phase,
the United States declined to appear on the merits and
subsequently withdrew its consent to the compulsory jurisdiction of the court in 1985. However, the United
States continues to be party to cases relying on other jurisdictional grounds.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David A. Wirth
See also League of Nations; United Nations.
388
(IGY). The IGY and IGC attempted simultaneous observations in eleven elds of earth, near-earth, and solar
physics: aurora and airglow, cosmic rays, geomagnetism,
glaciology, gravity, ionospheric physics, latitude and longitude determination, meteorology, oceanography, seismology, and solar activity. The IGY oversaw the launching of the rst articial earth satellites, inaugurating the
age of space exploration.
International cooperation in science began in the
1830s with the networks of scientic observers organized
by Karl Friedrich Gauss in Germany to observe and record geomagnetic changes, and by W. Whewell and Sir
John W. Lubbock in England to make tidal observations.
Because observations in high northern latitudes could not
be made routinely, Lt. Karl Weyprecht of the Austrian
Navy organized the First International Polar Year in
18821883, during which scientists and military men
from ten European countries and the United States operated twelve stations in the Arctic and two in the Antarctic. The American stations were at Point Barrow,
Alaska, and at Grinnell Land in the Canadian Arctic. The
rescue of the latters observers (under army Lt. A. W.
Greely) is famous in the annals of polar exploration. Fifty
years later the Second International Polar Year (1932
1933) saw fourteen countries (twelve from Europe, plus
the United States and Canada) occupy twenty-seven stations, again mostly in the Arctic. Of the scientic publications that resulted, more came from the United States
than from any other country.
By 1950, the rapid advances in geophysics and the
need to restore the international network of scientists that
had been ruptured by World War II led Lloyd V. Berkner
of the United States to propose another international polar year to be held only twenty-ve years after the previous one, in 19571958. The international scientic
bodies to whom he referred his proposal, organized under
the umbrella International Council of Scientic Unions,
broadened it to include the entire earth; thus the IGY
replaced its predecessors limited programs with a comprehensive program of observations in elds where data
recorded simultaneously at many places could yield a picture of the whole planet. Scientists occupied more than
2,500 stations worldwide at a cost of about $500 million.
Two of the most prominent achievements of the IGY
were the discovery of the Van Allen radiation belts and the
calculation of a new, pear-shaped model of the shape of the
earth. Both these results came from rocket-launched satellites, the IGYs most spectacular new feature. So successful was the IGY that it has been followed by a number of
other cooperative research programs, including the International Year of the Quiet Sun (19641965), the International Hydrological Decade (19651975), and the International Decade of Ocean Exploration (19701980).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
International Council of Scientic Unions. Annals of the International Geophysical Year. London, New York: Pergamon
Press, 19571970.
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L A B O R O R G A N I Z AT I O N
Sullivan, Walter. Assault on the Unknown: The International Geophysical Year. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961.
Wilson, J. Tuzo. I.G.Y.: The Year of the New Moons. New York:
Knopf, 1961.
Roger Burlingame / c. w.
See also Agricultural Machinery; Antitrust Laws; McCormick
Reaper.
James T. Scott
See also Communist Party, United States of America; Industrial Workers of the World; Sacco-Vanzetti Case; Scottsboro Case.
389
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L A D I E S G A R M E N T W O R K E R S U N I O N
International Labor Organization (ILO) is the only surviving creation of the Treaty of Versailles. In 1946 the
ILO became the rst agency of the United Nations.
The ILO formulates international labor standards,
aiming to establish basic labor rights such as a prohibition
on forced labor; the right to organize; the right to bargain
collectively; and the right to equal opportunity across ethnic, racial, and gender differences. Western powers
founded the ILO with the goal of diffusing the appeal of
Bolshevism and harnessing the wartime loyalties of labor
movements to a reformist internationalism; they also emphasized the practical importance of multilateral cooperation in the arena of labor reformsweated labor in one
country endangered decent labor standards among its
competitors.
The United States, which never joined the League
of Nations, did not join the ILO until 1934. However,
Samuel Gompers, head of the American Federation of
Labor, chaired the Labor Commission created by the
1919 Peace Conference to draft the ILO Constitution,
which established the tripartite principle of organization that remains the ILOs cornerstone. Under tripartismwhich makes the ILO unique among the UN and
other international agenciesnot only governments, but
also workers and employers are represented (in a 2:1:1
ratio) in the ILO.
Tripartism proved the heart of U.S.-ILO tensions
from the early 1950s through 1977, when the United
States withdrew from the ILO. Interpreting tripartism to
mean independent workers and employers representatives, the United States complained that Soviet, Eastern
European, and some Third World union and employers
representatives were voting on government instructions.
The issue was a thorny one: the ILO Credentials Committee pointed out in 1954 that refusing to admit . . .
persons duly nominated by their government . . . on the
ground that the state concerned had a socialized economy
would be an unwarranted interpretation of the [ILO] Constitution. Moreover, observers noted that U.S. representatives had not objected to the seating of governmentcontrolled trade unions from Francos Spain.
Another source of controversy lay in the ILOs expanding agenda from traditional labor standards to broader
questions of political economy, full employment, development policies, and human rights concernswhich
owed from the increasing proportion of Third World
nations among ILO members. The United States objected, partly on ideological grounds, partly because its
representatives believed that the changes distracted the
organization from its traditional focus upon veriable
commitments to specic rights and freedoms. Injured by
the loss of U.S. dues, which accounted for one-quarter of
the organizations budget, the ILO trimmed its sails, and
the United States rejoined in 1980.
At the end of the twentieth century, the ILO enjoyed
membership from over 160 nations, and had concluded
390
183 conventions. The ILOs main enforcement mechanism was publicitythe organizations stately hearings
and reports continued to expose member nations labor
laws and practices to scrutiny. The need for international
labor standards was never greater than in the era of globalization, and the ILOs strongest supporters continue to
lament the absence of stronger means of enforcement.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
William E. Forbath
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations; Child Labor; Labor; Labor Legislation and Administration; League of Nations; Wages
and Hours of Labor, Regulation of.
INTERNATIONAL LADIES GARMENT WORKERS UNION (ILGWU), founded in 1900, a major factor in American labor, radical, socialist, and Jewish history. The rst leaders of the ILGWU, moderate Jewish
socialists and labor veterans, were the victorious survivors
of many years of labor struggles and internecine political
warfare in the New York garment industry, which had
been inundated by immigrant Jewish greenhorns. These
Columbus tailors found their advocate in Abraham Cahans Jewish Daily Forward, which was struggling to assimilate them into socialist-avored Americanism.
As a small, moribund, craft-minded organization, the
early ILGWU narrowly beat off an Industrial Workers of
the World (IWW) challenge in 19051907. But an immigrant ood revitalized the Jewish labor movement in
the aftermath of the 1905 Russian Revolution. Radicalized by the revolution and trained in trade unionism by
the Jewish Labor Bund, this huge wave of immigrants
waged a series of mass garment strikes. The 19091910
rising of the twenty thousand in the New York shirtwaist industry was the rst mass strike of women workers
in American history. The weak ILGWU left much of the
day-to-day administration of the strike in the hands of
rank-and-le workers, laborite-feminist activists from the
Womens Trade Union League, and woman volunteers
from the Socialist Party (SP). The success of the strike
paved the way for the unionizing great revolt of fty
thousand New York cloak makers, mostly males, in 1910,
which established the ILGWU as the third-largest member of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) by
1914.
The great revolt was resolved through a protocol
of peace, brokered by Louis Brandeis, that was widely
hailed as the Progressive Era model for permanent cooperation between capital and labor. This Progressive
pipe dream broke down rapidly. The ILGWU was shaken
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L A D I E S G A R M E N T W O R K E R S U N I O N
Enduring Symbol. Fifty years after the Triangle Shirtwaist re of 1911, New York City garment workers sit in front of a poster of
some of the victims, whose deaths galvanized the labor movementthe International Ladies Garment Workers Union in
particular. Associated Press/World Wide Photos
391
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L A D I E S G A R M E N T W O R K E R S U N I O N
Memorial Procession. Horses draped in mourning capes lead workers and other sympathizers
marching on 5 April 1911 in memory of the 146 garment workers who died eleven days earlier in
the Triangle Shirtwaist Company re in New York City. Library of Congress
the industry. The ILGWU leader David Dubinsky, a veteran of the Jewish Labor Bund, became one of Americas
most important union leaders. A Tammany politician
quipped that the Jews have drei veltndi velt, yene velt,
un Roosevelt (three worldsthis world, the other world,
and Roosevelt). Consequently, during the Holocaust the
ILGWU did not militantly challenge Roosevelts refusal
to admit Jewish refugees. As late as 1947 hourly wages for
ILGWU members were higher than wages for autoworkers. The New Deal alliance between the Roosevelt administration and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which shaped later American trade unionism,
was molded on the template of the special relationship
between Roosevelt and Jewish Socialist needle trades ofcials like Dubinsky.
During the Roosevelt and Truman administrations
the ILGWU pioneered many hallmarks of American unionism. But while most American workers experienced
dramatically increased prosperity in the Eisenhower era,
ILGWU leaders, fearful of nonunion competition, orchestrated a decline in garment wage levels that made the
ILGWU notorious for ghting for lower wages. The
ILGWU experienced a major demographic transformation. Jews exited the shop oor, replaced by blacks, Puerto
Ricans, and eventually Asians. By 2002, Jews in the garment industry were predominantly union ofcers or
employers.
After World War II the ILGWU, in close collaboration with the U.S. government, threw its considerable
resources into the struggle against communism. Lovestone became the ILGWU director of international af-
392
fairs and the key personal link between the AFL-CIO, led
by George Meany, a Dubinsky protege, and the Central
Intelligence Agency. After Dubinsky retired in 1966, the
ILGWU became one of the foremost labor opponents of
foreign imports.
In the late twentieth century the rapidly declining
ILGWU attempted to organize new immigrant sweatshop labor and defended the rights of undocumented
workers. But the old pattern of collaboration with employers to protect the industry persisted. Indeed, some
Hong Kong sweatshops moved to New York in the 1980s
and set up as union shops. Former ILGWU ofcials dominated The Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile
Employees, which was formed in 1995 through a merger
of the ILGWU with the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union, an old rival based in the mens clothing industry.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L AW
INTERNATIONAL LAW is traditionally understood to be the law governing the relations among sovereign states, the primary subjects of international law.
Strictly speaking, this denition refers to public international law, to be contrasted with private international law,
which concerns non-state actors such as individuals and
corporations. Public international law originates from a
number of sources, which are both created by and govern
the behavior of states. Treaties or international agreements are a familiar source of international law, and are
the counterpart of domestic contracts, which create rules
for the states that accept them. Customary international
law, which has fewer analogues in domestic law but which
is binding as a matter of international law, originates from
a pattern of state practice motivated by a sense of legal
right or obligation. Particularly since World War II, international institutions and intergovernmental organizations whose members are states, most notably the United
Nations (UN), have become a principal vehicle for making, applying, implementing and enforcing public international law.
The United States is a modied dualist legal system, which means that international law does not necessarily operate as domestic law. In fact, both the Congress
and the president may violate international law under certain circumstances. Similarly, the Constitution is held superior to international law in the event of an outright
conict, and in such cases the courts will recognize the
primacy of domestic legal authorities over international
law. Article I, section 8 of the Constitution apportions
certain exclusive powers related to foreign relations and
international law to the Congress. These include the authority to declare war, to regulate international trade, to
establish and maintain an army and navy and to establish
rules governing them, and to dene and punish Piracies
and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences
against the Law of Nations. Otherwise, the president, as
commander in chief and chief executive, exercises considerable unenumerated powers in such areas as the recognition of foreign states and governments, and is the sole
organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole
representative with foreign nations (United States v.
Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 1936).
393
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L AW
impressing U.S. sailors into the British navy, both precipitating factors leading to the War of 1812. During the
Civil War, the United States was similarly assertive in
pressing the duties of neutral states, most famously in the
Treaty of Washington (1871) and the subsequent Alabama
arbitration (1872), which established the liability of Great
Britain for violating its legal status as a neutral state by
allowing private parties under its jurisdiction to build and
outt vessels of war for the Confederacy. Since the late
eighteenth century, the U.S. Supreme Court has advanced
the development of international law in such areas as the
immunity of foreign governments from suit.
The United States also substantially contributed to
the use of international arbitration as a mechanism for the
peaceful settlement of disputes between states. The Treaty
of Amity Commerce and Navigation with Britain, popularly know as Jays Treaty (1794), designed to address
certain unsettled issues remaining after the American War
of Independence, contained a number of arbitration clauses
that were important developments in international law
and practice. In the latter part of the nineteenth century,
the United States and Great Britain conducted arbitration
over fur seals in the Bering Sea (1893), and the AmericanMexican Mixed Claims Commission, established by international convention in 1868, adjudicated more than
200 claims between 1871 and 1876.
In the late 1800s, the United States approach to international law was inuenced by peace movements advocating international arbitration as a mechanism for settling disputes and as an alternative to armed force. These
trends bore fruit in the form of the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907, of which the former established the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The United
States, however, failed to participate in the next major
step in the development of international arbitration: the
establishment of the Permanent Court of International
Justice (PCIJ) under the auspices of the League of Nations in 1920. Although the Senate failed to approve U.S.
membership in the League of Nations, the United States
signed the agreement establishing the PCIJ. A protocol
was adopted in 1929 amending the PCIJs Statute, the
institutions governing instrument, in a manner intended
be responsive to the concerns of the U.S. Senate so as to
permit U.S. accession. That agreement, however, failed
to receive the necessary two-thirds majority in a Senate
vote in 1935. Nonetheless, a judge of U.S. nationality
served on the court throughout its existence, which terminated at the end of World War II. In the interwar period, the United States also articulated and asserted an
international standard of prompt, adequate and effective
compensation as a remedy for governmental expropriation of foreign nations property, a matter that continues
to be both highly relevant and controversial in the law of
foreign investment.
In the latter part of the twentieth century, dominated
by the Cold War and the emergence of the United States
as a global superpower, the United States continued in its
394
I N T E R N AT I O N A L L O N G S H O R E M E N S A N D WA R E H O U S E M E N S U N I O N
Heere, Wybo P., ed. International Law and Its Sources. Boston:
Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers, 1989.
Henkin, Louis. How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy. New
York: Praeger, 1968.
Higgins, Rosalyn. Problems and Process: International Law and
How We Use It. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Janis, Mark W. An Introduction to International Law. 3d ed. Gaithersburg, Md.: Aspen Law and Business, 1999.
Jessup, Philip C. Transnational Law. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1956.
Kaplan, Morton A., and Nicholas deB. Katzenbach. The Political
Foundations of International Law. New York: Wiley, 1961.
Lauterpacht, Hersch. The Function of Law in the International
Community. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1966.
Maris, Gary L. International Law: An Introduction. Lanham, Md.:
University Press of America, 1984.
McDougal, Myres S., and W. Michael Reisman. International
Law in Contemporary Perspective: The Public Order of the
World Community. Mineola, N.Y.: Foundation Press, 1981.
Nussbaum, Arthur. A Concise History of the Law of Nations. New
York: Macmillan, 1954.
Oppenheim, Lassa. Oppenheims International Law. 9th ed. Edited
by Robert Jennings and Arthur Watts. Essex, England:
Longman, 1992.
Restatement (Third) of the Foreign Relations Law of the United
States. St. Paul, Minn.: American Law Institute Publishers,
1987.
David A. Wirth
See also International Court of Justice; United Nations.
395
I N T E R N AT I O N A L M O N E T A RY F U N D
uting to this was the Communist Partys diminishing inuence resulting from growing Cold War political consensus. A new look approach to collective bargaining
marked an era of harmonious labor-employer relations,
which was highlighted by the 1960 Mechanization and
Modernization Agreement. Virtually suspending existing
work rules, it reduced the size of the labor force, provided
no-layoff guarantees, and started a longshoremen retirement plan. Although company-ILWU cooperation generally prevailed throughout this period, ILWU politics
remained leftist. The union strongly supported the civil
rights actions of the 1950s, and in 1967 the ILWU passed
a resolution calling for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from
Vietnam.
While the ILWU battled in the political trenches, the
increasing rationalization of the maritime industry, which
included the introduction of containerized shipping, led
to a breakdown of the mechanization and modernization
agreement. In 1971, the ILWU struck for 135 days, ending the period of company-union cooperation. The nal
agreement resulted in a substantial workforce reduction,
and, as a result, in 1988 ILWU rank-and-leseeking
strength in numbersvoted to afliate with the AFLCIO. The unions radical legacy and its continued democratic practices, such as electing its president by the full
membership, placed the ILWU to the left of most AFLCIO unions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Norman Cauleld
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations; Industrial Workers of the World;
Strikes; Trade Unions.
396
INTERNET
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Marie D. Connolly
Donald L. Kemmerer / a. g.
See also Banking; Banks, Export-Import; Bretton Woods
Conference; Corporations; Dumbarton Oaks Conference; Foreign Aid.
Jameson, Elizabeth. All That Glitters: Class, Conict, and Community in Cripple Creek. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1998.
Mercier, Laurie. Instead of Fighting the Common Enemy:
Mine Mill versus the Steelworkers in Montana, 1950
1967. Labor History 40, no. 4 (1999): 459480.
Zieger, Robert H. The CIO, 19351955. Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1995.
Timothy G. Borden
INTERNET. Arguably the most important communications tool ever created, the Internet connects millions
of people to online resources each day. Grown from seeds
planted during the Cold War, the roots of the Internet
were formed to develop a reliable, national system for
communications. Although early pioneers disagree over
whether the computer-based communications network
was built to withstand nuclear attack, the uneasy tension
between the United States and the Soviet Union during
the Cold War certainly increased the resolve of the
United States to fund and develop relevant scientic and
defense-related projects aimed at national security.
Home to many of the preeminent scientists of the
time, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)
served as the birthplace of the Internet. It was there, in
Cambridge, Massachusetts, that President Harry Trumans
administration formed MITs Lincoln Laboratories to begin work on the Semi-Automatic Ground Environment.
397
INTERNET
398
I N T E R N M E N T, WA RT I M E
Michael Regoli
See also Communications Industry; Computers and Computer Industry; Electronic Mail; National Science
Foundation.
399
I N T E R S T AT E C O M M E R C E C O M M I S S I O N
400
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Roger Daniels
See also Geneva Conventions; Japanese American Incarceration; and vol. 9: The Japanese Internment Camps,
1942.
I N T E R S T AT E C O M M E R C E L AW S
R. Dale Grinder
See also Federal Agencies; Granger Cases; Granger Movement; Interstate Commerce Laws; Interstate Trade
Barriers; Restraint of Trade; Transportation Act of
1920.
401
I N T E R S T AT E C O M M E R C E L AW S
402
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I N T E R S T AT E H I G H WAY S Y S T E M
George C. S. Benson / c. p.
See also Port Authority of New York and New Jersey; State
Sovereignty.
403
I N T E R S T AT E H I G H WAY S Y S T E M
Interstate Highway. This 1972 photograph by Charles ORear shows Interstate 8 cutting through
farmland in the Imperial Valley, in the southeastern corner of California. National Archives and
Records Administration
gram. Congress added 1,000 miles to the system, established a trust fund, and raised the federal share of project
costs to 90 percent. Funding increased to $1 billion in
1957, with accelerating authorizations through 1969. Congress also added 1,500 miles in 1968, bringing the total
to 42,500 miles. Another several hundred miles were
added as continuation mileage, but these links were not
eligible for interstate funds. With new funding and high
federal shares, construction began in earnest. Expenditures reached $1.25 billion in 1958 and nearly $2 billion
in 1959. At $2.6 billion in 1963, the interstate accounted
for 73 percent of all Federal Highway Administration
(FHWA) expenditures. Outlays increased steadily, peaking at $4.1 billion in 1986 and 1988, though the program
had slipped to less than 50 percent of all FHWA outlays.
The interstate program enjoyed strong public support, but some groups soon characterized it and the urban
renewal program as urban removal of low-income neighborhoods. Early criticism was perceived as obstructing
progress, but opposition increased among the displaced,
environmentalists, academics, and others, especially over
new urban projects, some of which were never built. In
response, beginning in 1962, Congress steadily increased
the role of local governments in the program, particularly
in urbanized areas, and increased planning requirements
to ensure consideration of environmental effects and transit alternatives. After 1973, states needed local governments approval for urban interstate projects. Later, with
404
local agreement, states could transfer funds from one highway program to another and could nance transit construction with interstate funds. The interstate program nanced much of the subsequent expansion in urban rail
systems. Congress also raised the federal share on noninterstate highways to 70 percent in 1973, then to 80 percent,
equaling the federal share for transit construction.
Simultaneously, most of the interstate system approached completion. By 1980, the goal of a new system
of superhighways had essentially been achieved. Controversial urban links accounted for most remaining mileage. In 1981, Congress began redirecting funds from new
construction to preservation through resurfacing, restoration, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of existing mileage (4R). Bridge replacement needs also began to reduce the role of new interstate construction.
Finally, the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efciency Act (ISTEA) of 1991 fundamentally restructured
the entire federal-aid highway program. Those changes
have been reinforced in subsequent acts. The ISTEA established a 155,000-mile (260,000-kilometer) National
Highway System of arterial highways, including the interstate as a distinct subset. The ISTEA also authorized
forty-two high-priority corridors, some of which have
been added to the interstate system. However, new construction was no longer a core objective. The federal
share on interstate projects changed to 90.66 percent for
I N T E R S T AT E T R A D E B A R R I E R S
Cox, Wendell, and Jean Love. The Best Investment a Nation Ever
Made. Washington, D.C.: Highway Users Federation, 1996.
A history of the interstate system and an assessment of its
economic and social benets.
Gomez-Ibanez, Jose, William B. Tye, and Clifford Winston. Essays in Transportation Economics and Policy. Washington,
D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1999. A discussion of contemporary issues confronting transportation in general in the
United States.
Highway Statistics. Washington, D.C.: Federal Highway Administration, 1947. Annual publication providing data on
highway mileage, travel, and nance.
Robert Matthews
See also Federal-Aid Highway Program; Infrastructure;
Roads; Transportation and Travel.
405
I N T E R U R B A N E L E C T R I C R A I LWAY S
Broadus Mitchell / c. w; a. g.
See also Commerce, Court of; Commerce Clause; LaissezFaire; Supreme Court.
406
INTERVENTION involves the unsolicited interference of one nation in the affairs of another. It may be
directed against a single state, factions within that state,
or interactions among a group of states. It does not necessarily take the form of military action but may involve
economic or social pressure. When applied to international law, the concept can be elusive. Because many relations between states involve elements of coercion, it is
difcult to determine at which point pressure becomes
sufciently coercive as to be deemed intervention. Although states always claim the right to intervene on the
basis of vital interests, they never agree as to what this
term involves.
During most of the nineteenth century, the United
States intervened to consolidate control of the American
mainland, and major instances included successful efforts
to acquire Florida, Texas, and California from Spain and
Mexico. The United States also engaged in efforts to expose China, Japan, and Korea to American trade. For instance, Commodore Matthew C. Perry opened Japan
in 1854 with an armed squadron. Prior to 1899, at least
fty minor incidents took place, usually in the Pacic or
the Caribbean, in which U.S. forces raided pirate villages,
landed marines to protect resident Americans, and bombarded foreign towns in reprisal for offensives directed
toward American traders and missionaries. In 1900, U.S.
troops took part in an international expedition to relieve
Beijing from Chinese revolutionaries called the Boxers.
Because of the Spanish-American War (1898), itself the
result of U.S. pressure upon Spain to liberate Cuba, the
United States gained the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and
Guam. The United States also annexed Hawaii in 1898
and in 1899 took part in the partition of the Samoan Islands, gaining the harbor of Pago Pago. In both cases, the
United States sought to protect trade routes and, in the
case of Hawaii, the economic and political prerogatives
of the powerful American colony there.
By the late nineteenth century, the nations leaders
proclaimed their right to intervene in the Western Hemisphere. During the Venezuela boundary dispute, Secretary of State Richard Olney claimed on 20 July 1895,
The United States is practically sovereign on this continent, and its at is law upon the subjects to which it
connes its interposition. In his corollary to the Monroe
Doctrine, rst set forth in 1904, President Theodore
Roosevelt issued a unilateral declaration asserting the
U.S. prerogative to exercise international police power
in the Western Hemisphere.
The Caribbean was a particular focal point, as the
United States continually sought to protect its isthmian
canal and to create political and nancial stability favorable to its interests. In 1903, Roosevelt sent warships to
the Isthmus of Panama to ensure Panamas successful secession from Colombia and thereby to ensure the building of the Panama Canal. President Woodrow Wilson
intervened twice in Mexico, rst in occupying Veracruz
in 1914 after an alleged insult to American seamen and
I N T E RV E N T I O N
Justus D. Doenecke
407
INTOLERABLE ACTS
Lewis, Charles Lee. The Romantic Decatur. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1937.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Edward Countryman
See also Boston Tea Party; Revolution, American.
408
INUIT
Inuit Education. Early-twentieth-century students stand outside a public school in Kivalina, a small Inuit village on the
northwestern coast of Alaska. Library of Congress
was essential to survival. Social networking within the extended family and between extended families within the
village served as the mediator of power. More recently,
Inuit people began to organize themselves at the village
level, the regional level, and the international level in order to interact with their colonial governments, but the
importance of the family persists.
The Inuit economy before European development
was one of subsistence. Sea and land mammals, including
whales, walrus, seals, and in some areas, caribou, were the
staple targets of hunts. Most Inuit technology, including
harpoons, stone oil lamps, dogsleds, skin boats, water resistant boots, and tailored clothing, served either the tasks
of the hunt or the tasks of the home. Individual contribution to the hunt, proper sharing of the yield with the
elderly and inrm, honesty, and other forms of cooperation for the common good were enforced by general approval or disapproval through social networks rather than
by a government or corporate apparatus. Economic life,
like political life, centered on the familys internal networks and its connections to other families.
The Impact of Colonial Status
Ongoing colonial status has brought changes to Inuit
communities. Missionaries have proselytized among them,
anthropologists have studied them, governments have im-
409
I N V E S T I G AT I N G C O M M I T T E E S
410
Frank C. Shockey
See also Alaska; Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act.
INVESTIGATING COMMITTEES have developed over two centuries into one of Congresss principal
modes of governance. Since the mid-twentieth century,
congressional investigations have grown increasingly spectacular even as they have become commonplace, invading
business, culture, politics, and every other sphere of American life with increasingly powerful tools to compel testimony and production of documents.
Things started episodically. While the U.S. Constitution does not explicitly authorize Congress to conduct
investigations, both the British Parliament and several colonial assemblies had done so repeatedly. In 1792, the rst
congressional investigation under the Constitution had
authority to call for such persons, papers, and records,
as may be necessary to assist their inquiries into the defeat of General Arthur St. Clairs army by Indians in the
northwest. In 1827, Congress enacted a statutory penalty
of up to a $1,000 ne and a year in prison for refusal to
appear, answer questions, or produce documents. But when
the Jacksonian eras so-called Bank War began ve years
later, the House of Representatives declined to launch an
open-ended inquiry into the operations of the Bank of
the United States. On at least one occasion, moreover,
President Andrew Jackson declined to provide information requested by a House committee. In 1859, the Senate
initiated contempt proceedings against a witness who refused to testify during an investigation of John Browns
raid on the federal armory at Harpers Ferry. By the time
I N V E S T M E N T C O M PA N I E S
the nineteenth century closed, the idea had been established that congressional power to investigate reached
both private persons and executive agencies. Congress
had also learned that it was easier to force private persons
to cooperate than the chief executive.
In the rst half of the twentieth century, congressional investigations were aimed more frequently toward
crafting federal legislation. In 1912, for example, the House
Banking and Currency Committee, chaired by Arsene
Paulin Pujo, investigated J. P. Morgan and the money
trust. Pujo Committee ndings were instrumental in
passage of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 and the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914. Senator Gerald Nye led another major investigation in 19341936 that again focused
on Wall Streetalong with munitions manufacturers and
British propagandists. Nyes specic subject was U.S. entry into World War I, and his conclusions led to the Neutrality Acts of the mid- and late 1930s. During World
War II, Senator Harry S. Truman led a third major investigation as chair of the Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program; and from 19391945
Martin Dies led a fourththe Special House Committee
to Investigate Un-American Activities. The latters principal concern was communist inltration of the Franklin
D. Roosevelt administration, especially the New Deals
alphabet agencies.
In World War IIs last year, the House institutionalized Diess mission by creating a standing House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC). The Senate followed in 1951 by creating an Internal Security
Subcommittee (SISS) and allowing Joseph R. McCarthys
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PERM) free
reign. Making use of a new medium, television (as would
Senator Estes Kefauvers investigation of organized crime
in 19501951), all three committees tried to make the
general argument that President Truman and the Democratic Party were soft on communism. HUAC broke
the Alger Hiss case in 1948 and held hearings on communist inltration of the motion-picture industry. Subpoenaed witnesses were always required to name names
(that is, inform on others). Refusal to do so on First
Amendment grounds meant jail for contempt of Congress. Refusal on Fifth Amendment grounds meant that
the witness would stay out of jail but be thrown out of
work and onto the Hollywood blacklist or one of the
other dozen blacklists operating at the time. McCarthy
initially focused in 1950 on communist inltration of the
Department of State. In 1953, he moved on to look for
communists in the United States Army. The televised
Army-McCarthy hearings led to McCarthys demise
largely because President Dwight D. Eisenhower made
his own general argument: the armys work was too important to the nations security to allow irresponsible
congressional investigators to interfere. A few years later,
Attorney General William Rogers coined the term executive privilege to signal White House refusal to cooperate with any congressional request for information.
Executive privilege was more the rule than the exception until the Richard M. Nixon administration (1969
1974) collapsed under the weight of the Watergate scandals. Both the House of Representatives, with Peter Rodino serving as chair, and the Senate, with Sam Ervin
serving as chair, established Watergate investigating committees. Both Houses also established special committees
to explore the intelligence community, best known by the
names of their chairs (Senator Frank Church and Congressman Otis Pike). Other scandals inspired more committees, including the joint committee that investigated
the Ronald Reagan administrations Iran-Contra affair,
and the various committees that endlessly probed the Bill
Clinton administration under the general umbrella investigation called Whitewater.
Two basic questions remain in dispute. First, what are
the parameters of investigating committee authority? The
Supreme Court has been less than a consistent voice here,
generally coming down in favor of executive privilege on
most occasions while opposing the claim when criminal
violation is alleged. The controlling case, United States v.
Nixon (1974), basically held that executive privilege challenges should be heard on a case-by-case basis. Second,
are investigating committees useful tools for Congress
when pursuing its principal legislative mission? Or are
such committees more often than not blunt partisan instruments wielded by majorities against minorities?
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berger, Raoul. Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974.
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., and Roger Bruns, eds. Congress Investigates: A Documented History, 17921974. 5 vols. New
York: Chelsea House, 1975.
Kenneth OReilly
See also Clinton Scandals; McCarthyism.
411
I N V E S T M E N T C O M PA N I E S
412
INVISIBLE MAN
In the mid-1980s another trend began in the investment company movement. Salaried workers and small
business owners stopped making new investments in the
stock market except through mutual funds. Whereas net
purchases of equities by households outside mutual funds
has been negative since the mid-1980s, their purchases of
equities through mutual funds grew from $5 billion in
1984 to a peak of $218 billion in 1996, but was still a hefty
$159 billion in 1999.
On account of the growth of equity funds, in 1985
mutual funds other than money market funds were once
again larger than the money market funds, at $251.7 billion and $243.8 billion, respectively, for a total of $495.5
billion. In 1993, equity funds became larger in value than
money market funds, at $740.7 billion and $565.3 billion,
respectively. In 1999, the total assets of 7,791 mutual
funds reached about $6.8 trillion. Equity and money market funds accounted for a bit more than $4 trillion and
$1.6 trillion of the total, respectively.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Edwin Dickens
See also Banking: Investment Banks; Financial Services Industry; Stock Market.
413
I O WA
victim of his own radical push for the unity of all African
brothers. The narrator illustrates many dichotomies within
and around himself, although they are in fact universal
inuences: South and North, black and white, coercion
and freedom, underground and exposure, darkness and
light, silence and voice. The appeal of Ellisons narration
lies in the fact that the hopes, disappointments, fears,
frustrations, and viewpoints that he expresses resonate
as strongly with the experience of any alienated group in
the United States todayand those who would alienate
themas they did when Ellison published his only novel.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sundquist, Eric J., ed. Cultural Contexts for Ralph Ellisons Invisible Man. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 1995.
414
I O WA
415
I O WA
416
IPSWICH PROTEST
Dorothy Schwieder
Ruth A. Gallaher / a. r.
See also Congregationalism; Iowa; Missionary Societies,
Home; Presbyterianism.
IPSWICH PROTEST. In March 1687, Edmund Andros, governor of the newly formed Dominion of New
England, moved to increase colonial revenue. Although
Andross tax was small in comparison to those levied both
prior and subsequent to the Dominion, it placed a special
burden on the colonys poorer farmers: tax laws abolished
the discount for cash payment, and set at an articially
low level the price for produce acceptable for payment.
Resistance to the direct tax imposed by Androsa single
country rate of twenty pence per poll and one penny
on the pound on estateswas, according to John Wise,
leader of a group of protestors from Ipswich, Massachusetts, a matter of principle. The government, however,
quickly prevailed. Wise and other protestors were arrested, imprisoned, tried, and ned.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Leslie J. Lindenauer
James Duane Squires
See also Taxation.
417
IRA
418
promoter of Western decadence, which they claimed jeopardized the values and structure of a traditional society.
The most memorable year in U.S. relations with Iran
was 1979, which reversed decades of collaboration. The
year began with mass demonstrations against the shah and
his overthrow. He left for exile on 16 January. President
James Earl Carter refused to intervene for the edgling
regime, and even had he chosen to act, success would have
been unlikely. The Muslim fundamentalists prevailed on
11 February. Previous U.S. support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeinis foe, an internal struggle between factions
vying for control, and U.S. permission for the cancerstricken shah to receive medical care in New York City
triggered a hostage crisis that lasted 444 days. On 4 November, members of the Revolutionary Guards attacked
the American Embassy and seized dozens of staff members. Among their explicit demands were the extradition
of the shah for a public trial and an American apology for
aiding his regime. Some leaders of the new government
also feared a covert action to reverse their political gains.
The Iranian government sided with this violation of
diplomatic immunity partly because of its domestic election campaign in early 1980. As negotiations to redeem
the remaining fty-two American hostages proved futile,
President Carter turned to coercion. After freezing Iranian assets, he ordered a rescue attempt in April 1980.
Eight U.S. soldiers died in an accident during the aborted
mission. This debacle, coupled with alleged Republican
manipulations to delay any release of the hostages prior
to the presidential elections, sealed Carters loss to Ronald
Reagan in November 1980. The shah had died in August
1980, and the hostages were released in exchange for unfreezing Iranian assets on 20 January 1981, the day of the
presidential transition from Carter to Reagan.
I R A N - C O N T R A A F FA I R
In the mid-1980s, during the Iran-Iraq War, the IranContra scandal unfolded in the United States. National
Security Council ofcials, notably Colonel Oliver North,
secretly sold arms to Iran, and some of the proceeds were
diverted to help the anticommunist Contras in Nicaragua
in contravention of the U.S. Constitution. The hope was
to gain inuence among moderates in Iran and to secure
the release of American hostages in Lebanon. The contacts had only limited success. During the 19901991
Persian Gulf War, Iran remained neutral as the United
States and its allies defeated Iraq.
Only in 1997, when the reformer Mohammad Khatami won the presidential elections in Iran, did relations
visibly improve, although rhetorical animosity remained
the norm, especially among Iranian clergy. The June 1998
World Cup soccer game, in which Iranian and American
players exchanged mementos, embodied the hopes for
more friendly relations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bill, James A. The Eagle and the Lion. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1988.
Kuniholm, Bruce Robellet. The Origins of the Cold War in the
Near East. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
1980.
Sick, Gary. October Surprise: Americas Hostages in Iran and the
Election of Ronald Reagan. New York: Times Books, 1991.
Itai Sneh
See also Iran-Contra Affair; Iran Hostage Crisis; Persian Gulf
War.
IRAN-CONTRA AFFAIR. On 8 July 1985, President Ronald Reagan addressed the American Bar Association and described Iran as part of a confederation of
terrorist states . . . a new, international version of Murder,
Inc. Ironically, that same month, members of the Reagan
administration were initiating a clandestine policy through
which the federal government helped supply arms to Iran
in its war with Iraq, the nation supported by the United
States. Millions of dollars in prots from the secret arms
sales were laundered through Israel and then routed to
Central America in support of rebel forces known as the
contras, whose professed aim was to overthrow the duly
elected government in Nicaragua. Both Secretary of State
George P. Shultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger opposed the policy but lost the debate to members
of the National Security Council. The Iran-Contra
Affair, arguably the crisis that did most to erode public
condence in the Reagan presidency, occupied the nations attention through much of the next two years.
Reagans staunch opposition to communism and his
commitment to the safety of U.S. citizens throughout the
world fostered the crisis. In 1979, a communist Sandinista
government assumed power in Nicaragua. Soon after
Reagan assumed ofce in 1981, his administration began
to back the contra rebel forces with overt assistance. Congress terminated funding for the contras when evidence
of illegal covert actions surfaced and public opinion turned
against administration policy. At the same time, the public
shared the presidents disillusion with events in the Middle East because of the October 1983 bombing of a U.S.
marines barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, that killed 241
Americans, and the contemporaneous abduction in Lebanon of several U.S. citizens as hostages. Events in both
hemispheres came together in the late summer of 1985.
From then until 1986, the United States provided Iran
with TOW antitank missiles and parts for groundlaunched Hawk antiaircraft missiles. The actions violated
both the governments embargo on weapons sales to Iran
and its avowed policy of not arming terrorists, because
the Iranian government apparently was sponsoring Lebanese terrorism. The administrations rationale for its
actions was the benets promised for the contras. Private
arms dealers, acting with the knowledge and approval of
Reagans National Security Council staff, overcharged
Iran for the weapons and channeled the money to the
rebels.
During a White House ceremony early in November
1986, reporters asked the president to comment on rumors that the United States had exchanged arms for
hostages. He repudiated the stories, then appeared on national television one week later to explain the administrations case, a case grounded in denial of any wrongdoing.
We did not, he declared in his conclusion, repeatdid
not trade weapons or anything else for hostages, nor will
we. Just six days later, however, on 19 November, Reagan
opened a press conference by announcing that he had
based his earlier claims on a false chronology constructed
by the National Security Council and the White House
staff. He announced formation of the Presidents Special
Review Board, known as the Tower Commission. Headed
by former Senator John Tower, the board included former
Secretary of State Edmund Muskie and former national
419
sured patriot, went on to win the Republican Partys nomination in the 1994 Virginia senatorial election. Although
he lost to the Democratic incumbent Chuck Robb, he
remained in the public eye as a conservative pundit, columnist, and radio personality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Concurrent executive branch and congressional investigations of Iran-Contra proceeded into 1987. As independent counsel, a position created by the Ethics in
Government Act of 1978, former federal Judge Lawrence
E. Walsh explored allegations of wrongdoing. In May
1987, a joint Senate and House committee hastily convened for what became four months of televised hearings
that included 250 hours of open testimony by thirty-two
public ofcials. In its report on 17 November, the committee held President Reagan accountable for his administrations actions because his inattention to detail created
an environment in which his subordinates exceeded their
authority. In the spring of 1988, former national security
adviser Robert C. McFarlane pleaded guilty to withholding information from Congress and later attempted suicide. Criminal indictments were returned against Rear
Adm. John M. Poindexter, the presidents national security adviser; arms dealers Richard V. Secord and Albert A.
Hakim; and Lt. Col. Oliver L. North of the National
Security Council staff. The convictions of North and
Poindexter were ultimately dismissed because evidence
against them was compromised by their congressional
testimony. In December 1992, just before leaving ofce,
President George H. W. Bush pardoned six others indicted or convicted in the Iran-Contra Affair, including
Weinberger, whose diaries allegedly would have shown
that both Reagan and Bush knew of the arms-for-hostages
deal. Ollie North, viewed by some as an unfairly cen-
David Henry / a. r.
420
See also Corruption, Political; Hostage Crises; Iran, Relations with; Nicaragua, Relations with; Scandals; Special
Prosecutors; and vol. 9: Report on the Iran-Contra
Affair.
I R A Q - G AT E
governments around the world. The sole successful diplomatic measure was an initiative from Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) representatives that gained
the release of thirteen female and African American hostages. Carter also signed an order to freeze all of Irans
assets in American banks.
Despite continued pressure on Iran, the hostages remained in captivity ve months after the crisis began, and
pressure mounted on the Carter administration to nd a
more effective solution. After much deliberation, Carter
authorized an ill-fated military mission to rescue the hostages. The 24 April 1979 rescue mission suffered from
military miscalculations and untimely mechanical failures,
forcing the mission to be aborted. The nal mishap came
during a refueling stop, when two of the helicopters collided, killing eight servicemen. When President Carter
informed the nation of the mission and its failure, he suffered politically.
The failure of the rescue mission did not end negotiations, but the administration appeared to be paralyzed
by the crisis. The Iranians released the hostages on 20
January 1981, minutes after Ronald Reagan took the oath
of ofce as president. U.S. relations with Iran did not
return to their earlier cordial nature during the twentieth
century. Presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Bill
Clinton faced a hostile Islamic state on the borders of the
Persian Gulf.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bahrampour, Tara. To See and See Again: A Life in Iran and America. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999.
Bill, James A. The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of AmericanIranian Relations. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1988.
Farhang, Mansour. U.S. Imperialism: The Spanish-American War
to the Iranian Revolution. Boston: South End Press, 1981.
Sullivan, Zohreh T. Exiled Memories: Stories of Iranian Diaspora.
Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001.
Paul Hehn
421
IRAQI AMERICANS
Krosney, Herbert. Deadly Business: Legal Deals and Outlaw Weapons: The Arming of Iran and Iraq, 1975 to the Present. New
York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1993.
Timmerman, Kenneth. The Death Lobby: How the West Armed
Iraq. Boston: Houghton Mifin 1991.
Shira M. Diner
422
years between 1900 and 1905, approximately twenty Jewish families arrived from Iraq to settle in New York City.
With the breakup of the Ottoman empire after World
War I, more Jewish Iraqi immigrants came to America.
Other Iraqis ocked to Detroit, and like thousands of
other Arab immigrants who preceded them, found work
in the automobile factories. Many had soon saved enough
money to bring over other members of their families. The
following decades brought a steady stream of Jewish Iraqi
immigrants, many of whom were drawn by the better
educational and business opportunities in the United
States. The exodus from Iraq continued until 1953, when
more than 124,000 Iraqi Jews left their homeland.
The number of Iraqis coming to America remained
relatively low until 1974. It peaked in 1976 and then began to decline, but never fell to pre-1974 levels. Between
1983 and 1993, immigration from Iraq again increased,
with approximately 23,600 Iraqis arriving in the United
States. The jump in Iraqi immigration to the United
States began in 1992 and reected the large number of
Iraqis admitted to the country after the 1991 Persian Gulf
War, when more Iraqis came as refugees eeing political
persecution.
Many large cities are home to Iraqi American communities that are lled with Iraqi-run bakeries, grocery
stores, and barbershops. In Detroit alone, there are an
estimated 70,000 Iraqis. About 30,000 live in California,
and another 15,000 live in and around Chicago. Compared to other Arab groups, Iraqi Americans rarely voice
their political concerns in public, and maintained an especially low prole during the Gulf War. Although the
majority of Iraqi Americans dislike Iraqi leader Saddam
Hussein, they are also growing increasingly distrustful of
American policy in the Arab world. As a result, more Iraqi
American civic and religious leaders are beginning to address the concerns of their people.
After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the
government of the United States tightened its restrictions
on immigrants from the Middle East, including those
from Iraq. As of 2002, the only Middle Eastern immigrants permitted to enter the United States were those
who had been recognized as refugees, and the government reserved the right to deport them. According to statistics compiled by the Immigration and Naturalization
Service, 46 Iraqi refugees were deported on criminal
charges between 1997 and 2002.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abraham, Sameer Y., and Nabeel Abraham, eds. Arabs in the New
World: Studies on Arab-American Communities. Detroit, Mich.:
Center for Urban Studies, Wayne State University, 1983.
Gammage, Jeff. Iraqi Immigrants in Detroit Want U.S. to Target Saddam, not Iraq. The Philadelphia Inquirer, February
20, 1998.
IRISH AMERICANS
Kent A. McConnell
See also Irish Americans.
IRISH AMERICANS. More than 7 million Irish immigrants have come to America since the 1600s. This
mass movement transformed Irish society and played a
signicant role in shaping American politics, religion, culture, and economics during the countrys most formative
years. More than 40 million people in the United States
claim some degree of Irish ancestry.
Colonial and Pre-Famine Immigration
Approximately 50,000 to 100,000 Irishmen, over 75 percent of them Catholic, came to America in the 1600s,
while 100,000 more Irish Catholics arrived in the 1700s.
A small number of prosperous merchants formed communities in Philadelphia and other cities, but most immigrants were indentured servants who eventually blended
into the mainstream society. A few were prominent citizens, like wealthy Charles Carroll who migrated to Maryland in 1681, establishing a family that produced the only
Catholic signer of the Declaration of Independence and
the rst American archbishop.
Between 250,000 and 500,000 Protestant Irish arrived in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
While some were southern Irish Anglicans and Quakers,
over three-fourths were Scotch-Irish Presbyterians from
Ulster. In search of land and religious freedom, these
Wild Irish settled in New England, New York, and
Pennsylvania, later migrating to the wilderness backcountries of Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas. Known for
their hatred of the British and their rugged individualism,
many fought bravely in the American Revolution. More
came in the early 1800s to settle Kentucky and Tennessee,
becoming the nations rst Indian ghters and producing such American heroes as President Andrew Jackson
(17671845) and frontiersman Davy Crockett (1786
1836).
The end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 caused
widespread changes in Irish society and opened the oodgates of poor Catholic immigration. Landlords began to
turn from grain production to cattle, raising rents and
evicting tenants by the thousands. During this time, the
population in Ireland rose from 6.8 million in 1821 to 8
423
IRISH AMERICANS
million in 1841, with the largest increase among poor cottierslandless laborers who received access to land for
working the landlords crops. Partible inheritance (dividing land among all sons), early marriage, and high fertility
doubled their numbers from 665,000 to 1.3 million between 1831 and 1841. Fathers could no longer provide
for every child, creating scores of young men and women
with no alternatives but delayed marriage, permanent celibacy, or emigration. As a result, 1.3 million people left
Ireland for America between 1815 and 1845.
Famine Immigration and Settlement
Conditions for those who remained behind in Ireland
continued to worsen. As plots of land shrunk and the
population grew, cottiers came to rely increasingly on the
potato, a nutritious root that grew quickly and easily in
Irish soil, as their main source of food. In August 1845, a
fungus destroyed the potato crop, returning for the next
four years and causing widespread destruction. Despite
assistance from public and private sources, approximately
1.5 million people starved or died of famine-related diseases between 1846 and 1855, the most during Black
47. Another 2.1 million emigrated, mainly to the United
States, accounting for almost half of all immigration to
the States during the 1840s and over a third during the
1850s.
In America, initial sympathy for the starving peasants
gave way to anti-Catholic hostility as they began to arrive
in droves, forming enclaves in Northern cities. In Boston,
for example, immigration rates rose from 4,000 in 1820
to 117,000 in 1850. By the 1850s1860s, 28 percent of all
people living in New York, 26 percent in Boston, and 16
percent in Philadelphia had been born in Ireland. Irish
Catholics also dominated immigration to Southern cities
before the Civil War (18611865); New Orleans was the
second-largest port of arrival after New York by 1850.
Throughout the nation, work advertisements stated,
No Irish Need Apply, while nativist political parties like
the Know-Nothings gained power. Hostility often turned
violent, as in 1834 when mobs burned an Ursuline convent in Charlestown, Massachusetts. Such episodes were
etched in Irish American memory, contributing to a separatist mentality long after they achieved success.
Unskilled Irish men became manual laborers, competing with free African Americans for jobs, which sometimes caused bitter race riots. Over 3,000 Irish helped
build New Yorks Erie Canal, while thousands of others
worked on the railroad, in Pennsylvanias coal mines, or
as farm laborers. The more enterprising traveled out west
to San Francisco, nding greater opportunity and less discrimination. In the South, Irish workers were deemed less
valuable than slaves and less dangerous than free blacks,
perfect for urban areas. Irish women nationwide overwhelmingly worked as domestic servants, becoming known
as Bridgets, or in the growing needle trades.
Various charitable and social organizations helped
the Irish settle into American life, while such nancial
424
societies as New Yorks Irish Emigrant Savings Bank (established 1851) assisted immigrants with sending remittances back home. The most important institution was
the Catholic Church, which created a national network
of churches, hospitals, schools, and orphanages. Irish
priests, such as New Yorks Archbishop John Hughes
(17971864) and Charlestons Bishop John England (1786
1842) dominated the hierarchy and shaped the course of
American Catholicism. On the local level, the parish
church served as the center of Irish American life, becoming the means of both preserving ethnic culture and
Americanizing immigrants.
Their service during the Civil War also helped the
Irish gain respect and acceptance. While criticized for
their role in the 1863 New York draft riots, as many as
170,000 Irish-born men served in the Northern army. In
the South, the Irish contributed the largest number of
troops of any foreign-born group.
Post-Famine Immigration and Life
The Great Famine accelerated changes already at work
in Irish society. With no land to inherit, younger children
had few options in Ireland. As a result, approximately 3
million Irish men and women came to America between
the end of the Famine and Irish independence (1856
1921). Departures were often marked by an American
wake, illustrating the nality of the journey. While most
would never see Ireland again, many emigrants sent money
back home, providing for their families and paying for
siblings or parents to follow.
While the vast majority of Irish immigrants remained
in the Northeast and Midwest, a signicant minority of
mainly skilled, single men migrated west. In 1890, the
cities with the largest Irish-born populations were New
York-Brooklyn (275,156, or 12 percent of the combined
population), Philadelphia (110,935, 11 percent), Boston
(71,441, 16 percent), Chicago (70,028, 6 percent), and
San Francisco (30,718, 10 percent). The Irish-born population peaked that year at 1,871,509; the second generation totaled 2,924,172, growing to its highest level of
3,375,546 in 1900.
The late nineteenth century showed few improvements in Irish occupational mobility. While Irish-born
men made up 11 percent of Americas policemen and 6
percent owned their own businesses, they were concentrated in unskilled, dangerous, and low-paying jobs. While
the violent methods of the Molly Maguires, a secret society of Pennsylvania coal miners, sometimes made their
activities suspect, labor unions more often helped improve working conditions, and also served as a means of
mobility. By 1900, Irish Americans of birth or descent
held the leadership of almost half of the 110 unions in the
American Federation of Labor. Some prominent labor
leaders included Terence Powderly (18491924), head of
the Knights of Labor, and Leonora OReilly (18701927),
a founder of the Womens Trade Union League.
IRISH AMERICANS
425
Meaghan M. Dwyer
426
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Church, R. A., ed. The Coal and Iron Industries. Oxford: Blackwell
Publishers, 1994.
McCusker, John J., and Kenneth Morgan, eds. The Early Modern
Atlantic Economy. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University
Press, 2000.
Arthur C. Bining / s. b.
See also Colonial Commerce; Colonial Policy, British; Iron
and Steel Industry; Mercantilism.
I R O N A N D S T E E L I N D U S T RY
Iron and Steel Industry. At iron and steel plants like this one
in Pittsburgh, photographed in 1905, blast furnaces convert
iron ore into iron; a variety of processes purify iron and
convert it into steel. Library of Congress
427
I R O N A N D S T E E L I N D U S T RY
428
I R O N C U RT A I N
Among the advantages that mini-mills have over traditional facilities are lower start-up costs, greater freedom
of location, and more exible job organization. Because
these facilities tend to be built in rural areas and because
workers need fewer skills than those at larger mills, minimills tend to be nonunion. The Nucor Corporation of
North Carolina, which operates in ten states (mostly in
the South), has had great success lling this niche in the
international steel market. As this technology has improved in recent years, mini-mills have been able to break
into more and more markets that large producers once
dominated. Because of global and domestic competition,
it has become increasingly unlikely that the American
steel industry will ever return to the way it was in its
heyday.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Jonathan Rees
See also Homestead Strike; Monopoly; Steel Strikes; U.S.
Steel; United Steelworkers of America.
IRON CURTAIN, a phrase made popular by the former British prime minister Winston S. Churchill in a
speech in Fulton, Missouri, on 5 March 1946. He referred
to the inuence of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe:
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an
iron curtain has descended across the Continent. As the
Cold War emerged, President Harry S. Truman and other
politicians used Churchills metaphor to describe a dividing line in Europe between West and East. The expression behind the iron curtain conjured an image of
captive peoples suffering in a Soviet bloc. Although
Soviet inuence over its neighbors varied country by
country and the curtain did not move westward, the
dark symbol served as anticommunist propaganda and
helped spur the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, and Radio Free Europe. The Berlin Wall,
erected by the Soviets in 1961, gave the symbol credence.
In 1989 the communist governments in Eastern Europe
collapsed and the Berlin Wall came down, and in 1991
the Soviet Union disintegrated. Consequently, the term
lost its relevance and its value as a Cold War epithet.
429
I R O N C L A D O AT H
Naval Revolution. The inconclusive but historic rst battle between ironclad warships: the Unions Monitor (foreground) and the
Confederates Merrimack (or Virginia) at Hampton Roads, Va., a narrow channel at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 9 March 1862.
corbis
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Jeremy Derfner
Thomas G. Paterson
430
IROQUOIS
Dudley W. Knox / a. r.
See also Armored Ships; Mobile Bay, Battle of; Monitor and
Merrimack, Battle of; Navy, Confederate; Navy, United
States; Rams, Confederate; Warships.
431
IROQUOIS
432
I R R I G AT I O N
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arthur C. Cole
Gordon E. Harvey
See also Civil War; House Divided.
Dean Snow
See also Architecture, American Indian; French and Indian
War; Indian Economic Life; Indian Land Cessions;
Indian Languages; Indian Policy, Colonial; Indian Policy, U.S.: 17751830, 18301900, 19002000; Indian
Political Life; Indians in the Revolution; Tribes: Northeastern; Warfare, Indian; Wars with Indian Nations:
Colonial Era to 1783; and vol. 9: The Origin of the
League of Five Nations; Treaty with the Six Nations,
1784.
433
I R R I G AT I O N
434
I R R I G AT I O N
In the 1930s, affordable pumps and low-cost electricity opened up a new dimension in irrigation: groundwater pumping. By 1970, such pumping watered more
than 40 percent of the nations irrigated acreage, most of
it on the Great Plains. This irrigation differed from federal projects in that it drew upon generally unrenewable
aquifers and was easily affordable by individual farmers.
The Bureau of Reclamation was remarkably successful in its goal of irrigating the West. Whereas in 1906,
fewer than thirty thousand acres west of the one-hundredth
meridian were under irrigation, by 1992 that number had
skyrocketed to more than 45 million. The Bureau of Reclamation, the Army Corps of Engineers, and other federal
agencies erected more than one thousand dams in the
West. These massive structures not only provided water
for crops, but also generated much of the electricity that
lit the regions cities and towns. For decades, the politics
of irrigation proved irresistible. The construction of dams,
435
ISLAM
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Benjamin H. Johnson
See also Agriculture; Agriculture, American Indian; Reclamation; Water Supply and Conservation.
436
ISLAM. There are roughly six million Muslims scattered throughout the United States. By 1992 there were
over twenty-three hundred Islamic institutions in North
America, including schools, community centers, mosques,
publishing houses, and media units. To coordinate activities of this dispersed, growing American Muslim community, Muslims organized conferences, the rst of which
was held in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, in 1952. Succeeding conferences were coordinated by the Muslim Students of
America (MSA), which held its rst conference at the
University of Illinois in 1963. The Islamic Society of
North America (ISNA), the principal national organization for mainstream (Sunni) American Muslims, started
in 1982 as an outgrowth of MSA. In 1993 the rst Muslim
chaplain began working with Muslims in the U.S. armed
forces, who now number in the thousands. Although there
are no reliable population gures for the Muslim community in the United States, the consensus is that by 2015
the American Muslim community will be the nations
largest non-Christian religion.
Muslims have been in North America since the sixteenth century. Isfan the Arab was a guide for the Franciscan explorer Marcos de Niza in Arizona in 1539. Nosereddine, an Egyptian, settled in the Catskill Mountains
of New York State in the 1500s and was burned at the
stake for murdering an Indian princess. As many as 20
percent of the West African slaves brought to the United
States during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
were Muslims. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the rst Arab Muslims began to form communities
in the United States. One of these Arab Muslims, Haj Ali,
assisted the U.S. Army with camel-breeding experiments
in the Arizona desert in the 1850s. He is remembered in
folk legend as Hi Jolly. By the end of the nineteenth century, large numbers of male Muslim immigrants, mostly
from the eastern Mediterranean, had come to the Midwest as migrant workers. Three thousand Polish Muslims
and a small community of Circassian (Russian) Muslims
settled in New York. The latest wave of Muslim immigrants, one that is continuing, began after the repeal of
the Asian Exclusion Act in 1965. These immigrants, arriving from a variety of countries, generally are highly
educated and have western educations.
Muhammad Alexander Webb, an American consul in
Manila, converted to Islam in 1868 and opened a mosque
in New York City in 1893. The next mosque was opened
in Ross, North Dakota, followed by one in the Detroit
suburb of Highland Park in 1919. By 1952 there were
twenty mosques joined together by the Federation of Islamic Associations of North America. In 1957 the Islamic
Center was dedicated in Washington, D.C., sponsored by
fteen Islamic countries. During the 1970s considerable
mosque construction began and continues to the present
day.
African Americans, who have been converting to Islam since the 1920s, make up 40 percent of the American
Muslim community (with Indo-Pakistanis and Arabs each
ISLAM
437
I S L A N D N U M B E R T E N , O P E R AT I O N S AT
Haddad, Yvonne, and John Esposito, eds. Muslims on the Americanization Path? Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998.
, and Jane Smith, eds. Muslim Communities in North
America. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994.
Melton, J. Gordon. Encyclopedia of American Religions. 6th ed.
Detroit, Mich.: Gale, 1999.
Smith, Jane I. Islam in America. New York: Columbia University
Press, 1999.
Arthur F. Buehler
See also Nation of Islam.
438
Daniel, Larry J. Island No. 10: Struggle for the Mississippi Valley.
Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1996.
I S O L AT I O N I S M
By the 1880s, domestic and international developments were making isolationism less relevant. For example, the expansion of American industrial and agricultural
production dictated a search for new markets abroad.
Busier foreign trade led the United States to establish a
large navy. The days of relative peace in Europe were also
fading. Germany and Japan were building up their military forces, prompting a European arms race. Meanwhile,
all the powers scrambled for empire in Asia and Africa.
In 1898, the United States demonstrated its newfound
status as a world power by winning its war against Spain.
The spoils included the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and
Cuba.
World War I and the League of Nations
When Europe went to war in 1914, President Woodrow
Wilson vowed not to break the tradition of American isolation. However, Wilsons neutrality policies worked to
favor England and France. German attacks on American
ships and Germanys attempt to ally with Mexico eventually led Wilson to seek congressional approval for a declaration of war in 1917. In keeping with the American
preference to see itself as morally superior to the Europeans, Wilson said the United States needed to go to war
to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life
of the world against selsh and autocratic power and
because the world must be made safe for democracy.
Only the most ardent isolationists failed to vote for war.
Wilson believed that if, after a peace settlement was
reached, the United States joined a collective security organization, the world would be spared another devastating conict. But his mostly Republican opposition was
not convinced. Some feared the United States would become the worlds policeman if it joined the league. Other
isolationists argued Congress would lose its power over
warmaking. The Senate rejected the treaty that would
have ratied American participation in the organization.
World War II and the Rise of Internationalism
In the 1930s, Japans invasion of China and Nazi Germanys militarism in Europe failed to sway the United
States from its policy of noninvolvement. The Great Depression had reinforced Americans conventional isolationist sentiments. Americans were already concerned about
the expansion of federal powers to revive the economy;
they feared involvement in another war could bring a dictatorship to American soil. Although isolationism was a
nationwide and bipartisan phenomenon, its strongholds
were in landlocked midwestern, Great Plains, and Rocky
Mountain states. Important ethnic groups also favored
isolationism: the Germans, Irish, Italians, and Scandinavians. Isolationist leaders in Congress, such as senators
William E. Borah of Idaho, Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota, and Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan led investigations that concluded greedy arms makers and Wall Street
bankers had unduly inuenced President Wilsons decision to become involved in World War I. If it was a mistake to have fought the last war, as another war loomed,
439
I S R A E L , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
Adler, Selig. The Isolationist Impulse: Its Twentieth-Century Reaction. New York: Abelard-Schuman, Ltd., 1957.
Cole, Wayne S. America, Roosevelt, and the Isolationists, 1932
1945. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983.
Dallek, Robert A. The Illusion of Neutrality. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1962.
. The American Style of Foreign Policy: Cultural Politics and
Foreign Affairs. N.Y.: Knopf, 1983.
Jonas, Manfred. Isolationism in America, 19351941. Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 1966.
Ellen G. Rafshoon
See also Anti-Imperialists; Imperialism; Intervention; Neutrality; and vol. 9: America First; The Monroe Doctrine
and the Roosevelt Corollary.
440
I S R A E L , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
States saw in Israel an impediment to a Middle East policy, the main objective of which was to achieve closer relations with the Arab states in order to bring them into a
pro-Western alliance and ensure a steady supply of oil.
This administration opposed Israels practice of severe retaliation in response to raids from Arab states, withheld
diplomatic support when it viewed Israels use of force as
excessive (as in 1953, during a dispute over the waters of
the Jordan River), and planned, with Britain, to require
Israeli territorial concessions in order to resolve the ArabIsraeli conict. In early 1957, President Eisenhower
threatened Israel with sanctions to force it to withdraw
from Egyptian territory it had conquered during the 1956
Sinai campaign, and U.S.-Israeli relations during the second Eisenhower administration (1957 to 1961) remained
cool.
19611973: The Strategic Background to a
Growing Accord
President John F. Kennedy adopted a more accommodating approach toward Israel, and in 1962 authorized the
sale of U.S. Hawk anti-aircraft missiles. Yet, at the same
time, he attempted to elicit Israeli agreement to a signicant unilateral concession on the Palestinian refugee
problem and took a tough stance toward Israels nuclear
development, warning Prime Minister David Ben Gurion
in May 1963 that an Israeli nuclear option would disturb
both global and regional stability.
President Lyndon Johnsons rapport with Prime Minister Levi Eshkol seemed to usher in a new period in U.S.Israeli relations. In reality, Johnson was determined that
the United States not become a purveyor of arms to Israel, a policy aimed at avoiding a far-reaching political
commitment. Nevertheless, during the early-to-mid 1960s,
the Soviet Union transferred arms on a large scale to
Egypt, Iraq, and Syria, and offered to supply advanced
arms to Jordan. In early 1966, the United States decided
to sell Jordan jet ghters, and the Johnson administration,
seeking to avoid a political battle with Israels supporters
in Washington, reluctantly agreed to sell Israel jet bombers (the A-4 Skyhawk) in what it stipulated would be a
one-time deal.
A close patron-client relationship that included a
steady supply of modern arms emerged gradually after the
Six Day War of 1967. By 1969, President Richard M.
Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger,
had come to view Israel as a Cold War asset, and during
the 19691970 Israeli-Egyptian War of Attrition, supplied it with more advanced arms. In September 1970,
during the large-scale clash between the Jordanian army
and Palestinian guerrillas, Israel deterred Syria from employing its air force to support the armor with which the
Syrians had invaded Jordan, thus earning Washingtons
appreciation for aiding the pro-Western monarchy. Yet,
from 1971 to 1973, U.S. acquiescence to the lack of receptivity of the government of Golda Meir to negotiate
with Egypt contributed to the stalemate that led to war
441
I S R A E L , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
A Moment of Hope. President Bill Clinton brings together Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin (left)
and Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat after the signing of the historicbut not lastingframework for
peace, commonly called the Oslo Accords, in Washington, D.C., 13 September 1993. Reuters/Gary
Hershorn/Getty Images
442
billion guarantee of loans for Israels absorption of immigrants as a means to pressure the Shamir government
to participate in the peace conference at Madrid. In truth,
despite tension between that administration and the
Shamir government, the bilateral relationship was by then
based on a long-term U.S. commitment and twenty years
of close strategic ties, and during this period, the United
States signed (in 1989 and 1992) additional strategic
memoranda with Israel.
19932002: From Success at Oslo to Renewed
Arab-Israeli Strife
U.S.-Israeli relations reached their highest point during
the presidency of Bill Clinton and the prime ministership
of the Labor Partys Yitzhak Rabin. The 1993 IsraeliPalestinian Declaration of Principles and an IsraeliJordanian peace treaty the following year heightened both
the perception and substance of an Israeli regional role
that accorded well with the interests of the United States
during the postCold War period. The Clinton administration placed the greater onus for lack of further progress toward peace during the years 19961999 upon
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu of the Likud. In
1999, Ehud Barak led Israels Labor Party back into a twoyear period of leadership. Although Barak allowed the expansion of settlements in the territories, his willingness
to consider a complete withdrawal from the Golan Heights
I S R A E L I - PA L E S T I N I A N P E A C E A C C O R D
Zach Levey
See also Arab Nations, Relations with; Camp David Peace
Accords; Cold War; Foreign Aid; Foreign Policy;
Israel-Palestine Peace Accord; Treaties with Foreign
Nations.
443
ITALIAN AMERICANS
Ellis, Marc H. Israel and Palestine: Out of the Ashes. Sterling, Va.:
Pluto Press, 2002.
Finkelstein, Norman G. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine
Conict. New York: Verso, 1995.
Freedman, Robert Owen, ed. The Middle East and the Peace Process: The Impact of the Oslo Accords. Gainesville: University
Press of Florida, 1998.
Gerner, Deborah J. One Land, Two Peoples: The Conict over Palestine. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1994.
Pappe, Ilan, ed. The Israel/Palestine Question. New York: Routledge, 1999.
Shira M. Diner
See also Arab Nations, Relations with; Israel, Relations with.
ITALIAN AMERICANS. Italian inuence on American history can be traced back to the navigators Christopher Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci. Americas founding fathers, especially Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin
Franklin, were familiar with the Italian language and culture and with Roman history. Jefferson was a supporter
of the Italian physician and merchant Filippo Mazzei and
444
encouraged him in the early 1770s to bring Italian vintners to Virginia. Though not successful in that venture,
Mazzei became actively involved in the colonists struggle
with England. Writing in the Virginia newspapers as Furioso he was one of the rst people to urge Americans
to declare independence and form a unied constitution
to govern all thirteen colonies. Some of his phraseology
later found its way into Jeffersons Declaration of Independence. William Paca, an early governor of Maryland,
was one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence.
Italian Americans in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Centuries
During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries a number
of Italian-named missionaries such as Friar Eusebio Kino
and Friar Samuel Mazzuchelli operated in present-day
Arizona and in the Wisconsin-Michigan area, respectively. Though the presence of Italian individuals in the
United States was sparse before 1850, Lorenzo Da Ponte,
who wrote librettos for Mozart, taught Italian language
and literature at Columbia University. In 1825 he produced his Don Giovanni in New York.
Italian style and Italian artisans heavily inuenced the
design of buildings in Washington, D.C. Constantino
Brumidi painted numerous frescoes in the Capitol between 1855 and 1880. There was a modest migration of
Italians to California during and after the gold rush. Many
in this group became prosperous farmers, vintners, and
business leaders, including Domenico Ghirardelli (the
chocolate maker), the Gallo and Mondavi families (wine
producers), and Amadeo Giannini (the founder of Bank
of America).
Though New York City had an Italian colony in the
1850s, Italians did not have serious impact until the mass
migration of the 1880s. Italian unication in the 1860s
failed to bring economic prosperity and in many places in
the South the new government policies intensied la miseria (poverty). Moreover, basic advances in medicine in
this period lowered the death rate and swelled the population. This led to massive migration of contadini (peasants), rst to Latin America and then, in the 1880s, to the
United States.
Most early Italian migrants were young men who
originally intended to work for a season or two on the
railroads or in the mines. Living frugally, they could save
most of their meager wages and send remittances back to
their mothers and wives. In the period from 1880 to 1920
about $750 million was sent to Italy. The impact of these
remittances, the monetary investments of returning Italian Americans (rimpatriati), or the practical knowledge
Italian Americans transferred back to Italy is impossible
to calculate precisely. Yet it is clear that Italian migration
to the United States was a two-way street. Migrations
were not unique, one-time events, but rather represented
a continuous relationship sometimes lasting over a century.
Estimates of the number of Italian immigrants are
made murky by repeated crossings by the same individual,
ITALIAN AMERICANS
the undocumented entry of untold thousands, and inconsistencies in the spelling of names. About 4.5 million Italians made the trip to the United States and readily found
work as unskilled laborers in the burgeoning industrial
American economy. America needed the immigrants as
much as the immigrants needed America. Between 1900
and 1910, 2 million Italians emigrated. The numbers
peaked in 1907 at 285,000, in 1914 at 284,000, and in
1921 at 222,000. After 1900 Italian immigrants began in
earnest to bring their families from Italy and Italian
neighborhoods in large cities began to have more stability.
In this chain migration, paesani (townspeople) from a
particular town in Italy transferred (over varying time periods) to specic neighborhoods and suburbs in the
United States. In this manner, they created a near-replica
of their hometown, adhering more or less to the social
customs, dialect, and family patterns of Italy, even while
beginning their journey to Americanization.
Italians brought with them an agrarian, Catholic, and
family-based culture. Hard work and self-sufciency were
facts of life. Of all the social institutions in Italian society,
the family was the only one that could be relied on consistently. In this sense, it was ironic that the early immigrants had to leave their families in order to save their
families. The immigrants founded Societa` di Mutuo Soccorso (Mutual Benet Societies) that often hired a physician on retainer and that provided modest benets to survivors in case of death.
Italian immigrants were ambivalent toward the Catholic Church. On the one hand, they were all baptized
Catholics, they believed in the saints, and were devoted
to the Blessed Virgin Mary; on the other hand, the
Church was a large landholder, deeply involved in Italian
politics in coalition with the upper classes, and opposed
to unication. In contrast to Irish and Polish immigrants
whose national identity was championed by the Church,
Italian nationalists saw the Church as an enemy. The immigrants brought with them a certain anticlericalism, a
casual attitude toward strict rules, and a devotion to folk
practices including a belief in mal occhio (the evil eye). The
establishment by Bishop Giovanni Battista Scalabrini of
the Missionaries of St. Charles Borromeo in the 1890s
was the rst concentrated effort by the Catholic Church
to minister to the needs of migrants. Over the century
that followed, the order built and staffed hundreds of
churches, schools, and hospitals in the United States, Canada, Latin America, and Australia. Among the disciples of
Scalabrini was St. Frances (Mother) Cabrini.
The rst Italian newspaper in the United States was
New Yorks LEco DItalia in 1849. Dozens of Italian
American socialist, anarchist, religious, fascist, antifascist, unionist, and literary magazines have been published since then. Il Progresso Italo-Americano (New York,
18801989) was the most continuous mirror of Italian
American history. Since its daily circulation was above
100,000, Generoso Pope, its editor during the 1930s and
445
ITALIAN AMERICANS
Italian American Grocery. Many Italian immigrants settled in New York City, where dozens of small Italian neighborhoods
sprung up. New immigrants tried to settle in the same areas as their fellow townspeople, creating virtual replicas of Italian villages
in the middle of the city. Italian American culture stressed hard work and family life, and it is likely that the Italian American
grocery pictured here was a family-owned operation. Library of Congress
446
ITALIAN AMERICANS
Twentieth-Century Trends
The social mobility of Italian Americans was steady
throughout the twentieth century. In the early years
group members were likely to be the object of social work
in settlement houses like Jane Addamss Hull-House.
They were likely to be victimized by sharp politicians and
labor agents. The 1920s were prosperous times for most
Americans and many Italian American colonies received
infusions of capital derived from the near-universal practice of breaking Prohibition laws. Hard hit by the Great
Depression, Italian Americans reacted by becoming part
of Franklin D. Roosevelts Democratic coalition. The full
employment of the war years and general prosperity of
the 1950s and 1960s brought the vast majority of Italian
Americans safely into the middle class. More precisely, a
strategy of underconsumption, the pooling of extended
family resources, hard work in small family businesses,
and entry into unionized skilled and unskilled jobs earned
middle-class status for the vast majority of Italian Americans. By the mid-1970s Italian American young people
were attending college at the national average.
The public image of Italian immigrants has been a
continuing source of conict. Salvatore LaGuminas Wop:
A Documentary History of Anti-Italian Discrimination in the
United States (1973) enumerates and quotes a vicious race
prejudice against Italian workers in the articles and editorial cartoons of the nations nest magazines. Into the
1920s, social science professionals fabricated an elaborate
pecking order that established the superiority and inferiority of the races and nationalities of the world. Italians
turned up near the bottom. The fact that the earliest Italian neighborhoods were overcrowded, crime-ridden, and
dominated by padroni (often unscrupulous labor agents)
intensied the negative image. Sensational newspaper
stories of cases of blackmail and vendettas among Italian
immigrants gave rise to the maa myth that has dogged
Italian ethnics in the United States since the late nineteenth century.
This climate of public opinion played a role in the
1891 lynching in New Orleans of eleven Italians. There
were more victims in this incident than in any other single
lynching in U.S. history. The controversial execution in
1927 of anarchists Nicolo Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti
for a murder-robbery in Braintree, Massachusetts, in
1920 haunted the headlines for over seven years. The
amboyance and style of Italian American bootleggers
during Prohibition overshadowed the image of all other
gangsters in that period and has since become the baseline
stereotype of Italian Americans. The thousands of books
and media productions on the subject of Italian gangsters
include some of the best and some of the worst artistic
expression in American culture. But whatever the quality
of the art, in the eyes of the Italian American leadership
the result was the same: the intensication in the publics
mind of a negative image of Italians Americans.
In the world of pop culture, some of Americas universally admired entertainers and sports gures were
447
I T A LY, R E L AT I O N S W I T H
Dominic Candeloro
See also Italy, Relations with.
ITALY, RELATIONS WITH. United States relations with Italy began when Italy became a nation-state
in 1861.
Soon after independence Italian immigrants, especially from the poor southern region of the country, began
coming to the United States, Canada, Australia, South
America, and other countries. These immigrants, in addition to seeking relief from poverty, sought freedom
from political oppression. From 1876 to 1976, the United
States received more Italian nationals than any other
country; Census gures show 484,027 Italians in residence in 1900. That number continued to increase until
Congress passed laws restricting immigration from Italy.
U.S. relations with Italys parliamentary monarchy
were cordial; problems arose in 1922, however, when Benito Mussolini came to power and ended parliamentary
government. Mussolini, a fascist, found the poor economic conditions that followed World War I (Italy was
448
IVY LEAGUE
Frank A. Salamone
Kenneth OReilly
IVY LEAGUE was coined in 1937 by a newspaper columnist to describe football competition at ivy-covered
449
IWO JIMA
Iwo Jima. Under heavy re, the Fifth Marine Division slowly advances from Red Beach One
toward Mount Suribachi at the southern end of the small island. National Archives and Records
Administration
Marcia G. Synnott
See also Brown University; Columbia University; Cornell
University; Dartmouth College; Harvard University;
Princeton University; University of Pennsylvania; Yale
University.
IWO JIMA (16 February17 March 1945). The capture of the Japanese island of Iwo Jima in World War II
by three U.S. Marine divisions supported by more than
800 warships and landing craft has been described as the
classic amphibious assault of World War II. One of the
Volcano Islands 750 miles south of Tokyo, Iwo Jima could
give Japan two hours warning of U.S. B-29 raids from
the Mariana Islands and provided a ghter base for the
harassment of U.S. bombers. To reverse this situation and
afford a haven for crippled American aircraft, the Joint
Chiefs of Staff directed that Iwo Jima be seized.
The eight-square-mile island is dominated at one end
by Mount Suribachi (556 feet). The islands defenses
the most elaborate, dense, and best integrated in the Pacicincluded three airelds; more than 730 major installations with 120 guns larger than 75 mm; 220 large
mortars, howitzers, and rocket launchers; and 10 miles of
underground tunnels linking hundreds of bunkers and
blockhouses. One of Japans most able generals, Lieuten-
450
IWO JIMA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
451
J
JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY. The phrase Jacksonian Democracy has a dual and ambiguous meaning.
In its narrower sense, it denotes both the political party
organized under Andrew Jackson, which called itself the
American Democracy, and the program espoused by that
party. The broader connotation, taking its cue from Alexis
de Tocquevilles classic Democracy in America (1835),
suggests an ethos and an era: the owering of the democratic spirit in American life around the time of Jacksons
presidency. Tocqueville toured the United States in 1831
1832, and found there the image of democracy itself,
with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its
passions. To Tocqueville and other commentators, both
favorable and critical, the United States represented the
democratic, egalitarian future, Europe the aristocratic
past. Andrew Jacksons partisans (and some sympathetic
historians) appropriated this broader meaning to themselves, counterposing the Democratic Partys democracy
to the opposing Whig Partys aristocracy. But this identication should not be accepted uncritically.
The Jacksonian Democratic Party
The Democratic Party and its program emerged in stages
out of the largely personal following that elected Andrew
Jackson president in 1828. The core issues through which
the party dened its membership and philosophy concerned economic policy. As fully developed by the end of
the 1830s, the Democratic outlook was essentially laissezfaire. Deeming themselves preservers of the Jeffersonian
legacy, Democrats demanded simple, frugal, and unintrusive government. They opposed protective tariffs along
with federal (and often state) bank charters and internal
improvement projects. As president, Jackson articulated
this policy through a series of vetoes, most notably the
Maysville Road in 1830 and the Bank of the United States
in 1832. In ofcial messages, he cast himself as protector
of the humbler members of societythe farmers, mechanics, and laborers against moneyed, privileged interests seeking to turn the public powers of government to
unfair private advantage. In Jacksons reading, tariffs, public works, and corporate charters (especially of banks,
whose right of note issue gave them tremendous leverage
over credit and the currency) were all devices to siphon
wealth from the poor to the rich and to steal power from
the many to benet the few.
Again following Jeffersonian tradition, the Democratic Party embraced anticlericalism and rigorous separation of church and state. Democrats resisted the
hegemonizing impulses of the nations powerful interdenominational (but primarily Presbyterian-Congregational)
benevolent and philanthropic associations, and they denounced the intrusion into politics of religious crusades
such as Sabbatarianism, temperance, and abolitionism.
Democrats thus garnered adherents among religious dissenters and minorities, from Catholics to freethinkers.
Under Jackson and his adviser and successor Martin
Van Buren, Democrats pioneered in techniques of party
organization and discipline, which they justied as a
means of securing the peoples ascendancy over the aristocrats. To nominate candidates and adopt platforms,
Democrats perfected a pyramidal structure of local, state,
and national party conventions, caucuses, and committees. These ensured coordinated action and supposedly
reected opinion at the grass roots, though their movements in fact were often directed from Washington. Jackson practiced rotation in ofcethe periodic replacement of government ofcials, often on partisan criteria
and defended it as offering the chance for employment to
all citizens alike and thus forestalling the creation of an
ofceholding elite. His followers frankly employed the
spoils of ofce as rewards for party workers.
Jackson and the Democrats cast their party as the
embodiment of the popular will, the defender of the common man against the Whig aristocracy. The substance
behind this claim is still hotly disputed. After the War of
1812, constitutional changes in the states had broadened
the participatory base of politics by easing property requirements for suffrage and making state ofces and presidential electors popularly elective. By 1828, when Jackson was rst elected president, nearly all white men could
vote, and the vote had gained in power. Jackson and his
partisans beneted from and capitalized upon these
changes, but they in no sense initiated them.
The presence of a class component in Jacksonian parties, setting Democratic plain farmers and workers against
the Whig bourgeoisie or business elite, has been often
asserted and as often denied. Some historians read Democratic paeans to the plain people as a literal description
of their constituency. Others dismiss them as artful pro-
453
JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY
General Jackson Slaying the Many Headed Monster. This 1836 lithograph by Henry R. Robinson
depicts President Andrew Jacksons long struggle against a new charter for the Bank of the United
States, with its many branches; after his reelection in 1832, Jackson shifted federal deposits from
the central bank to state banks. Library of Congress
454
JACKSONVILLE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Daniel Feller
See also Democratic Party; Jeffersonian Democracy; Maysville Veto; Removal Act of 1830; Rotation in Office;
Spoils System.
455
JACOBIN CLUBS
By 1795 the clubs had largely disbanded. Jacobinism, however, had become a loaded epithet in American
political rhetoric, used by Federalists to target not only
radical democrats but also any follower of Thomas Jefferson, or any member of the Democratic Republican
Party. The word Jacobin as an epithet still appeared
occasionally in American conservative journals in the
1820s, a generation after the Jacobins in France had become politically moribund.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andrew W. Robertson
James B. Crooks / a. g.
See also Frontier; South, the: The New South; Trading
Posts.
JACOBIN CLUBS, activist political clubs that appeared in the cities of the United States in the years from
1793 to 1795. The rst club began in Paris under the
name Club Breton, in October 1789: it met in a Dominican, or Jacobin, convent in the Rue St. Honore. The
Jacobin clubs gained increasing inuence in the French
Revolution after France declared itself a republic in 1792.
Led by Maximilien Robespierre in 1793, the clubs helped
support the most radical phase of the French Revolution.
The French Jacobins believed in universal equality among
citizens, the freedom of the individual, and universal brotherhood. By July 1794 the Paris Jacobin club was closed
after the Jacobin leaders associated with Robespierre lost
power. In November 1794 the clubs were suppressed.
The rst American club began in Philadelphia in
1793. Some of the members were skilled craftsmen, others were merchants and professionals, and many were
prominent intellectuals. Their membership overlapped
with the Democratic Society of Philadelphia. Similarly,
the Jacobin Club of Charleston, South Carolina, overlapped with the Republican Society there. The Charleston Club had connections through the prominent Huguenots in that city to other sympathizers with the French
Revolution in the West Indies and in France. The Jacobin
clubs in the United States sought to promote the broad
aims of the French Revolution, including democracy and
support for the French government against the European
monarchies warring against it. Initially, their aims were
popular in the cities, but after American disillusionment
with the French minister Edmond Charles Genet, the inuence of the Jacobin clubs waned.
456
J A PA N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
Emory L. Kemp
See also Canals; Ohio River.
457
J A PA N , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
458
was in ruins when U.S. atomic bombs destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, forcing Japan to surrender.
Japan expected a harsh and vindictive occupation, but
American rule was benevolent and constructive. As Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), General Douglas MacArthur and his staff enacted a series of
reforms that helped create an open society based on capitalism and representative government. Article 9 of Japans
new constitution renounced war forever. But in 1947, the
adverse impact of SCAPs economic reforms designed to
eliminate the foundations of authoritarianism and militarism became obvious, as the atmosphere of physical and
psychological devastation had not disappeared. Consistent with its new containment policy, the United States
abandoned further reforms in favor of promoting rapid
economic recovery, pursuing a reverse course aimed at
transforming Japan into a bulwark against Soviet expansion in Asia. Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru believed,
however, that the occupation had to end if Japan was to
emerge as a genuine U.S. partner in the Cold War. In
September 1951, the Japanese Peace Treaty provided for
a restoration of Japans sovereignty the following April,
but at the price of dependence, as Japan signed a security
treaty with the United States that guaranteed its military
protection in return for American use of air bases.
During the 1950s, Japans relationship with the United
States remained a source of heated controversy, not least
because pacism remained strong in Japan as a consequence of the devastation of war and public horror after
the atomic attacks. Opposition to nuclear weapons intensied in 1954 after radioactivity from an American hydrogen bomb test on Bikini Atoll showered a Japanese
shing boat. Public protests persuaded the Socialists to
reunite, which brought gains in the 1955 elections and
motivated conservatives to form the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP). That same year, in negotiations for revision
of the security treaty, the United States resumed pressure
on Japan to expand the overseas role of its Self-Defense
Force. This enraged many Japanese because it seemed to
suggest that Japan might undertake military commitments in the Pacic. Prime Minister Kishi Nobosuke deed critics and in 1960 signed a revised treaty that, despite
providing for a more equal partnership, was the target of
erce opposition in the Diet, Japans national legislature.
Ratication of the treaty in May in the absence of the
boycotting dissenters set off massive street demonstrations during June that resulted in President Dwight D.
Eisenhower canceling his scheduled visit to Tokyo.
Japanese Economic Power
During the 1960s, Japan adopted a low posture in foreign policy that placed a priority on transforming itself
into an economic power. The U.S. government cooperated by encouraging high levels of Japanese exports to the
United States, while allowing Japans protection of its domestic market. Despite disputes over trade, the relationship remained stable because Japan achieved double-digit
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N I N C A R C E R AT I O N
James I. Matray
See also Dollar Diplomacy; Open Door Policy; Panay Incident; World War II; and vol. 9: War against Japan.
459
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N I N C A R C E R AT I O N
Japanese banks, which immobilized most of the liquid assets of the entire Japanese American community. In addition, a joint Justice and War Department directive in
late December effectively nullied the Fourth Amendment as far as Japanese Americans were concerned, as it
authorized warrantless searches of any premises housing
alien enemies, which meant, in practice, any Japanese
American home.
Administration
to accept and even approve measures that clearly contradicted American values.
The triggering mechanism for incarceration was Executive Order 9066, drafted in the War Department and
signed by Franklin Delano Roosevelt on 19 February
1942, seventy-four days after the attack on Pearl Harbor.
The executive order specied no particular group of persons, and some in the War Department would have applied it to enemy aliens and perhaps others anywhere in
the United States. It empowered Secretary of War Henry
L. Stimson and subordinates designated by him to exclude any or all persons from areas he might designate and to provide . . . transportation, food, shelter, and
other accommodations . . . to accomplish the purpose of
this order. Read without context, it seems to be a relief
measure, but government spokesmen, chief of whom was
the future attorney general and U.S. Supreme Court justice Tom Clark, explained to the press that it was aimed
chiey at Japanese, who would be moved away from the
West Coast.
Moving toward Incarceration
Even before the promulgation of the executive order, the
lives of the West Coast Japanese, alien and citizen, had
been disrupted by a series of wartime government decrees. Apart from an 8 December 1941 proclamation
empowering a selective internment of Japanese alien enemies conforming to existing statute law, a Justice Department order forbade alien enemies and persons of
Japanese ancestry from leaving the country. In addition,
Treasury Department orders froze the bank accounts of
alien enemies and all accounts in American branches of
460
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N I N C A R C E R AT I O N
Forced Evacuation. Soldiers watch baggage being loaded onto trucks as Japanese Americans await
removal from their homes in San Francisco. National Archives and Records Administration
Resistance
The overwhelming majority of Japanese Americans simply complied with the successive government orders as
their community leaders recommended. Several thousand
were able to avoid being seized by moving to territory
east of the forbidden zone that comprised California,
western Washington and Oregon, and a small part of Arizona before the government closed that escape route in
March 1942. A dozen or so of those who remained either
challenged the government orders through the courts or
tried to avoid its clutches by attempting to assume nonJapanese identities. The legal protesters greatly concerned
government leaders, but they need not have worried: the
federal judiciary, with a few nonbinding exceptions, simply accepted the governments rationale about military
necessity and the inherent untrustworthiness of Japanese
Americans.
Three of the legal challenges eventually made their
way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In June 1943, the Court
decided unanimously in Hirabayashi v. United States that
an American citizen of Japanese ancestry had to obey a
curfew order; the Court avoided ruling on incarceration.
The two other cases were not decided until December
1944. In Korematsu v. United States, the Court, now divided in a 63 vote, ruled that a citizen had to obey the
military evacuation orders. Paradoxically, however, in the
Ex parte Endo decision handed down the same day, the
461
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N S
Asian Americans by immigration after 1980 because Japans economy provided its citizens with a high living
standard. Also, Japanese Americans did not manifest a
huge gender imbalance like other Asian American groups,
and in fact was the only group prior to 1965 in which
women outnumbered men. By far most Japanese Americans live in California and Hawaii, with the states of
Washington, New York, and New Jersey a distant third,
fourth, and fth.
Early Settlement in Hawaii and California
U.S. commercial expansion in the Pacic during the early
nineteenth century initiated the history of Japanese
movement to America. After American traders established
a presence in Hawaii, the United States secured a commercial treaty with China in 1844. It then gained access
to Japan in 1854, signing an agreement that ended Japans
policy of national isolation. Thereafter, Hawaiian sugar
planters, mostly U.S. citizens, began to recruit Japanese
as contract laborers. In 1869, the rst Japanese arrived on
the mainland and settled near Sacramento, where they
established the Wakamatsu Tea and Silk Farm Colony on
600 acres. This settlement soon disappeared because the
mulberry shoots and tea seeds that the immigrants brought
from Japan could not survive in the dry California soil. In
1871, Japan sent the Iwakura Mission to the United States
in search of Western scientic knowledge as a way to preserve its political and cultural independence. Signicant
numbers of individual Japanese resettled in the United
States thereafter for the same reason and generally were
Roger Daniels
See also Internment, Wartime; and vol. 9: The Japanese Internment Camps, 1942.
JAPANESE AMERICANS have contributed signicantly to the political strength, economic development,
and social diversity of the United States. Like all Asian
Americans, they are a heterogeneous group, the most obvious distinction being between those from the Japanese
home islands and those from Okinawa, which was an independent kingdom until 1879, when Japan incorporated
it as a prefecture. In 1970, Japanese Americans were the
largest group among Asian Americans in the total U.S.
population, but Chinese and Filipinos had passed them
by 1990, In 2000, the Census Bureau asked respondents
to identify themselves as one or more races in combination. Japanese Americans were most likely to report one
or more other ethnic groups, but with a total population
of 1,148,932, they still ranked sixth among Asian Americans, having also fallen behind Asian Indians, Vietnamese,
and Koreans. Japanese Americans increased least among
462
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N S
well received until Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. U.S. labor recruiters from the mainland
then went to Hawaii to lure Japanese workers with promises of higher wages and better working conditions. Seeking escape from the rigors of sugar plantation life, 34,000
Japanese left Hawaii from 1902 to 1906 for the West
Coast.
Anti-Japanese agitation in the United States began
almost with the arrival of the rst Issei (rst-generation
Japanese Americans). Not only did reactionary politicians
favor action to block Japanese immigration, but reformers
also called for restrictions. Progressives talked of the Yellow Peril and prevailed on legislatures in western states
to pass anti-Japanese laws that barred Japanese Americans
from interracial marriage and excluded them from clubs,
restaurants, and recreational facilities. Racial segregation
greatly reduced opportunities in education, housing, and
employment, and alien land laws thwarted advancement
in agriculture.
Japan protested these measures to defend its national
honor and to protect itself against the same imperialist
exploitation China endured. In response, President Theodore Roosevelt arranged the 1908 Gentlemens Agreement
with Japan, whereby Tokyo agreed not to issue passports
to Japanese workers seeking to migrate to the United
States in return for Roosevelts promise to press for repeal
of discriminatory laws. At that time, California had roughly
50,000 Japanese residents in a population of 2,250,000,
working mostly as tenant farmers, shermen, or small
businessmen. But many owned farms, and there was a
small professional class of lawyers, teachers, and doctors.
From 1908 to 1920, the migration of Japanese women,
mainly as picture brides and wives, helped even the
mainland gender ratio. In 1924, the National Origins Act
effectively ended Japanese immigration.
World War II and Incarceration
By 1941, about 120,000 Japanese lived in the United
States, 94,000 in California. Earlier, most Japanese immigrants had settled in towns, but by then, 40 percent
lived outside urban centers and worked in agriculture,
forestry, and shing. In Hawaii, racism against the Japanese was strong, but not as strong as in California. Many
bowed to pressure to give up their language and embrace
Christianity, yet they were still excluded from white
schools. After Japans attack on Pearl Harbor forced U.S.
entry into World War II, Japanese Americans were targeted for special persecution because of an exaggerated
fear that they would conspire to aid the enemy. Time magazine explained to its readers in late December 1941 how
they could distinguish the kindly placid, open faces of
the Chinese, who were allies of the United States, from
the positive, dogmatic, arrogant expressions of the
Japs. Barred from U.S. citizenship were 47,000 Issei, but
their 70,000 American-born offspring (Nisei) were citizens. Congressman Leland Ford of California insisted
that any patriotic native born Japanese, if he wants to
make his contribution, will submit himself to a concentration camp. Despite their having committed no crimes,
General John DeWitt, head of the Western Defense Command, declared Japanese of any citizenship enemies.
In Hawaii the U.S. government declared martial law
but imposed no further limitations on the Japanese living
there. On the mainland, however, President Franklin D.
Roosevelts Executive Order 9066 of 19 February 1942
declared parts of the country military areas from which
any or all persons could be barred. The U.S. Army gained
authorization to remove all Japanese Americans from the
West Coast. In May, the War Relocation Authority gave
forty-eight hours or less to Japanese Americans to pack
their belongings and sell or otherwise dispose of their
property. More than 112,000 people were moved to ten
detention facilities, mostly located in remote and desolate
463
J A PA N E S E A M E R I C A N S
464
Issei eligible for naturalized citizenship. Japanese Americans lobbied aggressively for the new law and rejoiced in
its passage. By 1965, some 46,000 immigrant Japanese
had taken their citizenship oaths.
Like other World War II veterans, Japanese Americans used the GI Bill to gain college educations. This
brought a steady increase in postwar years in the percentage of professionals and city dwellers in this Asian
American group. Because the rise in education levels and
family incomes appeared so spectacular, especially after
the impoverishment caused by World War II detention,
commentators heaped praise on Japanese Americans as a
model minority. These writers attributed their economic advancement not only to determined effort but
also cultural values that resembled dominant American
ideals, including the centrality of the family, regard for
schooling, a premium placed on the future, and belief in
the virtues of hard work. As early as 1960, Japanese Americans had a greater percentage of high school and college
graduates than other groups, and in later years median
family incomes were higher by nearly $3,000 than those
of other Americans. Observers noted, however, that Japanese Americans had greater numbers of workers per
household, accounting in part for higher median incomes.
According to a study of Asian Americans in Californias
San Francisco Bay area, based on the 1980 census, Japanese American individuals worked more hours.
Passage of the Immigration Act of 1965 abolished the
national origins quotas of 1924 and opened the gates
widely for many Third World peoples. Adopting the principle of rst come, rst served, it also gave preference
to professionals and the highly skilled. By 1986, immigrants from Asia rose from 1 to 5 million, comprising 40
percent of new immigrants as opposed to 7 percent
twenty years earlier. But the portion of Japanese immigrants plummeted from 52 percent of all Asian Americans
in 1960 to 15 percent in 1985. This decline accelerated
the integration and assimilation of Japanese Americans
into the mainstream of American society.
Japanese American Community Since the 1980s
During the 1980s, the Japanese American community experienced a transition from a relatively exclusive and excluded group to a fragmented and diverse collectivity.
Among Sansei (third generation) and Vonsei (fourth generation), there was declining participation in Japanese
American institutions and a lack of cultural connection to
things Japanese. Rejecting assimilation, some younger
Japanese Americans criticized the JACL for supporting
cooperation with internment and opposing wartime draft
resistance to strengthen its power position.
Japanese American political agitation grew during an
era of greater social, economic, and political opportunities, focusing especially on gaining compensation for relocation and internment. Congress had offered a token
payment in 1948, but it was not until the 1980s that several Japanese Americans convicted of wartime offenses
J AVA S E A , B AT T L E O F
successfully reopened their cases. The Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation were forced
to release les showing how prosecutors withheld evidence proving that no danger existed to justify wartime
civil rights violations. Civil organizations, political activists, and congressmen then lobbied successfully for passage of the Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987, resulting
in the U.S. government apologizing for wrongs done to
Japanese Americans during World War II and authorizing
monetary redress in the amount of about $20,000 per surviving internee. After determining terms of payment and
denition of eligibility in 1988, over 82,000 received
payments.
Japanese American assertiveness in this matter and
against other forms of discrimination caused many observers to reexamine the accuracy of describing the group
as the model minority. Some writers saw a basic aw in
comparative analysis, stressing that Japanese Americans
had to overcome structural restraints that white European immigrants did not have to face. Their success was
largely attributable to a Japanese culture that emphasized
the primacy of group survival over and above the retention of specic beliefs and practices. Others pointed to a
sharp contrast between traditional American values that
stressed individualism, independent goals, achieving status,
and a sense of optimism, and Japanese values emphasizing
group reliance, duty and hierarchy, submissiveness to authority, compulsive obedience to rules and controls set by
those with status, a sense of fatalism, and success through
self-discipline. Yet Japanese Americans arguably have been
able to achieve assimilation into the American mainstream more fully than any other Asian American group.
Despite the increasing complexity of the Japanese American community, new stereotypes have surfaced to limit
options for Sansei and Vonsei that are less visible and
more subtle. Meeting this challenge has caused younger
Japanese Americans to rely on voluntary social groups to
deal with collective needs. Persistent ethnic cohesiveness,
as well as a commitment to build orderly and meaningful
lives, thus remain key sources of strength in the Japanese
American community.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
James I. Matray
See also Asian Americans; Japan, Relations with; JapaneseAmerican Incarceration; and vol. 9: Gentlemens
Agreement.
Fred A. Emery / h. s.
See also Japan, Relations with.
JAVA SEA, BATTLE OF, an early World War II naval engagement off the northern coast of Java. A eet
465
J AY- G A R D O Q U I N E G O T I AT I O N S
Schultz, Duane P. The Last Battle Station: The Story of the USS
Houston. New York: St. Martins Press, 1985.
Thomas, David A. The Battle of the Java Sea. London: Deutsch,
1968; New York: Stein and Day, 1969.
Charles B. MacDonald / a. r.
See also Aircraft Carriers and Naval Aircraft; Coral Sea, Battle of the; Midway, Battle of.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lester H. Brune
See also Pinckneys Treaty.
Napier, Rita, ed. History of the Peoples of Kansas. Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1985.
Samuel A. Johnson / c. w.
466
JAZZ
Charles M. Dobbs
Bemis, Samuel Flagg. Jays Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1962.
Combs, Jerald A. The Jay Treaty: Political Background of the Founding Fathers. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970.
DeConde, Alexander. Entangling Alliance: Politics and Diplomacy
under George Washington. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood
Press, 1974.
Duke Ellington. Pianist, leader of a legendary and longlasting big band, and preeminent composer of jazz and other
African American music. AP/Wide World Photos
467
JAZZ
Fletcher Hendersons Orchestra. The bandleader (sitting at the piano) hired extraordinary talent
such as Louis Armstrong (center, rear)with the group from late 1924 to late 1925, just before his
revolutionary Hot Fives and Hot Sevens recordingsand Coleman Hawkins (with tenor saxophone
at left). Archive Photos, Inc.
1800s, European American music, spirituals, Creole music, and the same African American eld hollers and work
songs that inuenced blues inuenced this oral tradition.
Another early inuence on New Orleans jazz was
Ragtime, which began to be published around 1890 and
became the rst African American tradition to gain widespread popularity. Ragtimes primary musical model was
the marching band, and most of its repertoire was for
piano, such as the rags of St. Louiss Scott Joplin and
Harlems James P. Johnson. Larger ragtime ensembles
called syncopated orchestras (syncopation was a prominent ragtime feature) were also popular in America and
Europe; one of the most famous was James Reese Europes Clef Club Orchestra. In addition, Europe founded
what could possibly be the rst modern association of
African American musicians, also called Clef Club.
New Orleans was a melting pot of African, Caribbean, Creole, European, and local traditions. Its small
bands played in parades, funerals, and other social gatherings and were typied by a celebratory spirit and rhythmic intensity. Buddy Bolden, Louis Armstrong, and Jelly
Roll Morton began their careers in New Orleans and became some of the greatest soloists of the time. Most jazz
in New Orleans was performed as dance music in the
venues of Storyville (the red-light district between 1896
and 1917). When Storyville closed, many musicians migrated to Chicago, Kansas City, and New York to nd
employment.
468
JAZZ AGE
modal jazz (based on musical modes), funk (which reprised early jazz), and fusion, which blended jazz and rock
and included electronic instruments. Miles Davis in his
later career and Chick Corea were two inuential fusion
artists.
Hard bop was a continuation of bebop but in a more
accessible style played by artists such as John Coltrane.
Ornette Coleman (1960) developed avant-garde free jazz,
a style based on the ideas of Thelonius Monk, in which
free improvisation was central to the style.
Postmodern Jazz Since 1980
Hybridity, a greater degree of fusion, and traditional jazz
revivals merely touch the surface of the variety of styles
that make up contemporary jazz. Inclusive of many types
of world music, it is accessible, socially conscious, and
draws almost equally from its vast musical past. Performers such as David Grisman, B. B. King, Wynton Marsalis,
Harry Connick Jr., Toshiko Akiyoshi, and Tito Puente
attest to this variety. Since the 1980s, mainstream jazz
education has developed, along with more serious concern for the study of jazz documentation and scholarship.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
469
Martyn Bone
See also Flapper.
The Jazz Singer. Al Jolson stars in this 1927 feature lm, the
rst with synchronized dialogue as well as singing (though
much of it was still a silent movie using subtitles); there were
some earlier shorts and features with sound effects, but this
motion picture revolutionized the industry. AP/Wide World
Photos
470
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Matthew R. Davis
See also Film.
JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY
Colin B. Goodykoontz / s. b.
See also Deseret, State of; Franklin, State of; Mining Towns;
Pikes Peak Gold Rush; Territorial Governments; West,
American; Westward Migration.
471
J E H O VA H S W I T N E S S E S
(and then James Madisons) direction, the central government would conscientiously withdraw within the boundaries that they believed had been established when the
Constitution was adopted, assuming that the states, in
all their rights, were the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks
against antirepublican tendencies. The national debt
would be retired as rapidly as preexisting contracts would
permit, not clung to for its broader economic uses while
the interest payments steadily enriched a nonproductive
few and forged a dangerous, corrupting link between the
federal executive and wealthy moneyed interests. State
militias, not professional armed forces, would protect the
nation during peacetime. Internal taxes, during peacetime, would be left to the states. The federal government
would cultivate peace, commerce, and honest friendship
with all nations, entangling alliances with none. Committed to equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever
state or persuasion, religious or political, to religious
freedom, freedom of the press, and other constitutional
protections (many of which, as Jefferson conceived it, had
been gravely threatened during the nal years of Federalist rule), the Jeffersonians would conscientiously pursue
a wise and frugal government which shall restrain men
from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free
to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the
bread it has earned. The Jeffersonian Republicans, as Jefferson or Madison conceived it, were quintessentially the
party of the people and the champions of the republican
Revolution. Their principles democratized the nation,
profoundly shaping its religious landscape as well as its
political institutions and ideas. They may also have protected slavery, produced a war with Britain, and contributed essentially to both sides of the argument that led to
civil war.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lance Banning
See also Federalist Party; Republicans, Jeffersonian.
JEHOVAHS WITNESSES, one of the most prominent Adventist and apocalyptic sects to have emerged in
America. Charles Taze Russellraised a Presbyterian and
heavily inuenced by Adventist teachingsfounded the
denomination in the early 1870s, when his loosely structured Bible study groups evolved into a discernible movement. In 1879, Russell published Zions Watchtower and
the Herald of Christs Presence (later known as The Watch-
472
J E S U I T R E L AT I O N S
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Conkin, Paul K. American Originals: Homemade Varieties of Christianity. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1997.
Harrison, Barbara Grizzuti. Visions of Glory: A History and a
Memory of the Jehovahs Witnesses. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1978.
Newton, Merlin Owen. Armed with the Constitution: Jehovahs
Witnesses in Alabama and the U. S. Supreme Court, 1939
1946. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1995.
Peters, Shawn Calvin. Judging Jehovahs Witnesses. Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 2000.
JENKINS EAR, WAR OF (17391743), was a struggle between England and Spain. It preceded the War of
the Austrian Succession (known in North America as
King Georges War), which lasted until 1748. The war
was named for Robert Jenkins, a British seaman who lost
an ear in a brush with the Spaniards off the coast of Florida. Commercial rivalry on the seas and disputes over
proprietary rights to Georgia contributed to the conict.
England and Spain fought at sea and on land, in two major theaters: the Caribbean and the Georgia-Florida
borderlands.
Bowman, Larry G. Captive Americans: Prisoners during the American Revolution. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1976.
Louis H. Bolander
Angela Ellis
See also Atrocities in War; Prison Ships.
JESUIT RELATIONS. Each Jesuit missionary in colonial and frontier America was required to report every
year to his superior the events of his mission and the prospects for further exploration. Beginning in 1632 these reports were published annually in a volume entitled Relations and forwarded to the chief of the order in France or
Shelby Balik
E. Merton Coulter
See also Colonial Wars; Indian Treaties; King Georges War.
473
JESUITS
Rome. The Jesuit missionaries wrote reports of the regions of Canada, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi
Valley that could not be surpassed. In 1673 the publication was suspended; however, the missionaries continued
to send in reports, which remained in manuscript for almost two centuries.
In all, forty-one separate Relations were published,
and several American libraries have the full series. In 1896
Reuben G. Thwaites edited an expanded version entitled
Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, covering the period
1610 to 1791. This edition included not only the published Relations but also other documents secured from
many sources in America and Europe. It forms a source
of unusual quality for the conditions of the North American continent at the time: accounts of the fauna and ora;
descriptions of the lakes, rivers, and country; and mention
of indications of minerals and other resources. It is especially useful to scholars for the information it provides
about the customs and migrations of the native Americans, their relationship to the environment, the impact of
European conquest and settlement on them, and European responses to indigeneous cultures.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
474
Since they were busy establishing schools, few American Jesuits became intellectual leaders until the middle
of the twentieth century. Pushed by coeducation and even
more by the effect of the G.I. bill after World War II,
Jesuits found themselves struggling to keep pace with the
130,000 students enrolled in their colleges by 1963. Still,
from the middle of the nineteenth century forward, Jesuits provided much of the energy behind Catholic publishing, founding such magazines as America in 1909. By
the 1930s, there were roughly twenty Jesuit labor schools,
attesting to the growing interest in social reform and mobilization of the Catholic working classes.
Not until the 1940s did individual Jesuits begin to
exert intellectual leadership. They primarily used a natural law template to argue that moral values were universal and that reason could lead to faith. The most important gure was John Courtney Murray (19041967). A
brilliant stylist and deeply learned, Murray became a leading gure in the church-state debates of the 1940s and
1950s, arguing that Americas founders did not intend as
rigid a separation of church and state as contemporary
American liberals assumed. Within the church, he became
the foremost spokesman for the position that Catholics
should embrace religious freedom along the American
model, not grudgingly accept it while formally proclaiming error has no rights. These heterodox views led Roman authorities to suppress Murrays writings on the topic
during the latter 1950s. Yet, Murrays views triumphed at
the Second Vatican Council, with the adoption by the
assembled bishops in 1965 of a document he helped draft,
Dignitatis Humanae, also called the Declaration on Religious Freedom.
At the time of the Council almost one quarter of the
36,038 Jesuits in the world were American. Within thirty
years, the number of American Jesuits had fallen almost
by half, even as the worldwide Jesuit population fell by
one-third. The dwindling order focused more on interior
spiritual development than on ghting secularists. Yet, the
primary Jesuit ministry remained education. Many Jesuits
pushed their colleges and high schools toward what one
worldwide gathering of the Jesuits called the struggle for
justice, meaning greater engagement with social evils
such as poverty and the suppression of human rights. At
the same time, fears that the declining number of Jesuits
signaled an evisceration of Catholic institutional identity
were widespread. Jesuit high schools (now primarily coeducational) seemed more stable in this regard than universities, which were overwhelmingly staffed by laypeople, many, if not most, of whom were non-Catholic.
At the beginning of the twenty-rst century, Jesuits
remain as leaders in every aspecteditorial, liturgical,
pastoral, and intellectualof Catholic life. In addition a
small number of Jesuits have achieved prominence in the
wider world of the American academy. One American Jesuit theologian, Avery Dulles (b. 1918), noted for his defense of the theological views of Pope John Paul II, was
Axtell, James. The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America. New York: Oxford University Press,
1985.
Garraghan, Gilbert J., S.J. The Jesuits of the Middle United States.
3 vols. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1983. The original edition was published in 1938.
McDonough, Peter. Men Astutely Trained: A History of the Jesuits
in the American Century. New York: Free Press, 1992.
OMalley, John. The First Jesuits. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1993.
John T. McGreevy
See also Anti-Catholicism; Education, Higher: Denominational Colleges; Explorations and Expeditions: French;
Indian Missions.
475
JEWS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Marc Dollinger
See also Zionism.
476
JEWS
Jews migrated westward between 1820 and 1920 in response to upheavals in European society caused by political emancipation, industrialization, and urbanization.
Unlike other immigrant groups, that often returned to
Europe after earning enough money to sustain a family,
Jews tended to immigrate permanently.
Between 1820 and 1880, the Jewish population in
America rose from 4,000 to almost 250,000. Historians
usually refer to members of this rst wave as German
immigrants, but the name is incorrect. Jewish immigrants
who arrived in America between 1820 and 1880 generally
left from areas eventually included in unied Germany
(1871) or countries deeply inuenced by German culture,
such as Austria, Hungary, Bohemia, and Moravia. Yet the
pre-1880 contingent also included many Jews whose culture was decidedly Polish, from Silesia and Posen, provinces annexed by Prussia and later assumed into unied
Germany, as well as Lithuania, western Russia, and Galicia. These Polish and Eastern European Jews, characterized by poverty, religious traditionalism, and the Yiddish language, more closely resembled the Jews who would
begin their exodus to America in the nal decades of the
nineteenth century.
By the Civil War, Jews lived in over 160 communities
in America. Many earned their keep by peddling, a profession that required no initial investment and functioned
entirely on credit. Moreover, if successful, an itinerant
peddler could earn enough to become a store owner. At
a time when few retail stores existed outside the large
cities, peddlers provided rural Americans and ethnic neighborhoods with their everyday necessities. Peddlers bought
their supplies in large cities like New York, Chicago, or
St. Louis and set out either for the hinterlands or the city
streets. With their wares slung over their backs, on horsecarts, or on pushcarts, they roved from town to town or
neighborhood to neighborhood selling small items like
buttons, stoves, glass, needles, old clothes, and plates.
Peddling resulted in the creation of extensive peddlersupplier-creditor networks in which Jews across the United
States became linked in a collective endeavor to earn a
living from the constant pulse of supply and demand. Indeed, this network of peddlers, general stores, and wholesalers served as the foundation for the evolution of the
American department store.
Early Judaism in America
After the establishment of Shearith Israel in 1728, synagogues began to spring up wherever Jews settled, including the Touro Synagogue in Newport (1762) and Mikveh
Israel in Philadelphia (1782). These rst synagogues followed the traditional Sephardic rite. In 1801, resenting
Sephardic control over synagogue administration and ritual, a group of Ashkenazim in Philadelphia formed the rst
second synagogue in an American Jewish community.
Because no ordained rabbi arrived in the United
States until the 1840s, American Judaism developed almost entirely by improvisation. Moreover, due to their
477
JEWS
478
J I M C R O W L AW S
Josh Perelman
JIM CROW LAWS, which regulated social, economic, and political relationships between whites and African Americans, were passed principally to subordinate
blacks as a group to whites and to enforce rules favored
by dominant whites on nonconformists of both races. The
name Jim Crow came from a character in an early
nineteenth-century minstrel show song.
Beginning with a ban on interracial marriages in
Maryland in 1664, the laws spread north as well as south,
but they were neither uniform nor invariably enforced.
The campaign against them, initiated in the 1840s by both
black and white Massachusetts antislavery activists, reached
a symbolic end in the 1967 U.S. Supreme Court case, Loving v. Virginia, that nally ruled anti-intermarriage laws
unconstitutional.
The most widespread laws mandated racial segregation in schools and public places such as railroads, restaurants, and streetcars. Since segregation laws often replaced customary or legal exclusion of African Americans
from any services at all, they were initially, in a sense,
progressive reforms. They tended to be adopted earliest
and were more strictly enforced in cities where diverse
crowds intermingled, than in the countryside where other
means of racial subordination were readily available.
During Reconstruction in the 1860s and 1870s, seven
southern states passed laws requiring equal access to
places open to the public; Louisiana and South Carolina,
as well as seven northern states, promised integrated
schools. After a long struggle over whether to include a
school integration provision, Congress in 1875 passed the
Civil Rights Act, which prohibited racial discrimination
in public accommodations. But in 1883, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in The Civil Rights Cases that Congress
had no power under the Fourteenth Amendment to regulate an individuals discriminatory behavior.
While virtually all northern states that had not already banned Jim Crow practices rushed to enact state
versions of the invalidated national Civil Rights Act, most
southern states during the 1880s and 1890s passed laws
requiring segregation. The Supreme Court held up the
southern laws in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), accepting as-
479
JINGOISM
Kousser, J. Morgan. Dead End: The Development of NineteenthCentury Litigation on Racial Discrimination in Schools. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1985.
Rabinowitz, Howard N. Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865
1890. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.
Woodward, C. Vann. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 3rd rev.
ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974.
J. Morgan Kousser
See also Black Codes; Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka;
Civil Rights Movement; Literacy Test; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Poll
Tax; Segregation.
By March 1878 jingo was a term of political reproach. In the United States it has been directed toward
those who have advocated the annexation of Canada,
the seizure of Mexico, expansion in the Caribbean or
the Pacic, or a bellicose interpretation of the Monroe
Doctrine.
480
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stanley R. Pillsbury / d. b.
See also Foreign Policy; Monroe Doctrine.
JOHNNY APPLESEED
Although the Job Corps was more thoroughly studied and evaluated than any other antipoverty agency, its
long-range impact remains an open question. In the
1990s, Job Corps faced a number of challenges, threats,
and criticism: Critics charged that the program was
wasteful because it was spending $26,000 per student, and
fewer than 15 percent of participants were completing the
program. A 1995 bill sought to turn control over to the
states and to close numerous programs, but Congress
voted that the federal government should retain control
and that fewer centers should be closed. Attempts to boost
the programs reputation backred, however, when a
study to demonstrate the Job Corps effectiveness as an
anticrime measure turned out to have used a highly controversial methodology. The study, which Labor Secretary Robert Reich commissioned from Mathematica Policy Research, intentionally denied admission to one in
every twelve eligible applicants in order to use them as a
control group. It then paid them $10 each for follow-up
interviews to study their subsequent fate; the studys architects worked from the assumption that they would nd
a higher rate of criminal behavior in the control group
because participants had been denied the opportunities
Job Corps offered. The study cost $17.9 million and took
nine years. In September 1998, the 6,000 control subjects
led a class-action lawsuit against the Labor Department.
A U.S. District Court judge ruled that the Labor Department should have subjected the studys methodology
to public review, and halted the study. The Labor Department reached a preliminary settlement with the plaintiffs, under which it pledged to locate those in the control
group and invite those who are still eligible to enroll in
Job Corps. Fifteen of the plaintiffs received $1,000 for
providing information to the court, but none received any
money in damages.
JOHN BIRCH SOCIETY was founded in December 1958 by Robert Welch, a retired Boston candy manufacturer who considered President Dwight D. Eisenhower a dedicated conscious agent of the Communist
conspiracy. According to Welch and other society members, coconspirators ranged from Franklin D. Roosevelt
to the various chairs of the Federal Reserve Board. John
M. Birch was a Baptist missionary and Air Force ofcer
who was killed by Chinese communists in 1945, ten days
after V-J Day. Welch never met Birch, but he named his
society in honor of the man he called the Cold Wars rst
hero. The society quickly emerged as perhaps the most
well-known far-right anticommunist group in the United
States. By the early 1960s, the group peaked after enlisting some ten thousand members, including hundreds who
sat on school and library boards or held other civic ofces.
Headquartered in Belmont, Massachusetts, society activists ran campaigns calling for the impeachment of Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren and the United
States withdrawal from the United Nations. On a more
regular basis, the Birch Society publishes a journal, American Opinion, and runs youth camps, book distribution services, and intellectual cadres of Americanists scattered
throughout the nation. Its members have never advocated
violence.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sidney Baldwin / d. b.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kenneth OReilly
481
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bliss Isely / a. e.
See also Folklore; Frontier; Fruit Growing.
482
JOHNSTOWN FLOOD
Johnstown Flood. A photograph dated 31 May 1889 shows a riverside shack whose enterprising
owner, the legend underneath states, made a fortune from selling souvenirs of that dates natural
disaster. Bettmann/corbis
JOHNSTOWN FLOOD of 1889 was the worst natural disaster in the United States. The city of Johnstown
is located in southwestern Pennsylvania, in a narrow valley where the Little Conemaugh and Stony Creek rivers
merge to create the Conemaugh River. In 1880, Johnstown was a leading industrial center with 10,000 inhabitants and 20,000 more in its surrounding communities.
In 1852, construction was completed on the South
Fork Dam upstream on the Little Conemaugh River, creating a man-made reservoir. The dam gave way in 1862
and the damaged dam and surrounding property was sold.
It was acquired in 1879 by the South Fork Fishing and
Hunting Club, whose members were the wealthy elite
from Pittsburgh and other eastern cities. From 1879 to
1881 the earth and rock dam was rebuilt, stretching 918
483
Robert S. Driscoll
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ferris, George T. The Complete History of the Johnstown and Conemaugh Valley Flood. New York: H. S. Goodspeed, 1889.
Frank, Walter S. The Cause of the Johnstown Flood. Civil
Engineering 58, no. 5 (May 1988): 6366.
Johnson, Willis Fletcher. History of the Johnstown Flood. Bowie,
Md.: Heritage Books, 2001. The original edition was published in 1889.
McCullough, David G. The Johnstown Flood. New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1968.
Charles C. Kolb
See also Disasters; Floods and Flood Control; Hydroelectric
Power; Pennsylvania.
JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF ( JCS) came into existence in 1942. The JCS consisted of the chief of staff, U.S.
Army; the chief of naval operations; and the chief of staff,
U.S. Air Force. Their functions were to advise the president on the military, give strategic direction to the army
and navy, and facilitate U.S.-British military cooperation.
In 1949, an amendment to the National Security Act of
1947 established the position of chairman of the Joint
484
JOINT COMMISSIONS. The arbitration of international disputes by joint commissions is usually distinguished from the negotiation of formal treaties by more
than one diplomatic agentsuch as the Denitive Treaty
of Peace of 1783, the termination of Franco-American
hostilities by the Convention of 1800, the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, the Treaty of Ghent of 1814, the WebsterAshburton Treaty of 1842, and the Peace of Paris of
1898. Most arbitrations are the work of joint commissions, as indicated in the monumental six-volume work
on international arbitration by John Bassett Moore. Since
its publication in 1898, further cases have arisen for settlement, notably the Alaskan boundary dispute of 1903.
Of the numerous arbitrations to which the United
States has been a party, some of the more important ones
were conducted for the following purposes: settling preRevolution American debts to the British, British spoliation claims, and the Maine-Canada boundary, under the
Jay Treaty of 1794; for settling French spoliation claims
in 1803, 1831, and 1880; for determining various articles
under the Treaty of Ghent; for claims of American citizens against Mexico, in 1839, 1849, and 1868; for U.S.
claims against Colombia in 1861 and against Peru in
1863; and for Spanish claims in 1871. Most signicant of
all was the Alabama Claims dispute with Britain, which
led to the Geneva award of 1872. To these may be added
fact-nding commissions as an indispensable adjunct of
modern diplomacy.
Since the mid-twentieth century, reservations have
increased toward the use of joint commissions to settle
international disputes. In 1946, the United States accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the International
Court (except in domestic matters), but continued its reluctance to accept any other binding arbitration.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kendrick, Benjamin B. The Journal of the Joint Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction, 39th Congress, 18651867. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1914. Reprint New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969.
Lowe, Richard. The Joint Committee on Reconstruction: Some
Clarications. Southern Studies 3 (Spring 1992): 5565.
485
J O I N T O C C U PAT I O N
to $50,000 per borrower. The federal government appraised the borrowers land, and the amount of a loan was
limited to a percentage of the value of the appraised land
and buildings.
Lester Brune
486
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ivan Wright / a. r.
See also Agriculture; Banking; Financial Panics.
JOLLIET-MARQUETTE EXPLORATIONS.
Louis Jolliet was a native of New France who, after being
educated at the Jesuit schools of Quebec, embarked on a
career of exploration in the far western country during
the seventeenth century. On one of his voyages to Lake
Superior in 1669, he met the Jesuit missionary Jacques
Marquette, then at the mission of Sault Ste. Marie. Three
years later, the authorities of New France commissioned
Jolliet to undertake the discovery of the great central river
of the continent, which American Indians called the Mississippi. Jolliet requested that Marquette be appointed
chaplain of the expedition. Late in the autumn of 1672
he set out for the Northwest to join Marquette at the
mission of St. Ignace on the north shore of Mackinac
Straits; there the two explorers prepared the voyage.
On 17 May 1673 Jolliet and Marquette left St. Ignace
in two canoes with ve voyageurs. They went by way of
Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox River, a route
that was well known as far as the upper villages on the
Fox. At the Mascouten, village guides were obtained to
lead them to the portage. A month after departure their
canoes shot out from the Wisconsin into a great river,
which they instantly recognized as the one they sought.
Marquette wished to name the river the Conception for
the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. Jolliet
called it rst the Buade, after Louis de Buade, Comte de
Frontenac, governor of New France. Ultimately, he christened it the Colbert, for the prime minister of France.
However, the Indian name persisted.
The two explorers in their canoes drifted downriver
as far as the Arkansas; they met few Indians, and these for
the most part were friendly. They saw paintings on the
J O N E S V. VA N Z A N D T
BIBLIOGRAPHY
JONES V. VAN ZANDT, 46 U.S. 215 (1847), provided abolitionists with an opportunity to challenge the
constitutionality of the 1793 federal Fugitive Slave Act
and attack slavery itself as contrary to natural right.
American jurist Salmon P. Chase contended that the law
violated the Fourth, Fifth, Seventh, and Tenth Amendments. But Justice Levi Woodbury of the U.S. Supreme
Court rejected these arguments, insisting that the fugitive
slave clause of Article IV was one of the sacred compromises of the U.S. Constitution and Congress had power
to enforce it. According to the ruling, the constitutionality or injustice of slavery itself was a political question
left to the states and which federal judges could not
resolve.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
William M. Wiecek
See also Fugitive Slave Acts.
487
JONESTOWN MASSACRE
Kilduff, Marshall. The Suicide Cult: The Inside Story of the Peoples
Temple Sect and the Massacre in Guyana. New York: Bantam
Books, 1978.
Klineman, George. The Cult that Died: The Tragedy of Jim Jones
and the Peoples Temple. New York: Putnam, 1980.
Weightman, Judith Mary. Making Sense of the Jonestown Suicides:
A Sociological History of Peoples Temple. New York: E. Mellen
Press, 1984.
Carolyn Bronstein / h. s.
See also Cults.
Roscoe R. Hill / c. w.
See also Congressional Record; Continental Congress;
Washington Burned.
488
JUDAISM
faiths. The arrival of Ashkenazic Jews during the nineteenth century altered the character of Judaism in the
United States. Although many gravitated toward the Reform tradition, the majority remained Orthodox, especially those coming from Lithuania, Poland, Romania,
and Russia between 1880 and 1924. As a consequence,
Orthodox Judaism in the United States became synonymous with Central and Eastern European Jewry.
Orthodox Judaism
By the 1820s three Orthodox Ashkenazic rite synagogues
had been established in North America: the rst in
Easton, Pennsylvania in 1761, followed by Rodeph Shalom in Philadelphia in 1802 and, in 1825, by Bnai Jeshurun in New York City. The rst Orthodox rabbi, however,
did not arrive in the United States until 1840 when Abraham Rice came from Germany to serve the Orthodox
congregation in Baltimore.
Orthodox Jews strictly observe the Halachah ( Jewish
laws). Derived from the Torah, the Mishna (commentaries
on the Torah), and the Gemara (commentaries on the
commentaries), the laws make up the Talmud, the authoritative text of Judaism. Orthodox Judaism is preeminently a religion of laws and practices that direct and regulate every aspect of life for the faithful. Among Orthodox
Jews, however, community is also essential. To worship,
Orthodox Jews require only the presence of ten adult Jewish males, the minyan; they need no synagogue or rabbi.
Such a community could theoretically be small and selfcontained, having no formal connection with other Jews;
in practice, however, such isolation has proven impossible
to sustain. Complex issues involving ritual and law frequently compel adjudication from an outside authority.
As a result, questions of, and disputes about, faith, law,
and practice have linked one Jewish community to another.
The Retreat from Orthodoxy
The years between 1840 and 1880 were turbulent for the
American Jewish community. Jews increasingly rejected
the Halachi prescriptions as old-fashioned and inapplicable to their circumstances in the United States. Everywhere Orthodoxy was in retreat.
Reform Jews attempted to accommodate Judaism
more completely to the modern world. From the 1840s
until the turn of the twentieth century, Reform Judaism
was the primary form of Judaism in the United States,
losing its dominance to Conservative Judaism only in the
1920s. With roots in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, Reform Judaism emphasized the ethical and moral
aspects of religion at the expense of ritual and theology.
Only in the United States, however, did Reform Judaism
attract substantial numbers of adherents.
The rst Reform organization in the United States
began among members of the Congregation Beth Elohim
of Charleston, South Carolina. They wanted briefer services, greater use of English, and the mixed seating of men
and women. (Orthodox Jews separate men and women at
Isaac Mayer Wise. One of the rabbis who led the movement to
create an institutional structure for Reform Judaism in the
nineteenth century; he founded several organizations, edited two
periodicals, and wrote prolically. corbis-Bettmann
489
JUDAISM
490
Reconstructionist Judaism
Conservative Jews saw their movement as a compromise
between the iconoclasm of Reform Judaism and the rigidity of Orthodox Judaism. They emphasized klal Yisrael
(universal Israel), and aspired to unite Jews everywhere
into a single community as the chosen people of God. In
that larger purpose Conservative Jews failed; their commitment, moreover, alienated liberals, some of whom created a fourth American denomination, Reconstructionist
Judaism.
A continuation of the ideas of Mordecai M. Kaplan,
who urged American Jews to reconstruct the Jewish civilization, Reconstructionist Judaism dispensed with belief in the supernatural while retaining some commitment
to the Jewish tradition in an effort, as Kaplan wrote, to
maintain the historic continuity of the Jewish people and
to express, or symbolize, spiritual values or ideals which
can enhance the inner life of Jews. Most Reconstructionist Jews, however, emphatically reject the idea of Jews
as the chosen people of God. Although not an independent movement until the 1960s, Reconstructionist Judaism, by the1990s, boasted a membership of fty thousand,
with sixty congregations and one hundred and fty rabbis.
JUDICIAL REVIEW
Davis, Moshe. The Emergence of Conservative Judaism: The Historical School in Nineteenth Century America. Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America, 1963.
Mark G. Malvasi
See also Religion and Religious Affiliation; Religious Thought
and Writings.
JUDICIAL REVIEW. When a court measures a statute or an executive action against a constitution, treaty,
or other fundamental law, judicial review has occurred.
The antecedents of modern judicial review were three:
rst, Edward Cokes opinion in Bonhams Case (1610), in
which he declared an act of Parliament to be against
common right and reason and therefore void; second,
the opinions of the British Privy Council nding certain
measures of colonial legislatures to have exceeded authorization under their royal charters; and third, early
U.S. state government decisions that state statutes exceeded the permissible bounds set forth in the state constitutions. There were also some early state and federal
decisions suggesting that even where the state or federal
constitutions were silent, certain basic principles of republican governments could not be disregarded by legislators, principles that would be grounds for striking
down statutes. In Calder v. Bull (1798), Supreme Court
Justice Samuel Chase gave examples of the violation of
these principles, such as taking one persons property to
give to another, deeming an action criminal that was not
illegal when committed, and making persons judge and
party in their own cases.
Judicial review in America is often dated from John
Marshalls opinion in Marbury v. Madison (1803). According to Marshall, a provision of the Judiciary Act of
1789 improperly extended the jurisdiction of the U.S. Su-
491
JUDICIAL REVIEW
Nevertheless, in Dred Scott, Taney belied his own judicial philosophy when he failed to recognize that at the
time of the framing of the Constitution there was a presumption in favor of human freedom and a widespread
belief that slavery was contrary to natural law. As such,
there was less protection for slavery than for other forms
of property, and congressional prohibition of slavery
where it had not been established by positive law should
have been permissible. Another principal holding of Dred
Scottthat even free blacks were not regarded as citizens at the time of the ratication of the Constitution
is similarly debatable. Through 2002, Dred Scott continued to be invoked as a symbol of judicial reviews excesses.
After the Civil War a series of constitutional amendments were passed, some provisions of which reversed
Schechter Poultry infuriated President Franklin Roosevelt, who bemoaned the Courts use of a horse-and-
492
JUDICIAL REVIEW
buggy denition of interstate commerce. Roosevelt challenged the Courts interpretive strategy of dening terms
the way they had been understood by the framers, and
argued for a dynamic interpretation to t the Constitution to the needs of the times. Roosevelt, in his fulmination, threatened to pack the court by appointing additional
justices sympathetic to his views. But before he could, the
Court dramatically changed interpretive course.
The case that demonstrated the Courts interpretive
shift most clearly was National Labor Relations Board
v. Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation (1937), in
which the Court allowed Congress to use its powers to
regulate interstate commerce to create the National Labor Relations Board, with jurisdiction to mandate collective bargaining and union organizing within manufacturing plants. The Courts logic was that a strike at the
Pennsylvania steel plant in question might have consequences for interstate commerce and that this possibility
permitted federal regulation. This logic could support
federal regulation of nearly anything, and was employed
until late in the twentieth century. Jones and a number of
other cases also rejected the predominance earlier given
to freedom of contract, and substantive economic due
process died.
The Warren Court
Several striking instances of modern judicial review occurred during the chief justiceship of Earl Warren, who
adopted the notion advanced by Franklin Roosevelt that
the Constitution ought to be perceived as a living document. In the landmark case of Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka (1954), the Warren Court announced that constitutional jurisprudence could not turn
back the clock. Warren, writing for a unanimous Court,
held that racially segregated schools violated the Fourteenth Amendments guarantee of equal protection of the
laws, and that the practice had to end. There was strong
evidence that this had not been the intention of the
amendment, but the Court brushed this objection aside.
The events Brown set in motion altered racial relations in
America forever, and initiated a pattern of judicial activism unlike any other.
The Warren Court embraced earlier decisions which
had held, in spite of a paucity of evidence, that the Fourteenth Amendment was intended to extend the Bill of
Rights prohibitions against the federal government to
forbid actions by the states. The Court proceeded, wholesale, to refashion state and local government and law enforcement. The Court ruled that state laws requiring
compulsory Bible reading or school prayer violated the
First Amendment. It decided that the Fourth Amendments prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures
meant that local law enforcement ofcials had to follow
particular procedures dictated by the federal courts or
have the evidence they obtained thrown out of court. The
Court read the Fourteenth Amendments equal protection language to mean that both houses of the state leg-
493
J U D I C I A RY
Dionne, E. J., Jr., and William Kristol, eds. Bush v. Gore: The
Court Cases and the Commentary. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2001.
Ely, John Hart. Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980.
Perry, Michael J. The Constitution, the Courts, and Human Rights:
An Inquiry into the Legitimacy of Constitutional Policymaking
by the Judiciary. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1982.
Presser, Stephen B. Recapturing the Constitution: Race, Religion,
and Abortion Reconsidered. Lanham, Md.: National Book
Network, 1994.
494
Stephen B. Presser
J U D I C I A RY
495
J U D I C I A RY
496
J U D I C I A RY
497
J U D I C I A RY A C T O F 1 7 8 9
protect the potential life of the fetus and to prohibit abortion when the fetus was viable, except in cases where the
life or health of the mother was at stake.
In other areas, however, and increasingly at the end
of the twentieth century, the Rehnquist Court showed
signs of changing constitutional jurisprudence. Most important in this regard was a series of decisions called the
Courts new federalism, of which United States v. Lopez (1995) was the most important. In Lopez the Court
sought to impose limits on the federal governments exercise of regulatory powers and to move closer toward the
original constitutional scheme in which the states were
the primary lawmakers. For the rst time since the
switch in time, the Court seemed prepared to strike
down federal regulations on a regular basis. At the beginning of the twenty-rst century, judicial activism was
again at the center of national politics, as the presidential
candidates Al Gore and George W. Bush stated their preferences or dislikes for the jurisprudence practiced by individual members of the U.S. Supreme Court. In an
ironic development, the Rehnquist Court decided the
outcome of that election for Bush by a 5 to 4 vote in Bush
v. Gore (2000).
At the beginning of the twenty-rst century, the
Court faced difcult choices between the jurisprudences
of the living Constitution and the original understanding in cases involving state aid to religious schools, afrmative action, and the balance between the powers of
the state and federal governments. In 2001 the Senate
held hearings on judicial ideology, and because the
Rehnquist Court decided many controversial cases by 5
to 4 majorities, any vacancies on the Supreme Court were
expected to result in conrmation struggles. Indeed, so
delicate was the matter of judicial selection that nine
months into George W. Bushs term, with more than one
hundred vacancies on the lower federal court benches, the
Senate had conrmed only a handful of the new presidents judicial nominees.
In the state courts, the rules of the common law did
not seem to undergo reformulation in the same activist
manner as previously. Indeed, a movement began for legislative civil justice reform to reverse the tendency of
state juries to render multimillion-dollar and in some
cases multibillion-dollar verdicts against corporate defendants. State legislatures began to pass such civil justice
reforms, including limiting the amount of recoverable
damages and putting other procedural roadblocks in the
way of plaintiffs and their lawyers. Many of these reforms were ruled unconstitutional by state courts, based
on provisions in state constitutions that guaranteed plaintiffs rights to trial by jury and that mandated the separation of the judicial power from the legislative.
State and federal courts and legislatures also seemed
engaged in the promulgation of rules designed to protect
property owners and investors in order to strengthen an
American economy that faced stiffer competition from
European and Asian concerns. Some American industries,
498
Berger, Raoul. Government by Judiciary. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977.
Bickel, Alexander M. The Supreme Court and the Idea of Progress.
New York: Harper and Row, 1970.
Hall, Kermit L. The Magic Mirror: Law in American History. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Horwitz, Morton J. The Transformation of American Law, 1780
1860. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977.
. The Warren Court and the Pursuit of Justice. New York:
Hill and Wang, 1998.
Kelly, Alfred H., Winfred A. Harbison, and Herman Belz. The
American Constitution: Its Origins and Development. 7th ed.
New York: Norton, 1991.
Kutler, Stanley I. Privilege and Creative Destruction: The Charles
River Bridge Case. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1971.
McCloskey, Robert G. The American Supreme Court. 3d ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.
Nelson, William E. The Americanization of the Common Law: The
Impact of Legal Change on Massachusetts Society, 17601830.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975.
Olson, Walter K. The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When
America Unleashed the Lawsuit. New York: Truman Talley
BooksDutton, 1991.
Pound, Roscoe. The Formative Era of American Law. Boston: Little, Brown, 1938.
Presser, Stephen B., and Jamil S. Zainaldin, eds. Law and Jurisprudence in American History. 4th ed. St. Paul, Minn.: West
Group, 2000.
Yarbrough, Tinsley E. The Burger Court: Justices, Rulings, and
Legacy. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABCCLIO, 2000.
. The Rehnquist Court and the Constitution. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.
Stephen B. Presser
See also Common Law; Supreme Court.
J U D I C I A RY A C T O F 1 8 0 1
Stephen B. Presser
See also Circuits.
499
J U I L L I A R D V. G R E E N M A N
Stephen B. Presser
See also Midnight Judges.
500
Hugh E. Willis / a. e.
See also Legal Tender; Legal Tender Act; Legal Tender
Cases; Repudiation of Public Debt.
JUMPING-OFF PLACES, the towns along the border of American frontier settlement where emigrants
completed their outtting for the journey across the
Plains during the 1840s and 1850s. Independence, Mo.,
was the best known of these places. Among the others
were Council Bluffs, Iowa; Saint Joseph, Mo.; and Fort
Smith, Ark.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Faragher, John Mack. Women and Men on the Overland Trail. New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979.
Dan E. Clark / f. b.
See also Migration, Internal; Oregon Trail; Westward Migration.
JUNK BONDS
Bonnie L. Ford
See also Girl Scouts of the United States of America.
JUNK BONDS. Michael Milken, the notorious investment banker of the 1980s, allegedly coined the term
junk bonds to describe the portfolio of low-grade bonds
owned by one of his early clients, Meshulam Riklis. Companies issue low-grade, also called high-yield, bonds at
high interest rates because of the associated high risk of
nonpayment. Unlike investment-grade bonds, the lowgrade variety is not backed by assets or cash-ow statements. Companies frequently issue these bonds as a way
of borrowing money. An outside, third-party credit rating
agency, such as Moodys Investors Service or Standard
and Poors Corporation, judges the creditworthiness of
such companies and then ranks them from least to most
likely to default. The more nancially secure the company, the less risky the debt, or bond. A bonds rating can
be downgraded to junk status if the company gets into
nancial trouble. Historically, the use of junk bonds has
been a minor part of Wall Streets activity because of the
high risks. In the 1920s, however, high-yield bonds ourished. Tempted by the skyrocketing stock market in the
501
J U RY T R I A L
Erik Bruun / a. e.
Auerbach, Alan J., ed. Mergers and Acquisitions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.
Platt, Harlan D. The First Junk Bond: A Story of Corporate Boom
and Bust. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1994.
502
See also Crime; Financial Services Industry; Leveraged Buyouts; Scandals; Wall Street.
J U S T I C E , D E PA RT M E N T O F
ing petty offenses, and in all cases, including cases involving serious crimes, the right to trial by jury could
often be waived by the parties.
Traditionally, only men acted as jurors, and in practice only white men served. After the Civil War, several
southern states enacted legislation preventing blacks from
acting as jurors. In Strauder v. West Virginia (1879), the
U.S. Supreme Court struck down a West Virginia statute
that stipulated that only white men could act as jurors.
Despite this decision, southern states often found less explicit methods of excluding black jurors.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
R. Blake Brown
Carl Brent Swisher
See also Bill of Rights in U.S. Constitution; Constitution of
the United States; Milligan, Ex Parte; Strauder v. West
Virginia.
future legislation and government needs. During the Progressive Era around the turn of the twentieth century,
many Americans came to believe that the government
needed to intervene in daily life to create justice. Accordingly, a need to expand the Department of Justice was
perceived.
On 26 July 1908, Attorney General Charles Bonaparte named a group of former Secret Service employees
and Department of Justice investigators to posts as special
agents of the Department of Justice. This investigative
arm, led by Chief Examiner Stanley W. Finch, was dubbed
the Bureau of Investigation, which later expanded its name
to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). In 1909,
the DOJ established a criminal division charged with enforcing and supervising application of federal criminal law.
The federal governments increased interest in developing public lands resulted in the development of a
lands division in 1910; this division later became the land
and natural resources division. Eventually, other legislation, such as antitrust laws, created a need for more
special ofces. In the extensive departmental reorganization of 1933, several of these ofces were expanded into
divisions, including the tax division and antitrust division,
which is charged with keeping markets competitive by policing acts that restrain trade or commerce. The claims division, which later became the civil division, also emerged
from this reorganization. The largest legal assembly in
the Department of Justice, the civil division legally represents the United States, its departments and agencies,
members of Congress, cabinet ofcers, and other federal
employees when the need arises.
Other specialized divisions continued to be created.
In 1940, the government ofcially moved control of the
Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) ofce from
the Department of Labor to the Department of Justice.
In 1957, a time when the civil rights movement was at its
height, the DOJ created a civil rights division and gave it
the task of enforcing federal statutes that prohibited discrimination. In 1964, the DOJ created the Ofce of Criminal Justice. The following year, the DOJ extended its
criminal justice efforts when it created the Ofce of Law
Enforcement Assistance, which had the task of helping
states and local jurisdictions upgrade their criminal justice
systems. The departments mandate to ensure civil rights
was reinforced in 1966 when the Community Relations
Service was transferred from the Department of Commerce to the DOJ. Created by the Civil Rights Act of
1964, the Community Relations Service has a mission of
preventing and resolving incidents that occur because of
differences in race, color, or national origin.
As the drug trade burgeoned in the 1960s, Congress
authorized the creation of the Bureau of Narcotics and
Dangerous Drugs in 1968. In 1972, President Richard
Nixon created the Ofce for Drug Abuse Law Enforcement, which was charged with coordinating all federal
and state efforts, and the Ofce of National Narcotics
Intelligence, which was developed to be a clearinghouse
503
for information on drug trafcking. The next year, President Nixon streamlined the war on drugs by combining
ve federal drug enforcement agencies to create the Drug
Enforcement Administration (DEA) within the Department of Justice. The DEA is the main domestic enforcer
of federal drug laws and bears sole responsibility for coordinating and pursuing U.S. drug investigations abroad.
In 2002, the DOJ again stepped up efforts to stop the
growing, importation, and sale of illegal drugs when it
established the National Drug Intelligence Center, which
was as the nations principal center for strategic domestic
counterdrug intelligence.
Following major terrorist acts on American soil in
2001, the DOJ shifted its focus from battling drugs to
combating terrorism. On 5 March 2002, the department
created the National Security Coordination Council of
the Department of Justice; its principal mission is to facilitate seamless coordination of department functions relating to national security and terrorism. The council included the attorney general, the director of the FBI, the
commissioner of the INS, the chief of staff of the attorney
general, the assistant attorney general of the criminal division, and the assistant attorney general for the Ofce of
Justice programs.
The Department of Justice, which is the largest law
ofce in the world, has grown from its meager beginnings
to an organization comprising nearly forty components
and more than 30,000 employees.
old Dutch commissaries. In North Carolina they possessed exclusive jurisdiction over the crimes of slaves.
In most of the colonies, the justices in court sessions
exercised sweeping local executive and administrative
powers; drew up the levy; collected the tax; appointed
road commissioners and supervised highways; made disbursements; granted licenses to keep taverns and retail
liquors; and appointed and controlled administrators, executors, and guardians. They generally took acknowledgments of deeds and depositions and performed marriage
ceremonies, but they seldom exercised the sweeping authority of the English and Welsh justices of levying wage
assessments of laborers.
While the institution still exists in some states, the
criminal jurisdiction of justices has narrowed, and they
are now mainly committing magistrates. Appointive ofcers in colonial times, they are now generally elected,
with compensation from fees paid by parties losing in litigation. As in colonial days, they are usually members of
the laity. By World War I, justices of the peace no longer
existed in most urban areas.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Richard B. Morris / a. e.
See also Hundred; Marbury v. Madison; Midnight Judges.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
James T. Scott
See also Federal Agencies.
504
J U V E N I L E C O U RT S
simple and summary and eschewed lawyers. Social workers and behavioral scientists appeared in court to assist
the judge in making and carrying out the most appropriate disposition of the cases. Court wards who were to be
conned were segregated from adult offenders and placed
in training and industrial schoolsand some were placed
in private foster homes and institutions. The state employed probation ofcers to facilitate adjustment.
Colorado passed a similar statute in 1903, formalizing and extending a Denver juvenile court that, under
Judge Ben Lindsey, had been hearing juvenile cases separately prior to 1899, under a preexisting juvenile disorderly persons act. Specialized juvenile courts were quickly
created in the larger cities of the East and Midwest, and
by 1925 a juvenile court in some form existed in all but
two states.
Constitutional challenges to juvenile court practices
and procedures were consistently overruled until the
1960s. State appellate court rulings swept aside concerns
that children were denied a right to bail, to counsel, public
trials, jury trials, immunity against self-incrimination, and
that children could be convicted on hearsay testimony or
by only a preponderance of the evidence. Rulings found
that juvenile proceedings were civil in nature and that
their purpose was to obtain rehabilitation rather than to
order punishment. Legislative reform in California and
New York in 1961 and 1962, respectively, began to place
a more regularized procedure on the historically informal
juvenile court practices. Research on the juvenile justice
system had shown that juvenile court judges not infrequently lacked legal training; that probation ofcers were
undertrained and that their heavy caseloads often prohibited meaningful social intervention; that children were
still regularly housed in jails; that juvenile correctional
institutions were often, in reality, little more than breeding grounds for further criminal activity; and that juvenile
recidivist rates were high.
In 1967, in the case In Re Gault, the U.S. Supreme
Court ruled that constitutional due process protected
any juvenile whose liberty was threatened by juvenile court
action and mandated formal rather than informal factnding hearings, together with the juveniles right to be
represented by an attorney and to avoid self-incrimination.
The Court ruled in 1970 that the criminal justice systems
principle of proof beyond a reasonable doubt must be
utilized in juvenile court trials, but in 1971 it conrmed
that juveniles were not entitled to a jury trial under the
Constitution.
These Supreme Court rulings stimulated an ongoing
legal challenge of juvenile court practices and procedures
and signaled the beginning of a conspicuous role for lawyers in juvenile courts. Lawyers began to replace judges
and probation ofcers as childrens advocates. Benevolent
intentions and broad juvenile court jurisdiction still applied, however. Noncriminal juvenile offensesrunning
away, habitual truancy, and incorrigibilityremained subject to sanction in all the states.
Although the customary maximum age limit for juvenile court jurisdiction is eighteen, public concerns regarding the extent and seriousness of juvenile law violations stimulated efforts in the 1970s to lower the age, to
make more serious offenses subject exclusively to criminal
rather than juvenile court sanctions, and to encourage the
application of the juvenile code provision of many states
for the discretionary transfer of juveniles from juvenile
to criminal court jurisdiction. An opposition movement
sought to narrow juvenile court jurisdiction by transferring primary responsibility for minor offenses to social
service agencies and by extending the array of available
community service alternatives for juvenile rehabilitation
to avoid the necessity for state institutional commitment.
In the 1970s juvenile courts in all states had jurisdiction over dependent and neglected children as well as juvenile law violators (delinquents) and youths who commit
noncriminal offenses (status offenders). Nearly a quarter
of those courts also had jurisdiction over the voluntary
relinquishment of children and their adoption and over
the determination of paternity and support proceedings.
The 1970s saw increased popularity of community-based
programs and deinstitutionalization for juveniles in the
justice system, and the passage of the 1974 Juvenile Justice
and Delinquency Prevention Act required states to keep
juvenile offenders separate from adult offenders and to
follow several other custody requirements in order to
qualify for grants.
However, the 1980s brought a dramatic shift toward
law and order policies, in response to misperceptions
that a juvenile crime wave was occurring. A number of
states passed more punitive laws. Some of these new laws
moved certain classes of offenders from juvenile court to
adult court, and others required juvenile courts to function more like adult courts by treating certain classes of
juvenile offenders as adults. People charged with certain
offenses would be excluded from juvenile court jurisdiction and thus face mandatory or automatic waiver to criminal court. In some states, prosecutors have discretion to
le certain cases directly in criminal court, and in other
states, mandatory sentencing laws apply to some juvenile
offenders. In response to concern that the weight of this
crackdown was falling disproportionately on minority
youths, the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
Act was reauthorized in 1992 to require states to examine
the issue and demonstrate the efforts made, if necessary,
to reduce such injustices.
The Supreme Court also had a signicant effect on
juvenile justice in the 1980s. Eddings v. Oklahoma (1982)
called for considering a defendants age in deciding
whether to apply the death penalty and Thompson v. Oklahoma (1988) and Stanford v. Kentucky (1989) set the minimum age for the death penalty at sixteen.
The 1990s brought further changes. Forty-ve states
made it easier to transfer juvenile offenders from the juvenile to the criminal justice system. Thirty-one states
expanded the sentencing options in both juvenile and
505
J U V E N I L E C O U RT S
506
American Bar Association. Facts about the American Judicial System. 1999.
Clapp, Elizabeth J. Mothers of All Children: Women Reformers and
the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive Era America. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998.
Getis, Victoria. The Juvenile Court and the Progressives. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 2000.
Knupfer, Anne Meis. Reform and Resistance: Gender, Delinquency,
and Americas First Juvenile Court. New York: Routledge,
2001.
Polier, Justine Wise. Juvenile Justice in Double Jeopardy: The Distanced Community and Vengeful Retribution. Hillsdale, N.J.:
L. Erlbaum, 1989.
Ted Rubin / d. b.
See also Chicago; Childhood; Crime; In Re Gault; Prisons and
Prison Reform.
K
KANSAS. The geographic center of the 48 contiguous
states of the United States is in Kansas, one mile north
of the city of Lebanon. The geodetic center (which takes
into account the curvature of the earth) of North America
is in Osborne County in north-central Kansas. The state
is rectangular, approximately 408 miles east to west, and
206 miles north to south. Kansas is bordered to the east
by Missouri, to the south by Oklahoma, to the west by
Colorado, and to the north by Nebraska. Because of its
geographic center and because of its agricultural prominence, Kansas is often referred to as the heartland of
America.
There is much evidence of humans south of the glacier in 11,000 b.c., including long sharpened stone points
for spears. These Paleo-Indians, a term meaning people
who predate the Native American cultures that existed
after 7000 b.c., were nomads who hunted mammoths and
giant bison, as well as other big game. By 7000 b.c., the
glacier had retreated far to the north, leaving the gouged
landscape of the Dissected Till Plains; as the climate of
Kansas warmed, new cultures were introduced. The archaic Indians of 7000 b.c. were not the wanderers their
predecessors had been. With the extermination of large
game, they became focused on small animals and on
plants as sources for food. During the period between
5000 b.c. and 3500 b.c., people formed small settlements,
and they often hunted with atlatls, slotted spear throwers
that added greater power than was possible when throwing a spear by hand alone. These people also developed
techniques for making ceramics.
Prehistory
It is not known when humans rst arrived in what is now
Kansas. Archaeologists and paleoanthropologists have
continued to push backward in time the era when the
rst people arrived in North America, probably more
than 100,000 years ago. During the last ice age, a glacier extended southward into northeastern Kansas and
would have obliterated evidence of habitation earlier
than 11,000 b.c.
507
KANSAS
Native Americans of northern Kansas and southern Nebraska lived in large communal lodges built of sod.
Those to the south made thatched-roofed, plaster-covered
houses. These people likely traded with the Pueblo Indians to the southwest, and at least one habitation within
what is now Kansas was built by the Pueblo.
By the time of the arrival of the rst European explorers in 1541, the settled cultures probably had already
been driven out by numerous invasions of warlike nomadic cultures such as the Apache. The Pawnees inhabited northwestern Kansas, the Kiowas the high western
plains, the Comanches the central part of Kansas, and
the Wichita the southern plains. The Kansas, the people
of the south wind, for whom the state is named, and
the Osages had yet to migrate into eastern Kansas; they
would arrive in the 1650s. There were frequent wars
among these tribes, and they often fought the nomadic
Apaches, who tended to follow the herds of bison.
Exploration
The rst recorded European explorer of the Kansas region was Francisco Vasquez de Coronado and his followers, who were looking for riches. In Kansas, he found a
land rich in farms and diverse Native American cultures.
Some of the tribes he encountered resented Roman Catholic priests for trying to convert them, and one priest was
killed. Pieces of Spanish chain mail have been uncovered
in central Kansas, indicating that a few Spanish soldiers
also may have died there.
France claimed the region of Kansas in 1682, but it
was not until 1724 that explorers from Europe and European American colonies began coming to Kansas on a
regular basis. The rst was Etienne Veniard de Bourgmont, who traveled through Kansas as a trader, while exploring the land for the French government. In 1739,
Paul and Pierre Mallet led several traders through Kansas
to the southwest, blazing a trail for other traders. The
French built Fort Cavagnial, near what would become
Leavenworth, to aid French travelers and to provide a
meeting place for Native Americans and French traders;
the fort was closed in 1764. In 1803, the United States
508
Early Settlements
Irrigation had been introduced to Kansas along Beaver
Creek in western Kansas in 1650 by the Taos Indians,
setting the stage for year-round settlements in the dry
High Plains. The explorer William Becknell established
the Santa Fe Trail in 1821, beginning the busy travel of
traders through Kansas to the American southwest. In
1827, Fort Leavenworth was established by Colonel
Henry Leavenworth to provide a place for settling disputes among the Native American tribal factions. That
same year, Daniel Morgan Boone, son of Daniel Boone,
became the rst American farmer in Kansas. In 1839, Native Americans imported wheat from the east and became
the rst wheat farmers in Kansas, clearing and farming
plots of land along rivers. Treaties with the American government supposedly protected the Native American farmers in what was called Indian Country. In 1852, the Native American Mathias Splitlog established Kansass rst
our mill just west of the Missouri River in what is now
Wyandotte County.
Bleeding Kansas
In 1854, in the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the U.S. Congress
established Kansas as an ofcial territory, but in so doing,
Congress violated a compromise between slave states and
free states that was supposed to make both Kansas and
Nebraska free states. Instead, Congress said that the people of Kansas and Nebraska would vote on whether to
make the territories free or slave states when they applied
for statehood.
In 1855, Kansas tried to elect a legislature that would
write a state constitution to present to Congress as part
of its application for statehood. Most of the settlers in
Kansas, such as Mennonites and Quakers, were antislavery (known as free staters), but proslavery men from
outside Kansas were imported to vote in the election, and
through intimidation of antislavery voters and ballot-box
stufng, they won the election. The new legislature
quickly wrote a proslavery constitution, which Congress
rejected because the state legislature was not recognized
as legitimate. In 1855, the Topeka Movement favoring a
free state was begun, and its followers wrote their own
state constitution; this, too, was rejected by Congress because the authors had not been properly elected.
KANSAS
509
KANSAS
510
K A N S A S C O M M I T T E E , N AT I O N A L
Kirk H. Beetz
See also Midwest; Tribes: Great Plains.
Matthew L. Daley
See also Transportation and Travel.
511
K A N S A S F R E E - S T AT E PA RT Y
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Samuel A. Johnson / a. g.
See also Emigrant Aid Movement; Kansas-Nebraska Act;
Lawrence, Sack of.
KANSAS FREE-STATE PARTY. Organized by aggrieved settlers in 1855, the Kansas Free-State Party rejected the territorial legislature elected by the controversial means spawned by the awed Kansas-Nebraska Act
of 1854. Emigrants primarily from free states resented
that residents of the slave state of Missouri nonetheless
voted in the Kansas territorial election of 30 March 1855.
The territorial government elected by such methods rebuffed several free-state delegates while endorsing a
slave code seeking to organize Kansas as a slave state.
Protest meetings culminating at Big Springs on 5
September 1855 launched the Free-State political organization that supported a shadow free-state territorial
government formed at Topeka. Competition emerged between Dr. Charles Robinson, a representative of antislavery New England emigrants, and James H. Lane, a former
Democrat from Indiana. Lane led Midwestern settlers in
resisting slaverys establishment in Kansas but also in promoting the exclusion of free blacks from the territory. On
15 December 1855 free-state voters approved a discriminatory referendum, 1,287 to 453. The eventual free-state
constitution did not formally exclude blacks; it did deny
blacks the suffrage while allowing segregated schools.
The Free-State Party encouraged Republicans in
Congress to block pro-slavery efforts to control Kansas.
A referendum authorized by the English bill of 1858 prevented such pro-slavery hopes while delaying the admission of Kansas as a free state until January 1861. Identied
with national Republicans, the Free-State Party formally
merged with that party in 1859 at an Osawatomie meeting
attended by Horace Greeley. Turmoil in territorial Kansas contributed to the onset of the Civil War in 1861.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rawley, James A. Race and Politics: Bleeding Kansas and the Coming of the Civil War. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1969.
SenGupta, Gunja. For God and Mammon: Evangelicals and Entrepreneurs, Masters and Slaves in Territorial Kansas, 18541860.
Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996.
Vernon L. Volpe
See also Republican Party.
512
K A S S E R I N E PA S S , B AT T L E O F
allowed to move into the new Kansas and Nebraska territories with their human property.
In an effort to mollify Atchisons concerns, Douglas
introduced a bill for the territorial organization of Kansas
and Nebraska, a bill that included a provision that effectively repealed the Missouri Compromise. The bill asserted that the Compromise of 1850 had superseded the
1820 principle that slavery would not be extended north
and west of the Arkansas-Missouri state border. The bill
also stated that the question of slavery in the territories
should be settled by the people living in them, an idea
known as popular sovereignty.
This language conveniently favored Atchison in his
senatorial campaign, for it confronted his opponent,
Thomas Hart Benton, with a difcult dilemma. If Benton
voted for the bill, he would betray his antislavery sympathies; but if he voted against it, he would be defaulting
on his promise to work for expansion into Kansas and
Nebraska. He voted against the bill and suffered defeat in
the race with Atchison. The nal bill explicitly repealed
the Missouri Compromise, and the possibility of slavery
in the new territories was made real.
The political ramications of the enactment of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill reached deeply into the general political climate in which it was passed. Support for it from
southern members of Congress was nearly unanimous.
Northern Democrats were seriously split, half of their
votes in the House going for the measure and half against
it. Nearly all northern Whigs opposed the bill.
This severe political division fractured the structure
of the political party system. The Whig Party was essentially destroyed in the South. The Democrats were so seriously divided that their tenuous congressional majority
became highly vulnerable. A coalition of anti-Nebraska
Democrats, northern Whigs, Know-Nothings, and nativist groups joined the newly organized Republican Party,
making it a viable political force. By 1856 the Whigs had
all but disappeared, and the Republican Party was able to
confront the weakened Democrats with strong opposition.
In addition to these basic political changes, the
Kansas-Nebraska Act had direct ramications. Kansas
and Nebraska were promptly opened for settlement in
1854. Although Nebraska remained relatively quiet, Kansas, the destination of most of the new settlers, became a
political hotbed. Settlers came to Kansas not only to develop the frontier but alsoand perhaps more importantlyto lend their weight in the determination of
whether Kansas would be free or slave.
Almost from the outset, political stability was lacking
in Kansas. From the South, proslavery Missourians traveled into Kansas to vote in favor of slavery, often arriving
in armed bands. Groups in the North and East, such as
the Emigrant Aid Company, helped so large a number of
antislavery settlers move into the territory that it was generally thought that an honest referendum of actual settlers
would not permit slavery in Kansas. But Missouri raiders
Jeannette P. Nichols / s. k.
See also Democratic Party; Emigrant Aid Movement; Free
Soil Party; Lecompton Constitution; Know-Nothing
Party; Republican Party; Slavery; States Rights; Transcontinental Railroad, Building of; Whig Party; and vol. 9:
The Crime Against Kansas.
KASSERINE PASS, BATTLE OF. In a series of engagements in Tunisia during World War II that reached
a climax near the Algerian border at the Kasserine Pass,
combined Italian and German forces in February 1943
drove American and French troops back about fty miles
from the Eastern to the Western Dorsale mountains.
These events grew out of two actions: the British victory
at El Alamein on 23 October 1942, which precipitated
the retreat of German General Erwin Rommels army
513
KEARNEYITES
across Libya and into southern Tunisia; and the AngloAmerican invasion of French North Africa on 8 November 1942, which prompted the Axis nations to dispatch
troops from Italy to northern Tunisia. By January 1943,
Rommels troops, pursued by Lieutenant General Bernard L. Montgomerys Eighth Army, were settling into
the Mareth positions. At the same time, General D. Juergen von Arnim held Bizerte and Tunis against Lieutenant
General Kenneth Andersons First Army, composed of
British, French, and American units.
The Americans were inexperienced and overcondent, and the French lacked modern and mechanized
weapons and equipment. There were too few men for the
large area they defended, yet the roads and railways from
Algeria made support for larger forces impossible.
The battle opened 30 January 1943, when Arnim
overwhelmed the French at Fad Pass, and the Americans
failed to restore the situation. Arnim attacked again on 14
February and marooned American forces on the Lessouda
and Ksaira hills. At Sidi bou Zid he soundly defeated the
U.S. First Armored Division, which lost ninety-eight tanks
and about half of its combat effectiveness in two days.
Allied troops abandoned Gafsa, Feriana, and Thelepte after destroying equipment and supplies, including facilities
at two airelds, and the Americans were forced out of
Sbetla.
Hoping to gain a great strategic victory by a wide
envelopment through Tebessa to Annaba (Bone), which
would compel the Allies to withdraw from Tunisia, Rommel continued the offensive on 19 February. He thrust
north from Sbetla toward Sbiba and sent two columns
through the Kasserine Pass, one probing toward Tebessa
and the main effort toward Thala. After erce ghting,
all were stopped by determined defensive work. On 22
February a discouraged Rommel sent his units back to
the Mareth positions to prepare for Montgomerys inevitable attack. Unaware of Rommels withdrawal, the Allies
moved cautiously forward, retook the Kasserine Pass on
25 February, and found the Italians and Germans gone.
The Americans learned their lessons and restructured their training programs. Major General George S.
Patton Jr. replaced Major General Lloyd R. Fredendall at
the head of the II Corps and restored the ghting spirit
of the troops. General Harold Alexander instituted a better command system for the ground forces, and the
French were rearmed and reequipped. Less than three
months later, the Allies defeated the Italians and Germans
and won control over all of North Africa.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
514
Martin Blumenson / a. r.
See also North African Campaign; World War II.
Gyory, Andrew. Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese
Exclusion Act. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1998.
Saxton, Alexander. The Indispensable Enemy; Labor and the AntiChinese Movement in California. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1971.
P. Orman Ray / e. m.
See also California; Chinese Exclusion Act; Labor.
KEARNYS MARCH TO CALIFORNIA. Just after the start of the Mexican-American War in June 1846,
General Stephen Watts Kearny led the Army of the West
out of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, with orders to march
down the Santa Fe Trail into Upper California and take
possession of the territory for the United States. His swift,
forceful invasion of Mexicos thinly populated northern
frontier met no resistance. On 15 August, the Army of
the West marched into Las Vegas, New Mexico, and three
days later entered Santa Fe. On 25 September, Kearny
moved west again, his numbers considerably reduced as
his volunteers had turned south into Mexico to join the
war there.
On 6 October at Socorro, New Mexico, Kearny met
the renowned scout Kit Carson coming east with the news
that California was already in American hands. Knowing
the worst of the trail lay before him and believing the
ghting to be over, Kearny reduced his force to one hundred dragoons and a few hunters, now all mounted on
mules, and commandeered the services of a protesting
Carson.
The army pushed west along the Gila River, through
the harsh Sonoran desert. Halfway there Kearny learned
KELLOGG-BRIAND ACT
Leland D. Baldwin / a. r.
Cecelia Holland
See also Flatboatmen; Galley Boats; Lewis and Clark Expedition; Missouri River; River Navigation; Waterways,
Inland.
Ferrell, Robert H. Peace in Their Time: The Origins of the KelloggBriand Pact. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1952.
Charles M. Dobbs
515
K E L LY S I N D U S T R I A L A R M Y
KELLYS INDUSTRIAL ARMY was one of a number of industrial armies, born of the panic of 1893, that
pressed the federal government to help the unemployed.
During the 1890s, Californian Charles T. Kelly rallied
fteen hundred men, many out of work, to this cause. In
the spring of 1894, Kellys followers boarded railroad boxcars bound for Washington, D.C. They planned to join
Jacob S. Coxeys army, which had recently captured national headlines by marching from Ohio to the nations
capital. At Council Bluffs, Iowa, the railroad ejected
Kellys army. Many of Kellys supporters, however, continued their journey on foot and eventually joined Coxeys
army in Washington.
a colony called Sagadahoc in 1607. Sagadahoc was abandoned in 1608 upon the death of its president, George
Popham. In 1622 King James I granted land for the
Province of Maine to Sir Fernando Gorges. By 1639
the province had pressed claims against Acadia, the French
colony to the north, as far as the St. Croix River, the
modern U.S.-Canadian boundary. In 1643 the proprietary governor of Maine, Thomas Gorges, returned to
England to ght in the Civil War. Soon the Puritans of
Massachusetts annexed Maine and its Kennebec River
settlements, transforming them from the domain of an
ineffectual proprietor into the frontier of Puritan society
for the next century.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McMurry, Donald Le Crone. Coxeys Army: A Study of the Industrial Army Movement of 1894. 1929. Reprint, Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1968.
Schwantes, Carlos A. Coxeys Army: An American Odyssey. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985.
Timothy M. Roberts
Carl L. Cannon / e. m.
See also Coxeys Army; Financial Panics.
516
K E N T S T AT E P R O T E S T
Deirdre Sheets
See also Norsemen in America.
Bills, Scott L., ed. Kent State, May 4: Echoes through a Decade.
Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1982.
Davies, Peter. The Truth about Kent State: A Challenge to the
American Conscience. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux,
1973.
Eszterhas, Joe, and Michael D. Roberts. Thirteen Seconds: Confrontation at Kent State. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1970.
Gordon, William A. The Fourth of May: Killings and Coverups at
Kent State. Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1990.
517
KENTUCKY
Bob Batchelor
518
KENTUCKY
519
KENTUCKY
Henry Watterson. For the next three decades the onceminority Democrats ruled with few challenges, and exConfederates, not the once-dominant Unionists, guided it.
Postwar Kentucky
Few reform elements emerged in those years. A edgling
womens rights group did organize in 1881, the rst in
the South. Advocates such as Laura Clay and Madeline
McDowell Breckinridge eventually earned national leadership roles and made the state a strong force for suffrage,
ratifying the federal amendment in 1920. During the
same time the commonwealth once more showed its varied faces in its ability to reconcile racing, red-eye whiskey, and religion all at the same time. Kentucky voted in
statewide prohibition despite its role as the nations leading producer of bourbon, and in the 1920s it even seriously debated ending pari-mutuel betting despite its dependence on the horse industry.
But more reective of the half century following the
Civil War was the role violence played in Kentucky. In
lynchings and in personal, honor-based actions, the commonwealth varied little from southern patterns. However,
in the Appalachian Mountains feud violence broke out in
a dozen or more major conicts, the best-known (but not
the bloodiest) of which was the Hateld-McCoy dispute.
Kentuckys increasing image as a place of violence intensied in January 1900 with the assassination of Governor
William Goebel, the only governor to die in ofce as a
result of assassination, and with the Black Patch War in
the rst decade of the twentieth century. That war united
farmers against tobacco companies in what has been
called the largest mass agricultural protest movement in
the nation. Night riders used violence to enforce the
growers will and to intimidate the buyers, and the states
reputation suffered. With the boom and bust cycles in the
eastern coal elds, labor and management divisions in the
1930s gave Bloody Harlan its name. But by the end of
the twentieth century Kentucky ranked low on the crime
scale in a drastic reversal.
The violent acts one after the other, the effect of prohibition on the economy, the lack of leadership, and a
decline in education from its once-strong place in the
South hurt Kentucky in the twentieth century. Despite
the presence of military bases, such as Fort Knox with its
gold depository, World War II also affected that growth,
for of all the southern states Kentucky grew tenth slowest.
520
KENTUCKY
Aron, Stephen. How the West Was Lost: The Transformation of Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry Clay. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1996.
Clark, Thomas D. Kentucky: Land of Contrast. New York: Harper
and Row, 1968.
Harrison, Lowell H. The Civil War in Kentucky. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975.
Harrison, Lowell H., ed. Kentuckys Governors, 17921985. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1985.
Harrison, Lowell H., and James C. Klotter. A New History of
Kentucky. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997.
Kleber, John E., ed. The Kentucky Encyclopedia. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1992.
Klotter, James C. Kentucky: Portrait in Paradox, 19001950.
Frankfort: Kentucky Historical Society, 1996.
Klotter, James C., ed. Our Kentucky: A Study of the Bluegrass State.
Rev. ed. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2000.
Lewis, R. Barry, ed. Kentucky Archaeology. Lexington: University
Press of Kentucky, 1996.
Lucas, Marion B., and George C. Wright. A History of Blacks in
Kentucky. 2 vols. Frankfort: Kentucky Historical Society,
1992.
Tapp, Hambleton, and James C. Klotter. Kentucky: Decades of
Discord, 18651900. Frankfort: Kentucky Historical Society, 1977.
Ulack, Richard, ed. Atlas of Kentucky. Lexington: University
Press of Kentucky, 1998.
Ward, William S. A Literary History of Kentucky. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988.
James C. Klotter
See also Bluegrass Country; Coal Mining and Organized Labor; Feuds, Appalachian Mountain; Horse Racing and
Showing; Music: Bluegrass; Westward Migration.
521
KENTUCKY CONVENTIONS
T. D. Clark / a. g.
See also Backcountry and Backwoods; Frontier Defense;
Tobacco and American Indians; Trading Companies;
Virginia Indian Company; Wars with Indian Nations:
Early Nineteenth Century (17831840).
prosecuting attorney and his political experience as a former Democratic governor of Illinois. Other important
members of the commission included Oklahoma senator
Fred Harris, NAACP executive director Roy Wilkins, and
New York City mayor John Lindsay. Lindsays efforts
were of particular importance as he played an important
role in the drafting of the commissions nal report, which
was issued on 1 March 1968.
The commission found no evidence of a political
conspiracy at work in the rioting. Rather, the panel concluded that economic deprivation and racial discrimination created great anger in the ghettos and thus created
the conditions for rioting. In its most famous phrase, the
report found that Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one whiteseparate and unequal and
that a program of racial integration and economic uplift
was the only preventative step that could be taken to avoid
rioting in the hot summers of the future. The commission
called for steep increases in federal aid to the cities, a
federal jobs program to employ one million workers, and
an increase in the minimum wage, among other redistributive policy proposals. The report attracted a vast amount
of public attention as a commercial press reprint of the
report sold two million copies and made the best-seller
lists. The policy impact of the report was minimal. Urban
riots peaked out after the difcult summer that prompted
the formation of the commission and a conservative Republican administration came to power in January 1969.
With its linkage of white racism with black poverty, the
report entered into the lexicon of social science and policy
analysis debate.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Richard M. Flanagan
See also Civil Rights Movement; Great Society; Riots, Urban,
of 1967.
522
KEROSINE OIL. Americans knew something of petroleum deposits as early as 1700, but oil rarely entered
commerce until 1849 when Samuel M. Kier of Pittsburgh
began selling Kiers Petroleum or Rock Oil, Celebrated
for its Wonderful Curative Powers on a large scale.
Meanwhile, other men were taking steps destined to reveal the true value of the oil. James Young of Glasgow,
Scotland, began distilling lubricating and illuminating oils
from a petroleum spring in Derbyshire, England, in 1847.
In Prince Edward Island, Canada, Abram Gessner distilled kerosine from local coal as early as 1846. He patented his process in the United States and sold his rights
to the North American Kerosene Gas Light Company of
KEYNESIANISM
Allan Nevins / c. w.
See also Coal; Oil Fields; Petroleum Industry; Standard Oil
Company.
increase either consumption or the particularly volatile element of investment, could be used to drive an underperforming economy to full employment. Because of the socalled multiplier effect that Keynes invoked as a central
element in his model, such action could have an ultimate
economic impact several times larger than the magnitude
of the governments initial corrective intervention.
In the period from World War II through the early
1970s, Keynesianism rose to ever greater inuence as
both a theory and a guide for public policy. The Keynesian analysis gained a prominent place in textbooks, and
its terminology increasingly became the common language of both economists and policymakers. The experience of World War II, with its massive decit spending,
seemed to validate Keyness approach, and the subsequent
Cold War and the later expansion of social spending left
the federal government with a sufciently large presence
in the U.S. economy to serve as a Keynesian lever. The
size of postwar budgets meant that changes in federal
spending and taxing had a powerful impact on the overall
economy. Embraced most fervently by Democrats but inuential also in Republican circles, the Keynesian policy
approach gained its fullest expression in the liberal presidencies of the 1960s, most prominently in the KennedyJohnson tax cut of 1964. In 1965, Time magazine put
Keyness picture on its cover in a tribute to the inuence
of his economic vision.
With the onset of stagation in the 1970s, Keynesianism began to lose inuence both as a theory and as a
policy. Unable to explain adequately the economic malaise of simultaneous stagnation and ination, it came under theoretical assault by the monetarist and the rational
expectations schools of economic thought. Suspected of
being itself a primary contributor to ination, Keynesianism was increasingly supplanted by policy approaches
aimed more at the supply side of the economy.
At the end of the twentieth century, Keynesianism
still provided much of the lingua franca of macroeconomics. However, both as a theory and as a policy, it lived on
only in a much chastened and attenuated form, more a
limited analysis and a special prescription for particular
circumstances than the general theory Keynes had originally proclaimed it to be.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Collins, Robert M. More: The Politics of Economic Growth in Postwar America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.
Keynes, John Maynard. The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money. London: Macmillan, 1936.
Skidelsky, Robert. Keynes. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1996.
Stein, Herbert. The Fiscal Revolution in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969.
Robert M. Collins
See also Economics; Great Depression; Reaganomics; SupplySide Economics.
523
KICKAPOO
KICKAPOO. The exact origins of the Kickapoo remain uncertain, though tribal tradition tells of their separating from the Shawnee after a dispute over a bears foot.
Equally unknown is the meaning of kiikaapoa, the name
Kickapoo call themselves. The Kickapoo have maintained
a marked independence from outside inuences. To this
day, they remain an exceptionally conservative people,
as evidenced by their reluctance to marry outside the
tribe. In addition to the Shawnee, the Kickapoo are
strongly related to the Miami, Sauk, Fox, and especially
the Mascouten.
The Kickapoo reckoned kinship patrilineally, and
were organized into clans bearing the names of animals.
They also had a Berry clan and a Tree clan, though clans
named after plants were unusual in most tribes. Leaders
from the clans formed a council, which governed along
with a hereditary chief, usually from the Eagle clan.
Women sometimes acted as chiefs, although in a religious, not political, role. By the 1950s, traditional organization became largely ceremonial, and matrilineal chiefs
were acceptable. Kickapoo religion centers on relations
with several important deities, including Creator, the four
winds, the sky, moon, sun, stars, and earth.
Kickapoo women provided much of the tribes food
through agriculture and gathering. Men hunted and shed.
Hunting and gathering are still important to a band of
Kickapoo who settled in Mexico. Women also constructed
the rectangular, bark-over-pole lodges in Kickapoo villages, and made clothing.
524
Robert M. Owens
KIDNAPPING
Two other widely publicized incidents, though, reinforced the connection between kidnapping and young
children. The 1924 case of Nathan Leopold and Richard
Loeb, who abducted and killed a young boy in Chicago,
focused attention on cases involving sexual motives, while
the 1932 kidnapping of Charles Lindbergh Jr., son of the
fabled aviator, dramatized abduction for ransom. These
cases produced lengthy, controversial trials of the century and sparked debate over broader issues including
the insanity defense and the death penalty in the LeopoldLoeb case. In the aftermath of the Lindbergh case, Congress passed the Lindbergh Act of 1932, which expanded
federal authority over kidnapping with its presumption that
any abduction of more than twenty-four hours involved
transportation across state lines. Many states adopted their
own tougher, new antikidnapping measures called Little
Lindbergh laws.
During the last half of the twentieth century, kidnapping stories encompassed an ever wider array of ctive and
real-life scenarios. The 1974 abduction of Patricia Hearst,
the daughter of a prominent media mogul, by the Symbionese Liberation Army, recalled politically motivated kidnappings in other countries. Several years later, when an
anti-American faction in Iran seized nearly one hundred
people at the American Embassy in Tehran, the media
proclaimed America Held Hostage, and the incident
played a key role in the 1980 presidential election of Ronald Reagan and the defeat of incumbent Jimmy Carter.
The kidnapping of U.S. businesspeople and diplomats remained a prominent concern overseas, while abductions
that accompanied carjackings and other crimes attracted
considerable attention in the United States.
Still, cases involving young children attracted the most
intense interest. Bitter controversy over child custody laws,
for example, publicized a form of abduction in which one
parent resorted to kidnapping in order to circumvent a
court order granting custody to the other. In 1980, Congress responded with the Parental Kidnapping Prevention
Act, which mandated greater state-to-state cooperation
in custody-related abductions. Advocates for children,
though, insisted on a clear distinction between parental
kidnappings and stranger abductions, which became
rmly associated with the specter of sexual exploitation.
Several tragic cases of stranger abductions prompted new
legislation, such as Megans Law, which aimed for the
registration and monitoring of sexual predators. Other
prominent kidnappings produced new nationwide organizations, including the Adam Walsh Childrens Fund and
the Polly Klaas Foundation for Missing Children.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
525
K I L R O Y WA S H E R E
Norman Rosenberg
See also Captivity Narratives; Iran Hostage Crisis; LeopoldLoeb Case; Lindbergh Kidnapping Case; Slave Trade.
Dickson, Paul. War Slang: Fighting Words and Phrases of Americans from the Civil War through the Persian Gulf War. New
York: Pocket Books, 1994.
Fussell, Paul. Wartime: Understanding and Behavior in the Second
World War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Timothy M. Roberts
See also World War II.
Faust, Drew Gilpin. James Henry Hammond and the Old South: A
Design for Mastery. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982.
Wright, Gavin. The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century. New
York: W.W. Norton, 1978.
Hallie Farmer / t. g.
526
Shelby Balik
Raymond P. Stearns
See also Colonial Wars; Jenkinss Ear, War of; Ohio Valley.
K I N G W I L L I A M S WA R
The war was disastrous for both the English and the
Indians. It wreaked havoc on the New England economy.
Sixteen English towns in Massachusetts and four in
Rhode Island were destroyed. No English colonist was
left in Kennebec County (Maine), and the Indian population of southern New England was decimated. Although Indians no longer posed a threat to colonists in
southern New England, tension between Indians and
white settlers persisted to the northeast and northwest,
where these conicts merged with political and territorial
clashes between England and France.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Shelby Balik
Raymond P. Stearns
See also Frontier Defense; Indian Policy, Colonial; Warfare,
Indian.
527
KINGS PROVINCE
528
R. W. G. Vail / h. s.
See also Narragansett Bay; Narragansett Planters; Rhode
Island.
K I N G , M A RT I N L U T H E R , A S S A S S I N AT I O N
Martin Luther King Jr. The civil rights leader (second from right) arrives at the Lorraine Motel on
3 April 1968 with (left to right) Hosea Williams, Jesse Jackson, and Ralph Abernathy; the next day
he would be assassinated there. AP/Wide World Photos
The identication of Ray as a suspect led to an international search. After examining passport application
photographs, Canadian ofcials found that a passport had
been issued on 24 April to a person using the name Ramon George Sneyd, who resembled Ray and whose handwriting matched samples of Rays. They also determined
that the person using the passport had left Canada for
London. On 8 June British immigration ofcials on the
alert for Ray detained him while he prepared to board a
ight to Brussels (Ray later explained that his ultimate
destination was the white-ruled nation of Rhodesia [later
Zimbabwe]). On 18 July Ray arrived in the United States
after being extradited to stand trial.
529
K I N G , R O D N E Y, R I O T S
530
Clayborne Carson
See also Assassinations and Political Violence, Other; Civil
Rights Movement; Conspiracy.
KINSHIP
Leslie J. Lindenauer
See also Sex Education; Sexual Orientation; Sexuality.
531
K I O WA
common. Beyond these broad variations across U.S. society, there were variations in the structure and nature of
kin relations across religions, ethnic groups, and social
classes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David Levinson / a. r.
See also Demography and Demographic Trends; Family; Genealogy; Marriage.
KIOWA. Classied in the Uto-Aztecan language family, Kiowa is remotely linked to the Tanoan languages of
the Eastern Pueblos. This suggests divergence and prehistoric northward migrations to the mountainous Yellowstone River region of western Montana, the ancestral
lands of the pre-contact hunting-and-gathering Kiowa.
Migrations and Alliances to the Mid-Nineteenth
Century
Leaving their homelands in the late seventeenth century
in search of horses, the Kiowa and an afliated group of
Plains Apache migrated southeastward, befriending the
Crow, reaching the Black Hills (in present-day South Dakota) around 1775, and then establishing trading relations
with the Mandan and Arikara before the Lakota and
Cheyenne drove them south to the Arkansas River. At the
time of the rst direct contact with whites in the late eighteenth century, the Kiowa had relocated to the Southwestern Plains. They numbered barely two thousand individuals and were compelled to form an alliance with the
more numerous Comanche between 1790 and 1806. Like
the Comanche, the Kiowa fashioned a lucrative equestrian raiding economy in the lands of mild winters and
ample grazing that were within striking distance of Spanish settlements in Colorado, New Mexico, Texas, and
northern Mexico. The Kiowa, Comanche, and Plains
Apache (KCA Indians) coalition fought common northern enemies, particularly the Lakota, Cheyenne, and
Pawnee. By 1840, additional intertribal alliances had been
forged with the Osage, Lakota, and Cheyenne.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the KCA Indians
dominated the Southwestern Plains: the Kiowa and Plains
Apache inhabited the northern region adjacent to the Arkansas River in present-day west-central Kansas, and the
Comanche controlled the Staked Plains region of the
Texas Panhandle. Intertribal raiding parties skirmished
with Ute, Navajo, and Pawnee enemies, and plundered
Mexican and Texan settlements for livestock and captives.
532
K I O WA
Kiowa. This mural by Kiowa artist Steven Mopope depicts a bison hunt. National Archives and Records Administration
533
KITCHEN CABINET
Benjamin R. Kracht
See also Dawes General Allotment Act; Indian Land Cessions; Indian Reservations; Indian Treaties; Indians
and the Horse; Indians in the Military; Native American Church; Nativist Movement (American Indian Revival Movements); Red River Indian War; Sun Dance;
Tribes: Great Plains; Wars with Indian Nations: Later
Nineteenth Century (18401900).
KITCHENS. Long before the European colonists arrived, Native Americans had cooked on open res or hot
stones. The colonists brought the idea of a more permanent hearth within a specic roomthe kitchen. In
New England, early colonists lived in small, landscapehugging farmhouses. The kitchen was the hub of the
house, with an eight- to ten-foot-wide medieval-style replace. While the husband and eld hands worked democratically side by side taming the land, the housewife,
usually with a servant who was treated as extended family,
worked from dawn to dark. She lit res using a tinder
box; tended an orchard and kitchen garden; grew ax;
carded wool; spun yarn; wove fabric; knitted stockings;
dipped tallow candles; made soap for laundering; preserved food; baked bread from home-grown grain ground
at a mill; and produced a large family to aid with chores.
Kitchens in the Eighteenth Century
Kitchen improvements were invented throughout the
eighteenth century. Fireplaces were reduced in size and
chimneys given more efcient ues. Forged iron swinging
534
Martha Washingtons Kitchen. The restored lateeighteenth-century room at Mount Vernon, Va. Library of
Congress
KITCHENS
with perforated tin doors that kept mice and insects away
from freshly baked goods; a sink of iron, soapstone, or
granite set in a wooden dry sink; and a kitchen clock,
needed to time cookery now gleaned from published recipe books instead of handwritten family recipes. Water
was carried in from exterior wells. As the century progressed, water was conveyed to interior sink pumps by
pipes. By 1850, windmill power pumped water to roof
cisterns and interior plumbing delivered water to faucets.
Two inventions, the range and the stove, revolutionized cooking methods; the former was a large iron
structure with an oven and several top burners all set in
brickwork engineered with ues, and the latter was a freestanding iron cookstove with built-in ues. Both included
hot water reservoirs and could be fueled with wood or
coal. By 1850, even in country areas, one or the other of
these cooking devices was in use, and many of the old
walk-in replaces were bricked up.
From the 1830s until the Civil War (18611865), immigrants became the help, but were referred to as domestic servants. Town house kitchens were relegated to
the rear with back stairs to ensure that servants were unseen, or to a half basement with a separate entrance. The
hands-on housewifes role changed to that of supervisor
with the parlor her realm, although she still prided herself
on doing fancy cooking for company.
The Civil War and encroaching industrialization depleted the supply of domestic servants, but it created a
need for portable food for troops and boosted canning
companies who mechanized their industries, making
canned goods widely accepted by housewives. Household
tools patented in the mid-nineteenth century included the
Boston Carpet Sweeper (1850) and several early washing
machines (late 1850s), although mechanical washers were
not in general use until after 1920. Advice on efciency
came from an increasing number of womens magazines.
Help also came from inuential books extolling economy,
system, and scientic methods in cooking, organizing a
kitchen, and house maintenance. By 1896, The Boston
Cooking-School Cook Book, by Fanny Farmer, was published.
With fewer servants, kitchens became smaller toward the end of the nineteenth century, but more attention was paid to their appearance. Efforts at natural
colors, such as beige and soft green, replaced whitewashed walls. Tiles or washable oilcloth covered the
oorto be superseded by linoleum (invented in 1863
by Frederick Walton, founder of The American Linoleum Company). Many kitchens had sanitary tin ceilings, which could be wiped clean. With the growing
awareness of hygiene, carbolic acid was used for cleaning,
and white vitriol for disinfecting, both home-mixed. By
the 1920s, cleaning supplies and soaps could be bought
ready-made.
The rst gas stove was made by Wm. W. Goodwin
& Company in 1879 and became commonplace in many
American towns by the 1890s. In the 1870s, enameled
535
K L A M AT H - M O D O C
Beecher, Catharine E., and Harriet Beecher Stowe. The American Womans Home: or, Principles of Domestic Science; being a
Guide to the Formation and Maintenance of Economical, Healthful, Beautiful, and Christian Homes. New York: J.B. Ford &
Company, 1869.
Franklin, Linda Campbell. 300 Years of Kitchen Collectibles. Florence, Ala.: Books Americana, 1991.
Grey, Johnny. Kitchen Design Workbook. New York: DK Publishers, 1996.
Grow, Lawrence. The Old House Book of Kitchens and Dining
Rooms. New York: Warner Books, 1981.
Harrison, Molly. The Kitchen in History. Reading, Pa.: Osprey
Publishing, 1972.
Holt, Emily. The Complete Housekeeper. New York: McClure,
Phillips & Co., 1904.
Krasner, Deborah. Kitchens for CooksPlanning Your Perfect
Kitchen. New York: Viking Studio Books, 1994.
536
Chippy Irvine
K L A M AT H - M O D O C
Modocs. The tribe maintained various ties to the Klamaths in the Northwest but was far less
conciliatory toward white settlers and policies of the U.S. government. corbis
537
KLONDIKE RUSH
Klondike Rush. In 1900 a horse-drawn wagon makes a delivery to a meat market in Dawson, then
the capital of Yukon Territory and a major distribution center for the Klondike mining region in
both Canada and Alaska. corbis
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Curtin, Jeremiah. Myths of the Modocs: Indian Legends of the Northwest. Boston: Little, Brown, 1912.
538
Rebecca Bales
KNIGHTS OF LABOR
cial possibilities, began a well-nanced propaganda campaign that precipitated the rush. The peak of the rush
occurred from 1897 to 1899, when 100,000 people left
for Alaska, although only about half reached the mines,
because of the harsh weather and terrain.
The Klondike Rush had far-reaching economic results, particularly for Alaska. Those unable to secure
claims on the Klondike spread over Alaska, nding gold
at Nome, Fairbanks, and numerous less famous places.
Many turned to other pursuits. Taken together, participants in the rush were the principal factor in the diffuse
settlement of Alaska and the economic development of
the territory.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
V. J. Farrar / h. s.
See also Alaska; Gold Mines and Mining; Yukon Region.
539
Mark A. Lause
See also American Federation of LaborCongress of Industrial Organizations; Industrial Workers of the World;
Labor; Strikes.
540
K O R E A , R E L AT I O N S W I T H
Timothy M. Roberts
See also Nativism; and vol. 9: American Party Platform.
Andrew C. Rieser
See also Army, United States; Currency and Coinage; Fortifications; Mint, Federal; Treasury, Department of the.
541
K O R E A WA R O F 1 8 7 1
Baldwin, Frank, ed. Without Parallel: The American-Korean Relationship since 1945. New York: Pantheon, 1974.
Lee, Yur-Bok, and Wayne Patterson, eds. One Hundred Years of
Korean-American Relations, 18821982. University: University of Alabama Press, 1986.
Sutter, Robert, and Han Sungjoo. Korea-U.S. Relations in a Changing World. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.
David Park
See also Cold War; Korea War of 1871; Korea-gate; Korean
Americans; Korean War; and vol. 9: War Story.
542
Angela Ellis
Harry Emerson Wildes
See also Imperialism; Korea, Relations with.
KOREAN AMERICANS
Buss, Claude A. The United States and the Republic of Korea. Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University,
1982.
Kwak, Tae-Hwan, et al., eds. U.S.Korean Relations, 18821982.
Seoul: Kyungnam University Press, 1982.
Ross Gregory / a. g.
See also Corruption, Political; Political Scandals; Watergate.
Bruce J. Evensen
James I. Matray
KOREAN AMERICANS. The rst Korean immigrants came to the United States in the last years of the
nineteenth century as Hawaiian sugar plantation workers
or students of higher education. However, their numbers
were very small, estimated at fewer than 100. Between
1903 and 1905, some 7,200 Koreans arrived in Hawaii to
work on sugar plantations for the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association. The vast majority of them were single
men, and their arrival was soon followed by about 1,000
Korean women called picture brides, because their marriages had resulted from exchanging photographs. That
rst wave of Korean immigration was heavily promoted
not only by labor recruiters but also by American missionaries in Korea, who billed Hawaii as a Christian paradise. In fact, about 40 percent of those Korean immigrants were Protestants, while few people in Korea were
Protestants at the time.
The rst wave came to a sudden halt. In 1905, upon
making Korea a protectorate, Japan shut down the Korean Emigration Ofce. The Gentlemens Agreement of
1907 between the United States and Japan restricting Japanese immigration applied to Koreans as well by default,
and the U.S. Congress enacted highly restrictive immigration acts in 1920 and 1924. As a consequence, few Koreans immigrated until the late 1940s. The 1910 U.S.
census reported 4,994 Korean immigrants, and the 1940
census reported 8,562, most in Hawaii and California.
The majority of those early immigrants engaged in
agriculture as tenant farmers, growing rice, fruits, and
vegetables, and many women worked in domestic service.
A small number took up mining and railroading. By the
early 1910s, a few rice kings and fairly large farm entrepreneurs had emerged, and by the 1930s, some successful restaurants, groceries, and other small businesses
had appeared around Los Angeles. By the 1940s, a small
group had become professionals, entering medicine, science, and architecture. Nevertheless, throughout the rst
half of the twentieth century, most Korean Americans had
to eke out a harsh living owing to linguistic and cultural
barriers, the prevalent perception of the yellow peril
during the Progressive Era, and the rampant racial bigotry of the 1920s. Until 1952, the U.S. government denied rst-generation Korean immigrants the right to become naturalized U.S. citizens, and California enforced
discriminatory educational, tax, licensing, and leasing policies. Over time the third- to fth-generation Korean
Americans scattered all over the country, where most intermarried and led middle-class lives in the larger society.
A second wave of Korean immigrants consisted of
some 20,000 Korean women, who married U.S. servicemen and immigrated to the United States between 1945
and 1965, the children of U.S. servicemen, and war orphans. The second wave was largely a by-product of the
U.S. military rule over Korea (19451948) and the Korean War (19501953). A small but growing number of
Korean professionals who had originally arrived as students became permanent residents and U.S. citizens. As
543
K O R E A N WA R
544
With the growing number of old-timers and the increasing nancial security of most Korean immigrants,
the Korean American population after the 1980s began
moving gradually but visibly away from urban centers and
traditional ethnic enclaves to middle-class suburbs around
the country. In the 1990s, the average household income
of Korean American families was substantially higher than
that of white American families. Politically, the majority
of rst-generation and a large proportion of secondgeneration Korean Americans, owing to their overriding
concerns for nancial security, evangelical Christian faith,
and law and order, leaned toward the Republican Party.
This preference is despite the fact that they have long
beneted from the immigration, civil rights, Korean policies, and broader political and social climate more often
supported by Democrats.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David Park
See also Immigration Act of 1965; Immigration Restriction;
Korea, Relations with; Korean War; and vol. 9: Gentlemens Agreement; War Story.
K O R E A N WA R
545
K O R E A N WA R
546
K O R E A N WA R
On the Defensive. Members of the U.S. Armys Second Infantry Division man a machine gun in a foxhole, 1950.
547
K O R E A N WA R
sure to do so from allies and neutrals in the United Nations. Dissatised with less than total victory, the UN
commander continued to scheme for an expanded war.
Anticipating a Chinese spring offensive at any moment
and facing continued public dissent from MacArthur,
Truman on 11 April removed his eld commander from
all his positions, appointing Ridgway in his place. The
action set off a storm of protest in the United States, but
Truman held rm, aided by UN forces in Korea, which
repulsed massive Chinese offensives in April and May.
Following consultations in Moscow in early June, the
Communist allies decided to seek negotiations for an
armistice.
Peace Negotiations
On 10 July negotiations began between the eld commands at Kaesong, just south of the thirty-eighth parallel.
Despite restraint on both sides from seeking major gains
on the battleeld, an armistice was not signed for over
two years.
The rst issue negotiated was an armistice line, and
this took until 27 November to resolve. The Communists
initially insisted on the thirty-eighth parallel; the UN
command, which was dominated by the United States,
pressed for a line north of the prevailing battle line, ar-
548
K O R E A N WA R
arming of West Germany. The United States also intervened to save Taiwan from the Communists, eventually
signing a defense pact with the Nationalist government
there, and initiated formation of the Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization, which in the following decade
played a pivotal role in the direct U.S. military intervention in Indochina.
If the prudence of some of these actions may be questioned, there can be little doubt that the long-term impact
of the war was contrary to Soviet interests. The Soviet
Union was in a poor position economically to compete
with a U.S.-led alliance system partially mobilized for war
on a permanent basis. Furthermore, although the Korean
War brought the Soviet Union and the PRC closer together for the short term, it helped tear them apart within
less than a decade of its end. Chinas intervention in Korea
to prevent a total U.S. victory greatly enhanced the PRCs
self-condence and prestige. The limited scope and initial
delay of Soviet aid to the Chinese effort produced resentment in Beijing and reinforced its determination to
develop an independent capacity to defend itself and project power beyond its borders.
Yet the war also produced both short- and long-term
problems in Sino-American relations. In addition to augmenting feelings of bitterness and fear between the PRC
and the United States, the conict led to American intervention to save Taiwan from conquest by the Communists. U.S. involvement in the islands fate represents the
single most acrimonious issue in Sino-American relations
to the present day.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
549
K O R E A N WA R , A I R C O M B AT I N
550
Bruning, John R. Crimson Sky: The Air Battle for Korea. Dulles,
Va.: Brasseys, 1999.
Crane, Conrad C. American Airpower Strategy in Korea, 1950
1953. Modern War Studies. Lawrence: University Press of
Kansas, 2000.
KU KLUX KLAN
Futrell, Robert Frank. The United States Air Force in Korea, 1950
1953. Rev. ed. Washington, D.C.: Ofce of Air Force History, United States Air Force, 1983.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
KOSOVO BOMBING. In the aftermath of the Bosnian peace agreement, which the United States brokered
in the fall of l995 in Dayton Ohio, conict in the Balkans
soon spilled over into Kosovo, a province of Serbia.
There, increasing Serbian repression directed against the
Albanian Kosovar majority triggered violent encounters
between members of the newly formed Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and Serbian military forces.
After news of a particularly gruesome atrocity committed by Serbian forces at Racak became known, an outraged Secretary of State Madeleine Albright pushed hard
for a form of diplomatic and military intervention to end
the violence in Kosovo. Consequently, she persuaded
President Bill Clinton to adopt a policy designed to prevent further ethnic cleansing by the Serbians in Kosovo.
Following the failure of a diplomatic effort directed
at the Serbians to end their violence, Clinton, on March
24, 1999, ordered an air assault on Serbian positions in
Kosovo and Serbia proper. Backed by NATO, this undertaking provided an alternative to a land invasion,
which the Defense Department, Congress, and a majority
of the American people atly opposed. Thus, NATO aircraft ew over 34,000 sorties, ring 23,000 bombs and
missiles in its air mission in Kosovo. Among the targets
hit by American missiles, however, was the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, which caused several deaths inside the
embassy and produced a furious uproar in Beijing. As a
result of this incident, an American apology and indemnity soon followed.
The bombing produced mixed results. It did not fully
degrade the Serbian Army, as NATO had hoped, and it
produced many civilian deaths in both Kosovo and Serbia
while accelerating the forced ight of refugees from Kosovo itself. Yet as the war ended, Bill Clinton was relieved,
knowing that the mission had avoided American casualties
William C. Berman
See also Bombing; Human Rights; North Atlantic Treaty Organization; Yugoslavia, Relations with.
551
KU KLUX KLAN
erarchy of local, state, and national leaders, public relations advisers, a string of newspapers, and a marketing
operation that sold ofcial uniforms and other paraphernalia. Using recruiting agentswho earned a 25 percent
commission on each ten-dollar initiation feeand holding mass public ceremonies, parades, and social events to
attract widespread attention, the second Klan enrolled
perhaps as many as ve million male and female members
(women joined a separate organization, Women of the Ku
Klux Klan). Its largest state memberships and greatest local inuence came outside the South, in the Midwest and
the West. The Indiana Klan enrolled approximately 25
percent of all native-born white men in the state; at least
one half million men and women became Klan members
in Ohio.
Racial Hatred. Famous for their white robes and hoods and
the burning crosses (like this one in Edinburg, Miss., in 1967)
that were the centerpieces of their rallies, the Ku Klux Klan is
one of the most enduring American symbols of racism,
bigotry, and violence. AP/Wide World Photos
552
K WA N Z A A
voted primarily to perpetuating the tradition of racial vigilantism. After World War II, support for Klan groups
began to increase again as war-related social changes and
the rising expectations of African Americans threatened
the Jim Crow system. Once the civil rights movement
took hold, the spirit of massive white resistance and the
leadership of the White Citizens Council gave birth to a
number of independent, regional Klan organizations. Like
the Reconstruction-era Klan cells, these new groups operated mainly through terror, committing hundreds of
murders, and countless other acts of violence and intimidation, with the goal of stopping the second Reconstruction. In the face of intense media coverage and the persistent courage of civil rights workers, however, Klan
violence actually backred by broadening public sympathy
for the cause of racial justice. Klan groups have continued
to exist since that time as part of a diverse, sometimes violent right-wing element in American life, although consistently and effectively assailed by the Southern Poverty
Law Center and other groups. In one notable instance,
one-time Louisiana Klan leader David Duke gained widespread national attention during the late 1980s and early
1990s by proclaiming himself a mainstream conservative
Republican, winning election to the state legislature, and
falling just short of the governors ofce. National party
leaders, however, rejected Duke, underscoring the fact
that the Klan itself had lost any place of legitimacy or
inuence in American life.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Leonard J. Moore
See also Discrimination: Race; Force Acts; Jim Crow Laws;
Race Relations.
KWANZAA. Maulana Karenga, a professor and chairman of the Department of Black Studies at California
State University, Long Beach, created the African American cultural festival of Kwanzaa in 1966. The celebration
takes place annually from 26 December through 1 January. Although the American origins of this holiday are
found in the struggles for black nationalism that transpired in the 1960s, its African origins are rooted in the
historic rst fruits celebrations that have been associated with successful harvests from time immemorial.
Essential to the celebration are the Nzugo Saba (seven
principles), which outline the pan-African origins of African American peoples. The principles are: umoja (unity),
kujichagulia (self-determination), ujima (collective work
and responsibility), ujamaa (cooperative economics), nia
(purpose), kuumba (creativity), and imani (faith). One of
the seven principles is featured on each day of the weeklong celebration.
Millions of African Americans commemorate Kwanzaa annually in either family-centered or communitycentered celebrations. These events highlight the reafrmation of community, a special reverence for the Creator
and Creation, a respectful commemoration of the past, a
recommitment to lofty ideals, and a celebration of all that
is inherently good. During these cultural celebrations
Kwanzaa candles are lit, children receive heritage gifts,
and a commemorative meal takes place.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Junius P. Rodriguez
See also African Americans; Holidays and Festivals.
553