Alexander and The Amazon Queen - Márta Munding
Alexander and The Amazon Queen - Márta Munding
The story of Alexanders encounter with the Amazon queen called Thalestris, Talestria or
Minythyia appears in all our main Alexander sources except the Metz Epitome. Certain
authors represent this story without comment on the historicity, whereas others, adopting a
sceptical view, list the earliest Alexander historians who accept or doubt the authenticity of
this tale. Moreover, Arrian, who is doubtful about the existence of Amazons tries to explain
the legend of Alexanders meeting with the warrior women. The above-mentioned tale has
been examined from many points of view: first of all scholars have examined from which
sources the story could have been taken; how it can be interpreted; or why this mythological
story appears in a historical context. My paper naturally cannot avoid commenting on the
earlier and recent results. However, the aim of the lecture is to examine if any differences
could be found between the descriptions given by Alexander historians, to be more precise,
whether the extant sources follow the earlier literary and mythological tradition about the
Amazons or in certain cases use modification and insertion due to their authorial intention.
Key words: Alexander; Amazon queen; Thalestris; Thallestris; Talestria; Minythyia;
Atropates; Pharasmanes; Diodorus; Justin; Strabo; Curtius Rufus; Plutarch; Arrian; literary
topos; mythopoiesis; historicity; moral intention; criticism of Alexanders orientalism; clemency; moderation; self-restraint.
This article was written and the research behind it carried out with the help of the
Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA) Grant NK 81502.
On the reason of the omission, cf. Baynham, Elizabeth. 2001. Alexander and
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supposed liaison with their queen. However, as there are many divergences
in the narration, the location and the date of this encounter in the surviving
descriptions, it is impossible to determine the primary sources followed by
the extant historians and to show the authors characteristic modifications
and alterations due to their authorial intentions. Scholars soon observed
these contradictions, so after research on the problem of the extant authors
adaptation of their source material they tried to answer the following questions: Why does this mythological story appear in a historical context? Can
we trace the description of the meeting between Alexander and the Amazon
queen back to real historical facts or events?
The credibility of the Amazon queens visit was doubted even in
Antiquity. This is supported by the fact that some authors criticized the historicity of the details of this story. However, it is important to highlight that
despite their scepticism, all of the surviving authors accepted the existence
of the Amazons. The criticism of the writers concerned only the appearance
of the warrior women in Alexanders time. For this reason, they suggested
that the story of Alexanders liaison with their queen was nonsense, incredible or fictitious.
Diodorus3, Curtius Rufus4 and Justin5 describe the queens visit similarly, stating that in 330/329 BC an Amazon ruler6 called Thalestris,7
Thallestris,8 Minythyia9 with her three hundred fully armed women visited Alexander in Hyrcania with the aim of having a child by him. The
Macedonian king fulfilled her request and spent 13 days with her, then he
went on his way. In the works of Diodorus and Curtius Rufus there is no
mention of what happened to Thalestris; Justin mentions that the queen
died with her Amazonian race shortly after the arrival in her kingdom.10 On
the grounds of the similarity of these descriptions, the general agreement is
that all three authors can most likely be traced back to a common source,
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
the Amazons. Classical Quarterly, 51, 115: ...here (Metz Epitome) we cannot
be completely sure that they were not in the original text, but were mentioned just
before the point where our extant text begins, or were edited out in some stage of the
epitomes compilation.
Diod. 17.77.13.
Curt. 6.5.2432.
Just. 12.3.57. Cf. Just. 2.4.33, 42.3.7.
Curt. 6.5.25, Just. 12.3.5 called her regina, Diod. 17.77.1 .
Curt. 6.5.25, 6.5.29.
Diod. 17.77.1.
Just. 12.3.5: Ibi ei occurrit Thalestris sive Minythyia
Just. 2.4.33.
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12
13
14
15
128
Unlike the three authors, Strabo doubts the historicity of the Amazon
myth. He found it unbelievable that an army, city or tribe of women could
ever be organized without men, and not only be organized but even attack
other peoples.16 Strabo, in his own version of the Amazon tale, says that the
most reliable historians had not mentioned the encounter between Alexander and Talestria, and there were many differences in the accounts of those
who had.17 He refers to Cleitarchus in order to stress his erroneous geography, because, according to this primary source, the distance from the Caspian Gate to Thermodon was less than six thousand stadia.18 By pointing
out Cleitarchus geographical error Strabo intended to refute the historicity
of the Amazon story.19 The general agreement is that Strabos description
is based on Eratosthenes due to the comment on the geographical data.20
Like Strabo, Plutarch discusses the credibility of the episode,21 for this
reason he names five authors, Cleitarchus, Polycleitus, Onesicritus, Antigenes and Ister who mentioned the story and then he lists those who asserted it to be a plasma or a fiction: Aristobulus, Chares, Hecataeus the
Eretrian, Ptolemy, Anticlides, Philo the Theban, Philip of Theangelia, Philip the Chalcidian and Duris the Samian. However, we must be cautious
about Plutarchs list including 9 authors, because it is not clear whether
these writers he mentioned had rejected this tale as fiction or whether they
had simply omitted it. Baynham states that certain evidence supports the
latter possibility. In this case, the expression plasma would be merely the
opinion of Plutarch,22 who attests disbelief in the Amazon tale by referring
16 Str. Geo. 11. 5. 3. (C 504).
19
20
21
22
Jacoby tried to rationalise the error in the passage, saying: Jacoby, Felix. 1921.
Kleitarchos In Pauly, August F. Wissowa, Georg Kroll, Wilhelm [hrsg.].
Realencyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: Metlerscher, J. B.
XI. Bd.1. 649: Der Kritiker scheint vielmehr den Ausgang des Amazonenzuges, das
Land zwischen Phasis und Thermodon, mit der Stelle
zu verwechseln, wo Thalestris die Masse ihres Heeres zurcklt (D 77). However,
Tarn rejects Jacobys attempt, cf. W. W. Tarn (1948: 329). See, L. Pearson (1960:
214215. n. 14); J. E. Atkinson (1994: 197).
E. Baynham (2001: 117).
E. Baynham (2001: 118): The parallel between Plutarch and Strabo is quite
striking We do not know the authors whom Strabo considered trustworthy, but
since he followed Eratosthenes in considering that Cleitarchus was unreliable, it is
possible that Eratosthenes himself may have originally given a similar compilation to
Plutarchs list.
Plut. Alex. 46.15.
Her suggestion is based on the passage of Arr. An. 7. 13. 3. Baynham suggests that if
129
23
24
25
26
27
Aristobulus or Ptolemy had written in their works that the Amazon tale was nonsense
or fiction, Arrian would have stated so, cf. E. Baynham (2001: 118).
In Powells opinion Plutarchs account here is taken from two sources: one of them
is the collection of the letters attributed to Alexandros and the other is a variorum
source book. Powell defines this source book: an encyclopaedic work in which
the divergent versions of each successive event in a large number of historians of
Alexander were collected and registered, cf. Powell, John E. 1939. The sources
of Plutarchs Alexander. Journal of Hellenic Studies, 59, 229240.
See, W. W. Tarn (1948: 308309). Baynham rejected Powells as well as Tarns
thesis, and she remarks on Plutarchs adaptation of his source material: E. Baynham
(2001: 118): Since we know virtually nothing about the last four authors whom
Plutarch cites, we cannot be certain that they all pre-dated Eratosthenes; it is possible
that Plutarch may have also known the latters work and supplemented it with some
additional esoteric names.
Hamilton, J. R. 1969. Plutarch Alexander: A commentary. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
124. Hamilton in his same work followed the suggestion of Gutschmid, who states
that Plutarchs source could be Ister. See also Gutschmid, Alfred von. 1894. Die
beiden ersten Bcher des Pompejus Trogus. In Rhl, Frantz [hrsg.]. Kleine
Schriften von Alfred von Gutschmid. Bd. 5 Leipzig: Teubner, 155157.
J. E. Atkinson (1994: 198). According to Atkinson in consequence of the Orexartes
form it is possible that the mediatory authority for Plutarchs description was
Aristobulus, cf. 198: (possibly Aristobulus, since Plut. uses his spelling for the
Jaxartes, Orexartes at 45,6, with Hamiltons commentary.)
A. B. Bosworth (1995: 103) and Bosworth, Albert B. 1996. Alexander and the
East. The Tragedy of Triumph. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 81. n. 1: This famous story
was denounced in antiquity as a fiction (Plut. Al. 46. 12; Strabo n. 5. 4. (505), both
probably derived from Eratosthenes).
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or sources followed by the biographer, so all of the above-mentioned possibilities could be acceptable and more and less reliable.
Moreover, the location of this episode seems to be problematic, because
it is unclear whether the here () at the beginning of the Amazon
episode refers back to the country beyond Orexartes/Jaxartes28 at the end of
the preceding chapter or to the place at the beginning of chapter 44.29 According to the latter suggestion Plutarch, like the source followed by Diodorus, Curtius and Justin could have placed the encounter in Hyrcania. In
addition, the chronology of this tale is dubious,30 since Plutarch mentions
three events, the Amazon queens visit, the Scythian marriage proposal
and Lysimachus reaction, events which happened at three different times.
However, the biographers intention is clear, since omitting chronological
sequence, he mentions three various events placed in different places, in order to demonstrate that the Amazon story was nonsense and non-historical.
For this reason he wanted to show that the visit of Thalestris did not happen
at all.31
Arrian wrote two episodes concerning Amazons.32 We know from the
first episode33 located in Bactra that in 329/8 Scythian envoys came to Alexander saying that the Scythian King wished to give Alexander his daughter in marriage. At the same time Pharasmanes, the ruler of Chorasmia also
came to Alexander and declared that his territory neighboured that of the
Colchian peoples and the Amazons and he offered his services to the Macedonian king in a campaign against these tribes. Alexander courteously refused the Scythian bride and he replied to Pharasmanes that the time was
not convenient for him to make an expedition to the Black Sea.34 In the
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
Plut. Alex. 45.6, cf. Jacoby, Felix. 1929. Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker.
Berlin: Weidmannsche, 746. F15; W. W. Tarn (1948: 328329); L. Pearson (1960:
77); J. R. Hamilton (1969: 123).
Plut. Alex. 44.1, cf. Gisinger, F. Polykleitos. In Pauly, August F. Wissowa,
Georg Kroll, Wilhelm [hrsg.]: Realencyclopdie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: Metlerscher, J. B. XXI. Bd. II., 1905; Welles,
Charles B. 1963. Diodorus of Sicily. Loeb Classical Library, vol. 8, Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 338. n. 2; W. Heckel J. C. Yardley (1997: 200);
E.Baynham (2001: 119120).
See, E. Baynham (2001: 119).
W. Heckel J. C. Yardley (1997: 200); E. Baynham (2001: 119120).
Arr. Peripl. 15.3, Arr. Bithyn. F. 4851. See E. Baynham (2001: 119): In some of his
other works he merely refers to the regions where the Amazons were supposed to have
lived.
Arr. An. 4.15.16.
On the plans of Pharasmanes and Alexander, see Green, Peter 1974. Alexander
131
second episode35 Atropates, the satrap of the Medes in Ecbatana in 324 BC,
presented Alexander with a hundred female warriors dressed as Amazons.
However, the Macedonian king sent the women away from the army and
sent a message to their queen, saying that he would visit her to impregnate
her. At the end of the passage, Arrian mentions that in his view these Amazons were some foreign women thought to ride and dress like Amazons with
the traditional equipment.36 Tarn believes that Alexander sent the women
away from the army, since he did not consider them either real Amazons or
true soldiers.37 Baynham, accepting Tarns point of view, suggests another
possibility. According to her Alexanders alleged liaison with the Amazon
queen would be well known at the time of Atropates episode. For this reason, Alexander sent away the women because he could not have wanted his
marshals and troops to share in a privilege with him.38 Moreover, Baynham tried to clarify the question, why were a hundred women intentionally
dressed as Amazons. According to her it is possible that Atropates with a
group of the female warriors wanted to divert Alexanders attention from
his omission in his satrapy39 or to entertain him, since as she says the presentation of the Amazons may have been part of the festive atmosphere.40
35
36
37
38
39
40
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It is important to analyze the two stories of Arrian separately, since neither of them contains a reference to the other.41 Curtius Rufus42 as well
as Arrian mentions the Scythian marriage offer in a different version and
context, since he places the events in Maracanda, and names Phrataphernes
as the ruler and omits any references to the Amazons. The reason for the
divergences is clear, so it seems probable that Arrian and Curtius worked
up the story from different authors.43 Arrians source regarding the Pharasmanes tale is usually said to be Aristobulus,44 but Bosworths opinion
seems to be reliable, so the story could be derived from either of his major
sources.45 Similarly, it is impossible to determine with complete certainty
the sources of the Atropates episode. Arrian states that neither Aristobulus
nor Ptolemy nor any other reliable authors recorded this story,46 so we can
merely say the same as him about the identification of the sources. There is
41
42
43
44
45
46
shows, and parties at Ecbatana and the presentation of the make-believe Amazons
may have been part of the festive atmosphere.
Bosworth, Albert B. 1988b. From Arrian to Alexander. Studies in Historical
Interpretation. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 66. n. 28.
Curt. 8.1.710.
A. B. Bosworth (1995: 102): There is no obvious reason for the transference of
location, and it is more plausible that Cleitarchus gave two separate reports, one of
the visit of the Amazon queen in Hyrcania and the other the marriage proposal of 328.
Schwartz, Eduard. 1895. Aristobulos. In Pauly, August F. Wissowa, Georg
Kroll, Wilhelm [hrsg.]. Realencyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft.
Stuttgart: Metlerscher, II Bd. 1, 913; F. Jacoby (1929: 777 F28); Strasburger,
Hermann. 1934. Ptolemaios und Alexander. In Schmitthenner, W. [hrsg.]
Studien zur Alten Geschichte. Bd. I. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1982, 127,
L. Pearson (1960: 164165). Cf. J. E. Atkinson (1994: 198): Pearson (1) 1645
attributes the Pharasmenes story in A. iv, 15.4 to Aristobulus, who, in rejecting the
story of a meeting between Alexander and Thalestris, worked up his own theory about
the lines of communication between the Black Sea and the Oxus, while leaving the
Amazons in their traditional territory.
A. B. Bosworth (1988b: 66. n. 25); A. B. Bosworth (1995: 101).
Brunt, Peter A. 1983. Arrian. History of Alexander and Indica. Vol. 2. Loeb
Classical Library. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, App. 21, 493495,
particularly 494495: Curiously, he never alludes to the more famous story (P. 46) of
the visit paid to Al. by the queen of the Amazons. It was denied by Pt. and Ar. expressly
(P. 46, which need not be doubted, contra Hamilton ad loc.). By contrast, they merely
ignored the story he alone purveys. This is not surprising. It was evidently of late
origin. The Amazons are brought by the satrap of Media: they cannot then come from
the Thermodon region, but perhaps from near the S. E. angle of the Caspian, in his
satrapy, rather than Daghestan. The story must have been invented after they had
been transposed from the region where Clitarchus generation still placed them. Once
again A. is using a late version of the vulgate.
133
48
49
50
134
51
52
53
54
135
57
58
Daumas, Michle. 1992. Alexandre et la reine des Amazones. Revue des Etudes
Anciennes, 94, 352354. Contra E. Baynham (2001: 126).
W. W. Tarn (1948: 323): Even in antiquity no responsible writer believed that a
mythical Queen of the Amazons (see App. 19) visited him for the same purpose for
which the Queen of Sheba visited Solomon...
E. Baynham (2001: 117. n. 14): See Tarn (n. 2), 2.323. According to Xenophon,
Anab. 1.2.12, another queen, Epyaxa of Cilicia, was rumoured to have had sexual
intercourse with Cyrus the Younger in order to keep his favour, while her husband
cultivated Cyrus opponent, his brother Artaxerxes.
Cf. Curt. 8.10.3536: Ipsa genibus regis parvo filio admoto non veniam modo, sed
etiam pristinae fortunae inpetravit decus: quippe appellata regina est. Et credidere
quidam plus formae quam miserationi datum: puero quoque certe postea ex ea
utcumque genito Alexandro fuit nomen., Iust. 12.7. 911: Quae cum se dedidisset
136
between the king and the Amazon queen is justified by the other, charming
and dangerously delightful aspect of the warrior women. The representation of the relationship may be taken from the description of Achilles love
for dead Penthesileia59 or even more of Theseus and Antiope/Hippolyte/
Melanippes marriage60 and of their son, Hippolytos. The appearance of the
Amazons could be a compulsory literary topos which would be inspired by
Alexanders emulation of his mythical ancestors or the warrior womens
identification with the Persians or the place of the historical events close to
the Amazons traditional localization.
As we have mentioned above, Diodorus, Curtius and Justin shared a
source, but, in spite of similarities, there are many differences between their
accounts. Modern scholars have concentrated on these discrepancies only
partially or not at all. The quite pictorial description given by Curtius reflects the classical Amazon image61 regarding the dress, then in accordance
with the folk etymology he, like Diodorus and Justin mentions that these
warrior women cauterised their right breast so that it would not be a hindrance when drawing a bow or throwing a spear.62 Curtius describes some
extra details in his account so we shall examine the reason for his insertion
59
60
61
62
137
since there is no trace of it in Diodorus and Justin. Alexander asked Thalestris to undertake military service with him, but she rejected the suggestion
saying that she left her kingdom unprotected.63 So far scholars have taken
no notice of the significance of this information, however it is worth examining the reason for the insertion. It is possible that this detail may be taken
from either of Curtius primary sources, probably from Cleitarchus. In this
case we have to ask why Diodorus and Justin omitted it. The reason for the
omission could be their authorial methods and intentions or their brief and
more selective narration. However, it is possible that Curtius here omitted
Cleitarchus as source and followed another author without naming him.
Moreover, it may have been Curtius himself who inserted this account in
the appropriate part of his narrative.
If the latter supposition is true we have to ask why Curtius would have
fabricated the motif of the alliance with the Amazons. We can suppose on
the basis of Thalestris refusal, that Curtius or his source here wanted to emphasize the queens royal virtues. This is supported by the fact that Curtius
stresses the recognition of Thalestris royal rank, as she announced her visit
through her ambassadors. But there is also another way to interpret the insertion of the alliance motif. It may have been taken from the story of unity
between the Trojans and Penthesileia64 or between Theseus and Antiope65
in the Greek mythological tradition. Let me now turn back to examine in
more detail the differences regarding the context and the terminology of
the three authors descriptions. In the representation of Diodorus the best
of all men encountered Thalletris who excelled other women in strength,
beauty and manly courage.66 Alexander was impressed by the arrival and
the dignity of the women,67 so he granted the queens request with delight
(). Justin mentions three references to Alexanders encounter with
the Amazon queen.68 In his account Thalestris appearance and the purpose
63
64
65
66
67
68
that the right breast is smaller and exposed in battle). On the removal, cauterization,
atrophying of the right breast see, Hipp. Aer. 17, Hell. FGrH 3B, 45. Fr. 16.b.
Curt. 6. 5. 31.
Cf. The list of sources is not intended to be exhaustive: Apoll. Epit. 5.1, Prop. 3.11.13
16, Quin. Smyr. Posthom. 1.
Cf. Diod. 4.28.4, Paus. Descr. Grae. 1.2.1, Plut. The. 27.
Diod. 17.77.3. and Diod. 17.77.1:
,
,
.
Diod. 17.77.2.
Just. 2.4.33, 12.3.47, 42.3.7.
138
of her request aroused general surprise, too.69 We can interpret in the context only the expression concubitus in a negative sense which appeared in
all the three references to the Amazons, moreover, in his first book concerning Semiramis.70 In spite of this, it is impossible to interpret the noun derogatively since Justin joins it with another expression admirationi71 omnibus
fuit so he emphasizes Alexanders real admiration. It is justified by the fact
that both the Amazons and Semiramis72 are represented in a positive way
by Justin as admirable and beautiful beings who can perform deeds equivalent to men.
In my view Curtius changes this tradition: Thalestris is a barbarian to
him.73 In his description Alexander did not admire the queen, on the contrary Thalestris looked down at him.74 The Amazon queens answer formulated in oratio obliqua to the question containing the reason for her coming (Ceterum interrogata, num aliquid petere vellet, haud dubitavit fateri
ad communicandos cum rege liberos75 se venisse, dignam, ex qua ipse
regni generaret heredes: feminini sexus se retenturam, marem reddituram
patri.)76 can be compared with the more detailed accounts of Diodorus (
, .
,
.
69
76
For the translation of the expression, see Currie, Harry MacL. 1990. Quintus
Curtius Rufus: The Historian as Novelist? In Hofmann, Heinz [ed.]. Groningen
Colloquia on the Novel. Vol. 3. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1990, 72.n.17: Curtius
makes Thalestris say she had come ad communicandos cum rege liberos (to share
children with the king), a mild form of expression. In Diodorus (17,77,2) she frankly
states: (I have come to get pregnant).
Curt. 6.5.30.
139
.). On the ground of the parallel and similar description
of the two authors it seems probable that the queens reply is taken from
the common source. However, with the insertion of one clause (haud dubitavit fateri) which is in harmony with the queens barbarian background
Curtius changes the positive and more or less epic message of the description given by Diodorus and perhaps by the original source. This suggestion
is supported by the authors other alteration. In his passage, the queens
enthusiasm for the liaison was keener than Alexanders77 and she pressed
him persistently78 to grant her request. The closing of the episode is modified by the historian. We are not able to interpret the tredecim dies in obsequium desiderii eius absumpti sunt sentence in a positive way partly on the
ground of the meaning of the expression obsequium79 desiderii and the use
of the verb absumo80, partly because of the preceding expressions and the
context of the clause. There is no trace of such intentionally selected negative terminology in the descriptions of Diodorus and Justin. The reason for
Curtius modification could be criticism of the moral behaviour of the barbarian women and of Alexander, since this author alone stresses the Amazon queens barbarian background. As the terminology is not enough to explain the modification, in this case, we have to analyse the context and the
structure of the episode. A digression on the deterioration of Alexanders
character follows the visit of Thalestris in Curtius text, which is where
Justin81 and Diodorus82 too, comment on the kings orientalism.83 Curtius
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
140
84
85
86
which were outstanding virtues in the highest fortuna, change to superbia and lascivia.
By using key words, such as continentia and fortuna, Curtius deliberately reminds us
of and reverses the Alexander of 3.12.1822. Yet his portrait is far more complex than
a simple change from king to tyrant: as stated earlier, the inconsistencies of regnum
form a major theme of the second pentad.
Curt. 6.5.2223. On the interpretation and the message of the episode, see W. W. Tarn
(1948: 319322); Badian, Ernst. 1958. The Eunuch Bagoas. A Study in Method.
Classical Quarterly, 52, 144147; Gunderson, Llyold L. 1982. Quintus Curtius
Rufus: On His Historical Methods in the Historiae Alexandri. In Adams, Winthrop
L. Borza, Eugene N. [eds.] Philip II, Alexander the Great, and the Macedonian
Heritage. Washington: University Press of America, 1982, 177196, particularly
196: Not that the names and events have no reality; there is no need to deny the
reality of a Bagoas in Alexanders court. But an examination of the details prove
their lack of coherence and that Curtius has constructed a tale with a mere tissue of
plausibility The moralist position (as Badians), that a general degeneration took
place in Alexander, and that an atmosphere of terror prevailed in the last days of
his reign, draws on Curtius fabrication that Bagoas influence through Alexanders
erotic tendencies could secure the deliverance or destruction of important individuals.
Curtius elaboration of the Bagoas episode is the veneer of rhetoric He is, in fact,
the personality necessary to maintain the dramatic interest and tension with which
Curtius imbues his history. On the two episodes regarding Bagoas in Curtius work
(6.5.2223; 10.1.42), cf. Hammond, Nicholas G. L. 1980. Alexander the Great.
King, Commander and Statesman. Park Ridge, New Jersey: Noyes Press, 322. n. 114:
All this has a sexual and rhetorical colour calculated to suit the taste of Romans
who knew their Nero!. On Hammonds view J. E. Atkinson (1994: 197): But
Hammonds immediate concern was to question whether Bagoas really was able to
influence Alexander in the way Curtius makes out.
OLD (1968: 190): (w. dat.) To become intimate (with)sexually 6.5.23.; Thesaurus
Linguae Latinae. Leipzig, Stuttgart: Teubner. 1906, Vol 2:mansuefieriscorto: Curt.
6,5,23.
Cf. Curt. 10. 1. 2238. On the interpretation of the description, see Yardley, John
C . Atkinson, John A. 2009. Curtius Rufus Histories of Alexander the Great Book
10. New York: Oxford University Press, 9399.
141
and a reference to the eunuchs later importance in front of the Amazon tale
we have good reason to suppose that the structure of the episodes and the
phraseology, terminology suggest the moral intention of the historian. The
representation of the eunuch and the modification of the Amazon tale are an
appropriate background to the criticism of Alexanders orientalism.87 The
two accounts question Alexanders outstanding virtues emphasised both in
the first pentad and in other sources of the Alexander tradition, and ignore
his former clementia (clemency) and continentia (self-restraint), moderatio
(moderation) and iustitia (justice). Curtius also doubts Alexanders moderation and self-control by reason of the fulfilment of the queens request
and the pardoning of Nabarzanes through Bagoas agency and he questions
Alexanders justice and clemency because the ruler did not avenge Darius
death on Nabarzanes.
To conclude, we can state that the Amazon story appears in almost all our
main Alexander sources in various versions. There are many differences
regarding the place, the date and the narration of the meeting. The reason
for these divergences is first of all the use of sources of the extant historians. Diodorus, Curtius and Justin mention Alexanders encounter with the
Amazon queen without comment, but Strabo, Plutarch and Arrian represent
a more sceptical point of view. The latter three authors try to rationalize
the story or criticize it on the ground of logical argumentation or of a geographical error. The scholars have noted the divergences between the extant
sources and the appearance of the Amazon tale in the historical works about
Alexander so they first of all intended to answer the question of why and for
what reason this mythological episode would have been placed in Alexanders age. Some think that this tale can be traced back to real historical facts
or events. In this case the Amazon story may be inspired by the Atropates
or by the Pharasmanes story and the Scythian marriage offer or by a native
princesss visit with her female warriors. It is also conceivable that this episode is the result of mythopoiesis. The background of this thesis is Alexan87
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ders constant emulation of his mythical ancestors like Heracles and Achilles. In addition, others interpret the episode symbolically, as a romantic
expression of the reconciliation between the conquerors and the barbarians,
or on the contrary, as a warning to the Greeks about unity with the orientals.
All the above-mentioned possibilities appear more or less justified, however we have to take into consideration a simpler and more general solution in
order to be applicable to all our extant sources description. In my view, the
representation of the warrior women is merely a compulsory literary topos,
which is not possible to omit from a historical work about the Persian campaign because of the identification of the Amazons with the Persians or of
the proximity of their traditional regions. Moreover, it seems to be feasible
that the reason for their appearance could be Alexanders emulation of his
mythical ancestors. It is justified by the fact that every detail of the Amazon
tale (the alliance or the amorous motif between Alexander and Thalestris,
the purpose of the queens visit, the warrior womens description or the
representation of their social customs and their equipment can be found
in earlier literary or mythological traditions. Diodorus, Curtius Rufus and
Justin give similar descriptions of Alexander and the Amazon queens alleged liaison which may be traced back to their common source Cleitarchus
(or Onesicritus). However, Curtius Rufus modifies the phraseology and the
message of the original sources account. We are not able to explain these
modifications and insertions merely by the different use of sources or the
more selective and brief descriptions of Diodorus and Justin. Curtius modification may be deliberate, since the Thalestris and the Bagoas episodes
are an appropriate setting for him to criticise Alexander for his adoption of
Persian customs principally to cancel the kings former outstanding virtues.